CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE-SENATE RE: ANGOLA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP77M00144R000400100010-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 6, 2001
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: December 19, 1975
• Content Type: OPEN

December 19, 19 AP P re61461ERMMICUOINCOMID GESIRDRIMOOfi4NR908400100010-9 E 6823
Too MUCH ENERGY, Too Soma
By John P. Holdren
Brancemze, Cam'.?The United States is
threatened far more by the hazards of too
much energy, too soon, than by the hazards
of too little, too late.
The hazards of too much, which have been
as widely underestimated as the liabilities
of too little have been exaggerated, include
diverting financial resources from compelling
social needs, making hasty commitments to
unproved technologies, and generating en-
vironmental and social costs that harm hu-
man welfare more than the, extra energy im-
proves it.
The Idea that. slower growth of energy use
is better follows from several lines of reason-
ing?all supported by an accumulating vol-
ume or evidence.
First, rapid growth of energy use fosters
expensive mistakes. The pressure of growth
encourages the nation to seize any and all
sources of supply that seem. available. Some
of these sources seized in haste are over-
priced, some will prove unreliable and hence
even more expensive than anticipated, some
Will produce unexpected environmental and
social burdens.
Second, even, at slower growth rates, a
point exists beyond which more energy can
do more harm than good.. -
The relation of energy to well-being, in
other words, is two-sided. Through its pro-
ductive application in economic-technolog-
ical systems, energy fosters well-being; but
the environmental arid social effects of mo-
bilizing and using energy can undermine-
well-being by means of direct damage to
health, property; and human values, and by
disrupting . indispensable "public-service"
functions of natural systems (climate regula-
tion, fertility maintenance, waste disposal,
controls on pests.and disease organisms).
The higher the level of energy use already
attained, the more likely it is that the eco-
nomic-technological benefits of an additional
unit of energy will be outweighed by the
social and environmental costs. Mounting
evidence suggests that the United -States is
approaching (11 not beyond) the level where
further energy growth costs more than it is
worth. .
Third, conservation of energy can mean
doing better, not doing without. The essence
of conservation is the art of extracting more
well-being from each-gallon of fuel, and each
kilowatt-hour of electricity. There is enor-
mous potential for improvement here by
raising efficiencies in homes, offices, -trans-
portation, and industry.
Of course, other approaches to energy con-
servation couldInvolve changes in individual
behavior, and critics of conservation are
quick tosuggest?that what is implied here is
a return to a primitive existence.
In a society that uses its 5,000-pound auto-
mobiles for half-mile round trips to the
market to fetch a six-pack of beer, consumes
the beer in buildings that are overcooled in
sjamemr and overheated in winter, and then
throws the aluminum cans away at an energy
loss equivalent to a third of a gallon of gaso-
line per six-pack, this "primitive existence"
argument strikes me as the most offensive
kind of nonsense.
Fourth, saving a barrel of oil is generally
cheaper than producing a barrel. Reducing
waste through higher efficiency makes more
energy available for genuine needs, but at
smaller economic cost .than the alternatives
of more mining, more drilling, and more
power plants. In this sense, conservation is
the cheapest new energy source.
Finally, less energy can mean more em-
ployment. The energy-producing industries
comprise and most capital-intensive and least
labor-intensive major sector of the economy.
Accordingly, each dollar of investment capi-
tal taken out of energy production and in-
vested in something
consumption dollar saved by reduced energy
use and spent elsewhere in the economy, will
create more jobs than are lost.
The notion of a one-to-one between energy
use and well-being is the most dangerous
delusion in the energy-policy arena. Sweden,
Denmark and Switzerland all had higher
gross national products per capita in 1974
than did the United States, despite energy
use per capita around half that in the United
States or less.
It is time we studied how the frugal Euro-
peans get so much prosperity from so little
energy. By carving the fat from our energy
budget and wisely applying these savings, we
probably could hold United States energy
growth between now and the year 2000 to 1
per cent per year, instead of the S to 4 per
cent so widely forecast. If our goal to maxi-
rniee human well-being, accounting both for
the benefits of energy use and the likely, costs,
we should not aim at more energy growth
than this, and I believe It possible we should
even aim at less.
U.S. INTERNE
is
tervention. in the decolonization process by
external powers. The United States has been,
prominent among these outside forces, and
recent evidence has provided a clearer.
though still very incomplete, picture of the
nature of U.S. intervention.
In a front page New York Times article CA
September 25, Leslie Gelb revealed that the
U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has been
buying arms for two liberation movements,
FNLA and UNITA, in an effort to offset the -
military success of the third movement,
1VIPLA, which has received significant arms
support from the Soviet Union. The Times
story states that the CIA operations have
been approved by President Ford and are
being carried out, as prescribed by law, with
the knowledge of several Congressional com-
mittees. These include the Senate and House
Armed Forces and Appropriations Con-milt-
tees, and the Senate Foreign Relations and
House International Relations Committees.
In each case CIA oversight has been dele-
gated to subcommittees dominated by con-
-,eervatives, or to?inchvidual ranking members.
rA support for FNLA has a long history: ,t
ording to Gelb, in 1062 the Agency and
sident, Kennedy selected FNLA leader
olden Roberto as a man to back for the .
future, since Portugal could not be expected
to retain. Angola indefinitely. Support waned
in 196% but the CIA reactivated its Roberto
connections last spring, in light of the up-
surge in liberation activities following the
Portuguese coup.,
The CIA interest in UNITA Is much more -
recent, Gelbei report on this connection fol-
lowed a few days after an announcement by
UNITA President Savimbi that he is receive.
lng armaments from "anti-Communist West-
ern nations and their allies" (according to
Africa News). Jonas Savimbi, who heads
UNITA, is avowedly, anti-communist and
ariti-MPLA?two res.:Sone for the CIA's inter-
est in him. He may also be emerging as a
more, realletic possibility than Roberto as a
future contender for leadership of Angola.
Savimbi is a magnetic figure with consider-
able popular support from the rural peasan-
try of central and southern Angola, and is
personally attractive to some progreasive
African leaders in, other countries. ?
.? U.S. aid to the two movements is being
disbursed largely through 'President Mobutil
Sem Seko of Zaire. Indeed, it is Impossible
to approach the subject of Angola and U.S.
Intervention there without examining Zaire's
relationship With both Angola and the United,
States. Zaire shares a long border with An-
gola; the BaKongo people, who comprise the
hulk of FNLA's supporters, straddle, this bor-
der. Holden Roberto of MLA is Mobutu's
brother-In-law. It is not surprising, then,
that Mobutu's Zaire government hes long
been an open supporter of FNLA. Mobutu's-
support for UNTrA is much less solid, and
seems primarily based on UNTTA'e shared
opposition to FNIJA's main enemy, MPLA.
An instance of U.S.-Zetre connection with
UNITA weareported by an expert eye-witness
recently. He saw a Hercules transport plane
offloading arms, at Silva Porto, UNITA's head-
quarters. The French-speaking crew was
smoking Zairean cigarettes; the U.S. sold the
Hercules aircraft to Zaire last yeer.
Establishing and maintaining the stabil-
UT of Mobutu's staunchly pro-western rule
in Zaire has, of course, been a cornerstone
of U.S. policy in Africa since the General
seized power in 1965. The CIA has long had
a principal Africa station in Zaire. U.S.-Zaire
relations received a jolt in June of this year
when Mobutu expelled U.S. Ambassador
Deane Hinton, accusing him .and the CIA of
complicity In R. coup plot. Nathaniel Davis,
the Assistant Secretary of State for African
Affairs who was travelling in Africa at the
time, tried to go to Zaire to repair relations.
but was refused entry., (Mobutu had earlier
HON. SHIR --CH1SHOI:
or NENV 'YORK ? '
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thumlikv....Depember 18_1975
CliISTIQusa.-41/1r. Speaker, cer-
taitalall,of us- are apprised of the cur-
rent crisis in Angola, the involvernentof
the U.S. Government in that conflict,
and the potential for more unilateral
conflict that situation poses because of
the forces bearing clown in that small
African country.
The Black Caucus has uniformly de-
plored- all intervention in the war in
Angola not only because of the covert
manner of U.S. involvement, but also be-
cause the CIA has defied the mandate of
the Organization of African Unity op.,
posing all foreign intervention.
Like the War in Indochina, U.S. in-
volvement in the initial stages has relied
on an information "black out". We are
only learning now of money already
spent and of actions already taken be-
cause of State Department decisions to
Interfere to counter actions taken by the
Soviet Union.
I would like to submit tor review of my
colleagues an in depth analysis of the
situation in Angola and the -role of the
United States in it. The history of our
covert activity is important in under-
standing why it is essential that no more
aid be approved for any actions in An-
gola. The following was prepared by the
Washington Office on Africa, an invalu-
able source for information on the topic:
U.S. INTERVENES IN ANGOLAN Brine's
Since the Portuguese coup of April, 1974,
the process of decolonization in Angola has
proven far more tortuous and complex than
In the former sister territort a of Mozam-
bique and Guinea-Bissau. In i he latter two
colonies, power was transferred to single, re-
latively unified liberation mole ments which
acceded to independence and E Dverelgnty in
orderly fashion. In Angola, tie presence of
three movements divided on p litical, ideo-
logical and geographic and eth lines has
prevented a simple transition from colony
to independence. These divisions, together
with strategic considerations sud Angola's
eilikpptovtacilrePaReieteS6 ZortrialfesP!refAIREOPtItitiOiWttAttltaffefdditlanm'Inau?n
E 6824 APPnwee6S106431316319e1:1/11MOIRA:Egiggan 46R9PMPAP0?119ePeinber 19, 1975
post, precisely because of Davis' implication
in CIA activities in Chile.)
The task of patching up things with Mobu-
tu fell to Sheldon Vance, a former ambas-
sador to Zaire, now a senior aide to Kissinger.
Vance made two tripe to Zaire, and then be-
gan to put together a new package of U.S.
aid for Mobutu. The package totals $60 m13-
lion-4 times the 1975 level, 7 times the 1974
level, and $20 million higher than the an-
nual average of U.S. aid during the peak
years of 'U.S. assistance in the crisis period
of the 1960's. It is divided into $20 million
in Export-Import Bank loans; $20 million in
Food for Peace credit, and $20 million for
"Security Supporting Assistance"?which ex-
ists to "support or promote economic or
political stability." The State Department
rationale for the package has been Zaire's
balance of payments problems stemming
from a drop in price of its copper exports-
and a rise in import costa, especially for oil.
Vance and other State Department officials
have also approached U.S. private creditors
to assist in the rescheduling of Zaire's con-
siderable foreign debt.
In July Vance and Deputy Assistant Sec-
retary for Africa Edward Mulcahy discussed
the package with several Senators and Con-
gressmeia, hoping that a low-key approach
would gain their acquiescence while avoid-
ing publicity. Reaction on the Hill to State'9
approach was decidedly negative. Although
the Ex-Lai Bank and Food Per Peace portions
require no specific Congressional approval,
Senators Clark and Humphrey insisted that
the Security Supporting Assistance be fully
scrutinized. Closed hearings on this part or
the package are to be held in the near future.
In short, the Administration is seeking to
underwrite the finances of the Mobutu gov-
ernment with a quantum leap in its level of
aid. Since Mobutu is actively involved in the
Angolan civil war and is the conduit for U.S.
involvement, this move seems to have con-
eiderable implications for the Angolan scen-
ario. ?
More evidence of increasing Administra-
tion interference in Angola has emerged in
the revelation that Nathaniel Davie?accord-
ing- to news reports of September 1?plane
to resign shortly from his post as Assistant
Secretary. for African Affairs. The ostensible'
reason is his inability to establish good rela-
tions with African states and their leaders,
as his problem with Mobutu demonstrates
A high-ranking source in the Strata Depart-
ment, however, contends that the inunediate
reason for Davis' departure is his disagree-
ment with Henry Kissinger over Angola--
Le., Davis balked at Kissinger's proposals for
stepped-up intervention there. Davis may
have resisted because he feared yet another
CIA blot on his record, which would confirm
what was predicted by his opponents at the
time of his nomination. Many observers ex-
pect Davis' successor to be Sheldon Vance.
Whether or not Davis objected to Angolan
Intervention, he surely could not implement
it effectively if he could not work with the
other major actors in the Angolan arena.
On another front, when Senators Clark
and Brooke proposed an amendment to this
year's foreign economic aid bill which would
specify. $30 million for assisting the former
Portuguese territories, the Agency for In-
ternational Developmeit suggested that $25
million of this be ear marked for resettle-
ment of black Angolan refugees. Most such
refugees are Bakongo 'eturning to Angola
from Zaire. But the t enators caught the
political implications o ' the language and
specified in the report ai companying the bill
that no aid should go toward "refugee or
economic assistance thf t would constitute
political support for any - .ne of the liberation
movements in Angola."
A further complication in the Angolan tur-
moil revolves ar rt Ftdr
clave of Angola se orated from the rest 01 to q fte1 a possitire a Trk ' sense o o s ?
sLknieel, Releasen2011,1ffilABIMDP771orpitlp
the country by a, strip of Zairean territory--
Cabinda is where Gulf Oil produces 100,000
barrels of oil a day. MPLA currently controls
the area, and' all the Angolan libaration
movements favor keeping Cabinda part of
Angela. But a Cabindan separatist organiza-
tion, PLEC, has recently emerged into the
FLEO is presently located in and
Is heavily backed by Zaire, which is known
to have an interest in the oil; some experts
predict Zairean attempts to dominate or even
annex Cabinda in the future. Clearly Cabinda
Is also a focus of external interests, both
private and governmental. ,
The United States is not, of course, the
only external power involved in Angola. The
Soviet Union has given considerable sup-
port, especially in arms, to MPLA. China has
provided some assistance to FNLA, including
military advice. Numerous indications and
allegations of intervention have been aired
concerning other countries such as France,
Tunisia, Zambia and South Africa.
The Soviet Union's arms deliveries to
MPLA make opposition to U.S. intervention
more difficult. It can be cogently argued that
a "Soviet-engineered takeover" of the An-
golan government is no more desirable than
a similar CIA effort. The problem, however,
is that any Soviet presence in a particular
country is so often exaggerated, and used as
justification for significant American sub-
version of the internal political process.
Furthermore, warnings of dangerous Soviet
intervention from American officials should
hardly be taken at face value, When accom-
panied by pious denials of U.S. interference.
In a majof Africa policy statement on Sep-
teraber 23, Secretary Kissinger stated that
one of the three major U.S. concerns was
"that the continent be free of great power
rivalry or conflict." He added a "cautionary
word" specifically about Angola: "We are
most alarmed at the interference of extra-
continental powers who do not wish Africa
well, and whose involvement LS inconsistent
With the promise of true independence."
One teak, then, is to judge the degree of
Soviet support for, and control over, the
movement they axe backing?NJ:FLA, Soviet
arms have been used to some extent by MPLA
for several years; but according to the re-
spected British journalist David Martin, the
principal arms shipments came last spring,
in response to a massive movement of FNLA
troops from Zaire to Angola. It is notable
that MPLA has sought good relations with
China (despite the latter's moderate support
for FNLA) by sending two top level MPLA
delegations for visits: hardly the behavior
expected from a Soviet puppet. MPLA also
is maintaining good relations with Gulf Oil,
and has recently softened its position on
poet-Independence nationalization.
The evidence, then, that ISIO'LA is com-
pletely under the Soviet thumb is uncon-
vincing. Such a figure as Senator Dick Clark,
Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee of the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who
visited Angola and met with the presidents
of all three movements in August, came away
firmly convinced that nothing in the situa-
tion justifies U.S. intervention. The problem
may be best expressed by one of Leslie Gelb's
government sources: "It's Just that we can't
keep our hands out of anything."
In general, we feel any effort to stop U.S.
Intervention in Angola should be supported.
Several amendments are being considered
to the military aid bill, which the Admin-
istration has yet to submit and which Con-
gress will probably pass on by mid-November.
Specifically, the Security Supporting Assist-
ance to Zaire should be opposed, since there
Is too much possibility that Angola move-
ments will be the beneficiaries of it. We
should support an amendment which Clark
may propose stipulating that no aid should
go "directly or indirectly" to the liberation
resolution urging negotiations with the So-.
viet Union on mutual restraint in Angola.
An aide to Congressman Diggs has suggestee
that such negotiations include not only tee
major powers of East and West but those oti
the Afrlean continent as well.
There is a persisting doubt, however, that
steps such as these will affect only the pro-
verbial "tip of the iceberg" of U.S. policy in
central and southern Africa. Significant pol-
icy operations have proceeded and are pro-
ceeding covertly under the rubric: "CIA".
The American people have not been informed
of these actions and have, in fact, been de-
liberately been misled concerning them. The
whole range of policy, covert and overt, ap-
pears to amount to an unwarranted and
immoral intrusion to guarantee a govern-
ment friendly to the U.S. interests. But it
will be impossible to debate U.S policy, and
to propose effective alternatives to it, when
so much remains hidden from public view.
In a situation so murky we need your Ideas
and analyses 'concerning these issuers. We
welcome your response.
ess-e4
A LESSON IN QUESTIONNAIRE-
MANSH1P
HON. ABNER J. MIKVA
OP naafi-ors
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, December 18, 1975
Mr. IVfIKVA. Mr. Speaker, the first
lesson which every new Member of
Congress must learn is to carefully scru-
tinize their list of constituents for the
names of any former Members of Con-
gress. The second lesson is to omit those
names from the list of recipients of
questionnaires, because ex-Members of
Congress invariably respond with more
information than you expected, I would
like to demonstrate the dangers of fail-
ing to master these lessons by inserting
the response to Congressman DAVE
Evrals' questionnaire submitted by Judge
Andrew Jacobs, Sr., a former Member of
this House of Congress. The depth and
lucidity of Judge Jacobs' response should
come as no surprise to those of us who
have witnessed the sagacity of his son,
our colleague, Congressman ANDREW
JACOBS, JR., or to those fortunate enough
and senior enough to remember the dis-
tinguished service of Congressman An-
drew Jacobs, Sr. -
The questionnaire follows:
---INMANAPOLIS,
December 1, 1975.
Re Crime Poll.
Congressman DAVE EVANS,
Congress of the United States, House of Rep-
resentatives, Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN Evans: InterrofcatorSwi
never afford built-in space for adequate an-
swers. Hence I will comment upon yours
seriatim:
1. Do you favor any type of strict gun con-
trol legislation? Yes?No?Please explain.--
Every firearm should be registered with
identifying ballistics data and other indiela.
This is a proper subject for Federal juris-
diction, although penal enforcement could
be concurrent with State Courts as a clear
exception provided to 18 U.S. Code 3231. But
constitutionally, I believe, enforcement mitet
be optional, not mandatory upon State
Courts. Licensing, to carry guns, thusly reg-
istered, intra-state, should be left to states.
while carrying beyond the registrant's state
oafiltMiptagr Fceraiauthori ties, Nop z,satmday
Night Spe-
Approved For Release 2001/11/01 : CIA-RDP77M00144R000400100010-9
December 19, 19i5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE S 22991
ment economy. I was a principal ar-
chitect of the 1971 Emergency Employ-
ment Act, the Comprehensive Employ-
ment and Training Act of 1973, and the
Emergency Jobs and Unemployment As-
sistance Act of 1974. I have worked hard
to provide adequate funding for these
programs, and I pledge to continue my
efforts in these areas.
I am developing a new public service
employment program designed to pro-
vide a job to every household where a
person is receiving unemployment com-
pensation or welfare benefits. I think
this kind of use of Federal dollars makes
far more economic, human, and com-
monsense than paying people who are
not contributing to our productive ca-
pacities and are being denied the self-
esteem that comes with being employed
in a meaningful, contributing job.
INFLATION
One of the most serious handicaps in
the Nation's fight against inflation has
been the lack of strong and effective
leadership from the Administration. In
my view, the major reason for the cur-
rent high rates of inflation are food and
energy costs. The keystone of the Presi-
dent's energy program is rapid decontrol
of oil and gas prices?an action which
will assure further increases in the prices
of many goods and services. Future for-
eign sales of food grains must be accom-
panied by safeguards that will protect
the pocketbooks of the American con-
sumer and the American farmer.
Less intense competition in many
areas of the private sector also contrib-
utes to inflation. I will continue to sup-
port vigorous enforcement of antitrust
laws and staff penalties for offenders. I
also believe that we, as consumers, can
help fight inflation by our daily decisions
in the marketplace. As Federal Reserve
Chairman Arthur Burns stated M a re-
cent speech:
The power of the consumer to force busi-
ness firms to price competitively and to im-
prove their products must never be under-
estimated. We as consumers can help to keep
the spirit of competition alive by shopping
carefully and avoiding impulse buying.
ENERGY POLICY
After more than a year of intense de-
bate Congress and the administration.
the Congress has enacted an Energy
Conservation and Oil Policy Act, S. 622.
This program strikes a reasonable com-
promise among the various competing
pricing proposal?from a drastic roll-
back of oil prices, on the one hand, to an
immediate elimination of all energy price
controls on the other. The bill requires
the administrative establishment of a
system of crude oil prices which will
yield a weighted average price of $7.66
a barrel. Special exemptions are allowed
for high-cost oil, such as that produced
through expensive tertiary recovery.
This pricing policy in the bill, while
far from perfect, is nevertheless a middle
ground that can protect our economy
from foreign energy price manipulation
and still encourage .new energy produc-
tion at home. Moreover, by phasing out
price controls over the next 4 months,
we will get out from
price controls and d
9
.111
frame that ensures against sudden, in-
flationary jumps. in crude oil prices.
In addition to an ail pricing policy, the
Congress has agreed on a broad range
of energy-related programs that can put
us on the road to energy independence.
Included among the provisions of S. 622
are: Mandatory automobile fuel econ-
omy standards, emergency standby au-
thority for the President to invoke in the
event of another oil embargo or other
energy emergency, the creation of a stra-
tegic petroleum reserve, and improved
energy efficiency standards for most
home appliances.
CONTINUING EFFORTS
Revitalizing the economy and getting
People back to work will continue to have
my highest priority. In my State service
on the Banking, Labor and Public Wel-
fare, and Budget Committees, I am giv-
ing my most critical review to a wide
range of proposals to solve our economic
and social problems. I am grateful to the
thousands of Californians who have as-
sisted me with their thoughts and com-
ments.
/ Mr. RO
C. BYRD eMr. President,
the conflict taki rplaie in Angola has
understandably created a considerable
amount of concern in the United States
as well as in other nations. The Precip-
itous exit of the Portuguese colonial re--
gime was executed without an adequate
provision for the transfer of authority
to a single native Angolan administra-
tion. Since nature and politics both ab-
hor a vacuum, the chaotic situation
which resulted was an obvious tempta-
tion to the Soviet Union and Cuba to in-
terfere in the affairs of an incipient new
black African State. The involvement el
South Africa in response to the Russian-
Cuban intrusion was almost predictable.
In a world in which the United States
carries so much responsibility, it is nat-
ural that the Angolan dispute should
become a matter of debate. Already there
are those who contend that the United
States is too much involved in Angola,
while others have declared that our vital
interests require that this Nation must
become more deeply committed in the
present struggle there.
VThatever course of action the United
States follows, however, I would caution
restraint and careful consideration. Some
expert observers have interpreted the
conflict in Angola between three separate
independence movements essentially as
an intertribal conflict. The commitment
of South Africa carries with it the un-
fortunate possibility of a foreordained
rejecion by the other states of black
Africi. for whatever party becomes South
Africi ,'s primary ally.
Wei e the United States to become
jointll allied with South Africa in this
conflict, it could spell disaster for our
future relations with most of the states
of black Africa, as well as with the rest
of the Third World.
Furthermore, the involvement of other
foreign nations in the affairs of a cottn-
is the possibility that a civil war of short
duration could be transformed into an
unending struggle of inexhaustible power
in which literally millions of innocent
men, women, and children will lose their
lives for the sake of an ideological com-
petition of whose origins and founda-
tions they have absolutely no compre-
hension.
I suggest, Mr. President, that the
United States is called upon to act in
this present situation ? but not on a
battlefield. I suggest that the time has
come for America to resort to a bit of
"market basket diplomacy." Predictions
are that the Soviet Union is facing an-
other bleak wheat harvest. The continu-
ing need for American wheat by the
Soviet Union offers this Nation a lever
by which we might persuade the Rus-
sians that its continued meddling?and
that of its Cuban satellite?not only ai4
jeopardizing the climate of d?nte; the
Soviet-Cuban, adventure could also im-
peril future grain purchases from the
United States. The time is right for the
United Statee to realize sonic real divi-
dends from d?nte in the diplomatic
arena.
The situation in Angola is too fluid
and unstable for the United States to
risk a major commitment of its re-
sources there. An effective exercise of.
diplomacy requires wisdom, foresight,
and patience as well as decision and
force. I urge the admilnstration to tread
cautiously and Watchfully in the Angolan
conflict. There are times, however, when
the specter of crop shortages at home
might. exert a far greater influence on
the Kremlin than the prospect of an
ideological victory on a distant con ti-
?ent.
CONCLUSION OF MORNING ?
BUSINESS
? The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there,
further morning business? If not,
morning business is closed.
RECESS FOR 30 MINUTES
Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. President,
I move that the Senate stand in recess
for 30 minutes. .
The motion was agreed to.; and at
10:14 a.m., the Senate took a recess for
30 minutes.
The Senate reassembled at 10:44 a.m.,
when called to order by the- Presiding
Officer (Mr. GLENN> .
- EXECUTIVE SESSION
Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. President,
I move that the Senate go into executive.
session for the purpose of considering
nominations on the executive calendar,
beginning with the Department of
Defense.
The motion was agreed to and the
Senate- proceeded to the consideration
of executive business.
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
VAITIct104?0410,VAtrVag:151111PrPerlilritoce(ned to l'read the lengoimslaintiavteloenleLOT