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December 19, 1975
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December 19, 19 AP P re61461ERMMICUOINCOMID GESIRDRIMOOfi4NR908400100010-9 E 6823 Too MUCH ENERGY, Too Soma By John P. Holdren Brancemze, Cam'.?The United States is threatened far more by the hazards of too much energy, too soon, than by the hazards of too little, too late. The hazards of too much, which have been as widely underestimated as the liabilities of too little have been exaggerated, include diverting financial resources from compelling social needs, making hasty commitments to unproved technologies, and generating en- vironmental and social costs that harm hu- man welfare more than the, extra energy im- proves it. The Idea that. slower growth of energy use is better follows from several lines of reason- ing?all supported by an accumulating vol- ume or evidence. First, rapid growth of energy use fosters expensive mistakes. The pressure of growth encourages the nation to seize any and all sources of supply that seem. available. Some of these sources seized in haste are over- priced, some will prove unreliable and hence even more expensive than anticipated, some Will produce unexpected environmental and social burdens. Second, even, at slower growth rates, a point exists beyond which more energy can do more harm than good.. - The relation of energy to well-being, in other words, is two-sided. Through its pro- ductive application in economic-technolog- ical systems, energy fosters well-being; but the environmental arid social effects of mo- bilizing and using energy can undermine- well-being by means of direct damage to health, property; and human values, and by disrupting . indispensable "public-service" functions of natural systems (climate regula- tion, fertility maintenance, waste disposal, controls on pests.and disease organisms). The higher the level of energy use already attained, the more likely it is that the eco- nomic-technological benefits of an additional unit of energy will be outweighed by the social and environmental costs. Mounting evidence suggests that the United -States is approaching (11 not beyond) the level where further energy growth costs more than it is worth. . Third, conservation of energy can mean doing better, not doing without. The essence of conservation is the art of extracting more well-being from each-gallon of fuel, and each kilowatt-hour of electricity. There is enor- mous potential for improvement here by raising efficiencies in homes, offices, -trans- portation, and industry. Of course, other approaches to energy con- servation couldInvolve changes in individual behavior, and critics of conservation are quick tosuggest?that what is implied here is a return to a primitive existence. In a society that uses its 5,000-pound auto- mobiles for half-mile round trips to the market to fetch a six-pack of beer, consumes the beer in buildings that are overcooled in sjamemr and overheated in winter, and then throws the aluminum cans away at an energy loss equivalent to a third of a gallon of gaso- line per six-pack, this "primitive existence" argument strikes me as the most offensive kind of nonsense. Fourth, saving a barrel of oil is generally cheaper than producing a barrel. Reducing waste through higher efficiency makes more energy available for genuine needs, but at smaller economic cost .than the alternatives of more mining, more drilling, and more power plants. In this sense, conservation is the cheapest new energy source. Finally, less energy can mean more em- ployment. The energy-producing industries comprise and most capital-intensive and least labor-intensive major sector of the economy. Accordingly, each dollar of investment capi- tal taken out of energy production and in- vested in something consumption dollar saved by reduced energy use and spent elsewhere in the economy, will create more jobs than are lost. The notion of a one-to-one between energy use and well-being is the most dangerous delusion in the energy-policy arena. Sweden, Denmark and Switzerland all had higher gross national products per capita in 1974 than did the United States, despite energy use per capita around half that in the United States or less. It is time we studied how the frugal Euro- peans get so much prosperity from so little energy. By carving the fat from our energy budget and wisely applying these savings, we probably could hold United States energy growth between now and the year 2000 to 1 per cent per year, instead of the S to 4 per cent so widely forecast. If our goal to maxi- rniee human well-being, accounting both for the benefits of energy use and the likely, costs, we should not aim at more energy growth than this, and I believe It possible we should even aim at less. U.S. INTERNE is tervention. in the decolonization process by external powers. The United States has been, prominent among these outside forces, and recent evidence has provided a clearer. though still very incomplete, picture of the nature of U.S. intervention. In a front page New York Times article CA September 25, Leslie Gelb revealed that the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency has been buying arms for two liberation movements, FNLA and UNITA, in an effort to offset the - military success of the third movement, 1VIPLA, which has received significant arms support from the Soviet Union. The Times story states that the CIA operations have been approved by President Ford and are being carried out, as prescribed by law, with the knowledge of several Congressional com- mittees. These include the Senate and House Armed Forces and Appropriations Con-milt- tees, and the Senate Foreign Relations and House International Relations Committees. In each case CIA oversight has been dele- gated to subcommittees dominated by con- -,eervatives, or to?inchvidual ranking members. rA support for FNLA has a long history: ,t ording to Gelb, in 1062 the Agency and sident, Kennedy selected FNLA leader olden Roberto as a man to back for the . future, since Portugal could not be expected to retain. Angola indefinitely. Support waned in 196% but the CIA reactivated its Roberto connections last spring, in light of the up- surge in liberation activities following the Portuguese coup., The CIA interest in UNITA Is much more - recent, Gelbei report on this connection fol- lowed a few days after an announcement by UNITA President Savimbi that he is receive. lng armaments from "anti-Communist West- ern nations and their allies" (according to Africa News). Jonas Savimbi, who heads UNITA, is avowedly, anti-communist and ariti-MPLA?two res.:Sone for the CIA's inter- est in him. He may also be emerging as a more, realletic possibility than Roberto as a future contender for leadership of Angola. Savimbi is a magnetic figure with consider- able popular support from the rural peasan- try of central and southern Angola, and is personally attractive to some progreasive African leaders in, other countries. ? .? U.S. aid to the two movements is being disbursed largely through 'President Mobutil Sem Seko of Zaire. Indeed, it is Impossible to approach the subject of Angola and U.S. Intervention there without examining Zaire's relationship With both Angola and the United, States. Zaire shares a long border with An- gola; the BaKongo people, who comprise the hulk of FNLA's supporters, straddle, this bor- der. Holden Roberto of MLA is Mobutu's brother-In-law. It is not surprising, then, that Mobutu's Zaire government hes long been an open supporter of FNLA. Mobutu's- support for UNTrA is much less solid, and seems primarily based on UNTTA'e shared opposition to FNIJA's main enemy, MPLA. An instance of U.S.-Zetre connection with UNITA weareported by an expert eye-witness recently. He saw a Hercules transport plane offloading arms, at Silva Porto, UNITA's head- quarters. The French-speaking crew was smoking Zairean cigarettes; the U.S. sold the Hercules aircraft to Zaire last yeer. Establishing and maintaining the stabil- UT of Mobutu's staunchly pro-western rule in Zaire has, of course, been a cornerstone of U.S. policy in Africa since the General seized power in 1965. The CIA has long had a principal Africa station in Zaire. U.S.-Zaire relations received a jolt in June of this year when Mobutu expelled U.S. Ambassador Deane Hinton, accusing him .and the CIA of complicity In R. coup plot. Nathaniel Davis, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs who was travelling in Africa at the time, tried to go to Zaire to repair relations. but was refused entry., (Mobutu had earlier HON. SHIR --CH1SHOI: or NENV 'YORK ? ' IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thumlikv....Depember 18_1975 CliISTIQusa.-41/1r. Speaker, cer- taitalall,of us- are apprised of the cur- rent crisis in Angola, the involvernentof the U.S. Government in that conflict, and the potential for more unilateral conflict that situation poses because of the forces bearing clown in that small African country. The Black Caucus has uniformly de- plored- all intervention in the war in Angola not only because of the covert manner of U.S. involvement, but also be- cause the CIA has defied the mandate of the Organization of African Unity op., posing all foreign intervention. Like the War in Indochina, U.S. in- volvement in the initial stages has relied on an information "black out". We are only learning now of money already spent and of actions already taken be- cause of State Department decisions to Interfere to counter actions taken by the Soviet Union. I would like to submit tor review of my colleagues an in depth analysis of the situation in Angola and the -role of the United States in it. The history of our covert activity is important in under- standing why it is essential that no more aid be approved for any actions in An- gola. The following was prepared by the Washington Office on Africa, an invalu- able source for information on the topic: U.S. INTERVENES IN ANGOLAN Brine's Since the Portuguese coup of April, 1974, the process of decolonization in Angola has proven far more tortuous and complex than In the former sister territort a of Mozam- bique and Guinea-Bissau. In i he latter two colonies, power was transferred to single, re- latively unified liberation mole ments which acceded to independence and E Dverelgnty in orderly fashion. In Angola, tie presence of three movements divided on p litical, ideo- logical and geographic and eth lines has prevented a simple transition from colony to independence. These divisions, together with strategic considerations sud Angola's eilikpptovtacilrePaReieteS6 ZortrialfesP!refAIREOPtItitiOiWttAttltaffefdditlanm'Inau?n E 6824 APPnwee6S106431316319e1:1/11MOIRA:Egiggan 46R9PMPAP0?119ePeinber 19, 1975 post, precisely because of Davis' implication in CIA activities in Chile.) The task of patching up things with Mobu- tu fell to Sheldon Vance, a former ambas- sador to Zaire, now a senior aide to Kissinger. Vance made two tripe to Zaire, and then be- gan to put together a new package of U.S. aid for Mobutu. The package totals $60 m13- lion-4 times the 1975 level, 7 times the 1974 level, and $20 million higher than the an- nual average of U.S. aid during the peak years of 'U.S. assistance in the crisis period of the 1960's. It is divided into $20 million in Export-Import Bank loans; $20 million in Food for Peace credit, and $20 million for "Security Supporting Assistance"?which ex- ists to "support or promote economic or political stability." The State Department rationale for the package has been Zaire's balance of payments problems stemming from a drop in price of its copper exports- and a rise in import costa, especially for oil. Vance and other State Department officials have also approached U.S. private creditors to assist in the rescheduling of Zaire's con- siderable foreign debt. In July Vance and Deputy Assistant Sec- retary for Africa Edward Mulcahy discussed the package with several Senators and Con- gressmeia, hoping that a low-key approach would gain their acquiescence while avoid- ing publicity. Reaction on the Hill to State'9 approach was decidedly negative. Although the Ex-Lai Bank and Food Per Peace portions require no specific Congressional approval, Senators Clark and Humphrey insisted that the Security Supporting Assistance be fully scrutinized. Closed hearings on this part or the package are to be held in the near future. In short, the Administration is seeking to underwrite the finances of the Mobutu gov- ernment with a quantum leap in its level of aid. Since Mobutu is actively involved in the Angolan civil war and is the conduit for U.S. involvement, this move seems to have con- eiderable implications for the Angolan scen- ario. ? More evidence of increasing Administra- tion interference in Angola has emerged in the revelation that Nathaniel Davie?accord- ing- to news reports of September 1?plane to resign shortly from his post as Assistant Secretary. for African Affairs. The ostensible' reason is his inability to establish good rela- tions with African states and their leaders, as his problem with Mobutu demonstrates A high-ranking source in the Strata Depart- ment, however, contends that the inunediate reason for Davis' departure is his disagree- ment with Henry Kissinger over Angola-- Le., Davis balked at Kissinger's proposals for stepped-up intervention there. Davis may have resisted because he feared yet another CIA blot on his record, which would confirm what was predicted by his opponents at the time of his nomination. Many observers ex- pect Davis' successor to be Sheldon Vance. Whether or not Davis objected to Angolan Intervention, he surely could not implement it effectively if he could not work with the other major actors in the Angolan arena. On another front, when Senators Clark and Brooke proposed an amendment to this year's foreign economic aid bill which would specify. $30 million for assisting the former Portuguese territories, the Agency for In- ternational Developmeit suggested that $25 million of this be ear marked for resettle- ment of black Angolan refugees. Most such refugees are Bakongo 'eturning to Angola from Zaire. But the t enators caught the political implications o ' the language and specified in the report ai companying the bill that no aid should go toward "refugee or economic assistance thf t would constitute political support for any - .ne of the liberation movements in Angola." A further complication in the Angolan tur- moil revolves ar rt Ftdr clave of Angola se orated from the rest 01 to q fte1 a possitire a Trk ' sense o o s ? sLknieel, Releasen2011,1ffilABIMDP771orpitlp the country by a, strip of Zairean territory-- Cabinda is where Gulf Oil produces 100,000 barrels of oil a day. MPLA currently controls the area, and' all the Angolan libaration movements favor keeping Cabinda part of Angela. But a Cabindan separatist organiza- tion, PLEC, has recently emerged into the FLEO is presently located in and Is heavily backed by Zaire, which is known to have an interest in the oil; some experts predict Zairean attempts to dominate or even annex Cabinda in the future. Clearly Cabinda Is also a focus of external interests, both private and governmental. , The United States is not, of course, the only external power involved in Angola. The Soviet Union has given considerable sup- port, especially in arms, to MPLA. China has provided some assistance to FNLA, including military advice. Numerous indications and allegations of intervention have been aired concerning other countries such as France, Tunisia, Zambia and South Africa. The Soviet Union's arms deliveries to MPLA make opposition to U.S. intervention more difficult. It can be cogently argued that a "Soviet-engineered takeover" of the An- golan government is no more desirable than a similar CIA effort. The problem, however, is that any Soviet presence in a particular country is so often exaggerated, and used as justification for significant American sub- version of the internal political process. Furthermore, warnings of dangerous Soviet intervention from American officials should hardly be taken at face value, When accom- panied by pious denials of U.S. interference. In a majof Africa policy statement on Sep- teraber 23, Secretary Kissinger stated that one of the three major U.S. concerns was "that the continent be free of great power rivalry or conflict." He added a "cautionary word" specifically about Angola: "We are most alarmed at the interference of extra- continental powers who do not wish Africa well, and whose involvement LS inconsistent With the promise of true independence." One teak, then, is to judge the degree of Soviet support for, and control over, the movement they axe backing?NJ:FLA, Soviet arms have been used to some extent by MPLA for several years; but according to the re- spected British journalist David Martin, the principal arms shipments came last spring, in response to a massive movement of FNLA troops from Zaire to Angola. It is notable that MPLA has sought good relations with China (despite the latter's moderate support for FNLA) by sending two top level MPLA delegations for visits: hardly the behavior expected from a Soviet puppet. MPLA also is maintaining good relations with Gulf Oil, and has recently softened its position on poet-Independence nationalization. The evidence, then, that ISIO'LA is com- pletely under the Soviet thumb is uncon- vincing. Such a figure as Senator Dick Clark, Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, who visited Angola and met with the presidents of all three movements in August, came away firmly convinced that nothing in the situa- tion justifies U.S. intervention. The problem may be best expressed by one of Leslie Gelb's government sources: "It's Just that we can't keep our hands out of anything." In general, we feel any effort to stop U.S. Intervention in Angola should be supported. Several amendments are being considered to the military aid bill, which the Admin- istration has yet to submit and which Con- gress will probably pass on by mid-November. Specifically, the Security Supporting Assist- ance to Zaire should be opposed, since there Is too much possibility that Angola move- ments will be the beneficiaries of it. We should support an amendment which Clark may propose stipulating that no aid should go "directly or indirectly" to the liberation resolution urging negotiations with the So-. viet Union on mutual restraint in Angola. An aide to Congressman Diggs has suggestee that such negotiations include not only tee major powers of East and West but those oti the Afrlean continent as well. There is a persisting doubt, however, that steps such as these will affect only the pro- verbial "tip of the iceberg" of U.S. policy in central and southern Africa. Significant pol- icy operations have proceeded and are pro- ceeding covertly under the rubric: "CIA". The American people have not been informed of these actions and have, in fact, been de- liberately been misled concerning them. The whole range of policy, covert and overt, ap- pears to amount to an unwarranted and immoral intrusion to guarantee a govern- ment friendly to the U.S. interests. But it will be impossible to debate U.S policy, and to propose effective alternatives to it, when so much remains hidden from public view. In a situation so murky we need your Ideas and analyses 'concerning these issuers. We welcome your response. ess-e4 A LESSON IN QUESTIONNAIRE- MANSH1P HON. ABNER J. MIKVA OP naafi-ors IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, December 18, 1975 Mr. IVfIKVA. Mr. Speaker, the first lesson which every new Member of Congress must learn is to carefully scru- tinize their list of constituents for the names of any former Members of Con- gress. The second lesson is to omit those names from the list of recipients of questionnaires, because ex-Members of Congress invariably respond with more information than you expected, I would like to demonstrate the dangers of fail- ing to master these lessons by inserting the response to Congressman DAVE Evrals' questionnaire submitted by Judge Andrew Jacobs, Sr., a former Member of this House of Congress. The depth and lucidity of Judge Jacobs' response should come as no surprise to those of us who have witnessed the sagacity of his son, our colleague, Congressman ANDREW JACOBS, JR., or to those fortunate enough and senior enough to remember the dis- tinguished service of Congressman An- drew Jacobs, Sr. - The questionnaire follows: ---INMANAPOLIS, December 1, 1975. Re Crime Poll. Congressman DAVE EVANS, Congress of the United States, House of Rep- resentatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR CONGRESSMAN Evans: InterrofcatorSwi never afford built-in space for adequate an- swers. Hence I will comment upon yours seriatim: 1. Do you favor any type of strict gun con- trol legislation? Yes?No?Please explain.-- Every firearm should be registered with identifying ballistics data and other indiela. This is a proper subject for Federal juris- diction, although penal enforcement could be concurrent with State Courts as a clear exception provided to 18 U.S. Code 3231. But constitutionally, I believe, enforcement mitet be optional, not mandatory upon State Courts. Licensing, to carry guns, thusly reg- istered, intra-state, should be left to states. while carrying beyond the registrant's state oafiltMiptagr Fceraiauthori ties, Nop z,satmday Night Spe- Approved For Release 2001/11/01 : CIA-RDP77M00144R000400100010-9 December 19, 19i5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE S 22991 ment economy. I was a principal ar- chitect of the 1971 Emergency Employ- ment Act, the Comprehensive Employ- ment and Training Act of 1973, and the Emergency Jobs and Unemployment As- sistance Act of 1974. I have worked hard to provide adequate funding for these programs, and I pledge to continue my efforts in these areas. I am developing a new public service employment program designed to pro- vide a job to every household where a person is receiving unemployment com- pensation or welfare benefits. I think this kind of use of Federal dollars makes far more economic, human, and com- monsense than paying people who are not contributing to our productive ca- pacities and are being denied the self- esteem that comes with being employed in a meaningful, contributing job. INFLATION One of the most serious handicaps in the Nation's fight against inflation has been the lack of strong and effective leadership from the Administration. In my view, the major reason for the cur- rent high rates of inflation are food and energy costs. The keystone of the Presi- dent's energy program is rapid decontrol of oil and gas prices?an action which will assure further increases in the prices of many goods and services. Future for- eign sales of food grains must be accom- panied by safeguards that will protect the pocketbooks of the American con- sumer and the American farmer. Less intense competition in many areas of the private sector also contrib- utes to inflation. I will continue to sup- port vigorous enforcement of antitrust laws and staff penalties for offenders. I also believe that we, as consumers, can help fight inflation by our daily decisions in the marketplace. As Federal Reserve Chairman Arthur Burns stated M a re- cent speech: The power of the consumer to force busi- ness firms to price competitively and to im- prove their products must never be under- estimated. We as consumers can help to keep the spirit of competition alive by shopping carefully and avoiding impulse buying. ENERGY POLICY After more than a year of intense de- bate Congress and the administration. the Congress has enacted an Energy Conservation and Oil Policy Act, S. 622. This program strikes a reasonable com- promise among the various competing pricing proposal?from a drastic roll- back of oil prices, on the one hand, to an immediate elimination of all energy price controls on the other. The bill requires the administrative establishment of a system of crude oil prices which will yield a weighted average price of $7.66 a barrel. Special exemptions are allowed for high-cost oil, such as that produced through expensive tertiary recovery. This pricing policy in the bill, while far from perfect, is nevertheless a middle ground that can protect our economy from foreign energy price manipulation and still encourage .new energy produc- tion at home. Moreover, by phasing out price controls over the next 4 months, we will get out from price controls and d 9 .111 frame that ensures against sudden, in- flationary jumps. in crude oil prices. In addition to an ail pricing policy, the Congress has agreed on a broad range of energy-related programs that can put us on the road to energy independence. Included among the provisions of S. 622 are: Mandatory automobile fuel econ- omy standards, emergency standby au- thority for the President to invoke in the event of another oil embargo or other energy emergency, the creation of a stra- tegic petroleum reserve, and improved energy efficiency standards for most home appliances. CONTINUING EFFORTS Revitalizing the economy and getting People back to work will continue to have my highest priority. In my State service on the Banking, Labor and Public Wel- fare, and Budget Committees, I am giv- ing my most critical review to a wide range of proposals to solve our economic and social problems. I am grateful to the thousands of Californians who have as- sisted me with their thoughts and com- ments. / Mr. RO C. BYRD eMr. President, the conflict taki rplaie in Angola has understandably created a considerable amount of concern in the United States as well as in other nations. The Precip- itous exit of the Portuguese colonial re-- gime was executed without an adequate provision for the transfer of authority to a single native Angolan administra- tion. Since nature and politics both ab- hor a vacuum, the chaotic situation which resulted was an obvious tempta- tion to the Soviet Union and Cuba to in- terfere in the affairs of an incipient new black African State. The involvement el South Africa in response to the Russian- Cuban intrusion was almost predictable. In a world in which the United States carries so much responsibility, it is nat- ural that the Angolan dispute should become a matter of debate. Already there are those who contend that the United States is too much involved in Angola, while others have declared that our vital interests require that this Nation must become more deeply committed in the present struggle there. VThatever course of action the United States follows, however, I would caution restraint and careful consideration. Some expert observers have interpreted the conflict in Angola between three separate independence movements essentially as an intertribal conflict. The commitment of South Africa carries with it the un- fortunate possibility of a foreordained rejecion by the other states of black Africi. for whatever party becomes South Africi ,'s primary ally. Wei e the United States to become jointll allied with South Africa in this conflict, it could spell disaster for our future relations with most of the states of black Africa, as well as with the rest of the Third World. Furthermore, the involvement of other foreign nations in the affairs of a cottn- is the possibility that a civil war of short duration could be transformed into an unending struggle of inexhaustible power in which literally millions of innocent men, women, and children will lose their lives for the sake of an ideological com- petition of whose origins and founda- tions they have absolutely no compre- hension. I suggest, Mr. President, that the United States is called upon to act in this present situation ? but not on a battlefield. I suggest that the time has come for America to resort to a bit of "market basket diplomacy." Predictions are that the Soviet Union is facing an- other bleak wheat harvest. The continu- ing need for American wheat by the Soviet Union offers this Nation a lever by which we might persuade the Rus- sians that its continued meddling?and that of its Cuban satellite?not only ai4 jeopardizing the climate of d?nte; the Soviet-Cuban, adventure could also im- peril future grain purchases from the United States. The time is right for the United Statee to realize sonic real divi- dends from d?nte in the diplomatic arena. The situation in Angola is too fluid and unstable for the United States to risk a major commitment of its re- sources there. An effective exercise of. diplomacy requires wisdom, foresight, and patience as well as decision and force. I urge the admilnstration to tread cautiously and Watchfully in the Angolan conflict. There are times, however, when the specter of crop shortages at home might. exert a far greater influence on the Kremlin than the prospect of an ideological victory on a distant con ti- ?ent. CONCLUSION OF MORNING ? BUSINESS ? The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there, further morning business? If not, morning business is closed. RECESS FOR 30 MINUTES Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. President, I move that the Senate stand in recess for 30 minutes. . The motion was agreed to.; and at 10:14 a.m., the Senate took a recess for 30 minutes. The Senate reassembled at 10:44 a.m., when called to order by the- Presiding Officer (Mr. GLENN> . - EXECUTIVE SESSION Mr. ROBERT C. BYRD. Mr. President, I move that the Senate go into executive. session for the purpose of considering nominations on the executive calendar, beginning with the Department of Defense. The motion was agreed to and the Senate- proceeded to the consideration of executive business. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE VAITIct104?0410,VAtrVag:151111PrPerlilritoce(ned to l'read the lengoimslaintiavteloenleLOT