CURRENT COMMUNIST LABOR TACTICS: (i) THE GENERAL WFTU LINE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R000300020005-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 23
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 9, 1998
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: April 1, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

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CURRENT COMMUNIST LABOR TACTICS: (I) THE GENERAL WFTU LINE
A. Introduction
1. The Communist movement outside the Soviet-Satellite orbit is
currently intensifying efforts to develop a powerful labor
offensive. The Communist Parties control and coordinate the
offensive on the national level, making use of all available
assets: Party factory cells and neighborhood cells in factory
areas. Communist youth and women's organizations, the national
"peace" organizations, other "mass" organizations, and Party
organizations in the trade unions. The Communist-led unions
are key agencies in the campaign.
2. Communist-controlled unions are affiliated with the World
Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), which is the international
central for the development of the labor offensive. The con-
siderations upon which the Communists based the offensive and
the tactics to be used were publicized at the Third WFTU
Congress, held in the Soviet Sector of Vienna 10-21 October
1953, and have been most recently reaffirmed by the WFTU Ex-
ecutive Bureau, which opened its 25th session at Vienna on
23 March 1951+. They are discussed in this brief.
3. The current offensive, which has already manifested itself
in a large number of strikes throughout the free world, is
aimed at: (1) re-establishing Party influence over the
workers (i.e., "breaking out of isolation") and extending
it to "other sections of the population" (peasants, pro-
fessional people, white-collar workers, small businessmen,
etc.), in order to (2) vitalize the "peace" movement and
other campaigns connected with the Communist-Soviet interests
implicit in the "peace" slogan.
1+. The offensive is based upon the findings of the Communists
that substantial "new opportunities" exist for exploitation.
The WFTU Congress brought up to date the Communist analysis
of the present "situation"--in both its universal and its
regional aspects. The analysis professed to find through-
out the free world widespread economic and social unrest,
especially among the industrial workers but also reaching
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into other classes. The chief speakers* at the WFTU Congress
analyzed this unrest and latent discontent, finding its
"causes" to be: (1) the capitalist system of production in
general; and (2) imperialism, aggravated by the "repressive"
and "piratical" policies of the "monopolists" and their
governments, which have been "enslaved" by the United States.
In the "colonial and semicolonial countries" the Communist
analysis finds a "rapid growth of the national liberation
movement" and growing trade-union strength, on the one hand,
and a "sharpening crisis" in the colonial system (frictions
among competing "imperialist powers"), on the other.
(a) The WFTU brought the Communist labor tactics more strongly
into line with the tactics of the Communist movement,
i.e., the new "united front" tactic developed largely
after the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union, October 1952. This is evident from the
emphasis placed by the Congress on the issue of "National
* The principal speakers were Louis Saillant (General Secretary, WFTU),
who gave the report, "Activity of the WFTU and the Tasks Arising for
the Trade Unions in Strengthening United Action for Improved Living
Standards and in Defense of Peace"; Giuseppe Di'Vittorio (President,
WFTU)., who gave the second report, "Tasks of the Trade Unions for
Economic and Social Development in the Struggle for National Independ-
ence and Democratic Liberties"; Ruslan Widjajasastra (Deputy General
Secretary, All-Indonesian Trade Union Center, commonly known as SOBSI),
who gave the third report, "Development of the Trade Union Movement in
the Colonial and Semicolonial Countries"; and N. M. Shvernik (Chairman,
Central Council of Trade Unions of the USSR), who gave a general speech
in which he drew an orthodox Stalinist comparison between the horrible
condition of workers in capitalist and colonial countries, on the one
hand, and the happy, peace-loving character of the trade unions in the
orbit countries, on the other.
The Congress adopted resolutions on each of the three points of the
agenda--discussed by Saillant, Di Vittorio, and Widjajasastra, re-
spectively, in their reports--as well as on a number of other points
of current interest. A "manifesto" for "unity," addressed to "workers
of the world," was adopted, as were an "appeal to the workers and
trade unions of the countries of Europe" (against EDC), and an "open
letter" to'"all trade union organizations and all trade unionists not
affiliated to the WFTU."
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444144
Independence." The WFTU Congress charged the trade
unions with direct responsibility for "initiating" and
heading the "broad united front."
(b) The WFTU adopted as a technique of wider applicability
the "positive approach" tactics of the Communist-con-
trolled General Confederation of Italian Labor (CGIL)--.
specifically, the appeal to non-working class elements
on the basis of "national independence" through a "pro-
gressive economic policy"--and in particular, the use
of this technique in "Italy, France, Belgium, Holland,
and, to some extent, Britain."
(c) The Congress set the stage for an increase of effort
by the WFTU and the entire Communist-dominated labor
movement--particularly in the "colonial and semicolonial"
countries of Latin America, Africa, the Near East, and
Southeast Asia.
Of interest, but of less importance, is the fact that the
Congress decided upon some changes in its leadership
(principally, to include more representatives of colonial
and semicolonial countries in its Executive Committee)
and announced its intention to hold a number of region-
al conferences during the coming year. The Soviet
speaker, Shvernik, emphasized the "strengthening of ties"
between Soviet trade unions and those in capitalist
countries, announcing that the number of "workers'
delegations" visiting the USSR will be increased during
the coming year.
6. The principle adopted by the WFTU to guide the Communist
labor tactics was that of "UNITY OF ACTION." In simplest
terms, this means that the Communist unions (i.e., WFTU
affiliates) are to encourage, initiate, and participate in
all actions of the workers for their basic economic and
social "demands." By so doing, the Communists hope to re-
establish and reinforce their "contact" with the workers,
to convince the workers that the Communist unions always
stand for the workers' real interests, and, eventually, to
convince them that the real causes of their difficulties
are those adduced by the Communists. "Unity of Action"
is expected to lead to "Trade Union Unit " and, eventually,
to "Working Class Unity." Meanwhile, by actively support-
ing the interests of "other elements," and by leading them
to accept the Communist analysis and parts, at least, of
the Communist program the Communists expect to greatly
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expand the "base" of their movement, hoping for the opportu-
nity to build up a "broad fighting front against the domina-
tion and the unpatriotic and war policies of the monopolies."
7. The Communist sense of optimism for the success of the WFTU
program was expressed by Louis Saillant (General Secretary,
WFTU) in his Report to the Congress:
"We are not moving toward a weakening of,our trade
union movement or to its retrenchment, the speaker
declared. We are marching confidently toward a great
broadening out of all our activities and our organi-
zational system."*
8. The reassurance contained in the first sentence above was
probably directed to allay whatever fears some Communist
trade union leaders might have had that. the "unity of ac-
tion" formula represents a permanent retreat from Communist
revolutionary objectives. It should have been unnecessary
to make such a reassurance, for the WFTU Congress proceed-
ings made it quite clear that the present tactics have far-
reaching aims, and that any apparent "softening" of the
Communists toward the "bourgeoisie" and the "social demo-
cratic traitors" is purely tactical: a means of getting a
foothold in the ranks of the non-Communist unions and of
exploiting differences of views among the non-Communists.
9. The issues upon which the Communists expect to generate
further unrest through "unity of action," which in its
turn will lead to the building of a "broad fighting front"
for Communist-Soviet objectives, are compressed into slogan
symbols as follows:
"Bread, work, freedom, national independence, and world
peace are the pillars of the alliance of the workers
and other laboring people which we advocate !"
* From summary of speech carried in New Times, No. 44, Supplement. Hence-
forward in this chapter only the identity of the speaker will be in-
dicated, without indication of whether the quotation has been taken from
the text of a speech or from the New Times summary of the speech.
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10. In this chain of issues the economic issues are organically
linked with the political ones. By building and reinforcing
the economic-social labor base--the prerequisite for political
actioi--the Communists intend to revitalize their political
struggle. Hence the importance of. Communist trade union
work today. Or, as the official publication of the WFTU,
World Trade Union Movement (1-15 Feb. 1954), puts it:
"'The struggle of the working class for its vital,
everyday interests, i.e., wage increases, the right
to work, better social security, and so on, is linked
more closely every day with the struggle of the whole
people for freedom, national independence, and social
development and world peace,' says the [WFTU]Resolu-
tion on the'task arising for the trade unions. To
neglect one task for the sake of another would be a,
serious error.
"'That's asking a lot,' some of our brothers may say.
It is true. But is only possible to carry through
these tasks on the condition set out by the Third World
Trade Union Congress: forge ever stronger the unity
of the workers."
The integration of the issues (economic-social and political)
for "struggle" is paralleled organizationally by instructions
to the unions to develop "close. cooperation with the mass
women's and youth organizations" and the local peace move-
ment--with the unions, however, taking the lead in joint ac-
tions. On the international plane, the WFTU, the World Fed-
eration of Democratic Youth, the Women's International Dem-
ocratic Federation, and the World Peace Council also work
closely together to expand and intensify the campaign.
B. Tactics: Unity of Action*
There follows a summary of the content, aims, and methods of
applying the principle of "Unity of Action":
By the intense exploitation of real economic and social issues,
and the application of the tactics of "Unity of Action," the Communists
hope to pave the way to trade union unity in support of Communist-Soviet
political objectives.
*"Unity of Action" is the tactic to be employed in the "colonial" areas,
as well as in the capitalist countries; to avoid complexity, its employ-
ment in the "colonial and semicolonial countries" is discussed in Sec-
tion D. of this chapter.
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1. Trade Union Unity Is the Goal of the WFTU
"The WFTU has never made any secret of the fact that unity
is the goal at which it aims.....
"Our fight for unity should lead to:
--a single trade union in each enterprise;
--a single national trade union federation in each
industry or occupation;
--a single National Center for all the trade unions in
any one country;
--a single world trade union organization." (SAILLA.NT)
2. "Unity"--f or the Communist-Soviet Program, of Course
'Working-class unity has become a real and vital necessity.
Millions of working people see in the unity of their ranks
a mighty source of strength in the struggle against the
warmongers and in defense of their vital' interests."
The WFTU Congress is "a valuable contribution to the struggle
for the consolidation of international labor unity, which is
now more essential than ever in order to realize the aspira-
tions of the working people for peace, economic and social
progress,, broad international intercourse, and friendship
and cooperation among the peoples of all countries of the
world."
3. The Way to Unity Is through Unity of Action
"We know that it is fundamentally from the worker's unity
of action, and the close connection of the trade unions with
the mass. of the people, that every trade union unity will
.arise and be consolidated."
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"It is during the growth of united action that wider, more
complete agreement becomes possible. These agreements can
then become complete understandings between trade unions
which bad been opposed in the past, and which, during the
development of their joint action, can help to bring about
organic trade union unity."
"...We must take particular notice of these workersti.e.,
members of unions belonging to the anti-Communist International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTUj7 and it is
with them that we achieve unity of action. This unity of
action must be extended in order to march with greater reso-
lution, and in every part of the world, toward trade union
unity." (SAILLANT)
4+. Unity of Action Begins with Limited; Basic Material Demands
"United action by the workers must come about on precise
aims. It can and must be practiced also between separate
trade union organizations from the bottom to the top of
trade union levels.
"Long experience in many countries has shown that in order
to organize real united action, the trade unions must put
forward clear, precis e, and achievable objectives, often
limited in time, to those who are called on to act in com-
mon, and to the different organizations to which they belong
when there is a trade union split.
"United action between different trade unions presupposes
a common program, even if this program contains only a single
demand. The common program of united action is not neces-
sarily the complete reproduction of the special program of
the trade union organization affiliated to the WFTU." (SAIL-
LANT )
. Principal Economic-Social Issues for Struggle
Even the most basic of the economic-social issues which the
WFTU seeks to exploit have strong political implications.
The "struggle for higher wages," for example, is made a
"struggle for higher r, ea wages," which carries with it
demands for tax cuts (by cutting defense expenditures),
price cgntrols, and full employment (by expanding consumers'
industries).
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The material issues outlined at the WFTU Congress for use
in the capitalist countries were:
1. Wage increases.
3. "Equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex, age, race,
or nationality."
4+. Against the speed-up and for guaranteed safety and health
precautions at work.
5. Cuts in direct and indirect taxation.
6. Comprehensive systems of social security for the working
people, paid for by the state and the employers.
7. Abolition of anti-working class laws, and the guaranteeing
of trade union rights.
6. Unity of Action Begins at the Base--in the Factories
"We do not examine the questions of united action by the
workers and organic trade union unity in general. We must
examine them in the way that they arise in each country.
But we know that there are some general principles valid
for all countries.
"Here is a general, fundamental principle; it is at the base,
in the united action of the workers, within the enterprises,
that the best elements for the formation of organizational
unity are to be found, for its consolidation at all levels,
up to the top of the trade union movement." SAILLANT
The Communists Must Lay the Organizational Groundwork for
Unity of Action
"The question of unity is not merely a question of policy,
it is also a question of organization. Work for unity should
be correctly organized. The factory trade union organizations
should play a role of prime importance in this respect.
"Wherever trade union work is not yet organized on the basis
of activity suitable for the factory trade union organiza-
tions, local or regional trade union branches, it is essential
to advance quickly toward this form of organization, so as to
be able to quickly further the united action of the workers
and the question of trade union unity." (SAILLANT)
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8. In Favorable Circumstances, Unity of Action Can Be Effected
at the Top, between Communist and Non-Communist Unions
national level, between national trade union organizations
affiliated to the WFTU and the ICFTU."
... It is ... possible to achieve united action at the highest
"... In Italy, the CGIL and the two other national trade
union centers decided last month to organize and lead the
limited general strike on the question of wages and dis-
missals."
"What is possible in Italy must become so elsewhere."
"By taking into account the special national trade union
situations and the progress of the idea of united action,
the decisions of this Congress will make still easier the
making of contact from the bottom to the top--between the
trade union organizations affiliated to the WFTU and ICFTU
and the Christian trade unions' organization--at the same
time that the Congress will call on the workers to strengthen
united action at their places of work." SAILLANT
9. The Correct Approach to Unity: Principles
a. Correct understanding of the nature of the trade union.
The union is a "nonparty organization," a "mass organiza-
tion." It is not a Communist Party and must not be ex-
pected to serve in this capacity. "When they set up a
trade union or join it, if it exists already, the workers
do not do this, generally speaking, for ideological or
doctrinal reasons. They come together in trade unions
first and foremost to defend their economic and social
interests, to improve their living conditions, and to
struggle against social injustice and exploitation by
the employers. The role of the trade union is to
struggle for the economic and social demands of its mem-
bers and of the whole of the workers, whom it must un-
ceasingly represent .. " It is wrong-to "narrow down"
the "organizational forms and methods" of the union "in
order to force it incorrectly into the role which belongs
to the political vanguard of the working class."
The role of the Communist Party was not, for obvious rea-
sons, discussed publicly at the Congress. The Communist
Party has the prime coordinating-control function and the
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duty to properly staff all the organizations involved in
the campaign. It also has the key duty of preserving in-
tact the basic Marxist (revolutionary) aim of the move-
ment, and of using this aim as a constant guide in the
immediate (nonrevolutionary) struggles.
b. The unions must go out to the workers "to learn from them
their real potentialities for action, to keep in permanent
touch with them so that the trade union action is a real
part of the activities of the whole peoples not just the
work of a minority."
c. "Sectarianism and opportunism" must be overcome "not only
in more or less theoretical speeches and writing on methods
of trade union action,: but in our daily actions and in
the facts themselves."
d. In the approach to members of non-Communist unions, the
Communists must be patient in "explaining and convincing
the workers ... of the real motives behind the attitude
of the splitters, and the aims they are pursuing;.to
avoid the setting of one group of workers against another
e. "Trade union recruitment" should receive more emphasis
and the unorganized workers should be invited "to join
in mass actions, so as to prepare the way for their
joining a union."
f. More active participation of the workers in the unions'
work should be encouraged by making the unions function
"democratically" and by "organizing collective work with-
in the trade union leadership."
10. Militancy Is an Integral Component of "Unity of Action"
"Analyzing the tasks facing the international working-class
movement, Saillant noted that development of strikes for
immediate and vital economic demands was a means that helped
to heightt n the militancy in defense of their. trade union
rights. We must stimulate, develop, and create this militancy
everywhere, he said. This is the main task of the WFTU and
its affiliated organizations."
"The right to strike must be fiercely defended but the right
to strike is not the only means of action. To obtain the
recognition of trade union rights in labor agreements, the
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election of workers' delegates at the place of work and the
right to display trade union notices in the factories are
also other means of defending trade union rights. The trade
union struggle, by consistently maintaining a high degree
of indispensable militancy among the masses, protects the
workers' trade union rights and their unions against the at-
tacks of all their enemies."
"In all circumstances the demand for increased wages should
be permanently included in the trade unions' program of ac-
tion. This program must not present the demand as an exhibi-
tion piece. The program of the trade union is a program of
action." (SAILLANT
11. Tactical Errors: Too "Narrow" Demands
"Frequently, inadequate preparations ... and a lack of under-
standing on the part of the trade union leadership of the
ipimediate needs of the whole of the workers harm the effective-
ness of their ... work ... In Pakistan, for example, in
the textile industry and in transport our brothers did not
undertake actions, including strikes, for any but the lowest
paid categories of workers ... This method led to the
breaking of the united front of struggle within the factories
and the workshops ... /the better paid] workers did not feel
that they had direct interest in the action undertaken by the
trade unions." SAILLANT)
12. The Unions Must Cooperate with the Youth and Women's Move-
ments
"If ... the current, day-to-day problems of the working class
and the laboring masses generally, but also of the fundamental
problems involved in their struggle for the national independ-
ence of their country, for the democratic liberties, for
raising their living standards ... are to be effectively
solved, there must be close cooperation with the mass women's
and youth organizations which are fighting for peace and
democracy.
"The Women's International Democratic Federation and the
World Federation of Democratic Youth are doing much in this
direction. Joint action of trade union, women's and youth
organizations will lend still greater effectiveness to the
WFTU's struggle in defense of the fundamental rights of all
categories of workers." (SHVERNIK)
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1. Character of the Political Slogans
The political issues and objectives of the Communists, sym-
bolized in the slogans for "Peace," "National Independence,"
and "National Liberation," are not merely ends sought for.
In the context of the current world situation, as "analyzed"
by the Communists, these issues go hand in hand with the
economic and social issues. By effective exploitation of the
popular sentiments (and divisions among the people) for
peace and nationalism, the Communists argue that these will
enhance the trade union struggle itself through engendering
general support. At the same time, they hope to raise "class-
consciousness" among the workers; to lead the workers to
take up a position significantly "advanced" over the program
of the economic-social struggle.
2. "Peace"
"The fight for peace is the decisive task of all trade union
organizations . The world movement of peace supporters
brings into being the alliance of the working class with
other sections of the population." (SAILLANT)
The unions must support the "peace" program. "This does not
mean," however, "that the peace movement and the trade unions
must merge. It means that the trade unions must be able to
develop their own activities, on their own initiative, in
support of peace ... ." The Communist trade unionists them-
selves "must carry out extensive work of persuasion and in-
formation among all trade unionists. They must ,also, and
above all, appeal directly to the masses, and convince them,
whenever it is necessary, of the need to join in the peace move-
ment." And by means of the economic struggle, the unions
are helping the "peace movement." "The trade unions, by
fighting monopoly capitalism and imperialism, are thereby
fighting all that endangers peace."
3. "Peace" Demands
The WFTU "peace" demands set out at the Congress were as fol-
lows:
1. "Against the policy of regression and war of the national
and the foreign monopolies;
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2.
"For an end to the ruinous arms drive;
3.
"Prevent the
ments, which,
ern Germany,
ratification of the Bonn and Paris Agree-
by aiming at the remilitarization of West-
increase the risk of war;
4. "For an end to the colonial war which the French colonial-
ists, supported by American imperialists, have been wag-
ing ... against the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam;
5. "For the peaceful settlement of outstanding international
questions."
4. "National Independence"
The slogan for "national independence" and the tactics to be
used with it received much more emphasis than before, and
represent a significant recognition of the correctness of the
tactics of the Communist Party of Italy.
This campaign was the chief subject of Di Vitt.orio's report
to the WFTU Congress:
"This problem, which in the past arose only for colonial
and semicolonial countries and underdeveloped countries,
arises.today, though in a different form, for advanced
capitalist countries, such as Italy, France, Belgium,
Holland, and, to some extent, Britain."
Di Vittorio emphasized that the campaign for "national inde-
pendence" could win for the Communist unions substantial sup-
port from "other sections of the population": not only those
"whose feelings are offended by the direct or indirect domina-
tion of foreign imperialism," but also those "whose interests
are harmed."
" ... Trade union struggles for ... the most urgent and ele-
mentary economic demands of the workers ... must be mass
struggles, struggles of the people in the sense that large
sections of the people understand and support them."
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"To make their struggles popular, the trade unions must take
up the demands of the other social sections* that are hit by
the policy of the monopolies."
"The working class ... has the duty of allying itself with
every other section of the people, whose interests are harmed
and whose feelings are offended by the direct or indirect
domination of foreign imperialism, and the duty of leading
their struggle for complete and effective national independence."
" .. The national question in all dependent countries either
directly or indirectly offers an objective basis for the forma-
tion of a broad fighting front against the domination and the
unpatriotic and war policy of the monopolies."
5. A "Positive" Appeal in the Struggle for National Independence:
The CGIL Plan of Work
Di Vittorio's recommendation that Communists in other countries
might profitably develop and utilize the CGIL Plan of Work,
which has been effectively used in Italy as a justification for,
and basis of, united actions, was one of the most interesting
features of the Congress. The CGIL Plan is a "constructive,"
ostensibly moderate, program for the revitalization of "national,"
"peaceful" industries and the amelioration of economic malad-
justments. The Plan is not nearly so moderate as it appears.
"The trade union movement must make a great step forward. This
step must consist of opposing the economic policy of the mo-
nopolies--the policy of stagnation, regression, poverty, and
ruin--with a truly working-class line of economic policy, a
constructive policy of productive investment, full employment,
development of the organization of production, and of the
consuming capacity of the people--in fact a policy of economic
and social progress in each country."
"This is the progressive ... policy which the CGIL has fol-
lowed in Italy since ... 19+9 ... . On the basis of this
* Those whose economic interests are injured "by the increased domination
of the monopoly groups over all the economies of the capitalist coun-
tries," aside from the "working class" itself, include: "the peasants,
shopkeepers, artisans, workers in the liberal professions, the petty
and middle bourgeoisie and even some sections of the capitalists (those
who have no direct connection with the foreign monopolies and conse-
quently do not share in'their superprofits." (DI VITTORIO)
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economic. policy for national and human progress, the CGIL has
led great mass struggles in every region of Italy during the
last 4 years and gained considerable successes. These suc-
cesses have added to its strength and prestige in the country
and made possible great progress toward the unity of the work-
ing class and its alliance with broad sections of the middle
class, progress on a wider scale than we have ever experienced
before ... . "
"We wish to hand on this valuable experience which the CGIL
has gained to our brothers in other countries, so that they
can consider whether it can be used by their own trade union
movement, and to what extent." (DI VITTORIO)
6. How the CGIL Plan Works
"By the plan of work, the Italian working class has demonstrated
tq the rest of the people that it does not take up a negative
attitude to the fundamental problems of national life ..., that
it is capable of proposing immediate, positive solutions to the
vital problems of the people, solutions which will immediately
improve their lot, their living conditions.
"In addition, because the plan does not deal exclusively with
the interests of the wage-earning workers, but also with the
vital interests of the middle strata, the working class proves
that it does not fight only for its own interests, but that it
is also defender of the living standards and the progress of
the vast majority of the population."
"The plan of work gives greater justification to our wage
claims ... . The raising of wages is also necessary to combat
economic depression, to increase consumption, and to stimulate
an increasing productivity and employment. This has proved to
be a convincing argument and it draws large sections of peas-
ants, tradesmen, and craftsmen, etc. into support for our
struggle."
"The plan of work was extended to local plans."
"These regional and local plans contain a aeries of concrete
specific demands ... on the basis of these demands, the struggle
has been launched.
"The first fruitful example of this struggle was provided by
the great masses of poor peasants and agricultural workers
of the South ... .
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"In hundreds of thousands ... the agricultural workers began
to move, seized the lands of the barons, and began to cultivate
them
"We have forced a partial agrarian reform. Hundreds of thou-
sands of acres of land have been handed over to the peasants.
This is a beginning
"Another outstanding success ... was an action set off by the
Plan's demand for "raising underdeveloped areas of the coun-
try," in accordance with which the workers] launched at once a
series of 'reverse strikes,' that is to say, they began to carry
out the works forecast in the Plan (roads, canals, aqueducts,
sewers, etc.), and they then demanded payment of wages by the
public authorities." (DI VITTORIO)
"Considering that the policy of the monopolies is jeopardizing
more and more not only the interests of the working class, but
also the vital interests of the middle strata of the population,
the Congress points to the need for the trade unions of all
the capitalist and colonial countries to unite with these sec-
tions of the people and wage jointly with them a vigorous
struggle for social and economic development and national in-
dependence, on the basis of concrete programs which must be
drawn up in conformity with local conditions and for each branch
of industry." (Resolution on the Second Item on the WFTU Con-
gress Agenda)
7. "National Liberation"
"National Liberation" is the main political slogan in the
"colonial and semicolonial countries."
"The trade unions in the colonial countries must always link
the struggle for their economic and social demands with the
struggle for the national independence." (DI VITTORIO)
The "rapid growth" of the national liberation movement is "one
of the determining features in the postwar international situa-
tion and one of the main factors hastening the disintegration
of the whole colonial system."
"The national liberation movement and the peace campaign have
served to consolidate the trade unions in the colonial and semi-
colonial countries." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
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8. The Communist Unions in the Home Countries Should Help those
in the Colonies in the Struggle for "National Liberation."
"Closer fraternal links, and greater mutual assistance between
the trade unions of the colonial and dependent countries will
help to raise the level of their struggles."
"The alliance between the workers and trade unions of the colo-
nial countries and those of the imperialist countries will
powerfully assist their common struggle for the national inde-
pendence of the colonial countries and for the improvement of
the standard of living of all workers. The solidarity which
exists between the French working class and the workers in the
countries oppressed by French imperialism is an example of such
fraternal relations." (Resolution on the Third Item on the
WFTU Congress Agenda)
D. Tactics in "Colonial" Areas
The program of the WFTU unions in the "colonial and semicolonial
areas" is in principle identical with that for the capitalist countries.
The application of the program and the "target" classes with which the
colonial unions seek alliance naturally are different from those in the
capitalist countries.
1. Unity of Action
Unity of action should be organized on the basis of "daily
struggle to defend and secure social and economic benefits."
(WIDJAJASASTRA)
These basic material issues for struggle extend further in
the colonies than in the capitalist countries. They include
not only "wages, working hours, social security," and "defense
of trade union rights," but also issues of particular importance
in backward areas:
better housing; opposition to "discrimination in wages and
social benefits, the fight against illiteracy and for ele-
mentary schools in the native tongue, the problem of col-
lective agreements, exploitation of women and child labor,
etc." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
2. Peasants and Agricultural Workers Are Special Targets for the
Communist Unions
"Parallel with the development of working-class action there
... Chould] be an intensification of the struggles of the
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agricultural workers and the poor peasants in, the colonial and
semicolonial countries. In fighting for their specific demands
against super exploitation and for ownership of the land and
abolition of feudal relationships in agriculture, the workers
of the countryside are becoming increasingly aware that they
will never be able to change their unbearable living conditions
effectively without fighting in close alliance with the working
class against the domination of foreign imperialism and sur-
vivals of feudalism, for freedom, peace and independence."
."
The colonial unions "must work to win the support of other sec-
tions of the population, and particularly the peasants,
artisans, and small shopkeepers. To this end slogans should
be as concrete and precise as possible., and corresponding to
the urgent needs of the broadest sections of the workers and
the rest of the population." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
3. Special Difficulties--
"One of the main characteristics of the trade union movement
in ... the colonial and semicolonial countries ... is that
it is organizationally divided, a situation that is aggravated
in numerous countries by ideological confusion." '(WIDJAJASASTRA)
4. --And Their Solution
a. "It is necessary to raise the ideological level and the
level of activities of the trade union cadres, to use
progressive methods and not to keep to the old ways and
wait for others to approach us."
b. "Wide enrollment of new members from the unorganized
workers is ... one of the main factors in the develop-
ment of the unity movement."
c. "We must set up trade union organizations where they do
not exist, consolidate and develop trade union organiza-
tions, and recruit new members--in order to organize all
the workers, bind together the workers' organizations of
the same industrial branch or the same trade, and help
the workers to set up their unions on a national scale."
d. "With regard to the leading elements of other trade unions,
we should ... make efforts to cooperate with them. Unity
could only be achieved in joint actions against imperialism
and in the democratic spirit of mutual assistance, mutual
concessions, a realistic approach, and earnest negotiations."
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e. "Help continuously the best active trade unionists and
raise rapidly their ability in trade union work to meet
the needs in the developing situation ...':
f. "It is fully necessary to unite with the national bour-
geoisie to conduct struggles together. However, proper
struggles should also be carried out against the con-
ciliatory and wavering attitude of the bourgeoisie and-
against its excessive exploitation of workers." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
5. The Problem of Avoiding Suppression
"The important' problem ... is ... the question of learning
by what means and by what extent they L1.e., the trade union
should utilize the illegal forms of struggle and how they
can succeed to fight in conditions of illegality in order to
lead all possible legal activity. It is obvious that in the
prevailing conditions in spite of all the repression and the
terror which exists in the colonial and semicolonial countries,
there is no country where certain legal possibilities do not
exist for trade union activity. It is, therefore' essential
for the unions to use these possibilities to the utmost in
the interests of the workers, and to avoid getting into complete
positions. of illegality which would,break contact of the trade
union leaders with the workers and thus isolate the trade
union organizations."
"The trade union should pay greater attention to rely on the
strength of the masses for the protection of its own organiza-
tion and cadres. We should not insist on definite forms of
organization of trade unions and methods of activities. The
main thing is the contact with the masses and re-establishment
and broadening of the trade unions, when conditions become
more favorable." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
6. Strikes Are Not the Only Form of Action
"We must constantly bear in mind that strikes are not the only
form of action; other methods exist, too, the importance of
which we must not underestimate: demonstrations, petitions,
collection of signatures, marches, etc. ... . All these forms
of action should be employed flexibly in accordance with the
specific conditions in each given country." (WIDJAJASASTRA)
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7. A "Constructive" Appeal in the Struggle for National Independence
in the Colonies
A general proposal for the development of a "constructive','
economic program in the colonial areas similar to that of the
CGIL, but without detail, was made by Widjajasastra:
"The trade unions must play an active part in the
fight for economic independence of their country;
they must work to shake off the backwardness of na-
tional economy in the colonies and semicolonias;
resolutely oppose the policy of economic monopoly
imposed by the imperialists, with America in the
lead; and support free international trade, develop-
ment of the national industry, and international
economic cooperation on the basis of equality."
E. Role of the WFTU
1. General: Control and Coordination
The WFTU, as the international Communist labor central, is to
continue to serve as the coordinator of the Communist labor
offensive. It will also be important as the agency for the
production and distribution of voluminous propaganda necessary
to the "struggle."
2. Specific Plans
A few specific tasks were outlined for the WFTU:
a. "The Congress has instructed the leading bodies of the
WFTU to draw up a charter of 'Trade Union and Democratic
Rights of the Workers.'" It will be "distributed in all
languages, in all countries." It will be "sent for
approval to parliaments and various democratic assemblies
in every country and to both the United Nations Social
and Economic Council and the International Labour Office
Lsic7." (WFTU Resolution)
b. The "Congress recommends executive bodies of the WFTU
and the Trade Unions Internationals [TUI's7:
a. "To expand their assistance to the trade union move-
went in the colonial and semicolonial countries;
b. "To help the trade union organizations in colonial
and semicoloniaj countries to convene regional trade
union conferences;
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c. "To insure the development of the work of the Liaison
Bureaux" of the WFTU. (Resolution on the Third Item
on the WFTU Congress Agenda)
c. "Adoption by the trade unions of the metropolitan countries
of a series of measures for effective solidarity with the
struggle of the colonial peoples for liberty and national
independence." (SHVERNIK)
F. Improvement of Propaganda
The importance of increasing WFTU propaganda coverage was signified
by the adoption of a special resolution on this subject. The main points
made were as follows:
a. The trade union press, especially small factory papers is
"uniquely effective in coordinating action, exchanging ex-
periences, and broadening unity ... ."
b. Where workers are illiterate, more use must be made of oral
propagand, posters, films, etc.
c. WFTU unions must intensify their struggle to get freedom in
printing and distributing propaganda in countries where this
is restricted.
d. The proceedings of the Congress must be publicized by a "great
mass campaign."
e. "The WFTU and the trade union organizations should work out
appropriate ways of exchanging experiences of editors and
distributors of the factory, national, and international press."
f. The WFTU monthly, World Trade Union Movement, must be given
wider circulation.
g. "The Congress recommends that the trade union organizations
set up networks of correspondents (workers, peasants, intel-
lectuals, women and young people) for ... World Trade Union
Movement to contribute effectively by supplying news, studies,
surveys, articles of an educational nature, etc. ...:'
h. WFTU unions should organize an annual "Trade Union Press and
Propaganda Month," 15 April-15 May Lin order to capitalize on
May Day-/.
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