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Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300T10002- TILE, S 'RUGGLE, AGAINST.. AGENT, PRQVOQ TEURS 4P ESPIONAGE -. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I. THE PROVOCATEUR AS A. PROVED WEAPON OF, TIIE BOURGEOISIE 1 A. Some facts from the present and past of the political police 1 B. The weaknesses of the Communist Party in the fight against provocateurs C. The conversion of the bourgeois dictatorship into fascism and the increase in provocation 5 D. What obstructs the fight against provocation? II. PROVOCATION AND ESPIONAGE IN RECENT TIMES 3 A. Intensified cldss warfare S B. The latest methods of the political police III. PRIMARY METHODS OF ESPIONAGE AND PROVOCATION A. B. C. Opposition groups as a basic tool The methods of political provocation The various forms of mnodern espionage 15 D. The various types of provocateurs 11 E. The recruiting methods of the police 1s F. Hou the police mask their provocateurs 21 G. Industrial, espionage IV. COMBATTING PROVOCATION 29 A. The preventive measures used in combatting provocation 29 B. Our attitude toward the police and judges 35 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 THE STRUGGLE AGAINST !`AGENT PROVOCATEURS AND ESPIONAGE 1. THE PROVOCATEUR AS A PROVED WEAPON OF T1 BOURGEOISIE A. Some facts from the present and past of the political police I., Agent provocateurs are not a new phenomenon. The history of the class struggle abounds with examples of the governing classes using espionage and provocateurs as a systematic weapon against the revolution- ary workers class. In England, which has the best apparatus for the fight against the worker's movement, political provocation has grown the strong- est roots in the history of the struggle of the governing classes against the revolutionary .,iovement. A few years ago the English press contained a very interesting discussion of the operating methods of the English secret service, the "Intelligence Service." In the course of this discussion it was recalled that as early as the great French revolution, the English Prime Minister Pitt, who, as is well known, sought by every means to block the ini'lux of the ideology of the French Revolution into England, established a very widespread network of spies and provocateurs, both at home and abroad. Pitt was.,, indeed, the founder of the traditions and working methods of the "Intel:l..igence Service." These method, and traditions were further amplified by the experiences of the war of 1914-1916, and especially by the prolonged fight against the revolutionary liberation movement in the colonies. 2. The history of the Russian fighters for freedom is especially rich in examples of political provocation. The infamous Okh.rana of Czarist Russia made ample use of this weapon. Many of the methods later used by the political police in all capitalist countries in their fight against the revolutionary movement, originated in the rich arsenal of the Czarist Okhrana. 3. Azev, a classical figure in the history of political provocation, earned international notoriety. Azev's "successful" career extended over a period of almost twenty years, and dozens of revolutionaries were betrayed to the police by him. Azov was at one and the same time a police agent and a member of the Party of Social Revolution. He was the organizer of the successful assassination of the Czar's uncle, theGrand Duke Sergius, in Moscow, and he had previously organized the boibing assault on Minister Plehve. In order to rehabilitate himself in the eyes of the Party, which had begun to entertain doubts about him, he also began to prepare for the assault on Czar Nicholas II, but he was unmasked as a police spy before he was able to carry it out. S Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 ~E. Degayev, likewise an agent provocateur of the Okhrana, belonged to a.n earlier period. After he had betrayed a large number of leading revo- lutionaries to the police, he later organized the murderous assault on Sudeykin, the chief of the Okhrana, and under whose orders he had "worked" for years. Starodvorskiy, a leading revolutionary, on whose head the Czarist government had set a price of 10,000 rubles, also participated in the murder of Sudeykin. This Starodvorskiy, who was the talk of all Europe, and even of the entire world a the time of the murder of the Okhrana's chief, was a man who became an apostle of the younger generation of the Russian revolutionary organization known as the Narodnaya Wolya. But oven he was revealed to have been an agent of the Okhrana, though this was not learned until. 25 years later, when the October Revolution opened the secret archives of the Okhrana. 5. We do not want to cite more examples of the bestial degradation and intellectual cleanness of the Czarist Okhrana. Nevertheless, a study of the enormous volume of material which has been published since the October Revolution on the activities of the Okhrana is well worthwhile. It furnishes an insight into the bottomless abyss of dangers with which we, the Communists in capitalistic countries, are so often faced. And this is all the more true today, since the methods of political provocation and espionage greatly sur- pass those of the Czarist times in perfection and technique:. 6. At the present time the agent provocateur plays a tremendous role in the political life of the bourgeois countries. In many countries, several groups of the bourgeoisie succeeded in recent years in bringing about a change of government suitable to them by meens of political provocation. We need only recall the famous "Zinov'yev Letter" in England, a forgery which brought about the fall of the first MacDonald government. It is characteristic of the methods of the British Intelligence Service, that MacDonald's and Henderson's entire correspondence was carefully checked, even during their term of off ice . 7. In the fight against the international Co>;;,,u,,list move,,ment, there recently appeared a series of masters in the art of falsification. These come Mostly from the groups of Russian White Guard emigres. In general, the White Guardist emigres--those splinters of the old Russian governing classes dispersed by the October Revolution--play .,:~n important role in the field of international political provocation. They represent the vast reservoir from which the political secret service and the police recruit their agents. One can assert without exaggeration that in countries like Finland, Latvia, and Lithuania; for example, the ap-_,parutus of t1 e political police was organized either by White Russian emigres or by former Okhrana functionaries. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Sccur.Lty Infor:ia.tio l 8. Co1:Irade,s who have had opportunity to make involuntary acquaintance with prisons a;:ld police cells in vs.rious countries, report uniformly that time and time ag_,.in Russian White Guaraists caLie to the front in interrogations, either as higher officiu:Ls or as leaders of the political police. The chief of the Bombay Police, for exa:-.iple, is a Pole who emigrated from Russia. 9. It is generally known that the various imperialistic cliques, in their against th Soviet Union, the. first workers' country in the world, again and again resort to the agent provocateur. The numerous forgeries which have cropped up in recent years in various countries concerning Soviet Russian `'secret documents"; the murder of the Soviet ar:Ibassador, Vorowskiy, in Lausanne; and of Voykow in Warsaw, the uncovered borabiare, plot against the Soviet embassy in 1,JJarsmr; all aim to provoke a war with the Soviet Union. It is only "cecausc: of the consistent peace: policy of the Soviet Union that these provocr.tory plans of the warrnonGers were foiled. 10. Soue time ago a report appeared in the international press that Van.ek; the secretary of the Czk3choslovakian Mission in M(:,scow, had attei,::pted to arranve the assassination of the Japanese Minister of the U.S.S.R. by an official of a Soviet agency whom he had enlisted.. If one considcrs that this coincided with trio r:.arcii of the J:.pancse occupation troops toward the borders of the Soviet-, Union in. Manchuria, it becomes obvious that this was nothing less than a provocation intend.-_A to incite an ar,aed con'lict nd to motivate a new interven-i,ion against the U.S.S.R. B B. The weakness of the Coru-1unis - Party in tlic f against .t provocateurs 1. The provocateur i.s 'he scourge of all communist parties. Tens of thousands of political prisoners from the ranks of the Coiiiaunist parties and of the revolutionary wor'.:crs' i,lent suf cr in the prisons of the various capitalistic countries at thu present time. It can be assl.ii:led with certainty that a hivrh percentage of these are the victims of spies and provocateurs. The Coiyzillnist jD rtics S"Ui:fer a ?;rcct part of their tre::'.:Gr.Ctous lo3ses as a result of treason, proyocc:tE urs and esp' Fsnd this is b1i r~_su.'_t of our own indifference and thourrtless"lless in the i'iCht u,.inst nrovocc tion. In many countries where comlaunist pay,ties are i11cga.L, as for cxcu:ple in Rumania, Hungary, Yugoslavia and the like, as well as iii the Far East and in t1 o colonies, where the methods of the Intelligence Service s organizations of the capitalistic state police arc widely used, the agent proVoc::.tuur.s strike heavy blows -,t our sister parties and at t1f.e :revolutionary movci,.ciit. But also in Gcrman_y, and especially in countries like France and Czechoslovakia and others; pro"socutcurs and spies against the Communist parties lie in ai,Ibusii, ready to inflict great danaga on our movenezrt. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 r llrrlTl/YT YT !V l tltrr Pr T C' flTVT 1Y 2. Have the Communist parties fought with sufficient vigor against the provocate ir Lp to now? It is unfortunately a ?act that this battle is not waged sufficiently by the Comm nist parties, in spite o' -the onorr:lous danger which spies and provocateurs spell for our cause. We can learn from our enemies in this respect: How skillfully the ruling boL,.rgeoisie knows how to mobilize so-called public opinion whenever its interests demand it! A clear example of this is the irlpcriai_istic w~.r of 1914-1016. During the World War the bourgeoisie press in all countries, the tool o -'L-' ca iitalistic power, worked to create a general mental attitude for the fight aea inst espionage. Lot us recall here, for instance, how in the Fntcnte countries at the o1::tbreai o`' -the war, German business firms and shop were devastated by enraged masses of people under the influence of this spy hunt. In the countries of the Central Powers, too, the: artifically stimulated spy hunt blossomed into insani i,y. Naturally, we Conlunist s cannot m-.1-ploy the some uiitruthi"u1 and hypocrit:i_cul means used by the capitalistic class to incite public opinion; we shalt' never appeal to lows chauvinistic instincts, although the bol:trgecisio does this w'ricnever it is conv;:nient. Ins-Laid we must appeal to the class instinct, the class eo isciousness of the working riasses, in order to bring about the alcrtncss of the masses in regard to the class cneiioy, and to awaken a. storm of rage and protest against the base iaethods of provocation and espiona a..e . 3. T1_e ColxALunist 1 riles wage a relentless and e::nergetic battle against all for?::s of opport -,nism, again:.5t the in" 1.u,: cc the class -cxtr"alluous elcments into the ~'iorkcrs ~ t'lovemonty ' he ~' LSE a 1)C7"S7_S' Cnt be btl~' Lea il'1st SGCial -F ci$rtl. But so fay we have not fought with cn(Yui1 crierUy, porsistcncc, and consistency against provocation a_-id c::;pio1,,0.2;e, c~.;L ixls t the foulest ,?rca.L)on which the class eneLly, the bourgeoisie is league with its Fascist and Social Fascist agents, employs against our rlovcia,::nt. 11.. It is necessa. y tG `,J,k:: up this battlo against provocation ir:lmed.iately. This baitt=e cannot be ore '.izcd as a tcriporary action, for a period of a few weeks or months. The battle acs 1.ns t provocation and esl io,_'.ge must form a pole nc).:t and rorl -al 1 i nc'':io l of all Coi 11 1 i t org'anizat ons As 1o &; as eve r,ro':lt ill ...I C o r , : .unis t par ties, _LLgit.,..::.. Ue as well as i_11.e, ~.1, i s ::ot deeply . r t ir:Oouca tritYi fact that the L.~ttl __c a~-.iist prow tel.r? ~ and skies of the class enc.iy is arlong the basic 'end pcrmancl::t activities of ovary party co:lrade and of -h-,he caltire party oraniz ation, -- so long will the destructive work of . -:l ~, lxo el:leI d.. this cvi..l in the ranks ol the Col'aur~is 1t remain 11zxchecla.. 5. The ei tire pc cty, every party orb; niz,ation, every party cell, every party ::erbur 1:lust t eke part in this fiche. The Comiiu list Dart cs ar( mass parties of the working class, and our 1'iglxting Lacthods Eainst provocation and espionage Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 aa.n ori, r be the methods of the mass struggle. In this the Con' anist parties ch 'roii colirpiratoriai groups like the anarchists or the Russian social- revolutionaries and other groups of their time. In order to mobilize the masses of party comrades, the whole working class, for the battle against this ol_d evil, one has to speak about it publicly and c--12. it to the attention of proletarian public opinion. 6. Many comrades object to this on the grounds that public exposure of all cases of provocateurs and spies harm the reputation of the Party. This is entirely wrong: The reputation of the Party suffers much greater harm under the brutalities of the police, its agents and spies who steal into the ranks of the revolutionaries. The reputation of the Party suffers incomparably more harm through the passivity and ineptitude of the Party in the battle against provocation. The reputation and confidence which the Party enjoys among the masses suffers much more Linder the systematic arrests of dozens of its best and most active members. Every Communist recognizes the disastrous significance of espionage activities in a factory, for example, where they are one of the most difficult obstacles to the establishment and strengthenint of the Communist Movement. He who understands this will certainly not attempt to save the repu- tation of the Party by such doubtful means as the suppression of -these basic mistakes. The prestige of the Party suffers much greater harm through the ability of spies and provocc-.tctars to perform their clandestine tasks, often in the boldest of raannels and for long periods of time, without encountering too much trouble on being exposed. One single case will be c tcd here: in 1928 a certain Ja.ubert was active in the French Communist Party. He knew '_:ow to gain the con 7 ncc of the party leadership and managed to get many important assignments. However, reports l began to reach the Party that Jaubert was an agent of the French police. In order to check these reports, an investigation was started. But before our party comrades had completed their investigation, Jaubcrt, having gotten wind of it, disappeared, taking party funds and docu- ments with hi-.i. Thus a man who was already under investigation as a suspect, still had. access to party funds and documents. And since then this J?_aubert has been livi i:, a life of ease in Algiers as director of 0 state ratio station, without bein.. bothered by anyone. The ruling classes employ the dirty methods orice rS' of espionage and provocation in order to weaken and uude~r '::L11',: the revolutionary front. The Cormi-,Iparties must c.bandon their carefree atti- tude to and provocati on i they do not want to continue to p :.V for their cr.r. elc enrss`~ ith r, avy losses. of bourgeois dictatorship into fascism and the increase in rovocaLion Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 1. The agent provocateur is a method of warfare used by the bourgeois state against the Communist movement. The increase of provo- cation is at the present time closely related to the whole system of converting the bourgeois dictatorship into Fascism. In the resolutions of the eleventh. Plenary Session of the E.C.C.I. (Executive Committee of the Co.:.uur ist International) it is stated: 2. "Growing organically out of the so-called bol.irgeois democracies, as a form of hidden dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, Fascism, the naked fore of the bourgeois dictatorship, intensifies all tykes of suppression and subju- gation of the workers. These methods are peculiar to the capitalistic re- gime and are inseparably connected with the whole system of the bourgeois dictatorship. The Fascist regime which joins forces with the remnants of the bourgeois democracies, is predicated on, and takes definite shape with, the destruction of the proletarian organizations, the outlawing of the Communist Party, the organization of special military-terroristic, bourgeois units, whether parliamentary forms are maintained or discarded. 3. Thus Fascism has "intensified all methods of suppression and sub- jugation of the workers." It is therefore clear, that hand in hand with the growth of Fascist,., there is also an intensified use of provocateurs and spies, who play such an important part in the "destruction of the proletarian organizations" and, above all, of the Communist Party. - -. It is highly characteristic that at the present time the whole system of political police in all the capitalistic countries is closely connected with the criminal underworld, adopting its methods of operation. In China the bands of the Choenchoc bandits (not identified) are very closely connected with the police and operate hand in glove with them. In Chicago Al Capone's infamous gang of smugglers and gangsters was for year the de facto government of the city and worked closely with the highest levels of the police department. Jhen a legal code is applied to the political police, it soon becomes evident that not a single law remains unbroken.. In the special police schools of the British Intelligence Service at Devonshire, and in all other police schools, the students are taught to open letters and correspondence invisibly, to forge documents, -to break into locked rooms and sales, to commit murder quietly, and to apply all the other arts of the criminal world as skillfully as possible. But then, as we know, the legal code ceases to be in effect beyond the threshold of the police station. 5. Provocation is one of the methods of the class struggle. Any war, the class war included, requires an organization for the gathering of informa- tion from and espionage in, the enemy's camp. Moreover, it is part of the war technique to organize various sabotage and undermining activities among _ 6 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 the ranks and beliind the lines of the enemy. Political provocation a,6tempts both: the organization of an espionage and information service and the ting of acts of sabotage and undermining activities. In view of the fact that a class war is much more intense than other kinds of war, this dangerous evil calls for particular attention. That class warfare is indeed more intense is attested to by the fact that prisoners of war are not killed, while the bour- geoisie seeks the physical destruction of its prisoners. This is also evident fro,.mi the use of torture methods, and the like."Democratic" prejudices are cor.~- ing to the fore in the class war. The rules of class warfare are hard and relentless. Any Corrru;:zist knows this and is fully aware of the possible con- sequcmiccs. He who loses his courage and is deterred by provocation is no Bolshevik. One r:iust fight against provocation and not capitulate before it. D. What obstructs the fight against provocation? a_. The systeriatic activities of spies and agents within the ranks of the Cor_,;munist Parties represent the greatest obstacle to success in their fight against provocation. It frequently happens that one of our sister parties be- gins a fight against provocation only to find that it is mlecting definite resist- ance from within. It is as if an invisible hand were obstructing their efforts. There can be only one explanation for this: the obstructions are created by thos;; wlio are involved. 2. A further obstacle in the fight against provocation is an insufficient revolutionary stability and an inco:-,p1ctc conversion to Bolshevism:. within many coiimunist parties. Communists ta11i m:luch about the convcrsioii of their parties to Bolshevis-,;a. In many countries they are indeed able to cite definite results in this regard, but a party which does not in its entirety, and on behalf of t)re broad i.masses of the working class, wage this battle against provocation, is by no means a Bolshevist iarty. One can argue about the subject at the top of one's voice and still do very little tow .rd actual conversion of Bolshevism. This is, anion; other things, also the case when carelesscless and tolerance prevail in the fight against provocation. The manner in which the Communist ir_mportant Party wages the battle against provocation and espionage is also an indication of its conversion to 3. A third obstacle in the fight against provocation, which may be found particularly in the Comrunist parties of the Latin countries, are the "small town" bourgeois prejudices and the "sm:1a11 town" bourgeois over-senti- mentality. which are often still characteristic of some After all, how can one: harbor suspicion against a friend and party comrade? Why should I hurt him so deeply? We cannot suspect each other all the thus thinks many a Communist. As long as the Communist parties have not cor:mpletely expelled Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 the ranks and behind the lines of the enemy. Political provocation attempts both: the organization of an espionage and infornation service and the ting of acts of sabotage and undermining activities. In view of the fact that a class war is much more intense than other kinds of war, this dangerous evil calls for particular attention. That class warfare is indeed more intense is attesteJ to by the fact that prisoners of war are not killed, while the bour- geoisie seeks the physical destruction'of its prisoners. This is also evident from the use of torture methods, and the like."Democratic" prejudices are cor- ing to the fore in the class war. The rules of class warfare are hard and relentless. Any Cormunsist knows this and is fully aware of the possible con- sequences. He who losirs his courage and is deterred by provocation is no Bolshevik. One iaust fight against provocation and not capitulate before it. D. What obstructs the fight against provocation.? 1. The systematic activities of spies and agents within the ranks of the Cola::.uiyist Parties represent the greatest obstacle to success in their fight against provocation. It frequently happens that one of our sister parties be- gins a fight against provocation only tc find that it is meeting definite resist- ance from within. It is as if an invisible hand were obstructing their efforts. There can be only one explanation for this: the obstructions are created by those who are involved. 2. A further obstacle in the fight against provocation is an insufficient revolutionary stability and an incor_-ipletc conversion to Bolsilevi,-a within many corimunist parties. Communists calk much about the conversion of their parties to Bolshevis;:. In many countries they are indeed able to cite definite results in this regard, but a party which does not in its entirety, and on behalf of the broad A;iasses of the working class, wage this battle against provocation, is by no r.icans a Bolshevist party. One can argue about the subject at the top of one's voice and still do very little toward actual conversion of Bolshevism. This is, among other things, also the case when carelessness and tolerance prevail in the fight against provocation. The manner in which the Coirnunist Party wages the battle agrainst provocation and espionage is also an i?;iportant indication of its conversion to Bolshevisil. 3. A third obstacle in the fight against provocation; which may be found particularly in the Ccmii.unist parties of the Latin countries, are the "small town" bourgeois prejudices and the "siall town" bourgeois over-senti- mcntalit , which are often still characteristic of some Communists. After all, ow can one harbor suspicion against a friend and party co.;irade? Why should I hurt him so deeply? We cannot suspect each other all the thus thinks many a Col:;raunist. As long as the Communist parties have not completely expelled Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 these narrow minded sentimentalitics and sickly sensitivities from their ranks, they will be unable to wage an effective battle against provocation. In the meantime, it is a fact that this spirit of tolerance is so widely spread in many of the Communist sister parties that sometimes even comrades who have conducted themselves unworthily before the judge or at police interrogations are again assigned to responsible positions because they are said to be val- uable and irreplaceable. lE. Finally, strife between groups and factions within the parties weakens the struggle against provocation. Factional strife within the Communist parties is most welcome to the police. As a rule, the existence of factions not only serves as a kind of bulwark behind which police spies can operate, collecting information on the party, but also presents a situation which the police will often try to exploit, through its agents, to direct the political line of the Party. 5. All of these factors which make the battle against provocation difficult for the Communist parties must be taken into careful consideration. All Communist parties, without exception, must organize for the battle against provocation on the broadest possible basis. Provocation is a grave threat not only to the illegal parties, but also-for the legitimate parties in which watchfulness is sometimes greatly reduced under the influence of an illusion of legitimacy. II. PROVOCATION AND ESPIONWE IN RECENT TINES A. Intensified class warfare There are special reasons why the battle against provocation is of unusual significance under the present circumstances. 1. The first reason is that the class struggle has boon intensified the world over. The bourgeoisie is fighting with increasik; viciousness and is openly discarding all democratic traditions. Whereas the political police previously pursued a long-range policy, it now operates with utmost brutality, risking all and not even hesitating to sacrifice its own people. In a pre- revolutionary period such as ours, in which the bourgeoisies, fearing a class war, is attempting with all the means at its disposal to liquidate theCommunist Party, provocation is a great danger. 2. A second reason is that unemploy-1ent and the misery of the masses is increasing on all sides. Although this situation stimulates the revolutionary mood of the masses, it also provides the police with the opportunity of - g - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 corri_pting the weaker elements of the Party and to recruit them for the estab- lishment of a widespread net of police spies, which inflicts serious damage to the Communist parties. 3. It should also be noted that while the Russian Bolsheviks had decades of experience in their illegal struggle, during which time their implacaale class hatred hardened, the other Communist parties are compara- tively young and often still have inexperienced leaders. This is particularly evident in the countries under the White Terror, where the entire membership of the party often changed in a period of three to ten months as a result of arrests and persecution. As a result, young and inexperienced comrades, who have not had any real Bolshevist schooling, often reach positions of leader- ship. These people do not know how to conduct themselves when they fall into the hands of the police. For the very reason that the leaders are often young and inexperienced, the fight against provocation must be carried out by the Communist parties as a whole in utmost seriousness. 1E. The fact that the working classes, under the leadership of the Communist Party, are now approaching decisive battles, makes it our urgent duty to organize the struggle against provocation with utmost determination. We can well imagine how the police of all capitalistic countries will operate against the Communist Party in the event of the outbreak of war, for example. It is, after all, the duty of the police to prepare long before a war, gathering exact information on all Communists and to have its spies operating undetected within the organization. It is an open secret that the Communist International suffers greatly from the fact that its most active members are well known to the police. 5. For all of these reasons the fight against provocation takes on special significance at the present time. All the experiences of the German Communist Party, and of many others, in the struggle of recent years attest to the importance of this question. B. The latest methods of the political police In order to pursue the fight against provocation successfully, it is necessary to understand how modern police espionage and provocation operate and under which specific conditions they perform their vile work. In the old memoirs-literature the agent provocatours, police and other spies were painted in the most romantic colors. This was especially the case with the classical provocateurs of Czarist Russia, such as Azev, Zubatov, Gapon, and others, about whom a great uunber of books have been published in all languag( - 9 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 MM, These tales often remind us of novels of adventure. But now circumstances have changed, and the operating methods of the Okhrana bear no more resemblance to present-day police methods in the capitalistic countries than the pril.litive workbench does to a modern assembly line. In the memoirs of old revolutionaries one can often read how they cautiously looked over their shoulder, how they fled fro.-,1 the police, how they hid, etc. While the espionage and provocation of the Police have taken on entirely new for-is, many Communist parties are still on a very primitive level in their defenses. In this respect the Corn_iun- ist parties have been outdistanced by their class enei-.y. 1. In what way have the methods of the political police changed? The prewar political police considered its primary objective to the hindering of the activities of the Communist Party, about whose plans it was well informed, and to do this by gaining complete insight into the Party. It is characteristic of the modern political police that it is not content to merely understand the objectives of the Communist Party, but rather to direct the policies of the organizations it controls through its own people. The political police attempts to change and corrupt the political line of the Party. 2. Secondly; the political police of all capitalistic countries has, in the Fascist organizations, not only welcome support, but also inexhaustible reserves of spies--volunteer espionage organizations, so to speak. This represents an enormous strengthening of the police apparatus. 3. Thirdly, the Social Democrats through their years -long propaganda for "the unity of the people" and with their daily class treason have deeply demoralized many sections of the working class. Thus they have created the psychological basis for mass espionage in the factories and for outright police functions of the Social Democrats. While formerly the betraying of a striking worker to the management was considered one of the most serious offenses and bitter battles were fought in every factory against the so-called "scabs", today a certain type of Social Democrat functionary will denounce any Communist and have him thrown out of the plant. 4+. Fourthly, there is the fact that modern police espionage in the ranks of t ze workers' movement can draw on the rich experience of the World War. To the same extent that the arts of war made great progress during the war and the years immediately following, espionage -f: ethods have also developed tremendously. In the book "Our Secret War" by the American warmonger Johnson, there a-re a number of descriptions of the various methods used by spies during the war for the transmission of messages. Everything possible was used: fruit and flower shipments, carefully wrapped in tissue paper and -racked in boxes, while on the paper wrappings--and even on the flowers and leaves--important Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 messages had been written in invisible ink. newspaper reports, advertisements, and innocent mc.rriagc announcements also served tc inform -those for whom they were intended. Often an eiblum or a Sor.lai's profile in an adv::rtisei:lent actually transi:iitted iniori_iation on military positions. The holier in which postage sta.ips were placed on letters to neutral countries also served to tra.nsi.rib certain types of infor ration and messages. An innocent-locking, guest at a coffee shop played unnoticed with his tooth pick on the table cloth, leaving, actually, a chc.:iical :essage for a later guest, who, by spilling a glass of wine, revealed fora nu,_ierrt the ;_iessage. Or here is another :_iethod of transriitting a nessage: two guests arrive in a restaurant at different times, sit at different tables, and have nothing whatever to do with each other. But they wear identical hats, and on leaving each takes the other's hat. The transmission of the i.essage has been accomplished. We still recall how the so-called sponsorship movement flourished in all countries during the war. These sent :Letters and gifts to the soldiers it the front. Frori German sources it was recently learned that this sponsorship is iovenent initiated in France was not only used but actually organized by the Gentian spy service in order to learn the condition of the various troop units at the front. Just these few examples indicate thc: progress in techniques of espionage during the war. And these experiences and advances are now bcin; used by the bourgeoisie against she revolutionary rove _ent . 5. Finally, it i:iust be pointed out that the police, especially those of the i.::perialistic countries, have acquired a great deal of experience in their fight against the national liberation. moveiaents in thc colonies. And against this trained and experienced political police, which has for decades built up its organization for the fi3Yit against the workers' revo- lutionary -.iovenent, which it :proved and expanded its techniques and experience during the war, which has the i:7ost modern technical facilities at its disposal and is supported by the whole trei:icndous apparatus of the capitalistic governing class,--against this political police there often stand you:.g and inexperienced Cou uni_st parties. A fifth and very important characteristic of present--day provocation and espionage: is the international cooperation of the political police of all capitalistic countries. There is literally a police international. III. PRIMARY 1~i"ETHODS OF ESPIONAGE AND PROVC('ATION A. Opposition groups as a basic tool Group of both the r' Ght and the left in opposition to the Cora:iunist ? rloveraent arc usually among the i:.ost iiiportant positions penetrated for the purpose of political provocation. Frcquunt:ly it to the groups not connected Ap 300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 WJ_l OR with the Communist Party that provide the police with infmaez s and pro- vocateurs who work at the undermining of the Communist Party. In France, for example, this role is played by the minor members of the so-called Revolutionary Labor Movement. In. Brazil the police have set up their own Trotzkyite groups in their fight against the Communist iaovement. It is significant that in Poland Trotzky's autobiography, "thy Liife", was published in Polish by the Wnnrsaw political police in an effort to demoralize tiie Communist movement. Everywhere the writings of re cgades, of both right and left, are published, not only to belabor C3ru:iunisi:i, but also to inform against individual Coi:?:.itznists. The police officals of all countries fight over the renegades like vultures over carrion. B. The methods of political provocation What does the systematic work of political provocation consist of? 1. First of all in the disorganization of the ziovement. This objective is pursued in a variety of ways. The agent provocateur has the assignment of bringing discredit to the political line of the Party and to the Party leader- shi. The most divergent methods are used to this purpose. Existing discon- tent with the Party line is inflated and the legitimate criticism of the dissatisfied party embers is co:abined with lies and suspicions. All sorts of rumors and slander against the party leaders and prominent party members are circulated. As a resu,_t of such undermining of party leaders who enjoy the well-earned respect of the labor movement, it becomes necessary to replace these with new, inexperienced and insufficiently tested people. At the sane tine the agent provocateurs try to use the same tochniques of lies and slander to hold back the young people who have distinguished themselves in the revolu- tionary struggle and to hinder their political developi_!ent. 2. Exacerbation of differences of opinion within the Party and the forienting of factional strife wherever possible. Recently there was a violent factional struggle in the Party of one of the Balkan countries and this was the result: the police arrested one of the leading Co.:. munists . I ::iagine the chagrin of the arrested leader and of the police agent who had ::ade the arrest when the chief of the political police reprimanded tli ~. gerit, saying: This man should not have been arrested. We know precisely what is going on in his faction; During a factional struggle we should not keep this man in jail." We also experienced a characteristic example of these police methods in Hungary. In the Hungarian Co.-i_lunist Party a violent fight was waged for years against comrade Bela Kun. This struggle took various and unusual forms. It has now been proved beyond any doubt that it was engineered by the Hungarian police who had determined at all. costs to bring comrade Bela Kun to discredit. Appro R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 ON NOW / I 4. Another corm,-..on method is to accuse various comrades of being police agents and to circulate rumors that the entire Party is riddled with spies. In this way the workers will be intimidated and kept away iron the Party. This method is most common in those places where the Cor:L-lunist Party is illegal. In India various Co:munist groups have for years accused each other of provo- cation and i:-~.ade each other suspect. The same thing happened in Korea, where the Japanese police were adept in the use of this technique. 1E. A further objective of the systematic work of the agent provocateur, especially where the Communist Party is legal, is to lay the Party open to prosecution by the civilian authorities by perverting the Party line and program. In France there were numerous cases in which i mature elements of L'Hu::ianitc wanted to publish such strongly anti-imperialistic and subversive articles that the police would have been forced to act against the central organ of the Party. It goes without saying, that these cases are not always due to the iiasaturity of such party me:.fibers, but are often the deliberate attempts of the police to provoke the Party. 5. The spies and provocateurs also try to so pervert the political line of the Party that the i ovc_ : nt is compromised in the eyes of the workers. In this category the anti-military agitation whi _h will awaken the antipathy of the soldiers against the Party, etc. 6. Another method is the spreadin; of police -Fabrications about the "Hind of Muscow" in the ranks of the revolutionary -,cve~ cnb in capitalistic countries. r(. A nethod political provocation often used by the police is to provoke the Co_ mnist Party, or certain individual Cor .m_lunists, to eo snit acts of terroris _,. The trial on the occasion of the murder of the police spy Blau in Germany in 1919 is a well-known case;. Later, however, it was revealed that the main dcfenden_t, the one who had murdered Blau, was actually an agent provocateur. In Japan the police tried, through their agents, to get the Communist Party to atteu-pt a putsch and in this way to destroy the Party. 8. Another riethod of political provocation is the deliberate twisting of the organizational directives of the Communist Party with the purpose of crippling; or blocking various worker's activities. Au example of this can be taken from the experience of the Yugoslavian Cor:u::unist Party. An agent, who had been carrying ou: regular orders from the police, altered the directives for a mass de :,ons oration at the cri b-ical moment, with the result that the workers arrived at widely separated locations and at different tim..ies so that the de.on- strati.on failed. 11 13 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 9. Another method used by the pclit ic,l police is - to sabotage the efforts of the Party leaders by having its agent provocateurs delay and block the directives of the leaders under any and all pretexts. Every direc- tive of the Executive CorirAttec of the Cormiunist International and of the party leadcrsh.ip rust be delayed for as long a as possible by the agent. The police agents carrying out these orders of the political police often do so urdcr the cover c_? factional strife. This, too, can be illustrated by an example fro::: Yugoslavia. A provocateur operating as a party functionary, had the assignn nt of distributing leaflets. He clai::ied never to have received such an assign cut. actually he had turned the entire ships-.lent of leaflets over to the police. 10. A r.ict'rlod of provocation used primarily in A::icrica consists of or- ga_iiziii? activities en the part of the workers which i:rust necessarily end in fal:Lur . In America, where industrial espioi age has reached its highest deveio;~ :grit, the police have been able to place their agents in leading posi- tioiis In the labor I:iove ?.ent . These have the task of provoking poorly prepared actions o--,l the mart of the workers and thereby disorganizing the :.rover:lent. 11. The ruthod of provoking clashes between -.lie workers and the police or the ni1;_t_^.xy is a widespread and well-kl:lown technique. The first shot fra:i the L .ob at the police is air-lost always fired by an agent provocateur. The cheapest of all police methods, the provoking of fraternal strife in the work- ing class, also belongs in this category. These i:icthods were used on a large scale by the Pilsudski-Fascists in Poland, the pcliee a.e;cn.ts among the Spanish Anarchists and the Spanish Sccic,.l Dc:::.ocr..ts, who worked within the working class with the help of the so-callcd Pistolari to unleash a civil war. This same r.iethcd is also widespread in the Lr;Ltin American countries. 12. The police will also often organize demonstrations, so as to be able to seize the 1^.r.gcst possible nuribcr of active Coi:uuriists at one tir:re. With such denonstrationa it cm be predicted that very :rcw active, aggressive Corer unists will be absent,. It is then a simple :.ratter for the police to break up the der:ions tration, arrest the Coi_u:unists and so inflict t'.-'c greatest damage on the Party. 13. An old and tested r:icthod widc;iy used by the police in recent tines is the searching of Pa:'ty hc' d uarters a.nd the homes of lead;..?:g Coni:iunists where they "find" forged doc uu.icit s , wcarons or the like. 14. It h - 's often haD1.encd that the sli~2shod application of all. rul s for conspiratorial work and t'ic carulcss expediting of Party directives in illegal Co_.n.iu.zist parties ccine about as the result of police provocateurs whose, plan it was to der.LCralizc and break up the illegal party apparatus. Appr ve a ease : -00 R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 C. The various forms of modern espionage 1. It is incorrect to assume that the police depend on the overt surveillance apparatus in its fight against the revolutionary movement. One often hears romantic stories of how cleverly a comrade was able to cover his tracks, how he evaded the probing eye of the police and sent ther..1 off on a false scent, and the like. Naturally no revolutionist i:ry overlook these siuple precautions. He -rust always see to it that no police agent is follow- ing him; he must always look around carefully on leaving l:is home or a station to be sure that he is not being shadowed, etc. Such precautions are not to be overlooked, naturally, but one should bear in mind that the greatest danger does not lie in these obvious spies. The real danger lies in the spies within the Party. The open surveillance service plays a minor role: To use a military figure of speech, it is like the light cavalry, while the spy and provoc^atcu.r inside the organization is the heavy tank of the modern political police. The overt observer is no more than an auxiliary of the provocateur, and usually only appears just before the arrest is to be ::iadc, when the police have just a few details left to establish. The intervention of the overt observer often has the sole purpose of establishing an alibi for the provoca- teur, to persuade the arrested comrade and the Party that police gathered its evidence by outside surveillance. 2. What is the function of the surveillant? The surveillant has to study his "Client" thoroughly and to watch his every step. He reports every- thing he sees, usually on a daily basis. In these repots the person under surveillance is usally referred to under an alias, which is often well-chosen. The police survcillants are trained for their work in special schools, and they often work under the cover of a respectable, bourgeois occupation. One should not be so naive as to think that these surveillants are people who tail their victims obtrusively and at all titres. Quite often these police agents ap-u ear as street vendors, porters, newsstand proprietors, and the like, all having their place cf business in good observation. -posts. In the instruc- tions of the Czarist 0khrana, surveil.lants were ordered to o crate as letter carriers and cab n -.i. irtore in keeping with the tires, survei,:lants are ordered to appear as taxi drivers and motorcyclists rather ti. a.: posti.ien. On the basis of such sleuthing the central office is often able to draw a graphic picture of all the places visited by a "client" during a given period of time. Important party connections are often discovered in this way. It goes without saying that the police will establish a special surveillance service to cover Party -:meeting places and the "like. For this purpose, rooms are rented next to or opposite these places. Our party organizations must always bear this in mind. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 These outside surveillance services are one of the oldest forms of espionage. 3. f foimi of cspic:nagc service is rude up of a widespread net of informers recruited from all walks of life. The police rake convenient use of the reports gathered prom this axtcnsivc not of people "not directly involved. No one can refuse to coopcra to with the all-powerful police. The police find their infor2ers in the most varied walks of life: lawyers, teachers, members of parJ_iancnt, city CoiA_1Cilmon, storekeepers, porters, ::iE:ssengers, prostitutes, Etc. The police often recruit their spies froze _w_iong gangsters and criminals. This is highly characteristic of Americo. It is well-known that in one of the large Aucrican cities the district headquarters of the Soi:u_iunist Party was located in a building one floor below thejLeadquartcrs of a notorious gang of bootla;gers, burk.lars, cou;iterfeitcrs, etc. The district office of the Party paid no attcntio _ to these ncig'hbors, until it became clear that the police c..i:lp .ign ag.^.inst the Party was based on evidence athcrcd by the tenants upstairs. 1+. The journalists of the bourgeois press also l~lay an i _lportant role as spies. These always work is spies under their cover of their press cards. In the illegal parties, special emphasis must be laid on waitresses and chamber maids. Thos: solicitous people are often in the lay of the police to when they are esrecially solicitous in pcrforuing invaluable services. 5. The polled also c iloy the foi.lowing i:ic:th,.;d to gather inforu:iation on the revolutionaries: A certain revolutionary was constantly surrounded by a circle of acquaintances, who in every conceivable "innocent" way involved him in political discussions. In such cases the police generally try to work on the psychology of t?~.c oc:;:is to ::cly pursued and hunted person. Further, it frequently happens ghat revolutionaries, es>ocially in "illcf;al countries," begin: to feel, after ye^rs 01 pursuit, a creep need for doi:ics city end conversations with good fricnds, a:id the like. Such ucoCs aro s.iuply the reaction of weak characters to the necessarily restluss cxistcnce. The police receSnizes such psychological needs on the part of curtain party ncnbcrs and tries to use their for "police purposes. 6. The police also ,:.akc as i:_uch use as they can of so-called "syu- patl'!iz;;rs" and others close to the Party for its espionage. In many cases they use bourgeoi lawyers called u.)on to defend arrested co.. rados . Such lawyers arc able to w.n the cor.:fidencc of the arrested comrade by performing a number of S1::ail services, and arc; then able to learn various details of Party organ- ization, which are of especial importance to the police. 16 - Appro R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 (. The fact that the police have cars everywhere, ready to pick up the careless talk of party functionaries, is attested to by the bitter exper- iences of .:.any coi:irades. We rust fight this tendency toward unnecessary brag- ging and babbling with all our strength on all levels of the Party. There arc many organizations where this has taken on evil and terrifying proportions. Many Coi.munist parties have had to suffer greatly as a result of this unfor- givable carelessness on the part of nuc!crous Party .:.e,:.bcrs. 8. At this point we must also take note of the danger in so-called "police cafes." In such cafes one can soi-.ietiucs find the entire Party leader- ship present. It goes without saying that the police are not only aware of the addresses of such cafes, but also know the habits, acquaintances, and the hobbies of all the patrons, and that everything said in such a cafe is quickly reported to the police. D. The various types of provocateurs 1. The arr.-.y of police agents and provocateurs is recruited from the most diverse cler.ients in riany different ways and carries out a great variety of assign erts. The first type is the so-called "accidental provocateur." He is one of those who have at one tii..e or another fallen into the clutches of the police and have given ii-.g;cftious testi.:.ony at the police hearin;s. Such loos;; t, alk before t ?e police cc:.r: uissioner or the exa uinin; riag i strate fora.-,s the first steps toward betrayal and provocation for such a person. The i.:u:cc:ic.te consequence: of this is the carrying out of police instructions, first on a s .all, then on a larger scale. The following sequence of events, which has been observed i:lore than once in recent tir,.es, is typical: such a newly recruited agent from the ranks of the Party codes to the Party leaders with the story that the police have tortured kin and he has been released only on pronise of his cooperation-.. Ho has given his word to cooperate only in order to gain his release, he but now regrets tha~.t pro.iioe and. cones to the Party with his full co lsio;. Cor_,::.unist Party faders often show a thought- less, and really cri::u..i.uaa_ toter ..ce and trust of such pco;,lo, :.?,.a:d it often happLns that such "truly re entant" persons are entrusted with really respon- sible party activities. There then follows a n.ontlis or even:. years-long inforn.i.g to the police by such people who, under the cloak of their "sincere repentance", i_.isuse the all -too generous trust of the party. 2. Another type of agent provocateur is the inforr.ation agent. A sriall spy of this type keeps the police infomed on all phases of the Party known to him. Frequently such a spy becones an inportant figure in the police intelligence network, keeping the police irifori..ed on all. the most inner workings of the Party. Such o uc .iacr is co::.plotely ignored by the police, who do everything possible to keep the shadow of suspicioi, far away from hi,,--I. This, then, is the n.os-t dangerous type of provocateur. He is an unusually good Party, unconditionally carries out all Party directives, fights energetically against all types of dcviationists, and is in all respects the - 17 - Appr%i?el C^r Rclc-2tc - rie_PQP7R_nnajs;ann0300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 vary of courage and self-sacrifice. In truth, however, he delivers the threads of the Party's activities into the hands.of the police day in and day out, year in and year out, betraying not only individual Communists but also whole organizations. 3. A special type is the theoretician in the service of the police. He is froquer_tly not a Party ziei:ibcr, but a fellow-traveling journalist or writer or the like, who regularly prepares reports for the police on the condition of the revolutionary uovemcnt and i_.a kc various suggestions as to how the "eneiaios of the state" may be coi:ibattea. The secret files of the 0khrana oponcd by the October Revolution showed that the well-known publicist, Brzosowski, prominent in revolutionary and literary circles of his tiuc , played such a role. Brzosowsk: was an exceptional speaker a._.d talented writer, whose articles and writings had a great effect on the younger generation. Later it was revealed that he was an infoiy.ia:tion agent of the Okhranc., and that, for a ._lonthly salary of 150 rubles, he prepared regular reports Dli the revolutionary i.iovci:.cnt for the police, and, so to speak, provided for the correct political instruction of the Okhrana. ~E. Finally there is a,iother, ._iost dangerous type of agent provocateur - the politician. He has the tasks of deliberately falsifying and distorting the Political lino of the Party. This type of political spy is unfortunately wide- spread in the ranks of the Party. E. The recruiting ue-thods of the police 1. What icthods do the police: use: in recruiting their agents and spies? A very co.--Y-ion ucthod is the recruiting of political prisoners under the threat of death, torture, or the like. In China, where the police con- front each arrest Communist with the most horrible torture and terrorism, the victi__is are given the si:.:,.11e choice of service in the secret police or death. In riost of the capitalis-ti.c countries of Europe -- Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, the border countries Poland, Hu~ig.ary, ctc. -- the police use corporal punish:ucit and torture to gather t1icir inf ori-.iition frozi people of we^k character, who frequently reveal the most i._,portant and detailed inforriation. Freely giving infori:uiation to the police is the first step toward betrayal. Anyone who has once started down this road can ali.iost never return. 2. There are r aily exar_ip1es in the past of people who have participated in the revolutionary uovei:ient with grcati:st self -sacrif ice, later fell into the clutches of the police and their can to betray the Party. Rysakov, one of the most act .ve participants in the bo.:ibing attack on Czar Alexander II in 1881, who freely risked his own life as bomb thrower, 12 hours later gave the police a cor..plote accounting and betrayed a riu..ber of his co-conspirators. Karakosov, another revolutionary, who had riadc an attc..i,Yt oil the life of - 18 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 .. AJ.cxcndcr II with a revolver, gave the police a cor;iplcte statenert on the third dayr of his arrest. It is well known that the Decciibrists, the leaders of the officers' conspiracy against Czar Nicholas I in 1825, ;_ia~dc a lamentable showing in court -- with the possible exception of Pestcl 3. Another i:cthod used to recruit provocateurs is to threaten the fLu:ili of political prisoners with violence and t-,rrorisri. Mey.ibers of the fa-.iil.y arc beaten and tortured in the presence of the prisozicr so ^?s to break down his resistance. The following recently occurred in Rur.iania: when a co_.Zradc fro_. the Youtli Move:iert was arrested, the police brought in his aged _.iother and beat the mother in the presence of the son and the son in the presence of the mother. But the old woman rer:iained firi.i. She spat in the face of the gendarues and cricc1. "I am a sii:iplc working wona i and understand nothing of politics, but when you treat people in this way, I know that you arc my cnc:iics:" However, the i-latter often runs a di 'fercnt course; and threats against the .-Camily and children of the prisoner beco::ics a successful police method for recruiting agents and pro- vocatuurs. The: wives of the arrested comrades frequently play a fatal role. It has happened that the wives, in an effort to in their husband's fre:eda:i have inforicd the police which organizations and persons he was involved with. Nat- urally enough, the man is not helped by this, while a nwribor of his cor:irades have also been delivered into the hands of the police. 1+. Threats always May a decisive role i:".1 the recruiting of agents for the espiolagc service. -tile police have been able to Sct their victin to cOuproi::isc the Party by deans of `threats or couproi:iisC cad concessions, then the victir:i is in the clutches of the police aiicl cannot easily escape again. The threat to reveal hii:i to the Party as an inforricr over his head like a sword of Dai:ioclc.s, and gives the police a welcome ricans of forcing him to continue his betrayal. Such a person is lost to the Revolutionary Movement once and for all. This .:rcthod is very widespread, and is esoecially preferred by tlic English ; Service. The Intelligence Service usually places its agents in circles of du'bious repute. Frequently the political police chooses its agents fror:r -.,:.or_,[ persons who have at sonic Li the past coi:i- mittcol a pui.,.ishable act, as for cxol ple, deserters, etc. Thu political police produces the evidence for the bcnefit of their chosen carrdidatc r.:.nd explains: "As long as you work for us, these docurierits will be held by us ar.d will not becoiae -publicly know-n." 5. Those paragraphs of the law which in various cotuftrics provide for the release of prisoners before col--.l.etion of sentence and for the suspension of sentence as a reward for exc,.uplary conduct, are often used by the police for the recruiting of co-workers. Often no more is required of an arrested Corn:iunist than his signature on a paper declaring that in the future he will avoid all further political activities. But this stater:lent in the hands of the police serves as a lever to threaten and coerce the signer. 19 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 el I b. During its long experience the political police have also developed their own 1 rivate i.icthods for obtaining public statei_iunts and co.nfessioiis without recourse to blows or torture. To this end they use the i:iethod of "sy: ~.,i~~."thetic", "friendly", "l" L'lu1'er " i master of this technique y l~,torrogataon. A , as we have already indicated; was Zuoatov, the leader of the Czarist Okhralia, who often spent entire days and nights with the political prisoners discussing political questions. It is also known that at a .iueh earlier date Czar Nicholas I had :.lade use of the r u-thod. During the hearing of the DecLrjbri.sts, which he personally conducted, he explained with tears in his eyes that he himself was very ~.uch sympathetic with their philosophy of freedoi_i and he personally kissed the-m o71. taking leave, only to instigate i:lore arrests and executions after the prisoners had been led away. 7. In using these i:icthods the police attompt to work on the most il:ltil:la1 emotiozls an on the psychology of the prisoner. The effect is easy to ii:iagine. There is recourse to the most terrible for, of torture and terror everywhere. The prisoner expects to be tortured and tomented during the interrogation and now he finds instead courtesy, friendliness and even cordiality. It makes a deep ii:ipression on the inexperienced young revolutionist that he is not tor- tured, but instead led into political debates. He is received with a broad; liberal gesture by the dyed-in-the-wool police co.-riissioner or interrogator, who says: "I want to have a cordial talk with you, man to .tan. Granted there is a wide gulf between us, but we will have to speak out. Perhaps we can find a few points of understandi::.g." 8. During the I ukkala case in Finland, the exa i?inin; i:iagistrate struck up a conversation with a party i.iei:iber of great integrity which went sot- ething like this: "Natural:.'_y you can't give: any infor.:iation. I would not have expected otherwise of you. I understand your attitude completely. I have the greatest respect for the reasona_:behind your is ovc;i:lent and I do not want to coerce you. But I should thick that we could talk about such general things as are to be read in the papers every day, couldn't we?" And so there began a "friendly" conver- sation, during the course of which the prisoner talked not only about well- known news, but also ::ie,itioncd things which had not- yet appeared in the papers! 9. In these attei:~pts -to coax forth important stateants, a large part is played by. discussions on "general philosophy", a method often used by refined, higher police executioners. Police officials often succeed in luring a younger coi:irade into the trap by assuring hill that if he tells the:.i the truth "We will give: our word of honor that we will not hari-i a hair on -the head of any of your friends . On the contrary, you can spare your friends a great deal of grief . We lack only a few details to coi..ip_lcte our report." If the accused falls for this, it does in fact happen that he and a few others are released. But anyone who has over informed to the police will alw^.ys be at their disposal. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 10. In order to Iupc the prisoner the police will often express syupathy and acccncy toward his fai:-,ily, perfori:n. nui,icrous services for the accuse d and his faaily, allow visits frou:i rclatives and friends, and the like. Often attempts are :.lade to work on the nati o_ie.1 or personal pride of the prisoner. He is told: "You arc an unusually intelligent and capable person, but the party leadership is conspiring against you to keep you from assuming your proper place." Various factional differences are used for the sa.:ie purpose. Attei:ipts are often mdc to set arrested workers against the party leadership: "You have been iiadc pawns whale the big shots who put you ul7 to this and who arc the really guilty ones, get off scot-free or escape with little loss." 11. A favorite and frequently used trick of the political police is to create in the hind of the accused t11e i:apression that everythin; has already been co:.zfesscd by someone else. For the bluffed and inexperienced co .rade the police serve uLD a nAu. iber of tricks which can only be seen through by the experienced. These demoralize the accused who then proceeds to spill all. This "all-knowing" pose of the police has led i:iaa y astray. Often use is .ado of forged docu _ients and of so-"called confessions of co-defondarrts. The secret police, naturally, employs cxpcrt forgers with whoa. it is a sinali. natter to reproduce a Zasterful copy of a given signature. A "personally-signed" docunont can easily confuse anyonc. A revolutionist .lust therefore strictly follow the rule: If you fall into the clutches of the police, give no credence to false hopes or beliefs, do not bccoue panicky, do not allow yourself to be bluffed; do not becorie dciaorc.i.ized, and always on your guard. F. How the police mask their provocateurs 1. One of the ;_...Uatest difficulties in the fight against provocateurs lies in the skill with rich the police i.-,ask their handiwork. It is far from easy to expose an agent provccatcur or even to detect him. One often hears the following arCui_ient: this man cannot be suspected of ccpionaGe' Why, he has been in jail for any years himself! Or: this uc: i c,m-root be in contact with. the police. Why, for years he has had full knowlodgc of all kinds of ill caal activities and the police has never yet intervened in any way: Neither of these two arguments is watertight. The police arc often able to recruit a man for their service by gra itiug h.ii:i a reduction in a long sentence. 2. nothcr cxai:xle of masking a provocateur is to arrange a successful jail break or to allow a nur.:bcr of genuine co:- ro.dcs to be released or to have their scntc-aces reduced together with the a e'_it. s 1Prm lr+nntm1 , T * r - ? - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 To shcw,, just how skillfully the police can provi do cover for their p.rovoca -,_ rs we will take another exa.ipie f.ron the history of Czarist Russia. D g yev, the notorious spy of the Okhrana r.ientioned bef ore, once net Vera Fi_gner in IQaarkov. During thecourse of the conversation he learned where she lived and at what tines she was accustomed to go out. He asked her if she felt safe froia the police, and she answered "As long as I do not see that inforucr M.: rkulov, the police will not discover Two weeks later Vera Figr_er did meet the notorious PMIerkulov on the street as she was leaving her house and was quickly arrestec:d. For a long time the Party was fir~:ily con- vinced that Merkulov had betrayed Figner. Not until r:iuch later was it learned that the meet jug with Merkul.ov had been arranged by the police iii order not to reveal that Degayev was a provocateur. ,3- One frequently hears a comrade arguing as follows: "The police know nothing, of my activities, or they would have arrested '.:.e long ago." This is co :~pl.etely 'false! The police do not resort to arrest ii- -aediately they learn soi ething, but only when it best suits their purpose. Churchill des- cribes a characteristic episode of this type in military intelligence in his memoirs. The British secret service was aware of all details of the German military espionage network in England for years prior to the war. In spite of this not one of the spies was arrested, for the simple reason that it is easier to check on the activities of a known spy than to first locate a new spy. .,j, which Further, it was then ,possible to arrest the entire network Li one swoo, is exactly what happened just before the outbreak of the war, when the German high conu:iand was in no position to build u~p another espionage system quickly. One should not forget that the police will not resort to arrests until the entire natter has been uncovered and it has all the threads in liar d. This takes a great deal of time. 4. It is very important to know how the provocateur escaped from jail. Nc is rule .sea together i.t'.r othe pr prisoners, as we stated previously, or the police stage a successful jail break. It is very naive to accept with- out question every successful jail break. The bourgeoisie does not build its jails so that one can escape from then. In Yugoslavia aprcvocaAeur "escaped" from a jail three tines at great risk. At the third brea k, there was even shooting. For a long time he was accepted in the Party as a good and genuine comrade . And yet lie was a spy of the worst sort! Instructions found in the secret files of the Okhraria advise against allowing provocateurs "to escape" because this metho(1 had become too well known and no one believed the jail breaks any r.iore. One should therefore not accept all escapees at face value, but should investigate the incident thoroughly to crake sure that it was not engineered with the help of the secret police. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 5. The old method of giving apolitical, prisoner a provocateur for a cclli:~atc is well known. In addition the police se the prison doctor, the prison chaplain, etc., who will try to steer the prisoner into political discussions. For the sane reason the prison guard will often play the part of a radical, freedom-loving good fellow. In many cases this same prison guard, who with great "oziiability" arranges for the correspondence of the coirade with the outside, first brings these letters to the prison director or to the political police. All of these things ::lust be kept in mind. 6. One riust also re::iei ber that a modest and Simi ie i:ianner of living is no sufficient reason for assuming that the party concerned is not a spy. Even the instructions to the Czarist Okhrana include a detailed rule that no agent provocateur should make the slightest change in his manner of living after entering on service wi bli the police. It happens, naturally, that a spy may err in this respect and so be easier to recognize. But this does not happen in the case of the cxpcricnecd, trained and careful provocateur. The provocateur is usually in contact with a police: official, whoi: he :ieets from tii1c to time in a secret place. He does not work under his real name, but under an alias which is not even kn? wn to his collaborators among the police. Usually spies working under the same police division and in the same organiza- tion do not know each other. Thus it often happens that one spy will defend some provocative plan or other, while a second spy is quietly pleased to have a confecler ate in the Party. '(. In order to protect its agents against discovery the police will often circulate runors to the effect that this or that honorable party ::.ember is in contact with the police. The Social Fascists play particularly Dean role in this respect. In very recent times the Social Fascist party leader- ship in one of the "cl.ei_aocratic" countries of Europe tried to de::ioralize one of our sister parties by st irti:..; a whispering campaign against various party leaders. This tecYpiquc: :f making the cost trusted party functionaries suspect is used very frequ`.i:1y. Eve:.: the nee:.ory of deceased comrades is slandered for the same purpose. After the murder of the YuCoslav Co:_s::unists, Djuro Djakovic and Niko Hecii_:ovic, the police spread the rumor that these comrades had told all under torture. That this was a vicious slander, has now been proved. After the murder of the secretary of our Chinese sister party, too, the Nanking police spread the lie that he had revealed ma::y important things. 8. The police will also calmly sacrifice i:linor agents, when necessary, in order to protect those agent provocateurs who are more valuable to then. For c:xa::lple, when there have been a large nuiiber of arrests, and the Party is frantically searching for the traitor, the police will often so arrange matters that one of their minor, less important agents is exposed. It is like a gone of Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 chess: onn.c sacr'i.ficCs a paw1r iii Order to Save: the queen. Quite often the police II-11 carry this natter of "exposing" even to their spies, who then play the role of a repentant police agent, or one who has been syi:lpathetic toward tl.c Coi:miu11ist Party. .ld still, many coy-.trades are Misled by such maneuvers o' the police. 9. In ills' al parties thu police will often arrest one party func- tionary ?_.Ptc r mother i1 crccr -to free the way for one of their spies--or even a whole Sroup of spies---to the Co,.~tral Co liiittee. 1.0. During class arrests the police will often let several. Ccr,rades ai:iong the leaders at lark, in order to keep a close check on the further operations of the cr ganizatio 1. At the sac this iicthocl serves to conceal their provocateur. 11, 1, spectacular type of political provocatiol:i is the so-called "Drcvoca.---i-ve diversi : " This plays an ii:iportant part in the fight of the bourgcoisi: a ainst the workers' i:lovemert. F.,r this purpose a revolutionary 1:lovei:icr_t of several persons is foxl:ied as a nucleus for others. There was a police1?:icf's strike in En6lai:cl in 1920, a iaovc:: erlt against pay cuts, as well as the scarlen's strike in Iilvergordon in Septei::bor 1931. The British govern- rlcnt was no 1_ittl: concerned over such actions by its 100-percent-loyal police force. But the I:.itelligcnce Service had a solution. A new, radical police- men's union was formed. In a short tii:ie the Ii t clligencc Service was able to launch a. second strike it:. which only the radical el.c_.ents participated. The strike was crushed and tl:ic participa .ts were forced out of police service;. 12. Another frccju ntly used i:lethod is to continue sending correspondence to overseas rci resontatives in the name of a corx.iittce for rlonths after the coi_n:littcc has been dissul..ved or i:ioved. Such deceptive maneuvers are well known fro1: the tii:io of ih: ti. J. war . For exa i:iplc, British Naval Intclligcnce sent Cut ::1C;SSaGCs in C^dC , that the Gernans hack. cracked the code being used. Naturally, -!;hest ,,'ere not genuine but -thc lT ry col:~:1and CjrT.~a. 11~va~ .~ at first thought thc}r were . Such falsified radio mcssag1ayed an i _lportant part in the battle at th2 Sko.gcrak. On the other side of tI picture, the Geri_ans captured 20 French spies proecedi, r; to GerL.iany by way of Switzerland, learned all their secret channels of coi:a:ra icaticn, and f ')r i:lonths continued to scr_d "espionage rcr orts" in their nai..i: s . 13. Sonic years ago the Japanese police almost coi:;p1.etely eliminated a revolutionary organization in that country, but for a long was able to coilti-nuc contact with the overseas representatives of the organization in its Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 -V _ name. As soon as the Jm ancse police were satisfied that they could learn no uuie from these overseas agents, they lured them back into the country where they were arrested the minute they stepped over the border. All -these are useful examples of provocative (livers ion as used by our class enemies. G. Industrial espionage. 1. Espionage in industrial plants is. one of the sharpest weapons in the hands of the bourgeoisie at the present stage of the proletarian class war. Factory espionage finds its rlost fertile ground for growth and development in: the deprivation of the worker's rights in the capitalistic industrial plant, the increasing misery of the ::.asses in capitalistic society, the demoralization of the workers through social democracy. The weakness of the red workers' coun- cils, the weaknesses of the Communist industrial in general, ::lake it easy for the:: enemy to set his bands of spies on the -revolutionary workers. 2. Against the growing revolutionary mood of the workers and the increasing influence of the Communist factory cells, the bourgeoisie mounts, among other things, a widespread net of factory spies. Hand in hand with the police, the industrialists often fors... complete espionage coils in each branch of the factory. This is the coi.n:lon method in fascist Italy. Chiang Kai-shek has clone the same in China. In Italy the entire fascist workers' union move- ment is nothing more than a vast organ for industrial espionc e. The bourgeoisie uses special care, of course, to give this kind of protection to its war indus- trJ, the chemical industry, the railroads, etc., against Communist contamination. 3. We will discuss here only the most frequent forms of industrial espionage. The first of these is the open police surveillance. The se-called "plant police" are Crra;iiz d in the factory with the purpose o,).f chcelcing on the workers in every way. Even the fire protection service in the factory is often given the sideline of spying on the workers. 4. Next we have the spies at the service of the owner or z?:anager. The whole administrative apparatus of directors, division supervisors, bosses, etc., are generally made a part of the factory spy system. In the Rumanian oil fields, which are the property of American capitalists, the spy services arc under the direction of reliable American bosses, to state just one example. 5. The apparatuses of the reforL.i st trade unions and of the Social Fascist Party play tremendous role in this type of factory espionage. The re- formist factory council is "a child at hone" in the offices of the factory TP1T)TT /ri( 1TiTrr ,yr 9 9-' Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 tYThnnr+m InnT'mtr+r.T TT f'~ l1T.Tf'1T /1T AT N (1T1'T T! It is as important to the reformists as it is to the i:ianagers to repress the revolutionary riovement. In intimate consultation with ~.ainagei_ient they work out the methods to be used in countering the revolutionary mood of the workers. 5> The young, proletarian author Willi Bredel graphically portrays the espiona e operating methods of the reformist factory council in his novel "Mc.scl:i-ncnf..brik IN.u.K.". The chairman, and an active mother of the factory council act as spies under the direct supervision of the factory nanagerient. One of these makes systematic reports on the revolutionary workers. Willi Breclel presents the following characteristic fact in his novel: the hero of the story, a coL:n_iuinist, notes on the first day of his arrival in the factory that the social democratic functionaries in the shops deliberately start political discuss ions with the Coon.iunists so that, in the course of the discussion they can, through loud talk and comments about "agents of Moscow", make the super- -visors aware of the Cor_uiunits. 7. Just how c",-)only the social fascists pursue their espionage could be observed during the Prussian pleboscite of iLu.Lgust 1931. In order to determine which social democratic workers were following the appeal of the Communist Party in opposing the social democratic bureaucracy, the social democrats set up observation posts outside of the polls to observe the "untrustworthy" cle?- ments. B. It is a fact that in many c_~.:i.Luijist parties the most confidential party decisions during times of stress within the party will come to the atten- tion of the social democrats and will often appear in their press. There can only be one explanation for this: these bits of irifori.atioln find their way to renegades, in contact with some Communist Party iner,ber. Often, when small groups of renegades leave the Party, they will leave one or ;.lore of their members behind in the ranks of the Party, so that they will have sources of information and also, a means of undermining from within. The Lovestone group in the United States ;:-Lade a tremendous effort in this direction. 9. The so-called private detective offices play an important part in industrial espionage. This has reached its highest develop:.ient in the United States, the country which has become the classical example of industrial espion, age. In America ::Zany of these detective firms have taken over surveillance in many large industrial cor. plexes , becoming in effect large cola crci al trusts with branch offices in many places. Large espionage firms such as Pinkerton's, Sherman Burns and the like have their own press and publications, have their own staff of writers in their service and direct an army of agents which is - 26 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 conscrvc.tivcly estimated at ~ 3 ,OOO i.ien. Their advertisements frequently ccvc:r an entire page of newspapers like the New York Times. They report a taxable income of 50 million dollars a year and p- -,.y a quarter of a million dollars in taxes. The detective bureau does anything and takes on all conceivable assignments. From the industrial they will accept assignments for the disorganization and breaking of strikes while at the same time they accept assigni:icnts from trade unions for the protection of "scabs." (sic) From the insurance cor,i anies, with whom the in 0strialiStS have policies for protection against losses through strikes, the detective agcncies accept assignments for the prevention of strikes in the factories concerned. But it can also happen that a. manufacturer, during a business slump, would just as soon collect for strike losses from his insurance coi:ipany, and at such a time. he rarely orders a strike froi:i such a detective agency! It has boon revealed little by little that the largest American corporations, such as United States Steel, etc., make use of the services of those detective agencies. a. Ti,.csc espionage firms do not always call thei.iselvcs detective agencies. They send thousands of copies of their circulars to the factory managers, circulars in which they appear under a great variety of titles: %Decial Office for Personnel Services", "Association for the Education of Workers in the Spirit of Americanism'", "Organization for Industrial Peace", "Bureau f ' r Rational Mcinagement", and many others. b, Here is a typical quotation from ^ circular in which one of these firms offers its services: "We co;:,x:,it ourselves to:. 1. Organize a union in your plant and guarantee thereby that no str .ko will occur. 2. If a union is established, in your business, we undertake to make this union incapable of striking"within 60 drys by underriining it with factional strife and personal intrigues. c. The work "_ng _i thoss of the espionage f iri::s arc all pretty much alike. The functions of these agcncics are described in more or loss veiled newspaper ads. The agent selected then gets orders to take a job in the par- ticular company which has "placed an order" for the firm's services, or perhaps in a company that has been selected by the detective agency to be the victim of its next extortion. The agents arc given highly detailed instructions on how they can gain the confidence of the workers and how they can penetrate leading positions in the local labor unions. Generally several agents will be working in the same plant without knowing each other. They are required to make daily reports at some cover address concerning their conversations and related matters such as now acquaintances and contacts, In these reports, naturally, they do not sign t ouselves with the name used in the factory, but with soon appropriate alias. - 27 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 10. Any .weakness on the part of the Communists in the factories is the source of the most serious danger. This is especially true now that the bour- geoisie is trying by all means at its disposal to drive the Cor_c_iunists out of the factories and to isolate them. The primary tool in this campaign is the factory spy. It is therefore of the greatest importance that the Communist Party develop techniques for the unmasking of spies in the factory and to coi_.bat industrial espionage. It will not be possible for us to r:.iaintain, strengthen and broaden our Cor.r.unist cells in the factories unless we can recruit mass support for the c r:.batting of industrial espionage. 11. Communists still have to learn how to organize their activities in the factories. Many Coneeunists, in countries where our movement is legal, maintain that they have no right to conduct illegal activities in the fac- tories. This is beside the point, since it is not 'necessary to openly declare that one i.s the leader of a Communist party cell. A r_meuber of our French sister party, who had been ordered to take cover to avoid arrest, proudly declared: "I am no coward and I will not hide from the police:" 12. Here is another example of the thoughtlessness and rashness pre- vailing in. the attitude of ::.any Communist circles. In one of our legal fra- ternal parties, the central organ of the party puol.i.shed New Year's wishes to all of the party cells over a complete and accurate list of the names and addresses of all party members, so that the police acquired a complete list of all party cells. 13. The first duty of CoiL;i:rur:ists in the struggle: against factory espionage, therefore, is the careful organization of all illegal activities. In many legal parties--to say nothing of the illegal parties --the mien bership varies greatly. Large nui::hers of new people cone into the party. Before the police send a novice into action, they give him intensive training and even have their own schools to teach the strategy and tactics of the opponent. After all, when an 18 or 19 year old worker comes into the Party, how can he proceed properly to avoid mistakes without proper trainiAj? l4. The Communists must therefore instruct their AireIibers and organize courses on the organization of illegal work in the factories. Every case of espionage which is discovered must be described to our factory comrades in great detail so that they may avoid the same mistake and to protect our factory cells from arrest. Every failure must be exai:rined closely to make sure that no element of espionage entered in. We must circulate special, highly appealing publications describing factory espionage. The most effec- tive measure against industrial espionage, of course, is and remains the organization of a great mass movement in industry, a movement which unfor- tunately has not yet been achieved by the Communist Party. When we Communists 28 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 now succeed in iiiobilizin; factory opinion against spies and inforr.rers, a rioo Which has bcc_n weakened in recent tires as a result of the dei:iorali_zing influence of the social democrats, and to base this feeling oil a well organized mass i.iove- i:lent, then we shall have dealt industrial espionage a heavy blow. IV. COMBATTING PROVOCATION Mary Coi.;r.:unists; ine the struggle against provocation and espionage to be exclusively, or prii:larily, a repression of individual informers or spies. Such a concept is completely wrong. iL largo nui:foer of preventative measures arc necessary to make the developiient of treachery or espionage i :.,,possible. Our attention reiust be focussed on these in our struggle against provocation. A. The preventive ricasu.res used in combatting provocatioi.i i:.iust take three f orris : 1. First: The proper combination of legal and illegal activities. The proper groundwork in organizing party work makes the penetration and dcvelopr:ic nt of provocation difficult frog: the outset. 2. Secondly: The setting up and faithful adherence to conspiratorial methods, in order to assure secrecy of confidential decisions and documents, of subversive i-m fibers and addresses, etc. 3. Thirdly: Detailed instruction for the behavior of comrades when arrested concerning their attitude toward judges and the police. 4. The foremost and r_iost ii.iportant rieans of coi:ibatting provocation is a genuinely popular character in the revolutionary novei:lent. A successful fight against provocation aad espionage is best founded on the following grin-- ciplcs: a genuine participation of all party ueLiburs in the political activity of the party; a well considered decision on all party rusoiutions the develop- ment of self -criticis,.i rcgarding errors corii:littcd on the part of those coru:Lit- tin6 tlicr:i; the political criticise, of each ,-Jcr_four, his operating methods and the results of his efforts throughout the entire organization.; the development of a collective attitude in the party concerning the ca;Dabili.ties, courage and revolutionary trustworthiness of cve;ry party i:iember as well as of the party functionaries; the constant promotion of initiative in party life. But in those parties, where, on the other hand, a purely r:iechanical carrying out of party directives is allowed to suffice, where all initiative is lacking, where the "clique:" psychology prevails, and where political judgci.ient of party members is - 29 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 expressed in such torus as "a good friend" or "a Good fellow",, in these places the Ground is ripe for blind acceptance, uncritical assumptions, the mutual covering of mistakes and neglect. In the unhealthy atmosphere of such a just-between-us attitude there grew up in the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party such classical examples of provocation as the previously mentioned Azev, who managed to betray countless comrades to the police. The revolutionary organizations must coribat espionage and provocation through an effective and tireless mass struggle, mobilizing the working masses in opposition to the fighting ::)ethods of the class enemy, and applying all post experience and improvements in this defense. 5. Unfortunately, the provocation of Bia-Torbagy in Hungary, which led to the establishment of special courts, did not lead to a popular opposi- tion on the part of the Communist Party. In this case, too, it was the duty of the Communists to mobilize not only the proletariat; but all working groups against the provocation. Every similar case of provocation should be the starting point for an increasingly broad and popular propaganda effort to promote a muss hate of the class enemy and his vile i_.ethods. In this struggle against .provocation and espionage it is essential to achieve the proper balance between legal and extra-legal work. A Good bom- bination of legal and illegal methods makes the work of the provocateur more difficult and facilitates his unmasking. 6. "In many countries, including the most advanced," wrote Lenin in his Childhood Diseases, "the bourgeoisie plants it provoc,atours in the Co'm- munist Party, and it will continue to do so in the future. One of the means of coi:.battin1 this is the proper combination of legal and illegal activities." Concerning one of the greatest provocateurs in the Bolshevik party, Malinovskiy, Lenin wrote: "He betrayed dozens and dozens of the best and most dedicated con: rades . The fact that he did not succeed in doing even more was due to the 'fact that we had a proper balance between legal and extra-legal activities. In order to win our trust, Malinovskiy was forced to assist in the publication of our legal newspaper. This paper was able to combat the opportunism of the Men- sheviks by teaching the elei_:e ~ is of Bolshevisi_m, with the concurrence of the Czarist police ...lzt the same tine he was betraying dozens of our best people to the police, Malinovskiy was forced to cooperate in the recruiting of thou- sands of now Bolsheviks through the legal press." - 30 - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915RO00300110002-4 7. An important necessity for success is the avoidance of an excessive centralization in illegal party work. This is particularly true of the coun- tries of the " W,-Thite Terror". It frequently happens that a large nuriber of illegal activities, such as the operation of a printing press, contacts with larger organizations, and the like, are in the hands of a single comrade. A strict separation of functions is an absolute necessity in illegal party work, so that the arrest of one person does not result in the crippling of party activities in various sectors. A comrade who directs the party's efforts in a certain field Lust not at the same tine know all about the entire illegal apparatus. 8. Further, a thorough checking of all rieribers Y.-must be set up. Such a thorough check must be undertaken especially if the comrade is to hold a responsible position, a position which will brin him in contact with various fields of illegal activity, such as illegal publications, printing presses, code keys, and the like. The sa.:ie holds for comrades who are to be active in colonial, anti-military, and similar work. Any personal feelinig, ste~:u_iing from a superficial or friendly feeling in the selection of people for such work must be rejected as bourgeois and un.roletarian. Every such investigation must includ, a thorough study of his strength of character, a testing in combat, his personal courage, a study of his living habits, of his friends and acquain- tances, his family, etc., etc. A member who has not yet been in the Party long enough to be ;,Tell known, of whom one is not yet certain, should rather be assigned legal, or semi-legal activities than sent somewhere where he could endanger the entire plan as a result of a false step. 10. This, of course, is all the more true of those lands where the White Terror is strongest, such as Yugoslavia, China, and the like. The co,_i- riunist parties must subject all of their leading personalities to the closest kind of examination in the light of tiie foregoing points. One must bear in mind in this connection, that the communist parties also have, in addition to the old, tested cadre of functionaa.ries, a cadre which has begun to thin under the blows of the police, a cadre of very young functionaries. Under the conditions of sharpened class warfare and terror to which the communist parties are now exposed, the make-up of the active party cadre changes very fast. Young party members can often rise to loading positions within a year., and not all persons whoa:: the party Lives great responsibility are as thoroughly investigated as our goal requires. 11. Under present circutastances, the con:: _iunist parties must make caution a i eneral rule in respect to certain comrades whenever a more or less serious case of suspicion arises, even when there is no direct evidence to support such a suspicion. Circumstances are seldom so favorable that a party Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915ROO0300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 i-i~-i~i~~~.G-~GiGiGGWrT IL car:.g gather all the necessary evidence to make a case against a provocateur. Without these precautions the communist parties will continue to experience unpleasant surprises and the police will find their work easier. The history of the revolutionary movement in Czarist Russia is full of cases where cer- tain party functionaries were suspected of being provocateurs and party commissions, after long interrogation, investigation; hearings, etc., still came to the conclusion that there was insufficient evidence against the accused sand that the charges were groundless. But later, when the archives of the were opened by the October Revolution, it was revealed that a Great number of those previously accused had indeed been in the service of the police. We should learn from this, that each case wherein a seemingly trust- worthy and tested party member is accused, requires the most careful handling and a thorough-going investigation. 13. It is also necessary that an especially established board should investigate all aspects of every arrest. In this respect it is necessary to get in contact with the arrested person as quickly as possible to establish whether or not he can recall any suspicious circur_mstances. An investigation of the family and other persons in the neighborhood of the arrested comrade can often reveal important links in the circumstances leading to the arrest. It is unfortunately a fact that too many comrades still consider such arrests with an almost fatalistic air. It must become an inviolate rule in all revolutionary organizations that every such arrest be thoroughly investigated in all directions so that no unexplained detail remains. 2.4. In each case of an arrest the leaders of the Party must be informed as quickly as possible of the intervention of the police. In this way further arrests, house searches, and other police traps can be avoided. It will then also be possible to avoid the arrest of comrades still at liberty in the case of ill considered testimony on the part of the arrested person. Penetration of the class enemy into the ranks of the Party can be localized by changing living quarters, meeting places and other addresses. 15. The most important rules for coribatting provoc< io:l, rules which must be carried out systematically, can be summed up as follows: a. A thorough analysis of all arrests, investigation and co:i- parison of all events and circumstances connected with the arrests. b. A detailed analysis and checking of the activities of all party functionaries as to correctness of the political and organizational line. Increased vigilance in all cases of distortion and perversion of the party line. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 ani- c. Careful analysis of the activities and formal suggestions initiated by the person under suspicion during a given period of time. d. Extreme caution vis-a-vis persons exhibiting an abnormal curiousity, who try to push themselves into positions of responsibility, who want to know all the details of the Party's illegal activities. e. Special attention and extraordinary caution in all cases of non-coi.1 _iunist behavior on the part of certain Communists in their personal life (drunkenness, peculation, dissipation, sexual deviation, and the like). f. A continuing and strict accounting of all money spent by the Party. Where there is an unsystematic and careless handling of funds, there will be a fertile ground for the penetration of moral deviation and provocation. g. The party schools must conduct courses on the fight against provocation and on the most elementary techniques of illc~ggnl activity. These courses should be based not only on the long experience of the Russian Bolshe- viks, but also on the more recent experiences of our sister parties in the various capitalistic countries and in the colonies. In this connection there should be a distribution of descriptive and agitational mass literature on the methods and cunning of the police, together with concrete examples of how provocation is to be conbatted. Brochures describing typical cases of unex- pected arrests, betrayals, and provocation should be circulated. h. The fight against provocation should also be waged in the press with the most widespread distribution possible of the pictures of unmasked provocateurs, together with personal descriptions of known spies, just as is now being done by the German Communist Party. J. In the fight against industrial espionage it is very im_Zpor- tant to mobilize the sentiments of the workers against the tricks of the fac- tory spy. A. mass action on the part of all the workers in a factory, of a given section of the plant, and the forceable ejection of the spy from the plant is not a bad idea. Nor is a mass boycott of the spy. By these means it is often possible to make the spy quit, in addition to which, the fact that all the workers avoid hii.i will .rake his efforts :.such more difficult and far less productive. Further, he will feel uncomfortable in the factory and will soon choose to leave. In any case the organization of the masses will form a decisive link in the fight against factory espionage. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915 R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 J. No Cer.iiiiunis t party can ree lect : Eakin careful preparations against the possibility of bcina- forced to ;o u:idertzrou d on short notice, and to anticipate a sudden attack by the state or by the police. Another group of rules applies to the matter of i::rprovea techniques for ill;:ua1 activities and of practical organization. We will illustrate this with an uxar:ipl, of military espionage fro?r.-, the iaperi .1 i_sti c world war. A far:nous cspionat c school; which the G? man high cor.::iai had set up i i Antwerp during their occupation, ;gave; the sty dens the followinL; instructions as to how they were to conduct thenselves in their "work". "Do not show too .:such curiosity while collcctin- innforriation. "Practice facial expressions which will give you an air of indifference anc' u.,i: ;:,ortance . "Do not discuss confidential r.:attc rs on trains or in cafes. "Do not reveal your knowled."e of foreign languaEes. This si~.ipli.fies eavesdropping on ccnvc:rsations. ''P7ever let papers, envclols, newspapers, hotel and business receipts and the like lie around. Don't put thci.i in waste baskets either, even if they are torn into small pieces. "Always organize r.iccti~;.[;s with people you :rust contact at great distance frog:, your own and froi:l his livinL; quarters. If possible, a train ride of several hours duration should be required. With fatigue, and especially after a night ride, the client will have less resistance and will often reveal a great deal. "It is better to lcc.r.i, five or six facts, even thouEJh they are small hundred opinions." lend so forth. and uni-.lportant, than a 16. The revolutionary; too, t ust follow ccrta:i:, rules, the more so in these tires. The revolutionary of today works and lives unccr the threrat of police terror and of cajitalis:,ic class justice, of provocation and of espionage. He .:lust always be on guard, must avoid loose talk, caiinut be careless, r,:ust exercise self-discipline know how to restrain hii:.self. In the carrying out of cojnfidential, conspirutoria ~iwor by the proceed with c^.utio:n; delibcrLJtion and c",re, always being; Y the revolutionary goal. He must constantly be on guard a~air_st distraction, 34 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 loos talk .~.nd curiosity. He L: ust develop a number of strict rules in rcg,~rc'. to his daily life and in his contacts with persons and things. These rules include the following: a. Only tell those who must know and not those who Merely want to know. This is especially necessary for the underC;round, since not all will be able to resist talking under duress. b. l revolutionist 1-.1-List not talk loosely, r. ust not speak un- necessarily. Avoift speakin. about Party Liatters in public, where t:lany people are present, such as in cafes, on trans, on the streets, etc. c. Only ask about;s that concern you, about what you d. Use caution in writing letters, speaking over the tclel;horie. Utters arc read, telephone wires arc taj pe(i. e. Carry nothing unnecessary on your person. f. Look around you. Notice who is following you, observing you. G. Avoid affectotiori! Do not act with cc nspicuous secretive- noss, but be natural in everything you do. h. Avoid careless anc' thou_;Yless acts. Every deed, every step should be well thought out . i. Adapt your u:ionner of l.ivin ; to the enviroiti:ient in which you arc operatin;. And so forth. B. Our attitude toward the police and judges Finally, soriethinfU on our .attitude toward the police an' toward judges, 1. Every Cor-:i.iunist party, every conspiratorial organization must work out rc uiatioi1S on how one is to act toward the tioliCC and toward judg :s, eslecially for the trai iin of its young ricmburs . The general rule for any Coi:x-iiu ist is: say nothin". This, naturally, O'.ocs not :.:can that one should answer each and every q_ucstion with "I refuse to answer.* Tactics under inferno ration riust be r_iu cis. i_iore elastic. But the tacncral rule remains : no statel.iont on cQL:iradus, no new ?iaE:ies, no a"dresscs, no sini le fact which - 3` - Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000300110002-4 coul.dr be used a3air_st the Party, its or ;ans, or curtain members of its ors _.b;~zations. In no case should there be any clarification or in_for:_.ation. Ore should catcooricaily deny all knowledge, even in face to face encounters with the ant provccateur or the police spy. Anyone, who in the slightest respect breaks these necessary rules, oust be put out of the Party. 2. Thus, if the police h-_vo r:aterial proof aCair.s t you. that you are a rtc4:;tx:r of the Party, you ,:lay not give any additional i..for:iation. In this respect o:,e trust not allow hinself to be led into discussions, not even on such see.:tingly hamless natters as political philosophy and the like. Only in those cases where the police have no u::aterial proof that you are a rterioer of the Party; and they accuse you of hei_rug a Coral unist, _ay you t:lake sone logical, explanatory stateicnt to turn aside the accusation---but even then it r,,--y only concern yourself alone. 3. There is a seco_ ci rule which one ..iust bear in ::.ind: if you should be ".x'"c'L`c