UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE DELEGATES TO THE XXTH CPSU CONGRESS

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Approved For Releas 8-00915R000500080001-7 WEV UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS DISTRIBUTED AMONG THE DELEGATES TO THE XXTH CPSU CONGRESS CRET NO N Approved For Release : CIA- P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NOMRN For the Exclusive Use of Party Organizations S ,T Approved For Rele. e9~CQ - P -00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Ruse : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 \ET NOFO I transmitted the notes which V. I. Ilyich cZictated to me during his illness from 23 December to 23 January - 13 separate notes. This total number does not yet include the note concern- ing the national question (Mariya Ilyishna has it). Some of these notes have already been published (on the Workers-Peasants Inspection, and on Sukhanov). Among the unpublished notes are those of 24-25 December '22 and those of 4 January '23 which con- tain personal characterizations of some CC members. Vladimir Ilyich expressed the definite wish that this note of his be sub- mitted after his death to the next Party Congress for its infor- mation. N. Krupskaya. The documents mentioned in the declaration of Com. N. K. Krupskaya, which are to be transmitted to the CC Plenum com- mission, were received by me on 18 May '24.* End of protocol* N. Krupskaya N. Krupskaya Vladimir Ilyich's notes mentioned above and transmitted to Com. Kamenev - are all known to me and were earmarked by Vladimir Ilyich for transmittal to the Party. 18. V. 24. Editor's note: Lenin died 23 January 1924. The XIIIth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) took place from 23-31 May l6k4. CRET Approved For Relea e9FC - 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas 78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N Having familiarized itself with the documents which were transmitted to Com. Kamenev by N. K. Krupskaya on 18. V. 24, the CC Plenum Commission decided: To submit them to the nearest Party Congress for its information. 19. V. 24 G. Zinoviev A. Smirnov M. Kalinin N. Bukharin J. Stalin L. Kamenev SEWBET Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 . NOFO Approved For Relea P78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N I. LETTER To THE CONGRESS I should very much like to advise that a series of changes in our political organization be undertaken at this Congress. I should like to share-with you those thoughts which I con- sider to be most essential. I submit, as of primary importance, that the size of the CC membership be enlarged to several dozen, possibly even to one hundred members. It seems to me that our Central Committee would be exposed to great danger in case future developments would not be favorable to us (and we cannot rely on it)--if we had not undertaken such a.reform. Next.. I would like to call the Congress' attention to the proposal that under some conditions Gosplan resolutions should be given a legislative character, taking into consideration here Com. Trotsky's proposition--up to a certain point and under cer- tain conditions. Referring to the first point, i.e., enlargement of CC membership, I am of the opinion that it is necessary for the raising of CC authority and for the serious work aimed at rais- ing the efficiency of our apparatus, as also for the prevention of conflicts between small CC groupings which would gravely af- fect the fate of the Party as a whole. I think that our Party has the right to demand 50-100 CC members from the working class whom it can give up without tax- ing its strength too highly. This reform would lay the foundation for a greater sta- bility of our Party and would help it in its struggle in the encirclement of hostile nations, a struggle which in my opinion can and must greatly sharpen in the next few years. I think that thanks to such a move the stability of our Party would increase a thousandfold. 23 XII '22 Lenin. Written by M. V. 5 I~ET NOF F Approved For Release : CIA-RD -00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET Continuation of the notes 24 December '22 NOF By the stability of the Central Committee, of which I spoke above, I mean measures to prevent a split--if such measures can at all be found. Because the White Guardist from Russkaya Mysl (I think it was S. F. Oldenburg) was of course right when, in the first place, in their action against Soviet Russia, he banked on the hope of a split in our Party and also when, in the second place, in speaking of this split, he banked on very serious differences of opinion in the Party. Our Party rests upon two classes and this may possibly re- sult in the violation of its stability; and its fall could not be prevented if these two classes did not reach an agreement. Under such conditions to apply this or that solution, and even to discuss the stability of our CC, is useless. No preventive measures would in such an event avert a split. I hope, how- ever, that this /The possibility of a split in the Party7* would threaten only in the remote future, that it is so improbable that we need not even talk about it. I have in mind stability which would make a split impossi- ble in the near future and I intend to examine here a series of a purely personal nature. In my opinion, and from this viewpoint, such CC members as Stalin and Trotsky present the most important factor pertaining to stability. The character of relationship between them con- tains, to my mind, the greater part of the danger of that split, which could be avoided; this preventive aim can, I think, best be served along with other purposes by raising the number of CC members to 50, to 100 persons. Com. Stalin has, having become Secretary General, con- centrated enormous power in his hands and I am not at all cer- tain that he is capable of utilizing this power with sufficient *Editor's note ET Approved For Relea3,~6 P78 TI~GI~ -009158000500080001-7 Approved For R se : CIA-pP78-00915R000500080001-7 caution. Com. Trotsky, on'the other hand, as was already demonstrated in his fight against the CC in connection with the question of the People's Commissariat of Communications, distinguishes himself not only as possessing great abilities. He is probably the most able man in the present CC but at the same time he possesses an exaggerated self-confidence and an exaggerated attraction to the purely administrative side of affairs. These two traits of the two able leaders of the present CC might quite innocently lead to a split; if our Party does not take steps to prevent this, the split can occur unexpectedly. I will not further attempt to characterize other CC mem- bers as to their personal qualities. I will recall only that the October episode of Zinoviev and Kamenev was, of course, not an accident, but we should use it against them even less than non-Bolshevism against Trotsky. Speaking about the younger CC members, I want to say a few words about Bukharin and Pyatakov. In my opinion they are the most able forces (of the younger man); but in regard to them we should be aware of the following: Bukharin is not only a very valuable and very prominent Party theoretician, but is properly regarded as the favorite of the whole Party; his the- oretical views, however, can be accepted as fully Marxist views, but only with a very large grain of salt, because there is some- thing of the scholastic in him (he never studied and, I think, has never completely understood, the dialectic). 25. XII. Now for Pyatakov; he is a man of unquestionably strong will and of great ability; he is, however, too much tempted by administrativeness, by the purely administrative side of things, to be relied on in an important political ques- tion. NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF It is clear that the first as well as the second observa- tion refers only to the present, but both are made just in case these two able and loyal workers are not able to find an occa- sion to round out their knowledge and get rid of their onesided- ness, 25. XII. 22 Lenin. Written by M. V. Approved For Release' AP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele e : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N N NUJ SUPPLEMENT OF THE LETTER OF 24 DECEMBER 1922 Stalin is too rude and this defect, which can be freely tolerated in our midst and in contacts among us Communists, can become an intolerable defect in one holding the position of the Secretary General. Because of this, I propose that the comrades consider ways and means by which Stalin can be removed from this position and another man selected, a man who, above all, would differ from Com. Stalin in only one quality, namely, greater tolerance, greater loyalty, greater kindness and more consid- erate attitude toward his comrades, less capricious temper, etc. This circumstance could appear to be a meaningless trifle. I think, however, that, from the viewpoint of preventing a split and from the viewpoint of what I have written above concerning the relationship between Stalin and Trotsky, this is not a trifle, or if it is one, then it is a trifle which can acquire a decisive significance. Written by L. F. 4 January 1923 sE~ NOFORN Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releip78-00915R000500080001-7 Continuation of notes; NO RN 26 December 1922 The enlargement of the CC membership to 50 or even 100 persons should serve, as I see it, a two- or three-fold pur- pose; the more CC members there are, the more persons will get to know the CC work and the smaller will be the danger of a split as a result of taking some careless step. Enlistment of many workers into the CC will help our workers improve the efficiency of our apparatus,* which is very bad. Actually we have inherited it from the old regime, because it was entirely impossible for us to reorganize it completely in such a short time, especially during the period of war, of famine, etc. For that reason the "critics," who, in a derogatory or sarcas- tic manner, point out the defects of our apparatus, can be boldly answered that they have no concept whatever of the con- ditions of our present revolution. Effective reorganization of the apparatus within five years was entirely impossible-- especially during the period of the revolution. It is enough that during five years we managed to create a government of a new type in which the workers at the head of the peasants stand against the bourgeoisie, and this at the time when we are en- circled by a hostile world; this was a tremendous accomplish- ment. This knowledge should not, however, blind us to the fact that it is actually the old apparatus which we have taken over, the apparatus of the Czar and of the bourgeoisie, and that now, when we have attained peace and have satisfied our minimal needs, we should devote all our effort toward improving the ef- ficiency of the apparatus. I picture this to myself in this manner; several dozen workers taken into the CC machinery will be more able than anyone else to occupy themselves with the control, efficiency and transformation of our apparatus. It became evident Lenin here, apparently is referring to the governmental or administrative apparatus. 10 SENT NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReM1Le : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFO that the Workers-Peasants Inspection which initially possessed this function, is incapable of performing it and can be used only as an "auxiliary," or, under some conditions, as an assist- ant of these CC members. Workers drawn into the CC should, in my opinion, not be recruited from among those who have behind them a long period of service in the Soviet apparatus (in this part of my letter I count the peasants as workers in every case, because these workers have acquired. certain habits and certain prejudices, which we specifically consider it necessary to com- bat. The CC staff should be enlisted largely from among the workers who are below the level of the group which were pro- moted during the last five years to positions in the Soviet ap- paratus, and from among those who are close to the common work- ers and peasants, who are not directly or indirectly in the category of the exploiters. I think that such workers, now attending all CC meetings, and all Politbureau meetings, and having the opportunity to read all CC documents - are capable of creating the cadre of loyal supporters of the Soviet sys- tem; they will be able also, firstly, to add to the stability of the CC itself, and secondly to work actually on rebuilding the apparatus and making it efficient. Written by L.F. S. NOFPIR Approved For Release : A- DP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele~~A-~ 78-00915R000500080001-7 Continuation of notes NO 27 December 1922 CONCERNING THE ASSIGNMENT OF LEGISLATIVE FUNCTIONS TO GOSPUUT- This idea was, it seems to me, first put forth by Com. Trotsky. I opposed it, because I considered that in such a case this would introduce a basic inconsistency into the sys- tem of our legislative institutions. After a thorough exami- nation of this question, I have nevertheless come to the con- clusion that it contains an essentially healthy idea, namely, that Gosplan is somewhat divorced from our legislative insti- tutions despite the fact that, being an assembly of competent individuals, experts and representatives of science and tech- nology, it actually has the most data necessary to assess the situation. Until now, however, our viewpoint was that Gosplan should deliver to the State carefully compiled materials sufficient for State institutions to decide the affairs of the State. I con- sider that in the present situation, when governmental affairs have become unusually complicated, when it is continuously necessary to decide on questions which require the expert knowl- edge of Gosplan members and occasionally on questions which do not require such expert knowledge, and, what is more, when it is necessary to decide on questions, parts of which do and parts of which do not require such expert knowledge of Gosplan--I con- sider that at the present time we have to take the step to broaden Gosplan's powers. I picture to myself this step as follows: Gosplan's de- cisions cannot be put aside by the regular governmental processes, but require special procedures such as presentation of the mat- ter before a VTIK session, its preparation in accordance with special instructions, accompanied by special regulations and notes necessary for consideration of whether a given Gosplan NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea4tT,CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET decision should be abrogated and finally--the review of Gosplan's decisions should be made at regular and specific intervals, etc. Com. Trotsky's concurrence in this matter, in my opinion, could and should be obtained, but not as to the assignment to the post of Gosplan chairman of one of our political leaders or the chairman of the Supreme Council of National Economy, etc. It seems to me that in this question the basic consideration is much too closely tied up with personal considerations. It seems to me that the currently expressed objections to the chairman of Gosplan, Krizhanovsky, and his deputy, Pyatakov, are twofold. On the one hand they are criticized on the grounds that they are too easy-going, that they do not assert themselves, that they lack character, and on the other hand, that they are supposedly too uncouth, that they behave like first sergeants, that they do not have sufficiently solid scientific background, etc. It seems to me that these criticisms encompass two sides of the question pushed to their extremes and that we do need in Gosplan the skillful combination of both of these types, one represented by Pyatakov and the other by Krizhanovsky. In my opinion Gosplan should be headed by a man with scien- tific background, specifically in technology or agriculture, a man with great practical experience, an experience of several dozen years in the field of technology or agriculture. In my opinion such a man needs not so much administrative ability as he needs wide experience and the ability to lead. 27 XII. '22 Written by M.V. NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 SET Continuation of the letter on N the legislative character of Gosplan 28 XII.22 I have noted that some of our comrades, who are in positions to affect the affairs of the State, in a decisive manner, over- emphasize the administrative side of the question, which at the proper time and place is, of course, indispensible, but which, however, should not be erroneously equated with scientific knowl- edge, with the capacity for comprehension of broad realities, with leadership talent, etc. Every governmental institution, and specifically Gosplan, requires the happy combination of these two qualities; thus, when Com. Krizhanovsky told me that he managed to get Pyatakov for the work in Gosplan and that there was a meeting of minds as to the division of labor--I, giving my consent, felt, deep in me, on the one side, certain doubts, but visualized, on the other hand, that we might realize the desired combination of the two types of governmental leaders. Whether my hope was realized--to assess this, we must wait awhile; we must, over a period of time, check this in practice; in principle, however, - I think - we cannot doubt that the proper functioning of governmental institutions absolutely requires such a combina- tion of characters and types (men, qualities). In my opinion, in this case, the exaggeration of "administrativeness" is just as harmful as exaggeration generally. A director of a govern- mental institution should possess in the highest degree the capacity for leadership and a solid scientific and technical knowledge to the extent needed for checking a person's work. This is essential. Without it, no` real work can be done. On the other hand, he has to know how to administer and has to have for this purpose a suitable assistant or even assistants. It is doubtful whether we will find the combination of these Approved For Release: PA P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFOR two qualities in one person; it is equally doubtful whether such a combination is necessary. Written by L.F. 28 XII. 22 S. NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele Ncm P78-00915R000500080001-7 Continuation of the notes NOF 29 December 1922 Gosplan, it appears, is being completely transformed into a commission of experts. At the head of this institution there should be a man of great and broad scientific attainments in the field of technology. Administrative ability should be here only a useful adjunct. Gosplan doubtlessly needs to be to a certain degree independent and self-governing provided only that the employees of this institution are honest and honestly seek to carry out our plan of economic and social construction. The last quality if found today, of course, only in unique cases, because the overwhelming majority of scientists, of which Gosplan is naturally made up, is heavily burdened with bourgeois views and preconceptions. To control these peo- ple in this respect should be the task of several individuals who can constitute a Gosplan presidium; these individuals should be Communists and should be checking daily, during the progress of work, to what degree the bourgeois scientists are devoted to the cause, whether they are unburdening themselves of their bourgeois prejudices, and also whether they are grad- ually accepting the Socialist point of view. This twofold ac- tivity--scientific control coupled with purely administrative work--is the ideal to which Gosplan leaders in the new republic should aspire. It is logical to chop up the work done by Gosplan into in- dividual directives, or - on the other hand - should we aim at the creation of a permanent band of specialists who would be subject to systematic control by the Gosplan presidium, who could reach decisions as to the entirety of the problems within the scope of Gosplan's activity? In my judgment, the second of the two is more logical and we should make an effort to limit the number of burning and important specific problems. Written by M.V. Lenin 29.XII.22 NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele ,QP78-00915R000500080001-7 Continuation of the notes NOF 29 December 1922 (FOR THE CHAPTER ON'RAISING THE NUMBER OF CC MEMBERS) When raising the number of CC members, it is necessary, in my opinion, to solve - probably first of all - the problem of control and efficiency of our apparatus, which is good for nothing. For this purpose we should utilize the services of highly qualified specialists; the task of making these special- ists available belongs to the Workers-Peasants Inspection. How the work of these control specialists, who also have sufficient knowledge, is to be co-ordinated with the work of these new CC.members - practice should decide. It appears to me that the Workers-Peasants Inspection (as the result of its development and also as the result of doubts in regard to this development) has reached a stage, which we now observe, namely, a stage of transition from a separate People's Commissariat to the assignment of special functions to CC members. This transition is away from an institution which inspects abso- lutely everything--away from a group consisting only of a few members who are, however, first-class inspectors who have to be well-paid (this is particularly indispensible in our era when everything has to be paid for and in the situation when the inspectors are employed only in those institutions which of- fer better pay). If the number of CC members is adequately raised and if they attend each year a course on administration of governmental af- fairs, benefitting from the help of the highly qualified spe- cialists and of the members of the Workers-Peasants Inspection who are highly authoritative in every sphere of activity--then, I think, we will successfully solve this problem which has so long evaded solution. ET NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO Therefore, totally: about 100 CC members and no more than 400-500 assistants, who, in their capacity as members of the Workers-Peasants Inspection, control in accordance with their directives. 29 December 1922 Written by M.V. NOF Approved For Release CTA=R8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele s ? 1AHP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO Proletarians of all countries, Unit . THE COMMUNIST PARTY (BOLSHEVIKS) OF RUSSIA THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE DEPARTMENT OF THE BUREAU OF THE SECRETARIAT No. 12644/$ 16 April 1923 TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE CC/RCP On order of Com. Stalin there are sent for the informa- tion of CC members: a. A letter of Com. Trotsky to the CC members; b. Articles of Com. Lenin on the national question, written at the end of December, 1922; c. A letter of Com. Fotiyeva to Com. Kamenev together with his answer; d. A letter of Com. Fotiyeva to Com. Stalin; e. Com. Stalin's declaration. Assistant to the CC Secretary, A. Nazaretyan. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For RelaGlfMP78-00915RO00500080001-7 NO TO COM. STALIN TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE CC/RCP I have today received the enclosed copy of a letter from the personal secretary of Com. Lenin, Com. Fotiyeva, to Com. Kamenev concerning an article of Com. Lenin about the national question. I had received Com. Lenin's article on 5 March together with three notes of Com. Lenin, copies of which are also en- closed. I had made at that time a copy of this article, as of a document of particularly basic significance and have used it as the basis for my corrections (accepted by Com. Stalin) of Com. Stalin's theses, as well as for my own article on the national question published in Pravda. This article, as already stated, is of singularly basic significance. It contains also a sharp condemnation of three CC members. As long as even a shadow of hope existed that Vladimir Ilyich had left some instruction concerning this ar- ticle for the Party Congress, for which it was obviously meant, judging by all signs and especially by Com. Fotiyena's note - so long have I avoided bringing this article up. In the situation, which has now arisen - as is also evident from Com. Fotiyeva's letter - I have no alternative but to make this article known to the Central Committee members, because, in my opinion, this article has no lesser significance from the viewpoint of Party policy on the national question than the former article on the question of the relationship between the proletariat and the peasantry. If - on the basis of motives of an inner-Party nature, whose significance is self-evident--no CC member will make this article in one or another form known to the Party or to the Party ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele4P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF Congress, I, on my part, will consider this as a decision of silence, a decision which - in connection with the Party Congress - removes from me personal responsibility for this article. 16. IV. 23 No. 199/t Enclosures: Com. Fotiyeva's letter, three notes and an article of Com. Lenin. L. Trotsky Received at 8:10 p.m. 16. IV. 23 For accuracy: E. Lepeshinskaya NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Re ase : CIIAA~P78-00915R000500080001-7 C NO Continuation of the notes C 0 P Y 30 December 22. CONCERNING THE NATIONAL QUESTION OR "AUTONOMIZATION" I have committed, I think, a great offense against the workers of Russia because I have not pressed with sufficient energy and sharpness the well known autonomization question, known officially, it seems to me, as the question of the union of the Socialist Soviet republics. In the summer, when this question arose, I was ill, and then in the autumn I was too confident of my recovery and be- lieved that I could press this matter at the October and the December Plenums, However, I could not attend either the Octo- ber Plenum (devoted to this problem) or the December Plenum; and in this way this question passed me by almost entirely. I managed only to talk with Com. Dzherzhinsky, who had returned from the Caucasus, and who related to me how this question looks in Georgia. I also managed to exchange a few words with Com. Zinoviev and passed on to him my anxiety con- cerning this question. ;:,hat I heard from Com. Dzherzhinsky, who was at the head of a commission sent by the Central Committee for the purpose of "investigating" an incident in Georgia, made me expect nothing but the worst. If things have gone so far that Ordzonikidze could stoop to using physical violence, which was told me by Com. Dzherzhinsky, then it can be imagined in what a quagmire we have landed. Evidently the whole concept of "autonomization" was basically wrong and inopportune. It is said that the unity of the apparatus should be pre- served. Whence came these assurances? Was it not from the same Russian apparatus, which, as I have already noted in one of the earlier numbers of my journal, we have taken over from the Czarate and have only thinly annointed with the Soviet holy oil? Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReI PP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF It cannot be doubted but that a should have waited until the time when we could have said that we answer for our appara- tus as, our very own. And now we should say something quite the opposite, namely that we call as our own an apparatus which is really foreign to us and which is a bourgeois and Czarist hodge- podge, which we had no chance of subduing during the past five years without the help of our states under conditions when the "business" of war and the fight against the famine was more im- portant. Under such conditions it is an entirely natural thing that the point about the "freedom to withdraw from the union," which we justify to ourselves, will prove to be but a scrap of paper in- sufficient for the defense of foreign races in Russia against the inroads of that very generically Russian man, the Great Russian, the chauvinist, and actually a villian and a ravisher, who is the typical Russian bureaucrat. It cannot be doubted but that the insignificant percentage of Soviet and Sovietized workers will drown in this chauvinistic sea of Great Russian rascality like a fly in the milk. It is offered in the defense of this undertaking that the people's commissariats whose activity includes the matters per- taining to the national spirit, national education, are autono- mous. But a question arises here whether it is possible to keep the people's commissariats entirely unrelated to the cen- ter and also a second question, whether we have devised means with proper care for the purpose of defending foreign races against the generically, the typically, Russian overlord. In my judgment we have not devised such means although we could and should have devised them. I think that a fatal role was played here by hurry and the administrative impetuousness of Stalin and also his in- fatuation with the renowned "social-nationalism." Infatua- tion in politics generally and usually plays the worst role. NO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele%U%_gpP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO I am also afraid that Com. N herzhinsky, who went to the Causasus in order to investigate the "crimes" of these "social-nationalists" distinguished himself also by his typi- cally Russian disposition (it is a common knowledge that Russified members of other nationalities always like to ex- aggerate when it comes to typically Russian attitudes); the objectivity of his whole commission is characterized by Ordzonikidze's "good deeds." In my opinion, no provocation and also no insults can justify these Russian good deeds and that Com. Dzherzinsky has committed an irreparable offense by treating these deeds frivolously. To all other citizens of the Caucasus, Ordzhonikidze was the government. Ordzhonikidze has no right to allow himself such rashness as that with which he and Dzherzhinsky have tried to excuse themselves. Quite to the contrary, Ordzhonikidze was duty-bound to show self-control to a degree that is not obli- gatory for other plain citizens, let alone a citizen charged with a "political" crime. Actually the social-nationalists were in fact citizens charged with a political crime and all circum- stances of this accusation could only thus characterize it. Here we are already approaching a very basic question: what should we understand by internationalism. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReleCDP78-00915RO00500080001-7 Continuation of notes NON 31 December 1922 C 0 P Y CONCERNING THE NATIONAL QUESTION " (continuation) I have already written in my works treating the national question that an abstract concept of nationalism is absolutely useless. Distinction should be made between the nationalism of an oppressing nation and the nationalism of an oppressed nation, the nationalism of a large nation and the nationalism of a small nation. Speaking about the second type of nationalism, we, large nations, show ourselves almost always in historical practice guilty of untold numbers of outrages and, what is more - we do not even observe that we are perpetrating untold numbers of acts of violence and abuse; it should suffice for me to cite my own recollections when I lived in the Volga region to show with what contempt we treated non-Russians; a Pole is always re- ferred to as "Polak," a Tartar is sarcastically called a "count," a Ukrainian - a "khokhol,,"* a Georgian and other members of the Caucasian nations - a "Caucasian man." For this reason the internationalism of the oppressing nation, or of the so-called "great" nation (even if it is great only through its violence, great only as an overlord can be "great")should depend not only on the formal observation of equality among nations, but also of such inequality by which the oppressing nation, the large nation, would compensate for A reference to the softness of Ukrainian speech as com- pared with the Great Russian. * A reference to illiterate pronunciation. NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For R 9APP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF that inequality which actually exist in life. He who does not understand this does not understand the true proletarian approach to the national question, actually still retains the petit bourgeois outlook and, for that reason, cannot but fall into the bourgeois outlook. What is important to a proletarian? For a proletarian it is not only important but essential and compelling that other nationalities offer him the maximum of trust in the proletarian class struggle. What is the prerequisite for this? More than a formal equality is required. It is required that he compen- sate, in one way or another, through his behavior toward, or through his concessions to, the other nationalities for that distrust, that suspicion, those grievances which they have ex- perienced in the historical past at the hands of the govern- ments of the "big-power" nations. I should think that Bolsheviks and Communists need no further explanation. I think that in the case before us, the case of the Georgian nation, we have a typical example in which a really pro- letarian approach requires of us a special caution, understand- ing and the making of concessions. A Georgian who treats this side of the matter with frivolity, who frivolously chatters about the charges of "Socialnationalism" (while he himself is not only a real and an authentic "socialnationalist," but also a brutal Great Russian overlord-that Georgian actually harms the interests of proletarian class solidarity, because nothing so much impedes the development and the strengthening of prole- tarian class solidarity as national injustice; the oppressed nations are not as sensitive in regard to any other matter as in regard to their equality and, in regard to non-observance of this equality by the proletarian comrades even when this is due only to negligence or is demonstrated in the form of a joke. It is for this reason that in this case it would be preferable to sin by too much rather than too little con- cession and indulgence toward national minorities. It is for "SWOZET NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF this reason that the basic interesf%f proletarian solidarity and, therefore, of the proletarian class struggle, demands in this case that we not treat the national question in a formal manner, but that we always take into account the indispensible difference which should exist in the relationship of the pro- letarian oppressed (or small) nation with the oppressing (or large) nation. 31 XII.22 for accuracy: Lepeshinskaya NOFXN Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele IA-R P78-00915R000500080001-7 T Continuation of the notes 1~ 31 December 1922 NOF c o P Y CONCERNING THE NATIONAL QUESTION TI (continuation) What practical measures should be taken in the situation which has developed? Firstly, we should retain and strengthen the union of socialist republics; there can be no doubt about this. We need this as the Communist proletariat of the whole world needs it in the fight with the international bourgeoisie and in the defense against its machinations. Secondly, we should retain the union of socialist republics in regard to the diplomatic apparatus. It should be mentioned here that this apparatus is quite exceptional in the governmental apparatus. We accepted no one who had even a little influentce- as a former member of the old Czarist apparatus. For this rea- son this apparatus has made for itself (we can boldly say) the name of a Communist apparatus which has been tested and cleansed of the old Czarist bourgeois and petty bourgeois influence to a degree incomparable with the situation in the apparatuses with which we have to be satisfied in the other people's com- missariats. Thirdly, Com. Ordzonikidze has to be punished as an example (I say this with greatest regret, because I myself belong to the circle of his friends and have worked with him abroad, in the emigration); it is also necessary to examine again or anew all the materials of the Dzherzhins ,ycommission in order to correct that great mass of injustices and of biased judgments; definitely contained in them. Political responsibility for this whole truly Great Russian - nationalistic campaign should be placed squarely on the backs of Stalin and DzherzbinsIy. 28 EE T NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele~I E, -RDP78-00915ROO0500080001-7 NO Fourthly, we should introduce a most rigorous regulation concerning the use of national language in the republics of other nations which are members of our union; and we should en- sure most meticulously that these regulations are observed. There is no doubt that under the pretext of the unity of rail- way workers, under the pretext of fiscal unity, etc., a great number of abuses of. the essentially Russian type will be ex- perienced by us. To fight these abuses we must practice a particular scrutiny; this is in addition to the special integrity required of those who will devote themselves to this fight. We will need here a detailed code which can be compiled, if only imperfectly, only by the nationals residing in a given republic. It should not be predetermined that, while we do this, we will nevertheless not consider at the next Congress of Soviets the re- turn to the former situation, i.e., that we will retain the union of the socialist soviet republics only in the sphere of military affairs and diplomacy, while in other matters each of the peo- ple's commissariats will be fully independent. We should keep in mind that the split of the people's com- missariats and the lack of co-ordination of their work in rela- tion to Moscow and to other centers can be neutralized to a suf- ficient degree with the authority of the Party provided this authority is used with more-or-less satisfactory circumspection and impartiality. The harm to our state which could result from lack of unity of the national apparatuses with the Russian appara- tus will be imcomparably smaller than that other harm to us and /r also to the whole international, to the hundreds of millions of the nations of Asia, which it is expected will in the near fu- ture, treading in our footsteps, appear on the stage of history. It would be an unforgivable opportunism if we, on the eve of this emergence of the East and in the dawn of its awakening, would undermine in its eyes our authority even through the smallest tactlessness toward and injustice against our own mem- bers of other races. The necessity of unification against the RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReleWi, P78-00915R000500080001-7 qq%efff NOFO imperialism of the West which is defending the capitalist world is a different matter. Here, there is no doubt and I need not say that I praise these measures without any qualifi- cation. It is another thing, however, when we see that we our- selves generate an imperialistic outlook on relations with the oppressed nationalities; this undermines completely our whole principled sincerity and our whole principled defense of the fight against imperialism. And the day of tomorrow in the his- tory of the world will be in fact a day when the people oppressed by imperialism will awaken and when the decisive, long and hard fight for their liberation will begin. 31. XII. 22 For accuracy: Lepshinskaya ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea Cll. P78-00915R000500080001-7 NN Copy from a copy or Eyes only TOP SECRET Dear Com. Trotsky. I ask you urgently to undertake the defense of the Georgia case in the CC of the Party. This case is at present "being shot at " by Stalin and Dzhershinsky and I cannot count on their ob- jectivity. Even to the contrary. If you would agree to under- take the defense of that case, I would be at ease. If you could not for some reason agree to do this, please return to me all the materials. This will be for me the sign of your refusal. Hearty Party greetings, Written by M. V. 5 March '23 For accuracy: M. Volodichevan To Comrade Trotsky. Vladimir Ilyich asked me that, in addition to the letter whose content you were given by telephone, I informed you that Com. Kamenev is going to Georgia on Wednesday; VI. Il. wants to know if you would not want to send there something from your- self. M. Volodicheva. 31 ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For RewaQP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF THE LETTER OF COM. FOTIYEVA TO TO COM. KAMENEV, COPY TO COM. TROTSKY Lev Borisovich I am transmitting to you, as the active Chairman of the Political Bureau, the following which is pertinent to our tele- phone conversation: As I have already informed you on 31.XII.22, Vladimir Ilyich had dictated an article concerning the nationality ques- tion. He was very interested in this question and was himself preparing to present this question at the Party Congress. Shortly before his last illness he informed me that he would publish this article, but later, after that, he took ill and made no final arrangements. V. I. considered his article as a document of guidance and attached great importance to it. On the order of Vladimir Ilyich this article was transmitted to Com. Trotsky to whom V. I. en- trusted the defense of his position on this question at the Party Congress because they have both held identical views in this matter. The only copy of this article which I have is preserved at V. I.'s order in his secret archive.. I am transmitting this for your information. I was unable to do it earlier because I have only today returned to work after a period of illness. Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 L. Fotiyeva 16. IV. 23 For accuracy: E. Lepeshinskaya Personal secretary to Com. Lenin RET NOFO I Approved For R DP78-00915R000500080001-7 ANSWER OF COM. KAMENEV TO THE CC SECRETARIAT Only a moment ago, at 35 minutes after 5, I received the enclosed note from Com. Fotiyeva. I am sending this note to the CC because it contains nothing which pertains to me per- sonally. In my opinion the CC should immediately decide af- firmatively the question of publishing the article of Vladimir Ilyich. 16.IV.23 For correctness: E. Lepeshinskaya 5:45 THE LETTER OF COM. FOTIYEVA Com, Stalin I have today sought the advice of Mariya Ilyinishna in the question whether Vladimir Ilyich's article which I sent to you should be published because of the fact that Vladimir Ilyich had expressed the intent to publish it in connection with a speech which he intended to make at the Congress. Mariya Ilyinishna has expressed the opinion that this arti- cle should not be printed because V. I. had not issued a clear order concerning its publication; she only grants the possibility of making this article known to the delegates to this Congress. From my point of view I need only to add that V. I. did not consider this article to be in its final form and ready for the printer. L. Fotiyeva 16. IV. 23 9 o'clock in the evening NO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved for Rele P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF THE DECLARATION OF COM. STALIN TRANSMITTED TO CC MEMBERS I am greatly surprised that the articles of Com. Lenin which, without a doubt, are of a distinct basic significance, and which Com. Trotsky had received already on 5 March of this year - he considers admissible to keep as his own secret for over a month without making their content known to the Political Bureau or to the CC Plenum, until one day before the opening of the XIIth Con- gress of the Party. The theme of these articles - as I was in- formed today by the Congress delegates--are subject to discussion and rumors and stories among the delegates; these articles, as I have learned today, are known to people who have nothing in com- mon with the CC; the CC members themselves must seek information from these rumors and stories, while it is self-evident that the content of these articles should have been reported first of all to the CC. I think that Com. Lenin's articles should be published in the press. It is only regrettable that--as is clearly evident from Com. Fotiyeva's letter--these articles apparently cannot be published because they have not been reviewed by Com. Lenin. 10 o'clock p.m. 16.IV.23 34 SENRiET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea1w '. X78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF 'FRET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 S* ET NOFO Copy No. CONCERNING THE CULT OF THE INDIVIDUAL AND ITS CONSEQUENCES Report of the First Secretary CC/CPSU, ,Comrade N.S. Ehrushchev, at the XXth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. (25 February 1956) Approved, For Release : 0915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF Comrades! In the report of the Central Committee of the Party at the XXth Congress, in a number of speeches by delegates to the Congress, as also formerly during the plenary CC/CPSU ses- sions, quite a lot has been said about the cult of the individual and about its harmful consequences. After Stalin's death the Central Committee of the Party began to.implement a policy of explaining concisely and consistently that it is impermissible and foreign to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism to elevate one person, to transform him into a superman possessing supernatural characteristics akin to those of a god. Such a man sup- posedly knows everything, sees everything, thinks for everyone, can do anything, is infallible in his behavior. Such a belief about a man, and specifically about Stalin, was cultivated among us for many years. The objective of the present report is not a thorough evalu- ation of Stalin's life and activity. Concerning Stalin's merits,an entirely sufficient number of books, pamphlets and studies had al- ready been written in his lifetime. The role of Stalin in the prep- aration and execution of the Socialist Revolution, in the Civil War, and in the fight for the construction of Socialism in our country is universally known. Everyone knows this well.. At the present we are concerned with a question which has immense impor- tance for the Party now and for the future--(we are concerned) with how the cult of the person of Stalin has been gradually grow- ing, the cult which became at a certain specific stage the source of a whole series of exceedingly serious and grave perversions of Party principles, of Party democracy, of revolutionary legality. Because of the fact that not all as yet realize fully the practical consequences resulting from the cult of the individual, Page 1 ET Approved For ReleasqV78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF the great harm caused by the violation of the principle of col- lective direction of the Party and because of the accumulation of immense and limitless power in the hands of one person -- the Central Committee of the Party considers it absolutely necessary to make the material pertaining to this matter available to the XXth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Allow me first of all to remind you how severely the clas- sics of Marxism-Leninism denounced every manifestation of the cult of the individual. In a letter to the German political worker, Wilhelm Bloss, Marx stated: "From my antipathy to any cult of the individual, I never made public during the existence of the International the numerous addresses from various countries which recognized my merits and which annoyed me. I did not even reply to them, except sometimes to rebuke*their authors. Engels and I first joined the secret society of Communists on the condition that everything making for superstitious worship of authority would be deleted from its statute. Lassalle subsequently did quite the opposite." Sometime later Engels wrote: "Both Marx and I have always been against any public manifestation with regard to individuals, with the exception of cases when it had an important purpose; and we most strongly opposed such manifestations which during our lifetime concerned us personally." The great modesty of the genius of the revolution, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, is known. Lenin had always stressed the role of the people as the creator of history, the directing and organiza- tional role of the Party as a living and creative organism, and also the role of the Central Committee. Page 2 Approved For Releas 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release-:, CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF Marxism does not negate the role of the leaders of the workers' class in directing the revolutionary liberation move- ment. While ascribing great importance to the role of the leaders and organizers of the masses, Lenin at the same time mercilessly stigmatized very manifestation of the cult of the individual, inexorably combated the, foreign-to-Marxism views about a "hero" and a "crowd" and countered all efforts to op- pose a "hero" to the masses and to the people. Lenin taught that the Party's strength depends on its indis- soluble-unity with the masses, on the fact that behind the Party follow the people - workers, peasants and intelligentsia. "Only he will win and retain the power," said Lenin, !"who believes in the people, who submerges himself in the fountain of the liv- ing creativeness of the people." Lenin spoke with pride about the Bolshevik Communist Party as the leader and teacher of the people; he called for the pres- entation of all the most important questions before the opinion of knowledgeable workers, before the opinion of their Party; he said: "We believe in it, we see in it the wisdom, the honor, and the conscience of our epoch." Lenin resolutely stood against every attempt aimed at be- littling or weakening the directing role of the Party in the structure-of the Soviet State. He worked out Bolshevik prin- ciples of Party direction and norms of Party life, stressing that the guilding principle of Party 'leadership is its collegial- ity. Already during the pre-revolutionary years Lenin called the Central Committee of the Party a collective of leaders and the guardian and interpreter of Party principles. "During the Page 3 NNOF Approved For Releas78-0091 5R000500080001-7 Approved For ReleNft P78-00915R000500080001-7 period between congresses," pointed out Lenin, "the Central Com- mittee guards and interprets the principles of the Party." Underlining the role of the Central Committee of the Party and its authority, Vladimir Ilyich pointed. out: "Our Central Com- mittee constituted itself as a closely centralized and highly authoritative group..." During Lenin's life the Central Committee of the Party was a real expression of collective leadership of the Party and of the nation. Being a militant Marxist-revolutionist, always un- yielding in matters of principle, Lenin never imposed by force his views upon his co-workers. He tried to convince; he patiently explained his opinions to others. Lenin always diligently ob- served that the norms of Party life were realized, that the Party statute was enforced, that the Party congresses and the plenary sessions of the Central Committee took place at the proper intervals. In addition to the great accomplishments of V. I. Lenin for the victory of the working class and of the working peasants, for the victory of our Party and for the application of the ideas of scientific Communism to life, his acute mind expressed itself also in this that he detected in Stalin in time those negative characteristics which resulted later in grave consequences. Fear- ing the future fate of the Party and of the Soviet nation, V. I. Lenin made a completely correct characterization of Stalin,pointing out that it was necessary to consider the question of transferring Stalin from the position of the Secretary General because of the fact that Stalin is excessively rude, that he does not have a proper attitude toward his comrades, that he is capricious and abuses his power. In December 1922 in a letter to the Party Congress Vladimir Ilyich wrote: "After taking over the position of Secretary General Page 4 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF Comrade Stalin accumulated in his hands immeasurable power and I am not certain whether he will be always able to use this power with the required care. This letter - a political document of tremendous impor- tance, known in the Party history as Lenin's "testament" was distributed among the delegates to the XXth Party Congress. You have read it, and will undoubtedly read it again more than once. You might reflect on Lenin's plain words, in which expression is given to Vladimir Ilyich's anxiety concerning the Party, the peo- ple, the State, and the future direction of Party policy. Vladimir Ilyich said: "Stalin is excessively rude, and this defect, which can be freely tolerated in our midst and in con- tacts among us Communists, becomes a defect which cannot be tol- erated in one holding the position of the Secretary General. Be- cause of this, I propose that the comrades consider the method by which Stalin would be removed from this position and by which another man would be selected for it, a man, who above all, would differ from Stalin in only one quality, namely, greater tolerance, greater loyalty, greater kindness and more considerate attitude toward the comrades, a less capricious temper, etc." This document of Lenin's was made known to the delegates at the XIIIth Party Congress, who discussed the question of trans- ferring Stalin from the position of Secretary General. The delegates declared themselves in favor of retaining.Stalin in this post, hoping that he would heed the critical remarks of Vladimir Ilyich and would be able to overcome the defects which caused Lenin serious anxiety. Comrades! The Party Congress should become acquainted with two new documents, which confirm Stalin's character as already outlined by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin in his "testament." These Page 5 NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas 78-00915R000500080001-7 Ell documents are a letter from Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya .to Kamenev,who was at that time head of the Political Bureau, and a personal letter from Vladimir Ilyich Lenin to Stalin. 1. I will now read these documents: "Lev Borisovich: Because of a short letter which I had written in words dictated to me by Vladimir Ilyich by permission of the doctors, Stalin allowed himself yesterday an unusually rude outburst directed at me. This is not my first day in the Party. During all these thirty years I have never heard from any comrade one word of rudeness. The business of the Party and of Ilyich are not less dear to me than to Stalin. I need at present the maximum of self-control. What one can and what one cannot discuss with Ilyich--I know bet- ter than any doctor, because I know what makes him nervous and what does not, in any case I know better than Stalin. I am turning to you and to Grigory as to much closer comrades of V. I. and I beg you to pro- tect me from rude interference with my private life and from vile invectives and threats. I have no doubt as to what will be the unanimous decision of the Control Commission, with which Stalin sees fit to threaten me; however, I have neither the strength nor the time to waste on this foolish quarrel. And I am a living person and my nerves are strained to the utmost. Page 6 NOF RET Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas F78-00915R000500080001-7 ET Nadezhda Konstantinovna wrote this letter on 23 December 1922. After two and a half months, in March 1923, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin sent Stalin the following letter: 2. The Letter of V. I. Lenin "To Comrade Stalin: Copies for : Kamenev and Zinoviev. Dear Comrade Stalin! You permitted yourself a rude summons of my wife to the telephone and a rude reprimand of her. Despite the fact that she told you that she agreed to forget what, was said, nevertheless Zinoviev and Kamenev heard about it from her. I have no intention to for- get so easily that which is being done against me, and I need not stress here that I consider as directed against me that which is being done against my wife. I ask you, therefore, that you weigh carefully whether you are agreeable to retracting your words and apolo- gizing or whether you prefer the severance of rela- tions between us. (Commotion in the hall) Sincerely: Lenin 5 March 1923" Comrades. I will not comment on these documents. They speak eloquently for themselves. Since Stalin could behave in this manner during Lenin's life, could thus behave toward Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya,whom the Party knows well and values highly as a loyal friend of Lenin and as an active fighter for the cause of the Party since its creation - we can easily imagine how Stalin treated other people. These negative charac- teristics of his developed steadily and during the last years acquired an absolutely insufferable character. Page 7 ET NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 I Approved For Release CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO As later events have proven, Lenin's anxiety was justi- fied: in the first period after Lenin's death Stalin still paid attention to his (i.e., Lenin's) advice, but later he began to disregard the serious admonitions of Vladimir Ilyich. When we analyze the practice of Stalin in regard to the direction of the Party and of the country, when we pause to consider everything which Stalin perpetrated,. we must be con- vinced that Lenin's fears were justified. The negative charac- teristics of Stalin, which, in Lenin's time, were only incipient, transformed themselves during the last years into a grave abuse of power by Stalin, which caused untold harm to our Party. We have to consider seriously and analyze correctly this matter in order that we may preclude any possibility of a repeti- tion in any form whatever of what took place during the life of Stalin, who absolutely did not tolerate. collegiality in leader- ship and in work, and who practiced brutal violence, not only toward everything which opposed him, but also toward that which seemed to his capricious and despotic character, contrary to his concepts. Stalin acted not through persuasion, explanation, and pa- tient co-operation with people, but by imposing his concepts and demanding absolute submission to his opinion. Whoever opposed this concept or tried to prove his viewpoint,-and the correct- ness of his position -- was doomed to removal from the leading collective and to subsequent moral and physical annihilation. This was especially true during the period following the XVIith Party Congress, when many prominent Party leaders and rank-and- file Party workers, honest and dedicated to the cause of Com- munism, fell victim to Stalin's despotism. We must affirm that the Party had fought a serious fight against the Trotskyites, rightists and bourgeois nationalists, Page 8 NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-094,&R000500080001-7 Approved For Rely!igpP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO and that it disarmed idologically all the enemies of Leninism. This ideological fight was carried on successfully as a result of which the Party became strengthened and tempered. Here Stalin played a positive role. The Party led a great political ideological struggle against those in its own ranks who proposed anti-Leninist theses, who represented a political line hostile to the Party and to the cause of Socialism. This was a stubborn and a difficult fight but a neces- sary one, because the political line of both the Trotskyite- Zinovievite bloc and of the Bukharinites led actually toward the restoration of capitalism and capitulation to the world bourgeoisie. Let us consider for a moment what would have happened if in 1928- 1929 the political line of right deviation had prevailed among us, or orientation toward "cotton-dress industrialization," or toward the kulak, etc. We would not now have a powerful heavy industry, we would not have the Kolkhozes, we would find ourselves disarmed and weak in a capitalist encirclement. It was for this reason that the Party led an inexorable ideological fight and explained to all Party members and to the non-Party masses the harm and the danger of the anti-Leninist proposals of the Trotskyite opposition and the rightist opportun- ists. And this great work of explaining the Party line bore fruit; both the Trotskyites and the rightist opportunists were politically isolated; the overwhelming Party majority supported the Leninist line and the Party was able to awaken and organize the working masses to apply the Leninist Party line and to build Socialism. Worth noting is the fact that even during the progress of the furious ideological fight against the Trotskyites, the Zinovie- vites, the Bukharinites and others - extreme repressive measures were not used against them. The fight was on ideological grounds. But some years later when Socialism in our country was fundamentally Page 9 RED' NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 WET J% NOF constructed, when the exploiting classes were generally liqui- dated, when the Soviet social structure had radically changed, when the social basis for political movements and groups hos- tile to the Party had violently contracted, when the ideologi- cal opponents of the Party were long since defeated politically -- then the repression directed against them began. It was precisely during this period (1935-1937-1938) that the practice of mass repression through the government apparatus was born, first against the enemies of Leninism -- Trotskyites, Zinovievites, ?Bukharinites, long since politically defeated by the Party, and subsequently also against many honest Communists, against those Party cadres who had borne the heavy load of the Civil War and the first and most difficult years of industriali- zation and collectivization, who actively fought against the Trotskyites and the rightists for the Leninist Party line. Stalin originated the concept "enemy of the people." This term automatically rendered it unnecessary that the ideological errors of a man or men engaged in a controversy be proven; this term made possible the usage of the most cruel repression, vio- lating all norms of revolutionary legality, against anyone who in any way disagreed with Stalin, against those who were only suspected of hostile intent, against those who had bad reputa- tions. This concept, "enemy of the people," actually eliminated the possibility of any kind of ideological fight or the making of one's views known on this or that issue, even those of a practical character. In the main, and in actuality, the only proof of guilt used, against all norms of current legal science, was the "confession" of the accused himself; and, as subsequent probing proved, "confessions" were acquired through physical pres- sures against the accused. Page 10 N c & Approved For Release : 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea 178-00915R000500080001-7 NO This led to glaring violations of revolutionary legality, and to the fact that many entirely innocent persons, who in the past had defended the Party line, became victims. We.must assert that in regard to those persons who in their time had opposed the Party line, there were often no suf- ficiently serious reasons for their physical annihilation. The formula, "enemy of the people" was specifically introduced for the purpose of physically annihilating such individuals. It is a fact that many persons, who were later annihilated as enemies of the Party and people, had worked with Lenin during his life. Some of these persons had made errors during Lenin's life, but, despite this, Lenin benefited by their work, he cor- rected them and he did everything possible to retain them in the ranks of the Party; he induced them to follow him. In this connection the delegates to the Party Congress should familiarize themselves with an unpublished note by V. I. Lenin directed to the Central Committee's Political Bureau in October 1920. Outlining the duties of the Control Commission, Lenin wrote that the Commission should be transformed into a real "organ of Party and proletarian conscience." "As a special duty of the Control Commission there is rec- ommended a deep, individualized relationship with, and sometimes even a type of therapy for, the representatives of the so-called opposition - those who have experienced a psychological crisis because of failure in their Soviet or Party career. An effort should be made to quiet them, to explain the matter to them in a way used among comrades, to find for them (avoiding the method of issuing orders) a task for which they are psychologically fitted. Advice and rules relating to this matter are to be for- mulated by the Central Committee's Organizational Bureau, etc." Page 11 RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF RET Everyone knows how irreconcilable Lenin was with the ideological enemies of Marxism, with those who deviated from the correct Party line. At the same time, however, Lenin, as is evident from the given document, in his practice of direct- ing the Party demanded the most intimate Party contact with people who had shown indecision or temporary nonconformity with the Party line, but whom it was possible to return to the party path. Lenin advised that such people should be patiently edu- cated without the application of extreme methods. Lenin's wisdom in dealing with people was evident in his work with cadres. An entirely different relationship with people charac- terized Stalin. Lenin's traits--patient work with people; stubborn and painstaking education of them; the ability to induce people to follow him without using compulsion, but rather through the ideological influence on them of the whole collective--were entirely foreign to Stalin. He (Stalin) discarded the Leninist method of convincing and educating; he abandoned the method of ideological struggle for that of administrative violence, mass repressions, and terror. He acted on an increasingly larger scale and more stubbornly through punitive organs, at the same time often violating all existing norms of morality and of Soviet laws. Arbitrary behavior by one person encouraged and permitted arbitrariness in others. Mass arrests and deportations of many thousands of people, execution without trial and without normal investigation created conditions of insecurity, fear and even desperation. This, of course, did not contribute toward unity of the Party ranks and of all strata of working people, but on the contrary brought about annihilation and the expulsion from the Party of workers who were loyal but inconvenient to Stalin. Page 12 Approved For Release f 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release, CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF Our Party fought for the implementation of Lenin's plans for the construction of Socialism. This was an ideological fight. Had Leninist principles been observed during the course of this fight, had the Party's devotion to principles been skillfully com- bined with a keen and solicitous concern for people, had they not been repelled and wasted but rather drawn to our side - we certainly would not have had such a brutal violation of revolu- tionary legality and many thousands of people would not have fallen victim of the method of terror. Extraordinary methods would then have been resorted to only against those people who had in fact committed criminal acts against the Soviet system. Let us recall some historical facts. In the days before the October Revolution two members of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party - Kamenev and Zinoviev - declared themselves against Lenin's plan for an armed uprising.: In addition, on 18 October they published in the Menshevik newspaper, Novaya Zhizn, a statement declaring that the` Bolsheviks were making preparations for an uprising and that they considered it adventuristic. Kamenev and Zinoviev thus disclosed to the, enemy the decision of the Central Committee to stage the uprising, and that the uprising had been organized to take place within the very near future. This was treason against the Party and against the revolu- tion. In this connection, V. I. Lenin wrote: "Kamenev and Zinoviev revealed the decision of the Central Committee of their Party on the armed uprising to Rodzyanko and Kerensky..;" He put before the Central Committee the question of Zinoviev's and Kamenev's expulsion from the Party. Page 13 S T Approved For Release 'C1~C= 7 - 0915R000500080001-7 Approved For RV""; P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFOR However, after the Great Socialist October Revolution, as is known, Zinoviev and Kamenev were given leading positions. Lenin put them in positions in which they carried out most re- sponsible Party tasks and participated actively in the work of the leading Party and Soviet organs. It is known that Zinoviev and Kamenev committed a number of other serious errors during Lenin's life. In his "testament" Lenin warned that "Zinoviev's and Kamenev's October episode was of course not an accident." But Lenin did not pose the question of their arrest and certainly not their shooting. Or let us take the example of the Trotskyites. At present, after a sufficiently long historical period, we can speak about the fight with the Trotskyites with complete calm and can analyze this matter with sufficient objectivity. After all, around Trotsky were people whose origin cannot by any means by traced to bourgeous society. Part of them belonged to the Party intelli- gentsia and a certain part were recruited from among the workers. We can name many individuals who in their time joined the Trot- skyites; however, these same individuals took an active part in the workers' movement before the revolution, during the Socialist October Revolution itself, and also in the consolidation of the victory of this greatest of revolutions. Many of them broke with Trotskyism and returned to Leninist positions. Was it necessary to annihilate such people? We are deeply convinced that had Lenin lived such an extreme method would not have been used against many of them. Such are only a few historical facts. But can it be said that Lenin did not decide to use even the most severe means against enemies of the revolution when this was actually necessary? No, no one can say this, Vladimir Ilyich demanded uncompromising Page 14 FRET NO N Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOFO RN dealings with the enemies of the revolution and of the working class and when necessary resorted ruthlessly to such methods. You will recall only V. I. Lenin's fight with the Socialist Revolutionary organizers of the anti-Soviet uprising, with the counter-revolutionary kulaks in 1918 and with others, when Lenin without hesitation used the most extreme methods against the enemies. Lenin used such methods, however, only against actual class enemies and not against those who blunder, who err, and whom it was possible to lead through ideological influence, and even retain in the leadership. Lenin used severe methods only in the most necessary cases, when the exploiting classes were still in existence and were vigorously opposing the revolution, when the struggle for sur- vival was decidely assuming the sharpest forms, even including a civil war. Stalin, on the other hand, used extreme methods and mass repressions at a time when the revolution was already victori- ous, when the Soviet state was strengthened, when the exploit- ing classes were already liquidated and Socialist relations were rooted solidly in all phases of national economy, when our Party was politically consolidated and had strengthened itself both numerically and ideologically. It is clear that here Stalin showed in a whole series of cases his intolerance, his brutality and his abuse of power. Instead of proving his political cor- rectness and mobilizing the masses, he often chose the path of repression and physical annihilation, not only against actual enemies, but also against individuals who had not committed any crimes. against the Party and the Soviet government. Here we see no wisdom but only a demonstration of the brutal force which had once so alarmed V. I. Lenin. Page 15 'SET Approved For Release 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releav 3 1 78-00915R000500080001-7 Lately, especially after the unmasking of the Beriya gang, the Central Committee looked into a series of matters fabricated by this gang. This revealed a very ugly picture of brutal willful- ness connected with the incorrect behavior of Stalin. As facts prove, Stalin, using his unlimited power, allowed himself many abuses, acting in the name of the Central Committee, not asking for the opinion of the Committee members nor even of the members of the Central Committee's Political Bureau; often he did not in- form them about his personal decisions concerning very important Party and government matters. Considering the question of the cult of an individual we must first of all show everyone what harm this caused to the interests of our Party. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin had always stressed the Party's role and significance in the direction of the Socialist government of workers and peasants; he saw in this the chief precondition for a successful building of Socialism in our country. Pointing to the great responsibility of the Bolshevik Party, as a ruling party in the Soviet State, Lenin called for the most meticulous observance of all norms of Party life; he called for the realiza- tion of the principles of collegiality in the direction of the Party and the State. Collegiality of leadership flows from the very nature of our Party, a party built on the principles of democratic central- ism. "This means," said Lenin, "that all Party matters are ac- complished by all Party members--directly or through representa- tives-who without any exceptions are subject to the same rules; in addition, all administrative members, all directing collegia, all holders of Party positions are elective, they must account for their activities and are recallable." Page 16 RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7, RET NOF It is known that Lenin himself offered an example of the most careful observance of these principles. There was no matter so important that Lenin himself decided it without asking for advice and approval of the majority of the Central Committee members or of the members of the Central Committee's political Bureau. In the most difficult period for our Party and our country, Lenin considered it necessary regularly to convoke congresses, Party conferences, and plenary sessions of the Central Committee at which all the most important questions were discussed and where resolutions, carefully worked out by the collective of leaders, were approved. We can recall, for an example, the year 1918 when the coun- try was threatened by the attack of the imperialistic interven- tionists. In this situation the VIIth Party Congress was con- vened in order to discuss a vitally important matter which could not be postponed - the matter of peace. In 1919, while the Civil War was raging, the VIIIth Party Congress convened which adopted a new Party program, decided such important matters as the rela- tionship with the peasant masses, the organization of the Red Army, the leading role of the Party in the work of the Soviets, the correction of the social composition of the Party, and other matters. In 1920 the IXth Party Congress was convened which laid down guiding principles pertaining to the Party's work in the sphere of economic construction. In 1921, the Xth Party Congress accepted Lenin's New Economic Policy and the historical resolu- tion called, "About Party Unity." During Lenin's life Party Congresses were convened regu- larly; always, when a radical turn in the development of the ,Party and the country took place, Lenin considered it absolutely necessary that the Party discuss at length all the basic matters pertaining to internal and foreign policy and to questions bear- ing on the development of Party and government. Page 17 NOFORS Approved For Release : CIA- DP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRFT NOPQRN It is very characterictic that Lenin addressed to the Party Congress as the highest Party organ his last articles, letters and remarks. During the period between congresses the Central Committee of the Party, acting as the most authorita- tive leading collective, meticulously observed the principles of the Party and carried out its policy. So it was during Lenin's life. Were our Party's holy Leninist principles observed after the death of Vladimir Ilyich? Whereas during the first few years after Lenin's death Party Congresses and Central Committee plenums took place more or less regularly, later, when Stalin began increasingly to abuse his power, these principles were brutally violated. This was es- pecially evident during the last 15 years of his life. Was it a normal situation when our 13 years elapsed between the XVIIIth and XIXth Party Congresses, years during which our Party and our country had experienced so many important events? These events demanded categorically that the Party should have passed resolu- tions pertaining to the country's defense during the Patriotic War and to peacetime construction after the war. Even after the end of the war a Congress was not convened for over 7 years. Central Committee plenums were hardly ever called. It should be sufficient to mention that during all the years of the Patriotic War not a single Central Committee plenum took place. It is true that there was an attempt to call a Central Committee plenum in October 1941, when Central Committee members from the whole country were called to Moscow. They waited two days for the opening of the plenum, but in vain. Stalin did not even want to meet and to talk to the Central Committee members. This fact shows how demoralized Stalin was in the first months of the war and how haughtily and disdainfully he. treated the Central Committee members. Page 18 RET Approved For Release p ff 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele 78-00915R000500080001-7 In practice Stalin ignored the norms of Party life and trampled on the Leninist principle of collective Party leader- ship. Stalin's wilfulness vis-a-vis the Party and its Central Committee became fully evident after the XVIIth Party Congress which took place in 1934. Having at its disposal numerous data showing brutal will- fulness toward Party cadres, the Central Committee had created a Party Commission under the control of the Central Committee Pre- sidium; it was charged with investigating what made possible the mass repressions against the majority of the Central Committee members and candidates elected at the XVIIth Congress of the All- Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The Commission has become acquainted with a large quantity of materials in the NKVD archives and with other documents and has established many facts pertaining to the fabrication of cases against Communists, to false accusations, to glaring abuses of Socialist legality -- which resulted in the death of innocent people. It became apparent that many Party, Soviet and economic activists, who were branded in 1937-1938 as "enemies," were actually never enemies, spies, wreckers, etc., but were always honest Communists; they were only so stigmatized and often, no longer able to bear barbaric tortures, they charged themselves (at the order of the investigative judges -- falsifiers) with all kinds of grave and unlikely crimes. The Commission has pre- sented to the Central Committee Presidium lengthy and documented materials pertaining to mass repressions against the delegates to the XVIIth Party Congress and against members of the Central Committee elected at that Congress. These materials have been studied by the Presidium of the Central Committees Page 19 S. NOFORN Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 It was determined that of the 139 members and candidates of the Party's Central Committee who were elected at the XVIIth Congress, 98 persons, i.e., 70 percent, were arrested and shot (mostly in 1937-1938). (Indignation in the hall.) What was the composition of the delegates to the XVIIth Congress? It is known that eighty percent of the voting par- ticipants of the XVIIth Congress joined the Party during the years of conspiracy before the Revolution and during the Civil War; this means before 1921. By social origin the basic mass of the dele- gates to the Congress were workers (60 percent of the voting members). For this reason, it was inconceivable that a Congress so composed would have elected a Central Committee a majority of whom would prove to be enemies of the Party. The only reason why 70 percent of Central Committee members and candidates elected at the.XVIIth Congress were branded as enemies of the Party and of the people was because honest Communists were slandered, accusa- tions against them were fabricated, and revolutionary legality was gravely undermined. The same fate met not only the Central Committee members but also the majority of the delegates to the XVIIth Party Congress. Of 1966 delegates with either voting or advisory .rights, 1108 persons were arrested on charges of anti-revolu- tionary crimes, i.e., decidedly more than a majority. This very fact shows how absurd, wild and contrary to common sense were the charges of counter-revolutionary crimes made out, as we now see, against a majority of participants at the XVIIth Party Congress. (Indignation in the hall.) We should recall that the XVIIth Party Congress is his- torically known as the Congress of Victors. Delegates to the Congress were active participants in the building of our Page 20 Approved For Release Nqk_9 915R000500080001-7 rr ^ Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Socialist State; many of them suffered and fought for Party interests during the pre-revolutionary years in the conspiracy and at the Civil War fronts; they fought their enemies val- iantly and often nervelessly looked into the face of death. How then can we believe that such people could prove to be "two-faced" and had joined the camps of the enemies of Social- ism during the era after the political liquidation of Zinovievites, Trotskyites and rightists and after the great accomplishments of Socialist construction? This was the result of the abuse of power by Stalin,who began to use mass terror against the Party cadres. What is the reason that mass repressions against activists increased more and more after the XVIIth Party Congress? It was because at that time Stalin had so elevated himself above the Party and above the nation that he ceased to consider either the Central Committee or the Party. While he still reckoned with the opinion of the collective before the XVIIth Congress, after the complete political liquidation of the Trotskyites, Zinoviev- ites and Bukharinites, when as a result of that fight and Social- ist victories the Party achieved unity, Stalin ceased to an ever- greater degree to consider the members of the Party's Central Committee and even the members of the Political Bureau. Stalin thought that now he could decide all things alone and all he needed were statisticians; he treated all others in such a way that they could only listen to and praise him. After the criminal murder of S. M. Kirov, mass repressions and brutal acts of violation of socialist legality began. On the evening of 1 December 1934 on Stalin's initiative (without the approval of the Political Bureau -- which was passed two days later, casually) the secretary of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee, Yenukidze, signed the following directive. Page 21 'CRET Approved For Release : ?}-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rel P78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N Investigative agencies are directed to speed up the cases of those accused of the preparation or execution of acts of terror. II. Judicial organs are directed not to hold up the execu- tion of death sentences pertaining to crimes of this category in order to consider the possibility of pardon, because the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee USSR does not consider as possible the receiving of peti- tions of this sort. III. The organs of the Commissariat of Internal Affairs are directed to execute the death sentences against criminals of the above-mentioned category immediately after the passage of sentences." This directive became the basis for mass acts of abuse against Socialist legality. During many of the fabricated court cases the accused were charged with "the preparation" of terroristic acts; this deprived them of any possibility that their cases might be re-..examined, even when they stated before the court that their "confessions" were secured by force, and when, in a con- vincing manner, they disproved the accusations against them. It must be asserted that to this day the circumstances sur- rounding Kirov's murder hide many things which are inexplicable and mysterious and demand a most careful examination. There are reasons for the suspicion that the killer of Kirov, Nikolayev, was assisted by someone from among the people whose duty it was to protect the person of Kirov. A month and a half before the killing, Nikolayev was arrested on the grounds of suspicious be- havior, but he was released and not even searched. It is an un- usually suspicious circumstance that when the Chekist assigned to protect Kirov was being brought for an interrogation, on 2 December 1934, he was killed in a car "accident" in which no other occupants of the car were harmed. After the murder of Page 22 RET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea e : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFO Kirov, top functionaries of the Leningrad NKVD were given very light sentences, but in 1937 they were shot. We can assume that they were shot in order to cover the traces of the organ- izers of Kirov's killing. (Movement in the hail.) Mass repressions grew tremendously from the end of 1936 after a telegram from Stalin and Zhdanov, dated from Sochi on 25 September 1936, was addressed to Kaganovich, Molotov and other members of the Political Bureau. The content of that telegram was as follows: "We deem it absolutely necessary and urgent that Comrade Yezhov be nominated to the post of People's Commissar for Internal Affairs. Yagoda has definitely proved himself to be incapable of unmasking the Trotskyite-Zinovievite bloc. The OGPU is 4 years behind in this matter. This is noted by all Party workers and by the majority of the representatives of the NKVD." Strictly speaking we should stress that Stalin did not meet with and therefore could not know the opinion of party workers. This Stalinist formulation that the "NKVD (term used inter- changeably with 'OGPU')* is 4 years behind" in applying mass repression and that there is a necessity for "catching up" with the neglected work directly pushed the NKVD workers on the path of mass arrests and executions. We should state that this formulation was also forced on the February-March plenary session of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) in 1937. The plenary resolution approved it on the basis of Yezhov's report, "Lessons flowing from the harmful activity, diversion and espionage of the Japanese-German-Trotskyite agents," stating: The content of this parenthesis is an editorial note of the translator. Page 23 Approved For Release : 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For R IDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO "The Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) considers that all facts revealed during the investigation into the matter of an anti-Soviet Trot- skyite center and of its followers in the provinces show that the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs has fallen behind at least 4 years in the attempt to unmask these most inexorable enemies of the people." The mass repressions at this time were made under the slo- gan of a fight against the Trotskyites. Did the Trotskyites at this time actually constitute such a danger to our Party and to the Soviet State? We should recall that in 1927 on the eve of the XVth Party Congress only some 4,000 votes were cast for the Trotskyite-Zinovievite opposition, while there were 724,000 for the Party line. During the 10 years which passed between the XVth Party Congress and the February-March Central Committee Plenum Trotskyism was completely disarmed; many former Trotsky- ites had changed their former views and worked in the various sectors building Socialism, It is clear that in the situation of Socialist victory there was no basis for mass terror in the country. Stalin's report at the February-March Central Committee Plenum in 1937, "Deficiencies of Party work and methods for the liquidation of the Trotskyites and of other two-facers," con- tained an attempt at theoretical justification of the mass ter- ror policy under the pretext that as we march forward toward Socialism class war must allegedly sharpen. Stalin asserted that both history and Lenin taught him this. Actually Lenin taught that the application of revolu- tionary violence is necessitated by the resistance of the ex- ploiting classes, and this referred to the era when the exploiting classes existed and were powerful. As soon as the Page 24 ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET nation's political situation had improved, when in January 1920 the Red Army took Rostov and thus won a most important victory over Denikin, Lenin instructed Dzherzhinsky to stop mass terror and to abolish the death penalty. Lenin justified this important political move of the Soviet State in the following manner in his report at the session of the All-Union Central Executive Commit- tee on 2 February 1920: ,,We were forced to use terror because of the terror prac- ticed by the Entente, when strong world powers threw their hordes against us, not avoiding any type of conduct. We would not have lasted two days had we not answered these attempts of officers and White Guardists in a merciless fashion; this meant the use of terror, but this was forced upon us by the terrorist methods of the Entente. "But. as soon as we attained a decisive victory, even before the end of the war, immediately after taking Rostov, we gave up the use of the death penalty and thus proved that we intend to execute our own program in the manner that we promised. We say that the application of violence flows out of the decision to smother the exploiters, the big landowners and the capital- ists; as soon as this was accomplished we gave up the use of all extraordinary methods. We have proved this in practice." Stalin deviated from these clear and plain precepts of Lenin. Stalin put the Party and the NKVD up to the use of mass terror when the exploiting classes had been liquidated in our country and when there were no serious reasons for the use of extraordinary mass terror. This terror was actually directed not at the remnants of the defeated exploiting classes but against the honest workers Page 25 RET Approved For Release :-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReI1Cb4&1QP78-00915R000500080001-7 of the Party and of the Soviet State; against them were made lying, slanderous and absurd accusations concerning "two- facedness," "espionage," "sabotage," preparation of fictitious "plots," etc. At the February-March Central Committee Plenum in 1937 many members actually questioned the rightness of the established course regarding mass repressions under the pretext of combating "two-forcedness." Comrade Postyshev most ably expressed these doubts. He "I have philosophized that the severe years of fighting have passed, Party members who have lost their backbones have broken down or have joined the camp of the enemy; healthy elements have fought for the Party. These were the years of industrialization and collectivization. I never thought it possible that after this severe era had passed Karpov and people like him would find themselves in the camp of the enemy. (Karpov was a worker in the Ukrainian Central Committee whom Postyshev knew well.) And now, according to the testimony, it appears that Karpov was recruited in 1934 by the Trotskyites. I personally do not believe that in 1934 an honest Party member who had trod the long road of unre- lenting fight against enemies for the Party and for Socialism, would now be in the camp of the enemies. I do not believe it... I cannot imagine how it would be possible to.travel with the Party during the difficult years and then, in 1934, join the Trotskyites. It is an odd thing ..." (Movement in the hall.) Using Stalin's formulation, namely that the closer we are to Socialism the more enemies we will have, and.using the reso- lution of the February-March Central Committee Plenum passed on the basis of Yezhov's report - the provocateurs who had in- filtrated the state security organs together with conscienceless Page 26 \RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-0091 5R000500080001-7 ShWET NOFO careerists began to protect with the Party name the mass terror against Party cadres, cadres of-the Soviet State and the ordinary Soviet citizens. It should suffice to say that the number of arrests based on charges of counter-revolutionary crimes had grown ten times between 1936 and 1937. It is known that brutal willfulness was practiced against leading Party workers. The Party Statute, approved at the XVIIth Party Congress, was based on Leninist principles ex- pressed at the Xth Party Congress. It stated that in order to apply an extreme method such as exclusion from the Party against a Central Committee member, against a Central Committee candidate, and against a member of the Party Control Commission, "it is necessary to call a Central Committee Plenum and to in- vite to the Plenum all Central Committee candidate members and all members of the Party Control Commission"; only if two-thirds of the members of such a general assembly of responsible Party leaders find it necessary, only then can a Central Committee member or candidate be expelled. The majority of the Central Committee members and candi- dates elected at the XVIIth Congress and arrested in 1937-1938 were expelled from the Party illegally through the brutal abuse of the Party Statute, because the question of their expulsion was never studied at the Central Committee Plenum. Now when the cases of some of these so-called "spies" and "saboteurs" were examined it was found that all their cases were fabricated. Confessions of guilt of many arrested and charged with enemy activity were gained with the help of cruel and inhuman tortures. At the same time Stalin, as we have been informed by mem- bers of the Political Bureau of that time, did not show them the statements of many accused political activists when they Page 27 Approved For ReleaseN(g)8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 'FRET NO retracted their confessions before the military tribunal and asked for an objective examination of their cases. There were many such declarations, and Stalin doubtlessly knew of them. The Central Committee considers it absolutely necessary to inform the Congress of many such fabricated "cases" against the members of the Party's Central Committee elected at the XVIIth Party Congress. An example of vile provocation, of odious falsification and of criminal violation of revolutionary legality is the case of the former candidate for the Central Committee Political Bureau, one of the most eminent workers of the Party and of the Soviet government, Comrade Eikhe, who was a Party member since 1905. (Commotion in the hall.) Comrade Eikhe was arrested on 29 April 1938 on the basis of slanderous materials, without the sanction of the Prosecutor of the USSR, which was finally received 15 months after the arrest. Investigation of Eikhe's case was made in a manner which most brutally violated Soviet legality and was accompanied by willfulness and falsification. Eikhe was forced under torture to sign ahead of time a protocol of his confession prepared by the investigative judges, in which he and several other eminent Party workers were accused of anti-Soviet activity. On 1 October 1939 Eikhe sent his declaration to Stalin in which he categorically denied his guilt and asked for an examination of his case. In the declaration he wrote: "There is no more bitter misery than to sit in the jail of a government for which I have always fought." A second declaration of Eikhe has been preserved which he sent to Stalin on 27 October 1939; in it he cited facts very Page 28 Approved For Release? 0915R000500080001-7 Approved For Re a ?&MP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF convincingly and countered the slanderous accusations made against him, arguing that this provocatory accusation was on the one hand the work of real Trotskyites whose arrests he had sanctioned as First Secretary of the West Siberian Krai Party Committee and who conspired in order to take revenge on him, and, on the other hand, the result of the base falsification of materials by the investigative judges. Eikhe wrote in his declaration: ". . . On 25 October of this year I was informed that the investigation in my case has been concluded and I was given access to the.materials of this investigation. Had I been guilty of only one-hundredth of the crimes with which I am charged, I would not have dared to send you this pre-execution declaration; however, I have not been guilty of even one of the things with which I am charged and my heart is clean of even the shadow of baseness. I have never in my life told you a word of falsehood and now, finding my two feet in the grave, I am also not lying. My. whole case is a typical example of provocation, slander and violation of the elementary basis of revolutionary legality .. . . . .The confessions which were made part of my file are not only absurd but contain some slander toward the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and toward the Council of People's Commissars because correct reso- lutions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and of the Council of People's Commissars which were not made on my initiative and without my partici- pation are presented as hostile acts of counter-revolutionary organizations made at my suggestion.... "I am now alluding to the most disgraceful part of my life and to my really grave guilt against the Party and against you. This is my confession of counter-revolutionary activity. . . Page 29 -NWRET N 'Nk Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF RET The case is as follows: not being able to suffer the tortures to which I was submitted by Ushakov and Nikolayev - and es- pecially by the first one -. who utilized the knowledge that my broken ribs have not properly mended and have caused me great pain - I have been forced to accuse myself and others. "The majority of my confession has been suggested or dictated by Ushakov, and the remainder is my reconstruction of NKVD materials from western Siberia for which I assumed all responsibility. If some part of the story which Ushakov fabri- cated and which I signed did not properly hang together, I was forced to sign another variation. The same thing was done to Rukhimovich,who was at first designated as a member of the re- serve net and whose name later was removed without telling me anything about it; the same was also done with the leader of the reserve net, supposedly created by Bukharin in 1935. At first I wrote my name in, and then I was instructed to insert Mezhlauk.' There were other similar incidents. "...I am asking and begging you that you again examine my case and this not for the purpose of sparing me but in order to unmask the vile provocation which like a snake wound itself around many persons in a great degree due to my meanness and criminal slander. I have never betrayed you or the Party. I know that I perish because of vile and mean work of the enemies of the Party and of the people, who fabricated the provocation against me." It would appear that such an important declaration was worth an examination by the Central Committee. This, however, was not done and the declaration was transmitted to Beriya while the terrible maltreatment of the Political Bureau candidate, Comrade Eikhe, continued. Page 30 RET Approved For Release : (, jR -00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFO On 2 February 1940 Eikhe was brought before the court. Here he did not confess any guilt and said as follows: "In all the so-called confessions of mine there is not one letter written by me with the exception of my signatures under the protocols which were forced from me. I have made my confession under pressure from the investigative judge who from the time of my arrest tormented me. After that I began to write all this nonsense. . . The most important thing for me is to tell the court, the Party and Stalin that I am not guilty. I have never been guilty of any conspiracy. I will die believing in the truth of Party policy as I have believed in it during my whole life." On 4 February Eikhe was shot. (Indignation in the hall.) It has been definitely established now that Eikhe's case was fabricated; he has been posthumously rehabilitated. Comrade Rudzutak, candidate member of the Political Bureau, member of the Party since 1905, who spent 10 years in a Czarist hard labor camp, completely retracted in court the confession which was forced from him. The protocol of the session of the Collegium of the Supreme Military Court contains the following statement by Rudzutak: "...The only plea which he places before the court. is that the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) be informed that there is in the NKVD an as yet not liquidated center which is craftily manufacturing cases, which forces in- nocent persons to confess; there is no opportunity to prove one's nonparticipation in crimes to which the confessions of various persons testify. The investigative methods are such that they force people to lie and to slander entirely innocent per- sons in addition to those who already stand accused. He asks the Court that he be allowed to inform the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). about all this in writ- ing. He assures the Court that he personally had never any evil Page 31 Approved For Release 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea ? FA.91 ` 78-00915R000500080001-7 NO designs in regard to the policy of our Party because he had always agreed with the Party policy pertaining to all spheres of economic and cultural activity." This declaration of Rudzutak was ignored, despite the fact that Rudzutak was in his time the chief of the Central Control Commission which was called into being in accordance with Lenin's concept for the purpose of fighting for Party unity ...In this manner fell the chief of this highly authoritative Party organ, a victim of brutal willfulnesss'he was not even called before the Central Committee's Political Bureau because Stalin did not want to talk to him. Sentence was pronounced on him in 20 minutes and he was shot. (Indignation in the hall.) After careful examination of the case in 1955 it was es- tablished that the accusation against Rudzutak was false and that it was based on slanderous materials. Rudzurak has been rehabilitated posthumously. The way in which the former NKVD workers manufactured vari- ous fictitious "anti-Soviet centers" and "blocs" with the help of provocatory methods is seen from the confession of Comrade .Rozenblum, Party member since 1906, who was arrested in 1937 by the Leningrad NKVD, During the examination in 1955 of the Komarov case Rozen- blum revealed the following fact: when Rozenbium was arrested. in 1937 he was subjected to terrible torture during which he was ordered to confess false information concerning himself and other persons. He was then brought to the office of Zakovsky, who offered him freedom on condition that he make before the court a false confession fabricated in 1937 by the NKVD concerning "sabotage, espionage and diversion in a terroristic Center in Leningrad." (Movement in the hall.) With unbelievable cynicism Page 32 RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO~RN CRET Zakovsky told about the vile "mechanism" for the crafty creation of fabricated "anti-Soviet plots.,', "In order to illustrate it to me," stated Rozenbium, "Zakovsky gave me several possible variants of the organiza- tion of this center and of its branches. After he detailed the organization to me, Zakovsky told me that the NKVD would prepare the case of this center, remarking that the trial would be public. "Before the court were to be brought 4 or 5 members of this. center: Chudov, Ugarov, Smorodin, Pozern, Shaposhnikova (Chudov's wife) and others together with 2 or 3 members from the branches of this center . . . Y'. . . The case of the Leningrad center has to be built solidly and for this reason witnesses are needed. Social origin (of course, in the past) and the Party standing of the witness will play more than a small role. "You, yourself," said Zakovsky, "will not need to invent anything. The NKVD will prepare for you a ready outline for every branch of the center; you will have to study it carefully and to remember well all questions and answers which the Court might ask. This case will be ready in 4-5 months, or perhaps a half year. During all this time you will be preparing yourself so that you will not compromise the investigation and yourself. Your future will depend on how the trial goes and on its results. If you begin to lie and to testify falsely, blame yourself. If you manage to endure it, you will save your head and we will feed and clothe you at the government's cost until your death." This is the kind of vile things which were then practiced. (Movement in the hall.) Page 33 Approved For Releasepq J 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 7ET NOF Even more widely was the falsification of cases practiced in the provinces. The NKVD headquarters of the Sverdlov oblast "discovered" the so-called "Ural uprising staff"--an organ of the bloc of rightists, Trotskyites, Socialist Revolutionaries, church leaders--whose chief supposedly was the Secretary of the Sverdlov Oblast Party Committee and member of the Central Committee, All- Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Kabakov, who had been a Party member since 1914. The investigative materials of that time show that in almost all krais, oblasts and republics there supposedly existed "rightist Trotskyite, espionage-terror and diversionary- sabotage organizations and centers" and that the heads of such organizations as a rule - for no known reason - were first secre- taries of oblast or republic Communist Party committees or Central Committees. (Movement in the hall.) Many thousands of honest and innocent Communists have died as a result of this monstrous falsification of such "cases," as a result of the fact that all kinds of slanderous "confessions" were. accepted, and as a result of the practice of forcing accu- sations against oneself and others. In the same manner were fabri- cated the "cases" against eminent Party and State workers -- Kossior, Chubar, Postyshev, Kosaryev, and others. In those years repressions on a mass scale were applied which were based on nothing tangible and which resulted in heavy cadre losses to the Party. The vicious practice was condoned of having the NKVD pre- pare lists of persons whose cases were under the jurisdiction of the Military Collegium -and whose, sentences were prepared in advance. Yezhov would send these lists to Stalin personally for his approval of the proposed punishment. In 1937-1938, 383 such lists containing the names of many thousands of Party, Soviet, Komsomol, Army and economic workers were sent to Stalin. He approved these lists. Page 34 Approved For Release `.'CI ,QP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO A large part of these cases are being reviewed now and a great part of them are being voided because they were base- less and falsified. Suffice it to say that from 1954 to the present time the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court has rehabilitated 7,679 persons, many of whom were rehabilitated posthumously. Mass arrests of Party, Soviet, economic and military workers caused tremendous harm to our country and to the cause of Socialist advancement. Mass repressions had a negative influence on the moral- political condition of the Party, created a situation of un- certainty, contributed to the spreading of unhealthy suspicion, and sowed distrust among Communists. All sorts of slanderers and careerists were active. Resolutions of the January Plenum of the Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), in 1938 had brought some measure of improvement to the Party organizations. However, widespread repression also existed in 1938. Only because our Party has at its disposal such great moral-political strength was it possible for it to survive the difficult events in 1937-1938 and to educate new cadres. There is, however, no doubt that our march forward toward Socialism and toward the preparation of the country's defense would have been much more successful were it not for the tre- mendous loss in the cadres suffered as a result of the base- less and false mass repressions in 1937-1938. We are justly accusing Yezhov for the degenerate practices of 1937. But we have to answer these questions: Could Yezhov have arrested Kossior, for instance, without the knowledge of Stalin? Was there an exchange of opinions or a Political Bureau decision concerning this? No, there was not, as there Page 35 S R.ET NO N Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 BEET NOF was none regarding other cases of this type. Could Yezhov have decided such important matters as the fate of such eminent Party figures? No, it would be a display of naivete to consider this the work of Yezhov alone. It is clear that these matters were decided by Stalin, and that without his orders and his sanction Yezhov could not have done this. We have examined the cases and have rehabilitated Kossior, Rudzutak, Postyshev, Kosaryev and others. For what causes were they arrested and sentenced? The review of evidence shows that there was no reason for this. They, like many others, were arrested without the Prosecutor's knowledge. In such a situa- tion there is no need for any sanction, for what sort of a sanction could there be when Stalin decided everything. He was the chief prosecutor in these cases. Stalin not only agreed to, but on his own initiative issued arrest orders. We must say this so that the delegates to the Congress can clearly under- take and themselves assess this and draw the proper conclusions. Facts prove that many abuses were made on Stalin's or- ders without reckoning with any norms of Party and Soviet le- gality. Stalin was a very distrustful man, sickly suspicious; we knew this from our work with him. He could look at a man and say: "Why are your eyes so shifty today," or "Why are you turning so much today and avoiding to look me directly in the eyes?" The sickly suspicion created in him a general distrust even toward eminent Party workers whom he had known for years. Everywhere and in everything he saw "enemies," "two-facers" and "spies." Possessing unlimited power he indulged in great willful- ness and choked a person morally and physically. A situation was created where one could not express one's own will. Page 36 ET Approved For Release @8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 \RET NOF When Stalin said that one or another should be arrested, it was necessary to accept on faith that he was an "enemy of the people." Meanwhile, Beriya's gang, which ran the organs of state security, outdid itself in proving the guilt of the arrested and the truth of materials which it falsified. And what proofs were offered? The confessions of the arrested, and the investigative judges accepted these "confessions." And how is it possible that a person confesses to crimes which he has not committed? Only in one way - because of application of physical methods of pressuring him, tortures, bringing him to a state of unconsciousness, deprivation of his judgment, taking away of his human dignity. In this manner were "confessions" acquired. When the wave of mass arrests began to recede in 1939, and the leaders of territorial Party organizations began to accuse the NKVD workers of using methods of physical pressure on the arrested, Stalin dispatched a coded telegram on 20 January 1939 to the committee secretaries of oblasts and krais, to the Central Committees of republic Communist Parties, to the Peoples.Commissars of Internal Affairs and to the heads of NKVD organizations. This telegram stated: "The Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) explains that the application of methods of physi- cal pressure in NKVD practice is periissible from 1937 on in accordance with permission of the Central Committee of the All- Union Communist Patty (Bolsheviks) . . .It is known that all bourgeois intelligence services use methods of physical influ- ence against the representatives of the Socialist proletariat and that they use them in their most scandalous forms. The ques- tion arises as to why the Socialist intelligence service should be more humanitarian against the mad agents of the bourgeoisie, against the deadly enemies of the working class and of the Page 37 Approved For Releas2' 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReI rP78-00915R000500080001-7 LAME "'4' " NO N Kolkhoz workers. The Central Committee of the All-Union Com- munist Party (Bolsheviks) considers that physical pressure should still be used obligatorily, as an exception applicable to known and obstinate enemies of the people, as a method both justifiable and appropriate." Thus, Stalin had sanctioned'in the name of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) the most brutal violation of Socialist legality, torture and op- pression, which led as we have seen to the slandering and self- accusation of innocent people. Not long ago--only several days before the present Congress--we called to the Central Committee Presidium session and interrogated the investigative judge Rodos, who in his time investigated and interrogated Kossior, Chubar and Kosaryev. He is a vile person, with the brain of a bird, and morally com- pletely degenerate. And it was this man who was deciding the fate of prominent Party workers; he was making judgments also concerning the politics in these matters, because having estab- lished their "crime," he provided therewith materials from which important political implications could be drawn. The question arises whether a man with such an intellect could alone make the investigation in a manner to prove the guilt of people such as Kossior and others. No, he could not have done it without proper directives. At the Central Committee Presidium session he told use "I was told that Kossior and Chubar were people's enemies and for this reason, I. as an investigative judge, had to make them confess that they are enemies." (Indig- nation in the hall.) He could do this only through long tortures, which. he did, receiving detailed instructions from Beriya. We must say that at the Central Committee Presidium session he cynically declared: Page 38 RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 \RET NOF "I thought that I was executing the orders of the Party." In this manner Stalin's orders concerning the use of methods of physical pressure against the arrested were in practice ex- ecuted. These and many other facts show that all norms of correct Party solution of problems were invalidated and everything was dependent upon the willfulness of one map. The power accumulated in the hands of one person, Stalin, led to serious consequences during the Great Patriotic War. When we look at many of our novels, films and histori- cal "scientific studies," the role of Stalin in the Patriotic War appears to be entirely improbable. Stalin had foreseen every- thing. The Soviet Army,on the basis of a strategic plan prepared by Stalin long before, used the tactics of so-called "active de- fense," i.e., tactics which, as we know, allowed the Germans to come up to Moscow and Stalingrad. Using such tactics the Soviet Army, supposedly, thanks only to Stalin's genius, turned to the offensive and subdued the enemy. The epic victory gained through the armed might of the Land of the Soviets, through our heroic people, is ascribed in this type of novel, film and "scientific study" as being completely due to the strategic genius of Stalin. We have to analyze this matter carefully because it has a tremendous significance not only from the historical, but es- pecially from the political, educational and practical point of view. What are the facts of this matter? Before the war our press and all our political-educational work was characterized by its bragging tone: when an enemy vio- lates the holy Soviet soil, then for every blow of the enemy we will answer with three blows and we will battle the enemy on his Page 39 Approved For Release fM8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO ET soil and we will win without much harm to ourselves. But these positive statements were not based in all areas on con- crete facts, which would actually guarantee the immunity of our borders. During the war and after the war Stalin put forward the thesis that the tragedy which our nation experienced in the first part of the war was the result of the "unexpected" attack of the Germans against the Soviet Union. But, Comrades, this is com- pletely untrue. As soon as Hitler came to power in Germany he assigned to himself the task of liquidating Communism. The Fascists were saying this openly; they did not hide their plans. In order to attain this aggressive end all sorts of pacts and blocs were created, such as the famous Berlin-Rome-Tokyo axis. Many facts from the pre-war period clearly showed that Hitler was go- ing all out to begin a war against the Soviet State and that he had concentrated large armed units, together with armored units, near the Soviet borders. Documents which have now been published show that by 3 April 1941 Churchill, through his ambassador to the USSR Cripps, per- sonally warned Stalin that the Germans had begun regrouping their armed units with the intent of attacking the Soviet Union. It is self-evident that Churchill did not do this at all because of his friendly feeling toward the Soviet nation. He had in this his own imperialistic goals - to bring Germany and the USSR into a bloody war and thereby to strengthen the position of the British Empire. Just the same, Churchill affirmed in his writings that he sought to "warn Stalin and call his attention to the danger which threatened him." Churchill stressed this repeatedly in his dispatches of 18 April and in the following days. However, Stalin took no heed of these.warnings. What is more, Stalin ordered that no credence be given to information of this sort, in order not to provoke the initiation of military operations. Page 40 Approved For Release : P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea 78-00915R000500080001-7 We must assert that information of this sort concerning the threat of German armed invasion of Soviet territory was coming in also from our own military and diplomatic sources; however, because the leadership was conditioned against such in- formation, such data was dispatched with fear and assessed with reservation. Thus, for instance, information sent from Berlin on 6 May 1941 by the Soviet military attach6, Capt. Vorontsov, stated: "Soviet citizen Bozer ... communicated to the deputy naval attache that according to a statement of a certain German officer from Hitler's Headquarters, Germany is preparing to invade the USSR on 14 May through Finland, the Baltic countries and Latvia. At the same time Moscow and Leningrad will be heavily raided and paratroopers landed in border cities..." In his report of 22 May 1941, the deputy military attache in Berlin, Khlopov, communicated that "...the attack of the German army is reportedly scheduled for 15 June, but it is possible that it may begin in the first days of June..." A cable from our London Embassy dated 18 June 1951 stated: "As of now Cripps is deeply convinced of the inevitability of armed conflict between Germany and the USSR which will begin not later than the middle of June. According to Cripps,the Germans have presently concentrated 147 divisions (including air force and service units) along the Soviet borders..." Despite these particularly grave warnings, the necessary steps were not taken to prepare the country properly for de- fense and to prevent it from being caught unawares. Did we have time and the capabilities for such preparations? Yes, we had the time and capabilities. Our industry was al- ready so developed that it was capable of supplying fully the Soviet army with everything that it needed. This is proven by Page 41 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Releas 78-00915R000500080001-7 the fact that although during the war we lost almost half of our industry and important industrial and food production areas as the result of enemy occupation of the Ukraine, Northern Caucasus and other western parts of the country, the Soviet nation was still able to organize the production of military equipment in the eastern parts of the country, install there equipment taken from the Western industrial areas, and to supply our armed forces with everything which was necessary to destroy the enemy. Had our industry been mobilized properly and in time to supply the army with the necessary materiel, our wartime losses would have been decidedly smaller. Such mobilization had not been, however, started in time. And already in the first days of the war it became evident that our army was badly armed, that we did not have enough artillery, tanks and planes to throw the enemy back. Soviet science and technology produced excellent models of tanks and artillery pieces before the war. But mass production of all this was not organized and as a matter of fact we started to modernize our military equipment only on the eve of the war. As a result, at the time of the enemy's invasion of the Soviet land we did not have sufficient quantities either of old machinery which was no longer used for armament production or of new ma- chinery which we had planned to introduce into armament produc- tion. The situation with antiaircraft artillery was especially bad; we did not organize the production of anti-tank ammunition. Many fortified regions had proven to be indefensible as soon as they were attacked, because the old arms had been withdrawn and new ones were not yet available there. This pertained, alas, not only to tanks, artillery and planes. At the outbreak of the war we did not even have suffi- cient numbers of rifles to arm the mobilized manpower. I recall Page 42 S.ET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFO that in those days I telephoned to Comrade Malenkov from Kiev and told him, "People have volunteered for the new army and demand arms. You must send us arms." Malenkov answered me, "We cannot send you arms. We are send- ing all our rifles to Leningrad and you have to arm yourselves." (Movement in the hall.) Such was the armament situation. In this connection we cannot forget, for instance, the following fact. Shortly before the invasion of the Soviet Union by the Hitlerite army, Korponos, who was Chief of the Kiev Special Military District (he was later killed at the front) wrote to Stalin that the German armies were at the Bug River, were preparing for an attack and in the very near future would probably start their offensive. In this connection Kirponos proposed that a strong defense be organized, that 300,000 people be evacuated from the border areas and that several strong points be organized there: anti-tank ditches, trenches for the soldiers, etc. Moscow answered this proposition with the assertion that this would be a provocation, that no preparatory defensive work should be undertaken at the borders, that the Germans were not to be given any pretext for the initiation of military action against us. Thus, our borders were insufficiently prepared to repel the enemy. When the Fascist armies had actually invaded Soviet terri- tory and military operations began, Moscow issued the order that the German fire was not to be returned. Why? It was because Stalin, despite evident facts, thought that the war had not yet started, that this was only a provocative action on the part of several undisciplined sections of the German army, and that our reaction might serve as a reason for the Germans to begin the war. The following fact is also known. On the eve of the invasion Page 43 NNQF Approved For Release 78- 00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF of the territory of the Soviet Union by the Hitlerite army a certain German citizen crossed our border and stated that the German armies had received orders to start the offensive against the Soviet Union on the night of 22 June at 3 o'clock. Stalin was informed about this immediately, but even this warning was ignored. As you see, everything was ignored; warnings of certain army commanders, declarations of deserters from the enemy army, and even the open hostility of the enemy. Is this an example of the alertness of the Chief of the Party and of the State at this particularly significant historical moment? And what were the results of this carefree attitude, this disregard of clear facts? The result was that already in the first hours and days the enemy had destroyed in our border re- gions a large part of our air force, artillery and other mili- tary equipment; he annihilated large numbers of our military cadres and disorganized our military leadership; consequently we could not prevent the enemy from marching deep into the country. Very grievous consequences, especially in reference to the beginning of the war, followed Stalin's annihilation of many military commanders and political workers during 1937-1941 be- cause of his suspiciousness and through slanderous accusations. During these years repressions were instituted against certain parts of military cadres beginning literally at the company and battalion commander level and extending to the higher military centers; during this time the cadre of leaders who had gained military experience in Spain and in the Far East was almost completely liquidated. The policy of large-scale repression against the military cadres led also to undermined military discipline, because for several years officers of all ranks and even soldiers in the Page 44 ET Approved For Release M(a' 00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReI ff 78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO Party and Komsomol cells were taught to "unmask" their superiors as hidden enemies. (Movement in the hall.) It is natural that this caused a negative influence on the state of military disci- pline in the first war period. And, as you know, we had before the war excellent military cadres which were unquestionably loyal to the Party and to the Fatherland. Suffice it to say that those of them who managed to survive despite severe tortures to which they were subjected in the prisons, have from the first war days shown themselves real patriots and heroically fought for the glory of the Fatherland; I have here in mind such comrades as Rokossovsky (who, as you know, had been jailed), Gorbatov, Maretskov (who is a delegate at the present Congress), Podlas (he was an excellent commander who perished at the front), and many, many others. However, many such commanders perished in camps and jails and the army saw them no more. All this brought about the situation which existed at the beginning of the war and which was the great threat to our Father- land. It would be incorrect to forget that after the first severe disaster and defeats at the front Stalin thought that this was the end. In one of his speeches in those days he said: "All that which Lenin created we have lost forever." After this Stalin for a long time actually did not direct the military operations and ceased to do anything whatever. He returned to active leadership only when some members of the Politi- cal Bureau visited him and told him that it was necessary to take certain steps immediately in order to improve the situation at the front. Therefore, the threatening danger which hung over our Father- Page 45 RET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP 8- 00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF land in the first period of the war was largely due to the faulty methods of directing the nation and the Party by Stalin himself. However, we speak not only about the moment when the war began, which led to serious disorganization of our army and brought us severe losses. Even after the war began, the nervous- ness and hysteria which Stalin demonstrated, interfering with actual military operations, caused our army serious damage. Stalin was very far from an understanding of the real situ- ation which was developing at the front. This was natural be- cause during the whole Patriotic War he never visited any section of the front or any liberated city except for one short ride on the Mozhaisk Highway during a stabilized situation at the front. To this incident were dedicated many literary works full of fan- tasies of all sorts and so many paintings. Simultaneously, Stalin was interfering with operations and issuing orders which did not take into consideration the real situation at a given section of the front and which could not help but result'in huge personnel losses. I will allow myself in this connection'to bring out one characteristic fact which illustrates how Stalin directed opera- tions at the fronts. There is present at this Congress Marshal Bagramyan who was once the Chief of Operations in the Headquarters of the South-Western front and who can corroborate what I will tell you. When there developed an exceptionally serious situation for our army in 1942 in the Kharkov. region, we had correctly decided to drop an operation whose objective was to encircle Kharkov, because the real situation at that time would have threatened our army with fatal consequences if this operation were continued. We communicated this to Stalin, stating that the situation demanded changes in operational plans so that the enemy would be prevented from liquidating a sizable concentration of our army. Page 46 Approved For ReleaseN 915R000500080001-7 Approved For R ase : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO Contrary to common sense, Stalin rejected our suggestion and issued the order to continue the operation aimed at the en- circlement of Kharkov, despite the fact that at this time many army concentrations were.themselves actually threatened with en- circlement and liquidation.. I telephoned to Vasilevsky and begged him, "Alexander Mikhailovich, take a map (Vasilevsky is present here) and show Comrade Stalin the situation which has developed." We should note that Stalin planned operations on a globe. (Anima- tion in the hail.) Yes, comrades, he used to take the globe and trace the frontline on it. I said to Comrade Vasilevsky: "Show him the situation on a map; in the present situation we cannot con- tinue the operation which was planned. The old decision must be changed for the good of the cause." Vasilevsky replied saying that Stalin had already studied this problem and that he, Vasilevsky, would not see Stalin further concerning this matter, because the latter didn't want to hear any arguments on the subject of this operation. After my talk with Vasilevsky I telephoned to Stalin at his villa. But Stalin did not answer the telephone and Malenkov was at the receiver. I told Comrade Malenkov that I was calling from the front and that I wanted to speak personally to Stalin. Stalin informed me through Malenkov that I should speak with Malenkov. I stated for the second time that I wished to inform Stalin per- sonally about the grave situation which had arisen for us at the front. But Stalin did not consider it convenient to raise the phone and again stated that I should speak to him through Malenkov, although he was only a few steps from the telephone. Page 47 NoFn,Yn Approved For Release : IP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF After "listening" in this manner to our plea Stalin said, "Let everything remain as it is!" And that was the result of this? The worst that we had ex- pected. The Germans surrounded our army concentrations and con- sequently we lost hundreds of thousands of our soldiers. This is Stalin's military "genius;" this is what it cost us. (Movement in the hall.) On one occasion after the war, during a meeting of Stalin with members of the Political Bureau, Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan mentioned that Khrushchev must have been right when he telephoned concerning the Kharkov operation and that it was unfortunate that his sugges- tion had not been accepted. You should have seen Stalin's fury! How could it be ad- mitted that he, Stalin, had not been right! He is after all a "genius," and a genius cannot help but be right! Everyone can err, but Stalin considered that he never erred, that he was always right. He never acknowledged to anyone that he made any mistake, large or small, despite the fact that he made not a few mistakes in the matter of theory and in his practical activity. After the Party Congress we shall probably have to re-evaluate many wartime military operations and to present them in their true light. The tactics on which Stalin insisted without knowing the essence of the, conduct of battle operations cost us much blood until we succeeded in stopping the opponent and going over to the offensive. The military know that already by the end of 1941 instead of great operational maneuvers flanking the opponent and penetrating behind his back, Stalin demanded incessant frontal attacks and the capture of one village after another. Because of this we paid with great losses until our generals, on whose shoulders rested the whole weight of conducting the war, succeeded in changing the situation and shifting to flexible maneuver operations, which Page 48 Approved For Release ]JICMR78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea Ar P78-00915R000500080001-7 NON*N immediately brought serious changes at the front favorable to us. All the more shameful was the fact that after our great victory over the enemy which cost us so much, Stalin began to down- grade many of the commanders who contributed so much to the victory over the enemy, because Stalin excluded every possibility that services rendered at the front should be credited to anyone but himself. Stalin was very much interested in the assessment of Comrade Zhukov as a military leader. He asked me often for my opinion of Zhukov. I told him then, "I have known Zhukov for a long time; he is a good general and a good military leader." After the war Stalin began to tell all kinds of nonsense about Zhukov, among others the following, "You praised Zhukov, but he does not deserve it. It is said that before each operation at the front Zhukov used to behave as follows: he used to take a handful of earth, smell it and say, 'We can begin the attack,' or the opposite, 'the planned operation cannot be carried out."' I stated at that time, "Comrade Stalin, I do not know who invented this, but it is not true." It is possible that Stalin himself invented these things for the purpose of minimizing the role and military talents of Marshal Zhukov. In this connection Stalin very energetically popularized himself as a great leader; in various ways he tried to inculcate in the people the version that all victories gained by the Soviet nation during the Great Patriotic War were due to the courage, dar- ing and genius of Stalin and of no one else. Exactly like Kuzma Kryuchkov (a famous Cossack who performed heroic feats against Page 49 ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO N the Germans)*, he put one dress on 7 people at the same time. (Animation in the hall.) In the same vein, let us take, for instance, our historical and military films and some literary creations; they make us feel sick. Their true objective is the propagation of the theme of praising Stalin as a military genius. Let us recall the film, "The Pall of Berlin." Here only Stalin acts; he issues orders in the hall in which there are many empty chairs and only one man approaches him and reports something to him - that is Poskrebyshev, his loyal shield-bearer. (Laughter in the hall.) And where is the military command? Where is the Political Bureau? Where is the Government? What are they doing and with what are they engaged? There is nothing about them in the film. Stalin acts for everybody; he does not reckon with anyone; he asks no one for advice. Everything is shown to the nation in this false light. Why? In order to surround Stalin with glory, contrary to the facts and contrary to historical truth. The question arises: And where are the military on whose shoulders rested the burden of the war? They are not in the film; with Stalin in, no room was left for them. Not Stalin, but the Party as a whole, the Soviet Government, our heroic army, its talented leaders and brave soldiers, the whole Soviet nation - these are the ones who assured the victory in the Great Patriotic War. (Tempestuous and prolonged applause.) The Central Committee members, ministers, our economic leaders, leaders of Soviet culture, directors of territorial Party and Soviet organizations, engineers, and technicians -- everyone of them in his own place of work generously gave of *The content of this parenthesis is an editorial comment of the translator. Page 50 NOF Approved For Release : Cl P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CREW NOFlS{SN his strength and knowledge toward ensuring victory over the enemy. Exceptional herosim was shown by our hard core - surrounded by glory is our whole working class, our kolkhoz peasantry, the Soviet intelligentsia, who under the leadership of Party organiza- tions overcame.untoid hardships and, bearing the hardships of war, devoted all their strength to the cause of the defense of the Fatherland. Great and brave deeds during the war were accomplished by our Soviet women who bore on their backs the heavy load of produc- tion work in the factories, on the kolkhozes, and in various economic and cultural sectors; many women participated directly in the Great Patriotic War at the fronts; our brave youth contrib- uted immeasurably at the front and at home to the defense of the Soviet Fatherland and to the annihilation of the enemy. Immortal are the services of the Soviet soldiers, of our commanders and political workers of all ranks; after the loss of a considerable part of the army in the first war months they V did not lose their heads'and were able to reorganize during the progress of combat; they created and toughened during the progress of the war a strong and herioc army and not only stood off pressure of the strong and cunning enemy but also smashed him. Page 51 Approved For Release :Xl$-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Re-aYP78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFO The magnificent and heroic deeds of hundreds of millions of people of the East and of the West during the fight against the threat of Fascist subjugation which loomed before us will live centuries and millenia in the memory of thankful humanity. (Thunderous applause) The main role and the main credit for the victorious ending of the war belongs to our Communist Party, to the armed forces of the Soviet Union, and to the tens of millions of Soviet people raised by the Party. (Thunderous and prolonged applause.) Comrades, let us reach for some other facts. The Soviet Union is justly considered as a model of a multi-national State because we have in practice assured the equality and friendship of all nations which live in our great Fatherland. All the more monstrous are the acts whose initiator was Stalin and which are rude violations of the basic Leninist prin- ciples of the nationality policy of the Soviet State. We refer to the mass deportations from their native places of whole nations, together with all Communists and Komsomols without any exception; this deportation action was not dictated by any military considera- tions. Thus, already at the end of 1943, when there occurred a per- manent breakthrough at the fronts of the Great Patriotic War bene- fiting the Soviet Union, a decision was taken and executed con cerning the deportation of all the Karachai from the lands on which they lived. In the same period, at the end of December 1943, the same lot befell the whole population of the Autonomous Kalmyk Republic. In March 1944 all the Chechen and Ingush peoples were deported and the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic was liquidated. In April 1944, all Balkars were deported to faraway. places from the territory of the Kabardyno-Baikar Autonomous Republic and the Republic itself was renamed the Autonomous Page 52 NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 gRET NOF Kabardynian Republic. The Ukrainians avoided meeting this fate only because there were too many of them and there was no place to which to deport them, Otherwise, he would have deported them also. (Laughter and animation in the hall.) Not only a Marxist-Leninist but also no man of common sense can grasp how it is possible to make whole nations responsible for inimical activity, including women, children, old people, Communists and Komsomols, to use mass repression against them, and to expose them to misery and suffering for the hostile acts of individual persons or groups of persons. After the conclusion of the Patriotic War the Soviet nation stressed with pride the magnificent victories gained through great sacrifices and tremendous efforts. The country experienced a period of political enthusiasm. The Party came out of the war even more united; in the fire of the war Party cadres were tem- pered and hardened. Under such conditions nobody could have even thought of the possibility of some plot in the Party. And it was precisely at this time that the so-called "Lenin- grad Affair" was born. As we have now proven, this case was fabricated. Those who innocently lost their lives included Com- rades Voznesensky, Kuznetsov, Rodionov, Popkov, and others. As is known, Voznesensky and Kuznetsov were talented and eminent leaders. Once they stood very close to Stalin. It is sufficient to mention that Stalin made Voznesensky first deputy to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Kuznetsov was elected Secretary of the Central Committee. The very fact that Stalin entrusted Kuznetsov with the supervision of the State security organs shows the trust which he enjoyed. How did it happen that these persons were branded as enemies of the people and liquidated? Page 53 44ET Approved For Release ~A 915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFOR Facts prove that the "Leningrad Affair" is also the result of willfulness which Stalin exercised against Party cadres. Had a normal situation existed in the Party's Central Committee and in the Central Committee Political Bureau, affairs of this nature would have been examined there in accordance with Party practice, and all pertinent facts assessed; as a result such an affair as well as others would not have happened. We must state that after the war the situation became even more complicated. Stalin became even more capricious, irritable and brutal; in particular his suspicion grew. His persecution mania reached unbelievable dimensions. Many workers were be- coming enemies before his very eyes. After the war Stalin sepa- rated himself from the + llective even more. Everything was decided by him alone without any consideration for anyone or anything. This unbelievable suspicion was cleverly taken advantage of.by the abject provocateur and vile enemy, Beriya, who had murdered thousands of Communists and loyal Soviet people. The elevation of Voznesensky and Kuznetsov alarmed Beriya. As we have now proven, it had been precisely Beriya who had "suggested" to Stalin the fabrication by him and by his confidants of ma- terials in the form of declarations and anonymous letters, and in the form of various rumors and talks. The Party's Central Committee has examined this so-called "Leningrad Affair'"; persons who innocently suffered are now re- habilitated and honor has been restored to the glorious Lenin- grad Party organization. Abakumov and others who had fabricated this affair were brought before a court; their trial took place in Leningrad and they received what they deserved. The question arises: Why is it that we see the truth of this affair only now, and why did we not do something earlier, during Stalin's life, in order to prevent the loss of innocent Page 54 Approved For Release 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For ReIe 78-00915R000500080001-7 NOFOR lives? It was because Stalin personally supervised the "Leningrad Affair," and the majority of the Political Bureau members did not, at that time, know all of the circumstances in these matters, and could not therefore intervene. When Stalin received certain materials from Beriya and Abakumov, without examining these slanderous materials, he ordered an investigation of the "Affair" of Voznesensky and Kuznetsov. With this their fate was sealed. Instructive in the same way is the case of the Mingrelian nationalist organization which supposedly existed in Georgia. As is known, resolutions by the Central Committee, Communist Party of the Soviet Union, were made concerning this case in November 1951 and in March 1952. These resolutions were made without prior discussion with the Political Bureau. Stalin had personally dictated them. They made serious accusations against many loyal Communists. On the basis of falsified documents it was proven that there existed in Georgia a supposedly nationalistic organization whose objective was the liquidation of the Soviet power in that Republic with the help of imperialist powers. In this connection., a number of responsible Party and Soviet workers were arrested in Georgia. As was later proven, this was a slander directed against. the Georgian Party organiza- tion. We know that there have been at times manifestations of local bourgeois nationalism in Georgia as in several other re- publics. The question arises: Could it be possible that in the period during which the resolutions referred to above were made, nationalist tendencies grew so much that there was a danger of Georgia's leaving the Soviet Union and joining Turkey? (Anima- tion in the hall, laughter.) Page 55 ET NOFO Approved For Release : CIA-RDP 8- 00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NORN This is, of course, nonsense. It is impossible to imagine how such assumptions could enter anyone's mind. Everyone knows how Georgia has developed economically and culturally under Soviet rule. Industrial production of the Georgian Republic is 27 times greater than it was before the revolution. Many new industries have arisen in Georgia which did not exist there before the revo- lution: iron smelting, an oil industry, a machine construction industry, etc. Illiteracy has long since been liquidated, which, in pre-revolutionary Georgia, included 78 percent of the popula- tion. Could the Georgians, comparing the situation in their Repub- lic with the hard situation of the working masses in Turkey, be aspiring to join Turkey? In 1955 Georgia produced 18 times as much steel per person as Turkey. Georgia produces 9 times as much electrical energy per person as Turkey. According to the available 1950 census, 65 percent of Turkey's total population are illiterate, and of the women, 80 percent are illiterate. Georgia has 19 institutions of higher learning which have about 39,000 students; this is 8 times more than in Turkey (for each 1,000 inhabitants). The prosperity of the-working people has grown tremendously in Georgia under Soviet rule. It is clear that as the economy and culture develop, and as the Socialist consciousness of the working masses in Georgia grows, the source from which bourgeois nationalism draws it strength evaporates. As it developed, there was no nationalistic organization in Georgia. Thousands of innocent people fell victim of willful- ness and lawlessness. All of this happened under the "genial" leadership of Stalin, "the great son of the Georgian nation," as Georgians liked to refer to Stalin. (Animation in the hail.) Page 56 RET Approved For Releasqj..78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 '\RET NOF The willfulness of Stalin showed itself not only in decisions concerning the internal life of the country but also in the inter- national relations of the Soviet Union. The July Plenum of the Central Committee studied in de- tail the reasons for the development of conflict with Yugoslavia. It was a shameful role which Stalin played here. The "Yugoslav Affair" contained no problems which could not have been solved through Party discussions among comrades. There was no signifi- cant basis for the development of this "affair"; it was com- pletely possible to have prevented the rupture of relations with that country. This does not mean, however, that the Yugo- slav leaders did not make mistakes or did not have shortcomings. But these mistakes and shortcomings were magnified in a monstrous manner by Stalin, which resulted in a break of relations with a friendly country. I recall the first days when the conflict between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia began artificially to be blown up. Once, when I came from Kiev to Moscow, I was invited to visit Stalin who, pointing to the copy of a letter lately sent to Tito, asked me, "Have you read this?" Not waiting for my reply he answered, "I will shake my little finger - and there will be no more Tito. He will fall." We have dearly paid for this "shaking of the little finger." This statement reflected Stalin's mania for greatness, but he acted just that way: "I will shake my little finger - and there will be no Kossior"; "I will shake my little finger once more - and Postyshev and Chubar will be no more"; "I will shake my little finger again - and Voznesensky, Kuznetsov and many others will disappear." Page 57 Approved For Release P A 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : C1A-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET But this did not happen to Tito. No matter how much or how little Stalin shook, not only his little finger but every- thing else that he could shake, Tito did not fall. Why? The reason was that, in this case of disagreement with the Yugoslav comrades, Tito had behind him a State and a people who had gone through a severe school of fighting for liberty and independence, a people which gave support to its leaders. You see to what Stalin's mania for greatness led. He had completely lost consciousness of reality; he demonstrated his suspicion and haughtiness not only in relation to individuals in the USSR, but in relation to whole parties and nations. We have carefully examined the case of Yugoslavia and have found a proper solution which is approved by the peoples of the Soviet Union and of Yugoslavia as well as by the working masses of all the people's democracies and by all progressive humanity. The liquidation of the abnormal relationship with Yugoslavia was done in the interest of the whole camp of Social- ism, in the interest of strengthening peace in the whole world. Let us also recall the "Affair of the Doctor-Plotters." (Animation in the hall.) Actually there was no "Affair" out- side of the declaration of the woman doctor Timashuk, who was probably influenced or ordered by someone (After all, she was an unofficial collaborator of the organs of State security.) to write Stalin a letter in which she declared that doctors were applying supposedly improper methods of medical treatment. Such a letter was sufficient for Stalin to reach an imme- diate conclusion that there are doctor-plotters in the Soviet Union. He issued orders to arrest a group of eminent Soviet .medical specialists. He personally issued advice on the con- duct of the investigation and the method of interrogation of the arrested persons. He said that the academician Vinogradov Page 58 Approved For ReleaseNOP 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ;ET NOFO should be put in chains, another one should be beaten. Present at this Congress as a delegate is the Former Minister of State Security, Comrade Ignatiev. Stalin told him curtly, "If you do not obtain confessions from the doctors we will shorten you by a head." (Tumult in the hall.) Stalin personally called the investigative judge, gave him instructions, advised him on which investigative methods should be used; these methods were simple--beat, beat and, once again, beat. Shortly after the doctors were arrested we members of the Political Bureau received protocols with the doctors' confes- sions of guilt. After distributing these protocols Stalin told us, "You are blind like young kittens; what will happen with- out me? The country will perish because you do not know how to recognize enemies." The case was so presented that no one could verify the facts on which the investigation was based. There was no pos- sibility of trying to verify facts by contacting those who had made the confessions of guilt. We felt, however, that the case of the arrested doctors was questionable. We knew some of these people personally because they had once treated us. When we examined this "case" after Stalin's death, we found it to be fabricated from beginning to end. This ignominious "case" was set up by Stalin; he did not, however, have the time in which to bring it to an end (as he conceived that end), and for this reason the doctors are still alive. Now all have been rehabilitated; they are working in the same places they were working before; they treat top Page 59 ADDroved For Relea e : 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea ? CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET NOFO individuals, not excluding members of the Government; they have our full confidence; and they execute their duties honestly, as they did before. In organizing the various dirty and shameful cases, a very base role was played by the rabid enemy of our Party, an agent of a foreign intelligence service - Beriya, who had stolen into Stalin's confidence. In what way could this provocateur gain such a position in the Party and in the State, so as to become the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union and a member of the Central Committee Political Bureau? It has now been established that this villain had climbed up the government ladder over an untold number of corpses.. Were there any signs that Beriya was an enemy of the Party? Yes, there were. Already in 1937, at a Central Committee Plenum, former People's Commissar of Health Protection, Kaminsky, said that Beriya worked for the Mussavat intelligence service. But the Central Committee Plenum had barely concluded when Kaminsky was arrested and then shot. Had Stalin examined Kaminsky's state- ment? No, because Stalin believed in Beriya, and that was enough for him. And when Stalin believed in anyone or anything, then no one could say anything which was contrary to his opinion; anyone who would dare to express opposition would have met the same fate as Kaminsky. There were other signs also. The declaration which Comrade Snegov made at the Party's Central Committee is inter- esting (Parenthetically speaking, he was also rehabilitated not long ago, after 17 years in prison camps). In this dec- laration Snegov writes: "In connection with the proposed rehabilitation of the former Central Committee member, Kartvelishvili-Lavryentiev, I have entrusted to the hands of the representative of the Page 60 S. Approved For ReleasN )RM-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele F78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF 11 Committee of State Security a detailed deposition concerning Beriya's role in the disposition of the Kartvelishvili case and concerning the criminal motives by which Beriya was guided." In my opinion it is indispensable to recall an important fact pertaining to this case and to communicate it to the Central Committee, because I did not consider it as proper to include in the investigation documents. On 30 October 1931, at the session of the Organizational Bureau of the Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Kartvelishvili, Secretary of the Trans-Caucasian Krai Committee, made a report. All members of the Executive of the Krai Committee were present; of them I alone am alive. Dur- ing this session J. V. Stalin made a motion at the end of his speech concerning the organization of the Secretariat of the Trans-Caucasian Krai Committee composed of the following: First Secretary, Kartvelishvili; Second Secretary, Beriya (it was then for the first time in the Party's history that Beriya's name was mentioned as a candidate for a Party position). Kartvelishvili answered that he knew Beriya well and for that reason refused categorically to work together with him. Stalin proposed then that this matter be left open and that it be solved in the proc- ess of the work itself. Two days later a decision was arrived at that Beriya would receive the Party post and that Kartvelishvili would be deported from the Trans-Caucasus. This fact can be confirmed by Comrades Mikoyan and Kaganovich who were present at that session. The long unfriendly relations between Kartvelishvili and Beriya were widely known; they date back to the time when Com- rade Sergo* was active in the Trans-Caucasus; Kartvelishvili was the closest assistant of Sergo. The unfriendly relationship im- pelled Beriya to fabricate a "case" against Kartvelishvili. * Translator's note: "Sergo" was the popular nickname for Ordzhonikidze. Page 61 CRET NOF Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 It is a characteristic thing that in this "case" Kartvelish- vili was charged with a terroristic act against Beriya. The indictment in the Beriya case contains a discussion of his crimes. Some things should, however, be recalled, especially since it is possible that not all delegates to the Congress have read this document. I wish to recall Beriya's bestial disposi- tion of the cases of Kedrov, Golubiev, and Golubiev's adopted mother, Baturina - persons who wished to inform the Central Com- mittee concerning Beriya's treacherous activity. They were shot without any trial and the sentence was passed ex-post facto, af- ter the execution. Here is what the old Communist, Comrade Kedrov, wrote to the Central Committee through Comrade Andreyev (Comrade Andreyev was then a Central Committee secretary): "I am calling to you for help from a gloomy cell of the Lefortorsky prison. Let my cry of horror reach your ears; do not remain deaf; take me under your protection; please, help re- move the nightmare of interrogations and show that this is all a mistake. "I suffer innocently. Please believe me. Time will testi- fy to the truth. I am not an agent-provocateur of the Tsarist Okhrana; I am not a spy; I am not a member of an anti-Soviet organization of which I am being accused on the basis of denun- ciations. I am also not guilty of any other crimes against the Party and the government. I am an old Bolshevik, free of any stain; I have honestly fought for almost 40 years in the ranks of the Party for the good and the prosperity of the nation. . . . . .Today I, a 62-year-old man, am being threatened by the investigative judges with more severe, cruel and degrading methods of physical pressure. They (the judges) are no longer capable of becoming aware of their error and of recognizing Page 62 ET Approved For Releas G 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Relea PTP78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N that their handling of my case is illegal and impermissible. They try to justify their actions by picturing me as a hardened and raving enemy and are demanding increased repressions. But let the Party know that I am innocent and that there is nothing which can turn a loyal son of the Party into an enemy, even right up to his last dying breath. "But I have no way out. I cannot divert from myself the hastily approaching new and powerful blows. "Everything, however, has its limits. My torture has reached the extreme. My health is broken, my strength and my energy are waning, the end is drawing near. To die in a Soviet prison, branded as a vile traitor to the Fatherland - what can be more monstrous for an honest man. And how monstrous all this is! Unsurpassed bitterness and pain grips my heart. No! No! This will not happen; this cannot be - I cry. Neither the Party, nor the Soviet government, nor the People's Commissar, L. P. Beriya, will permit this cruel irreparable injustice. I am firmly certain that given a quiet, objective examination, with- out any foul rantings, without anger and without the fearful tortures, it would be easy to prove the baselessness of the charges. I believe deeply that truth and justice will triumph. I believe. I believe." The old Bolshevik, Comrade Kedrov, was found innocent by the Military Collegium. But despite this, he was shot at Beri- ya's order. (Indignation in the hall.) Beriya also handled cruelly the family of Comrade Ordzhon- ikidze. Why? Because Ordzhonikidze had tried to prevent Beriya from realizing his shameful plans. Beriya had cleared from his way all persons who could possibly interfere with him. Ordzhon- ikidze was always an opponent of Beriya, which he told to Stalin. Instead of examining this affair and taking appropriate steps, Stalin allowed the liquidation of Ordzhonikidze's brother and Page 63 T %TN Approved For ReleasP78-00915R000500080001-7 . Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RED' NOF brought Ordzhonikidze himself to such a state that he was forced to shoot himself. (Indignation in the hail.) Such was Beriya. Beriya was unmasked by the Party's Central Committee short- ly after Stalin's death. As a result of the particularly de- tailed legal proceedings it was established that Beriya had com- mitted monstrous crimes and Beriya was shot. The question arises why Beriya, who had liquidated tens of thousands of Party and Soviet workers, was not unmasked dur- ?ing Stalin's life? He was not unmasked earlier because he had utilized very skillfully Stalin's weaknesses; feeding him with suspicions, he assisted Stalin in everything and acted with his support. Comrades: The cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts. One of the most characteristic examples of Stalin's self-glorification and of his lack of even elementary modesty is the edition of his "Short Biography," which was pub- lished in 1948. This book is an expression of the most dissolute flattery, an example,of making a man into a godhead, of transforming him into an infallible sage, "the greatest leader," "sublime'stra- tegist of all times and nations." Finally no other words could be, found with which to lift Stalin up to the heavens. We need not give here examples of the loathsome adulation filling this book. All we need to add is that they all were approved and edited by Stalin personally and some of them were added in his own handwriting to the draft text of the book. Page 64 Approved For ReleaspN P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO What did Stalin consider essential to write into this book? Did he want to cool the ardor of his flatterers who were compos- ing his "Short Biography." No! He marked the very places where he thought that the praise of his services was insufficient. Here are some examples characterizing Stalin's activity, added in Stalin's own hand: "In this fight against the skeptics and capitulators,. the Trotskyites, Zinovievites, Bukharinites and Kamenevites, there was definitely welded together, after Lenin's death, that leading core of the Party..* that upheld the great banner of Lenin, ral- lied the Party behind Lenin's behests, and brought the Soviet people into the broad road of industrializing the country and collectivising the rural economy. The leader of this core and the guiding force of the Party and the state was Comrade Stalin." Thus writes Stalin himself! Then he adds: "Although he performed his task of leader of the Party and the people with consummate skill and enjoyed the unreserved sup- port of the entire Soviet people, Stalin never allowed his work to be marred by the slightest hint of vanity, conceit or'self- adulation." Where and when could a leader so praise himself? Is this worthy of a leader of the Marxist-Leninist type? No. Precisely- against this did Marx and Engels take such a strong position. This also was always sharply condemned by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. *Omitted portion of list as found in "A Short Biography," by Joseph Stalin, Moscow: Foreign languages Publishing House, 1949, p. 89 is as follows: "...consisting of Stalin, Molotov, Kalinin, Voroshilov, Kuibyshev, Frunze, Dzerchinsky, Kaganovich, Orjon- ikidze, Kirov, Yaroslavsky, Mikoyan, Andreyev, Shvernik, Zhdanov, Shkiryatov and others." Page 65 CRET Approved For Release : P78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele P78-00915R000500080001-7 NOF n the draft text of his book appeared the following sen- tence: "Stalin is the Lenin of today." This sentence appeared to Stalin to be too weak, so in his own handwriting he changed it to read: "Stalin is the worthy continuer of Lenin's work, or, as it is said in our Party, Stalin is the Lenin of today." You see how well it is said, not by the Nation but by Stalin himself. It is possible to give many such self-praising appraisals written into the draft text of that book-in Stalin's hand. Es- pecially generously does he endow himself with praises pertain- ing to his military genius, to his talent for strategy. I will cite one more insertion made by Stalin concerning the theme of the Stalinist military genius. "The advanced Soviet science of war received further devel- opment," he writes, "at Comrade Stalin's hands. Comrade Stalin elaborated the theory of the permanently operating factors that decide the issue of wars, of active defense and the laws of counter-offensive and offensive, of the co-operation of all serv- ices and arms in modern warfare, of the role of big tank masses and air forces in modern war, and of the artillery as the most formidable of the armed services. At the various stages of the war Stalin's genius found the correct solutions that took ac- count of all the circumstances of the situation." (Movement in the hall.) And further, writes Stalin: "Stalin's military mastership was displayed both in de- fense and offense. Comrade Stalin's genius enabled him to divine .the enemy's plans and defeat them. The battles in which Com- rade Stalin directed the Soviet armies are brilliant examples of operational military skill." In this manner was Stalin praised as a strategist. Who did this? Stalin himself, not in his role as a strategist but in the role of an author-editor, one of the main creators of his self-adulatory biography. RET NOI Page 66 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET Such, comrades, are the facts. We should rather say shameful facts. And one additional fact from the same "Short Biography" of Stalin. As is known, "The Short Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)" was written by a Com- mission of the Party Central Committee. This book, parenthetically, was also permeated with the cult Of the individual and was written by a designated group of authors. This fact was reflected in the following formulation on the proof copy of the "Short Biography of Stalin": "A commission of the Central Committee, All-Union Commu- nist Party (Bolsheviks), under the direction of Comrade Stalin and with his most active personal participation, has prepared a "Short Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)," But even this phrase did not satisfy Stalin: the follow- ing sentence replaced it in the final version of the "Short Biography'": "In 1938 appeared the book, 'History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Short Course', written by Comrade Stalin and approved by a commission of the Central Committee, All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)." Can one add anything more? (Animation in the hall.) As you see, a surprising metamorphosis changed the work created by a group into a book written by Stalin. It is not necessary to state how and why this metamorphosis took place. A pertinent question comes to our mind: If Stalin is the author of this book, why did he need to praise the person of Stalin so much and to transform the whole post-October histori- cal period of our glorious' Communist Party solely into an ac- tion of "the Stalin genius?" Page 67 Approved For ReleaseN& 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOFO Did this book properly reflect the efforts of the Party in the Socialist transformation of the country, in the construc- tion of Socialist society, in the industrialization and collec- tivization of the country, and also other steps taken by the Party which undeviatingly traveled the path outlined by Lenin? This book speaks principally about Stalin, about his speeches, about his reports. Everything without the smallest exception is tied to his name. And when Stalin himself asserts that he himself wrote the "Short Course of the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), "this calls at least for amazement. Can a Marxist-Leninist thus write about himself, praising his own person to the heavens? Or let us take the matter of the Stalin prizes. (Movement in the hall.) Not even the Tsars created prizes which they named after themselves. Stalin recognized as the best a text of the national an- them of the Soviet Union which contains not a word about the Communist Party; it contains, however, the following unprec- edented praise of Stalin: "Stalin brought us up in loyalty to the people, He inspired us to great toil and acts." In these lines of the anthem is the whole educational, directional and inspirational activity of the great Leninist Party ascribed to Stalin. This is, of course, a clear devia- tion from Marxism-Leninism, a clear debasing and belittling of the role of the Party. We should add for your information that the Presidium of the Central Committee has already passed a resolution concerning the composition of a new text of the anthem, which will reflect the role of the prople, and the role of the Party. (Loud, prolonged applause.) Page 68 ET Approved For Release"Q~A- -00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RED' NOF And was it without Stalin's knowledge that many of the largest enterprises and towns were named after him? Was it without his knowledge that Stalin monuments were erected in the whole country -- these "memorials to the living?" It is a fact that Stalin himself had signed on 2 July 1951 a resolution of the USSR Council of Ministers concerning the erection on the Volga- Don Canal of an impressive monument to Stalin; on 4 September of the same year he issued an order making 33 tons of copper available for the construction of this impressive monument. Anyone who has visited the Stalingrad area must have seen the huge statue which is being built there, and that on a site which hardly any people frequent. Huge sums were spent to build it at a time when people of this area had lived since the war in huts. Consider yourself, was Stalin right when he wrote in his biography that "...he did not allow in himself,.,.even a shadow of conceit, pride, or self-adoration?" At the same time Stalin gave proofs of his lack of respect for Lenin's memory. It is not a coincidence that, despite the decision taken over 30 years ago to build a Palace of Soviets as a monument to Vladimir Ilyich, this Palace was not built, its construction was always postponed, and the project allowed to lapse. We cannot forget to recall the Soviet., Government resolu- tion of 14 August 1925 concerning "the founding of Lenin prizes for educational work." This resolution was published in the press, but until this day there are no Lenin prizes. This, too, should be corrected. (Tumultous, prolonged applause.) During Stalin's life, thanks to known methods which I have mentioned,, and quoting facts, for instance, from the "Short Biography" of Stalin -- all events were explained as Page 69 Approved For ReleaseNe) 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele 4=,,p P78-00915R000500080001-7 NO N if Lenin played only a secondary role, even during the October Socialist Revolution. In many films and in many literary works, the figure of Lenin was incorrectly presented and inadmissibly depreciated. Stalin loved to see the file, "The Unforgettable Year of 1919," in which he was shown on the steps of an armored train and where he was practically vanquishing the foe with his own sabre. Let Kliment Yefremovich, our dear friend, find the neces- sary courage and write the truth about Stalin; after all, he knows how Stalin had fought. It will be difficult for Comrade Voroshilov to undertake this, but it would be good if he did it. Everyone will approve of it, both the people and the Party. Even his grand- sons will thank him. (Prolonged applause.) In speaking about the events of the October Revolution and about the Civil War, the impression was created that Stalin al- ways played the main role, as if everywhere and always Stalin had suggested to Lenin what to do and how to do it. However, this is slander of Lenin. (Prolonged applause.) I will probably not sin against the truth when I say that 99 percent of the persons present here heard and knew very little about Stalin before the year 1924, while Lenin was known to all; he was known to the whole Party, to the whole nation, from the children up to the graybeards. (Tumultous, prolonged applause.) All this has to be thoroughly revised, so that history, literature, and the fine arts properly reflect V. I. Lenin's role and the great deeds of our Communist Party and of the Soviet peo- ple--the creative people. (Applause.) Comrades! The cult of the individual has caused the em- ployment of faulty principles in Party work and in economic Page 70 SLAT NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO activity; it brought about rude violation of internal Party and Soviet democracy, sterile administration, deviations of all sorts, covering up of shortcomings and varnishing of reality, Our nation gave birth to many flatterers and specialists in false opism and deceit. We should also not forget that due to the numerous arrests of Party, Soviet and economic leaders, many workers began to work uncertainly, showed over-cautiousness, feared all which was new, feared their own shadows and began to show less initiative in their work. Take, for instance, Party and Soviet resolutions. They were prepared in a routine manner often without considering the concrete situation. This went so far that Party workers, even during the smallest sessions, read their speeches. All this produced the danger of formalizing the Party and Soviet work and of bureaucratizing the whole apparatus. Stalin's reluctance to consider life's realities and the fact that he was not aware of the real state of affairs in the provinces can be illustrated by his direction of agriculture. All those who interested themselves even a little in the national situation saw the difficult situation in agriculture, but Stalin never even noted it. Did we tell Stalin about this? Yes, we told him, but he did not support us. Why? Because Stalin never traveled anywhere, did not meet city and Eolkhoz workers; he did not know the actual situation in the provinces. He knew the country and agriculture only from films. And these films had dressed up and beautified the existing situation in agriculture. Many films so pictured Kolkhoz life that the tables were bending"from the weight of turkeys and geese. Evidently Stalin thought that it was actually so. Page 71 CRET Approved For Release: I P78-009158000500080001-7 Approved Fo elease : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CI E7' NOF Vladimir Ilyich Lenin looked at life differently; he was always close to the people; he used to receive peasant dele- gates, and often spoke at factory gatherings; he used to visit villages and talk with the peasants. Stalin separated himself from the people and never went anywhere. This lasted tens of years. The last time he visited a village was in January 1928 when he visited Siberia in con- nection with grain deliveries. How then could he have known the situation in the provinces? And when he was once told during a discussion that our situation on the land was a difficult one and that the situation of cattle breeding and meat production was especially bad, a commission was formed which was charged with the preparation of a resolution called, "Means toward further development of animal breeding in Kolkhozes and Sovkhozes." We worked out this project. Of course, our propositions of that time did not contain all possibilities, but we did charter ways in which animal breed- ing on the Kolkhozes and Sovkhozes would be raised. We had pro- posed then to raise the prices of such products in order to create material incentives for the Kolkhoz, MTS and Sovkhoz workers in the development of cattle breeding. But our project was not accepted and in February 1953 was laid aside entirely. What is more, while reviewing this project Stalin proposed that the taxes paid by the Kolkhozes and by the Kolkhoz workers should be raised by 40 billion rubles; according to him the peasants are well-off and the Kolkhoz worker would need to sell, only one more chicken to pay his tax in full. Imagine what this meant. Certainly forty billion rubles is a sum which the Kolkhoz workers did not realize for all the products which they sold to the government. In 1952, for in- stance, the Kolkhozes and the Kolkhoz workers received 26,280 million rubles for all their products delivered and sold to the government. Page 72 Approved For ReleasWbPP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Did Stalin's position then rest on data of any sort what- ever? Of course not. In such cases facts and figures did not interest him. If Stalin said anything, it meant it was so - after all, he was a "genius" and a genius does not need to count, he only needs to i look and can immediately tell how it should be. When he ex- presses his opinion, everyone has to repeat it and to admire his wisdom. But how much wisdom was contained in the proposal. to raise the agricultural tax by 40 billion rubles? None, absolutely none, because the proposal was not based on an actual assessment of the situation but on the fantastic ideas of a person divorced from reality. We are currently beginning slowly to work our way out of'a difficult agricultural situation. The speeches of the dele- gates to the XXth Congress please us all; we are glad that many delegates deliver speeches, that there are conditions for the fulfillment of the Sixth Five-Year Plan for animal husbandry, not during the period of five years, but within two to three years. We are certain that the commitments of the new five-year plan will be accomplished successfully. (Prolonged applause.) Comrades! If we sharply criticize today the cult of the individual which was so widespread during Stalin's life and if we speak about the many negative phenomena generated by this cult which is so alien to the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, various persons may ask: How could it be? Stalin headed the Party and the coun- try for 30 years and many victories were gained during his life- time. Can we deny this? In my opinion, the question can be asked in this manner only by those who are blinded and hopelessly Page 73 ET Approved For ReleasA 2 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NOF~BN hypnotized by the cult of the individual, only by those who do not understand the essence of the revolution and of the Soviet State, only by those who do not understand, in a Leninist man- ner, the role of the Party and of the nation in the development of the Soviet society. The Socialist revolution was attained by the working class and by the poor peasanty with the partial support of middle- class peasants. It was attained by the people under the leader- ship of the Bolshevik Party. Lenin's great service consisted of the fact that he created a militant Party of the working class, but he was armed with Marxist understanding of the laws of so- cial development and with the science of proletarian victory in the fight with capitalism, and he steeled this Party in the crucible of revolutionary struggle of the masses of the people. During this fight the Party consistently defended the interests of the people, became its experienced leader, and led the working masses to power, to the creation of the first Socialist State. You remember well the wise words of Lenin that the Soviet State is strong because of the awareness of the masses that his- tory is created by the millions and tens of millions of people. Our historical victories were attained thanks to the or- ganizational work of the Party, to the many provincial organi- zations, and to the self-sacrificing work of our great nation. These victories are the result of the great drive and activity of the nation and of the Party as a whole; they are not at all the fruit of the leadership of Stalin, as the situation was pic- tured during the period of the cult of the individual. If we are to consider this matter as Marxists and as Leninists, then we have to state unequivocably that the leader- ship practice which came into being during the last years of Stalin's life became a serious obstacle in the path of Soviet social development. Page 74 SECRET Approved For Release :8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Rele se : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF Stalin often failed for months to take up some unusually important problems concerning the life of the Party and of the State whose solution could not be postponed. During Stalin's leadership our peaceful relations with other nations were often threatened, because one man decisions could cause and often did cause great complications. In the last years, when we managed to free ourselves of the harmful practice of the cult of the individual and took several proper steps in the sphere of internal and external policies, everyone saw how activity grew before their very eyes, how the creative activity of the broad working masses developed, how favor- ably all this acted upon the development of economy and of culture. (Applause.) Some comrades may ask us: Where were the members of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee? Why did they not as- sert themselves against the cult of the individual in time? And why is this being done only now? First of all we have to consider the fact that the members of the Political Bureau viewed these matters in a different way at different times. Initially, many of them backed Stalin actively because Stalin was one of the strongest Marxists and his logic, his strength and his will greatly influenced the cadres and Party work. It is known that Stalin, after Lenin's death, especially during.the first years, actively fought for Leninism against the enemies of Leninist theory and against those who deviated. Be- ginning with Leninist theory, the Party, with its Central Committee at the head, started on a great scale the work of So- cialist industrialization of the country, agricultural collectiv- ization. and the cultural revolution. At that time Stalin gained great popularity, sympathy and support. The Party had to fight Page 75 RET Approved For ReleasU:'?e178-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF those who attempted to lead the country away from the correct Leninist path; it had to fight Trotskyites, Zinovievites and rightists, and the bourgeois nationalists. This fight was indis- pensable. Later, however, Stalin, abusing his power more and more, began to fight eminent Party and government leaders and to use terroristic methods against honest Soviet people. As we have already shown, Stalin thus handled such eminent Party and government leaders as Kossior, Rudzutak, Eikhe, Postyshev and many others. Attempts to oppose groundless suspicions and charges resulted in the opponent falling victim of the repression. This characterized the fall of Comrade Postyshev. In one of his speeches Stalin expressed his dissatisfaction with Postyshev and asked him, "What are you actually?" Postyshev answered clearly, "I am a Bolshevik, Comrade Stalin, a Bolshevik." This assertion was at first considered to show a lack of respect for Stalin; later it was considered a harmful act and consequently resulted in Postyshev's annihilation and branding without any reason as a "people's enemy." In the situation which then prevailed`I have talked often with Nikolai Aleksandrovich Bulganin; once when we two were traveling in a car, he said, "It has happened sometimes that a man goes to Stalin on his invitation as a friend. And when he sits with Stalin, he does not know where he will be sent next, home or to Jail." It is clear that such conditions put every member of the Political Bureau in a very difficult situation. And when we also consider the: fact that in the last years the Central Committee Plenary sessions were not convened and that the sessions of the Page 76 Approved For Release 78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 ET iOFO' Political Bureau occurred only occasionally, from time to time, then we will understand how difficult it was for any member of the Political Bureau to take a stand against one or another in- just or improper procedure, against serious errors and short- comings in the practices of leadership. As we have already shown, many decisions were taken either by one person or in a roundabout; way, without collective dis- cussions. The sad fate of Political Bureau member, Comrade Voznesensky, who fell victim to Stalin's repressions, is known to all. It is a characteristic thing that the decision to re- move him from the Political Bureau was never discussed but was reached in a devious fashion. In the same way came the decision concerning the removal of Kuznetsov and Rodionov from their posts. The importance of the Central Committee's Political Bureau was reduced and its work was disorganized by the creation within the Political Bureau of various commissions - the so-called "quintets," "sextets," "septets" and "novenaries." Here is, for instance, a resolution of the Political Bureau of 3 October 1946. "Stalin's Proposals "l. The Political Bureau Commission for Foreign Affairs ("Sextet") is to concern itself in the future,. in addition to foreign affairs, also with matters of internal construction and domestic policy. 02. The Sextet is to add to its roster the Chairman of the State Commission of'Economic Planning of the USSR, Comrade Voznesensky, and-is to be known as a Septet." "Signed: Secretary of the Central Committee, J. Stalin." What a terminology of a card player; (Laughter in the :hall.) It is clear that the creation within the Political Bu- reau of this type of Commissions--"quintets," "sextets," "septets," and "novenaries,"--was against the principle of collective.lead- ership. The result of this was that some members of the Polit- ical'. Bureau were in this way kept away from participation in reaching the most important State matters. CRET Page 77 Approved For Release IY 1-1 T7 . rA- 8-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF One of the oldest members of our Party, Kliment Yefremo- vich Voroshilov, found himself in an almost impossible situation. For several years he was actually deprived of the right of par- ticipation in Political Bureau sessions. Stalin forbade him to attend the Political Bureau sessions and to receive documents.. When the Political Bureau was in session and Comrade Voroshilov heard about it, he telephoned each time and asked whether he would be allowed to attend. Sometimes Stalin permitted it, but always showed his dissatisfaction. Because of his extreme sus- picion, Stalin toyed also with the absurd and ridiculous suspi- cion that Voroshilov was an English agent. (Laughter in the hall.) It's true -.an English agent. A special tapping device was installed in his home to listen to what was said there. (Indignation in the hall.) By unilateral decision Stalin had also separated one other man from the work of the Political Bureau - Andrey Andreyevich Andreyev. This was one of the most unbridled acts of willfulness. Let us consider the first Central Committee Plenum after the XIXth Party Congress when Stalin, in his talk at the Plenum, characterized Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov and Anastas Ivano- vich Mikoyan and suggested that these old workers of our Party were guilty of some baseless charges. It is not excluded that had Stalin remained at the helm for another several months, Comrades Molotov and Mikoyan would probably have not delivered any speeches at this Congress. Stalin evidently had plans to finish off the old members of the Political Bureau. He often stated that Political Bureau members should be replaced by new ones. His proposal, after the XIXth Congress concerning the se- lection of 25 persons to the Central Committee Presidium, was aimed at the removal of the old Political Bureau members and the bringing in of less experienced persons so that these would extol him in all sorts of ways. Page 78 Approved For Release : 0I0 -00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET NOF We can assume that. this was also a design for the future annihilation of the old Political Bureau members and in this way a. cover for all shameful acts of Stalin, acts which we are now considering. Comrades; In order not to repeat errors of the past, the Central Committee has declared itself resolutely against the cult of the individual. We consider that Stalin was excessively extolled. However, in the past Stalin doubtlessly performed great services to the Party, to the working class, and to the international workers' movement. This question is complicated by the fact that all this which we have just discussed was done during Stalin's life un- der his leadership and with his concurrence; here Stalin was convinced that this was necessary for the defense of the in- terests of the working classes against the plotting of the ene- mies and against the attack of the imperialist camp. He saw this from the position of the interest of the working class, of the interest of the laboring people, of the interest of the vic- tory of Socialism and Communism. We cannot say that these were the deeds of a giddy despot. He considered that this should be done in the interest of the Party; of the working masses, in the name of the defense of the revolution's gains. In this lies the whole tragedy! Comrades! Lenin had often stressed 'that modesty is an ab- solutely integral part of a real Bolshevik. Lenin himself was the living personification of the greatest modesty. We cannot say that we have been following this Leninist example in all re- spects. It is enough to point out that many towns, factories and industrial enterprises, Kolkhozes and Sovkhazes, Soviet insti- tutions and cultural institutions have been referred to by us with a title - if I may express it so - of private property *tVo names Page 79 T Approved For ReleasV ia4 P7 - 0915R000500080001-7` Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 RET 11 NOF of these or those government or Party leaders who were still active and in good health. Many of us participated in the action of assigning our names to various towns, rayons, undertakings and Kolkhozes. We must correct this. (Applause.) But this should be done calmly and slowly. The Central Committee will discuss this matter and consider it carefully in order to prevent errors and excesses. I can remember how the Ukraine-learned-about Kossior's arrest. The Kiev radio used to start its programs thus: "This is radio (in the name of) Kos- sior." When one day the programs began without naming Kossior, everyone was quite certain that something had happened to Kos- sior, that he probably had been arrested. Thus, if today we begin to remove the signs everywhere and to change names, people will think, that these comrades-in whose honor the given enterprises, Kolkhozes or cities are named, also met some bad fate and that they have also been arrested. (Anima- tion in the hall.) How is the. authority and the importance of this or that leader judged? On the basis of how many towns, industrial en- terprises and factories, Kolkhozes and Sovkhozes carry his name. Is. It not about time that we eliminate this "private property" and "nationalize" the factories, the industrial enterprises, the Kolkhozes and the Sovkhozes? (Laughter, applause, voices: "That is right.") This will benefit our cause. After all the cult of the individual is manifested also in this way. We should in all seriousness consider the question of the cult of.the individual. We cannot let this matter get out of the Party, especially not to the press. It is for this reason that we are considering it here at a closed Congress session. We should know the limits; we should not give ammunition to the enemy; we should not wash our dirty linen before their eyes. Page 80 ET Approved For Releasjik jP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : C IA -RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CI - SET NOFO I think that the delegates to the Congress will understand and assess properly all these proposals. (Tumultuous applause.) Comrades; We must abolish the cult of the individual de- cisively, once and for all; we must draw the proper conclusions concerning both ideological-theoretical, and practical work. it is.necessary for this purpose: First, in a Bolshevik manner to condemn and to eradicate the cult of the individual as alien to Marxism-Leninism and not consonant with the principles of Party leadership and the norms of Party life, and to fight inexorably all attempts at bringing back this practice in one form or another.. To return to and actually practice in all our ideological work the most important theses of Marxist-Leninist science about the people as the creator of history and as the creator of all material and spiritual good of humanity, about the decisive role of the Marxist Party in the revolutionary fight, for the transformation of society, about the victory of Communism. In this connection we will be forced to do much work in order to examine critically from the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint and to correct the widely spread erroneous views connected with the cult of the individual in the sphere of history, philosophy, economy and of other sciences, as well as in the literature and the fine arts. It is especially necessary that in the immediate future we compile a serious textbook of the history of our Party which will be edited in accordance with scientific Marxist ob- jectivism, a textbook of the history of Soviet society, a book pertaining to the events of the Civil War and the Great Patriot- ic- War. Page 81 ET NOFOR Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 Approved For Release : CIA-RDP78-00915R000500080001-7 CRET NO~RN Secondly, to continue systematically and consistently the work done by the Party's Central Committee during the last years, a work characterized by minute observation in all Party organi- zations, from the bottom to the top, of the Leninist principles of Party leadership, characterized, above all, by the main prin- ciple of collective leadership, characterized by the observation of the norms of Party life described in the Statutes of our Party, and finally, characterized by the wide practice of criti- cism and self-criticism. Thirdly, to restore completely the Leninist principles of Soviet Socialist democracy, expressed in the Constitution of the Soviet Union, to fight willfulness of individuals abusing their power. The evil caused by acts violating revolutionary Social- ist legality which have accumulated during a long time as a re- suit of the negative influence of the cult of the individual has to be completely corrected. Comrades; The XXth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has manifested with a new strength the unshakable unity of our Party, its cohesiveness around the Central Committee, its resolute will to accomplish the great task of building Com- munism. (Tumultuous applause.) And the fact that we present in all their ramifications the basic problems of overcoming the cult of the individual which is alien to Marxism-Leninism, as well as the problem of liquidating its burdensome consequences, is an evidence of the great moral and political strength of our Party. (Prolonged applause.) We are absolutely certain that our Party, armed with the historical resolutions of the XXth Congress, will lead the Soviet people along%the Leninist path to new successes, to new victories. (Tumultuous, prolonged applause.) Long live the victorious banner of our Party--Leninism: (Tumultuous, prolonged applause ending in ovation. All rise.) Page 82 CIVET Approved For Release 78-00915R000500080001-7