TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING OF FOREIGN COMMUNISTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R000600170045-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 81
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 21, 1998
• Sequence Number: 45
• Publication Date: August 1, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

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TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING
OF
FOREIGN COMMUNISTS
August 1957
copy N?
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TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING
of
FOREIGN COMMUNISTS
August 1957
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1. Introduction 1.
2. Selection of Students 2
3. Arrangements for Students ................. 6
4. Schools and Courses 8
Appendix A. Subjects Covered in a Recent
Course in the History of the Labor Move-
ment Given to Foreign Communists in the
USSR. ...................................... 16
Appendix B. Portions of the Text Utilized
During the Course in the History of
the Labor Movement 22
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TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING OF FOREIGN COMMUNISTS
1. Introduction
One of the CPSU's earliest and most effective methods
of exerting control and coordination over the International
Communist Movement was through its indoctrination and training
of foreign Communists. Thus, the training of foreign Communists
within Party schools in the USSR has long been an integral and
important part of the Communist movement. The greatest peak
of such activity was reached during the Comintern period. After
World War II there was an obvious curtailment in the number of
foreign Communists who received special Party training in the
Soviet Union, and contraction of the elaborate system of schools
which had existed. A certain amount of training for foreign
Communists continued to be carried out in the USSR but on a
much reduced scale.
At the present time there is evidence pointing to an
expanding program of training Communists from other countries
in Party schools within the USSR. While the evidence is not
firm there is reason to believe that this expanding program
may have commenced around the time of Stalin's death (1953)*.
Within the last few years especially, an increasing number of
foreign Communist functionaries have been traveling to the USSR
for Party training.
The identities and selection of trainees, their travel
patterns, the schools attended and the courses studied pose a
difficult intelligence target. It is nonetheless an important
one. The CPSU's apparent current interest in the training of
foreign Communists probably reflects not only a desire to produce
better Party activists and infuse the Communist movement with
fresh enthusiasm, but also a deliberate attempt to foster loyalty
# Its inception, however, may have preceded this date. In February
1952, Stalin himself noted "the inadequate level of Marxist
development of the majority of the Communist Parties in foreign
countries" when he called for a new textbook of Marxist political
economy.
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and subservience to the Soviet Party among the next generation of
foreign Communist party leaders. There is also current evidence
to suggest that, in a few instances, some Communist functionaries
may be deliberately sent to study in the USSR in order that their
own party leaders can in their absence better restore ideological
unity within their party.
While this paper is concerned only with the trends of
CPSU training, some comment is applicable about CP China in this
connection. During 1956, for instance, CP China trained a con-
siderable number of Latin American Communists who are not known
to have received CPSU training. It is not yet apparent what
relationship this training activity on the part of CP China has
to the CPSU's training program for foreign Communists. It may
be a normal division of labor, with the Chinese Communists
handling particularly Communist trainees from underdeveloped
countries. In the case of one Latin American CP, however, it is
reliably reported that in late 1956 one of the highest-ranking
leaders of the Party began his studies under CPSU direction in
Moscow. On the other hand, training by both the CPSU and CP
China is indicated in at least one case involving another very
high-ranking leader of the same CP. Possibly the CPSU, as the
leader of the international movement, will concentrate not only
on the training of Communists from the advanced countries but
also on the topmost leaders of CP's from underdeveloped areas.
The situation with respect to China, however, is an important
one to watch. Some Latin American Communists are reliably reported
to have remarked that they found CP China's experience more
applicable to Latin American countries than that of the CPSU.
2. Selection of Students
Whereas in the Satellites the dispatching of Communists
to Soviet Party schools is more or less routine, within the
CP's of the Free World the program of sending such trainees to
the USSR varies considerably.
Satellites
Reliable defector and other information shows that a
regular program exists whereby selected party functionaries from
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the Satellites are sent yearly to CPSU schools. There is also
evidence that the schools of the Satellite CP's themselves are,
in most instances, modeled so closely on the Soviet pattern that
a student completing with some distinction a required number
of years in one of the important training establishments of his
own Party may--according to a prearranged program-move on to
the parallel Soviet party school for "advanced" study.
While selection of a student by a Satellite CP obviously
entails consideration of his known loyalty and proven ability,
there is also reason to believe that Satellite parties are expected
to send each year a significant "quota" of students to CPSU
schools. Evidence suggests that the Satellite parties feel it
incumbent on themselves not only to hold up their end of this
program numerically, but also to prove to the CPSU, through proper
selection of students for specific schools, their ideological
and political astuteness. It is suspected, however, that often
the emphasis is on quantity rather than quality in the selection
of students.
Indicative of how this matter is handled by the Satellites
is a 1955 document of one Satellite Party. According to this
document, the Party Secretariat had as one of its tasks the
"organizing and selection of students" for study in various
CPSU establishments. This task included not only the composition
of the student delegation, but also the determination of which
ones should attend what schools and whether they should take
a one-year course or a three-year course. The "responsible
section" (presumably of the Central Committee apparatus) was
listed as the Section of Leading Party Organs, which was the
cadre section of the Party.
Other OP's
Without the uniform conditions which obtain in the
Satellites, in other CP's the program of sending party functionaries
to CPSU schools has been influenced by a variety of factors:
the extent of the training program of the indigenous party itself;
the general availability of trained leaders; the conditions of
legality or circumscription under which the party operates; its
financial ability to help underwrite transportation costs of
students; its importance and potential both internally as well
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as in relation to other CP's; the dictates of specific party
programs requiring greater specialized training; the desire to
establish closer contacts with the CPS U; and many other factors.
Both seasoned party functionaries as well as youthful, less
experienced activists have been included in this program.
Available evidence pointing to an expanding training
program for foreign Communists in the USSR relates largely to
Western European and Western Hemisphere CF's, and, in several
cases, appears to be the first program of any consequence since
World War II. It is possible that an acceleration in such train-
ing is also taking place for CP's in the Middle and Far East,
but there is little evidence available as yet to indicate this.
With respect to Western Europe and the Western Hemisphere, however,
current evidence shows that while both seasoned functionaries
as well as youthful activists continue to be included in the
training program, there appears to be a deliberate effort--and
on a greater scale than heretofore-of sending to CPS U training
establishments the rising generation of future party leaders.
This evidence is strikingly similar in several widely separated
countries.
From one country, for instance, nineteen party function-
aries departed earlier this year to continue their Party training
in the USSR. Of these, over ten were born in the middle or late
1920'x. From another country, nine functionaries are presently
receiving training in the USSR; of these, over seven were born
in the middle or late 1920's. From still another country it is
reliably reported that over twenty-five party activists are
attending a special school in the USSR. They are believed to
be in this same general age group. In yet another country, eight
party functionaries are reliably reported to have returned after
an extended period of training in the Soviet Union. Several of
these returnees are known to hold positions of importance in the
middle echelon of party leadership. In the case of two other
countries, there is an interesting parallel in the reports that
the son of a high party official in each country was among the
youths selected to receive party training in the USSR. The
selection of rising younger functionaries is apparent in other
information relating to trainees scheduled to begin their training
in the USSR this summer.
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Students attend short-term refresher courses as well
as undergo long-term training. A six week course (or "t42-day
course") is evidently attended by some of the better qualified
foreign Communists whose stay in the USSR is thus of a compara-
tively short duration. The youthful or middle echelon Communists
remain for longer periods, and are apparently selected for
courses of specific duration before their departure. A course
of one and a half years appears to be the most common, but reliable
reports also show that there are courses of one-, two-, and three-
year periods. One group of students from the same country may
contain trainees scheduled for courses of varying lengths.
It is evident that the procedure followed in the se-
lection of specific trainees for Soviet Party schools varies
from country to country and even within the same country. Some
trainees are chosen on the basis of their proven organizational
skill in party work. Others are reportedly selected from among
those who have progressed through the hierachy of the sectional,
provincial, inter-regional and national schools of their own
party. Some find themselves at a CPSU school because it'became
prudent for them to leave their own country. Others, who hold
positions of responsibility in their party, attend courses in
the USSR in order to enhance both their skill and their prestige.
Still others are believed to be the deliberate choice of present
party leaders in order either to bolster their own position
through the creation of a Moscow-trained cadre having a personal
loyalty, or to rid themselves temporarily of functionaries causing
party dissension.
While the bulk of evidence suggests that the actual
selections of trainees are made by the foreign CP itself (with
CPSU concurrence obtained afterwards), a report received earlier
in 1957 referred specifically to an invitation which had been
received by four youthful cadre workers in one country to attend
a special party school in the USSR. It is not yet evident whether
this indicates a new trend and the CPSU itself is beginning to
exercise greater influence and control over the selection of
foreign Communist trainees for Soviet Party schools. But such
a development would be in line with a CPSU desire to reaffirm
its supremacy over the Communist movement and to ensure the
loyalty of the best and most active elements within the foreign
Cpts.
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3. Arrangements for Students
Evidence suggests that for the most part the foreign
Communist trainees experience considerable isolation while attending
Soviet Party schools. Although one report indicates very clearly
that even after a stay of three years in the USSR, a returning
trainee had a good knowledge of political and Party events which
had taken place in his native country during his absence, this
case may be unusual. Developing dissension in his Party at
home caused his recall from the USSR in order that he could bolster
the current Party leadership; obviously he had to be briefed about
events, and this may have been simplified by the fact that in
many of his courses in the USSR he was taught by members of his
own party. In another case, that of a Satellite CP, it is known
that the party leadership was disappointed to find its returning
trainees out of touch with the facts of life in the country and
by and large too theoretical, with little "contact with the workers."
Evidence about the physical isolation of the foreign
Communist trainees in the USSR is more conclusive. Not only are
they apparently removed from general contact with the Soviet
community, they are also kept apart from visiting members of their
own party-even those from their home town-whose Party business
does not take them to the school. This situation may stem in
part from the demanding regime of the schools themselves, but
is more likely the result of the stringent security measures which
have always characterized Communist training.
Little information is available about arrangements
made to handle correspondence between the trainees and their
families. Probably such arrangements are dictated by the
situation of legality or circumscription in which the national
party operates as well as the circumstances surrounding the
individual trainee's travel and cover. One case is known where
a mailing address was available to a trainee's family. Letters
could be sent to him in his true name and addressed to a specific
post office box (Pochtovyi Yashchik) in Moscow. In another case,
reports indicate that no arrangements were made-the trainee,
apparently on his own, sent letters home via fellow party members
who were returning before he did. He is reliably reported to
have received no correspondence from his family.
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Despite the isolation while in school, however, one
very interesting trend has been apparent in the case of at least
some Communist trainees from countries not too distant from the
USSR. Some of the trainees are being returned to their own
countries at regular intervals in order to enjoy a vacation.
Several trainees from at least two countries are known to have
returned home for a few weeks at Christmas time. Some are also
known to have had summer holidays at home last year. Available
information is not yet sufficient to conclude that this will be
a general pattern, but for countries within easy flying time of
Moscow it appears a likely possibility.
In the case of Communist trainees from countries too
far removed from the USSR to make it feasible for them to return
home for vacations, only one report is available to indicate
holiday arrangements. It may, however, reflect the general
procedure. According to this report, the students are given
summer vacations at a resort in the Crimea.
.Travel arrangements for trainees also vary according
to party and individual. In one group of trainees from the same
country, for instance, it is reported that some held proper pass-
ports with the required visas but that one or two in the group
left the country without any documentation. In the case of some
trainees from another country, it is reported that their pass-
ports were not valid for the USSR; they simply went on to the
Soviet Union from the nearest country permitted by the passport
and any Soviet/Satellite stamps or visas were provided for by
loose cards rather than on the passport. In other cases the
trainees travel quite openly and directly. It is obvious that
infinite variations are practiced to effect the travel of various
trainees. It is also obvious that the CPSU must underwrite a
considerable portion of the over-all expenses involved.
Available evidence indicates that once within the USSR
the trainee's passport is turned over to Soviet authorities and
is returned to him only on his departure from the country. One
case may be cited of the travel documentation provided for a
returning trainee. When ready to leave the Soviet Union, he
received back his passport which had been doctored to show visas
and proper entry-exit stamps for various Western European countries
as well as two return trips to his own country and a passport
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renewal-all this falsified by the Soviets in order to conceal
his continuous stay in the USSR.
It might also be noted that in the case of certain
trainees from several Latin American countries, it is reliably
reported that these may frequently return to other than their
native countries. This situation probably results from the fact
that they cannot return to their own countries. It also attests
to the Soviet ability to provide documentation enabling these
individuals to enter and take up residence in countries other than
their own.
4. Schools and Courses
In the great majority of cases it is impossible to
determine the specific Party school in the USSR which is attended
by any one individual trainee or group of Communists from other
countries. t'vid.ence is often vague and nomenclature confusing.
Certain schools are known to exist and the presence of foreign
Communists has been reported at each. It is also quite possible
that there are other schools which have not yet been identified.
At the present time, this subject can only be treated in terms
which have general application.
Three training and research establishments of the OPSU
are located In Moscow and are controlled directly by the CPSU's
Central Committee. These are the Higher Party School, the Academy
of Social Sciences, and the Institute of Marxism-Leninism. Foreign
Cormzunists have been reported at each. In addition, it has been
reliably reported that a special school for foreign Communists
is located in a suburb of Moscow called Pushkino (possibly also
known as Pushkin or Pushkinskoye). Finally, training of foreign
Communists from regions of the Middle Fast and Far Fast has been
reported in cities in the USSR adjacent to these areas. The most
persistently reported school of this sort is at Tashkent where
Arab cadres are allegedly trained.
Confusion in the identification of Soviet schools appears
to be due in part to the various names and descriptions given to
the courses studied and also to the different lengths of time
which may be involved. It is suspected that the programs of any
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one of the known Soviet schools is flexible enough to account
for these factors..
Higher Party School
As the name implies, this school is the apex of the
regular ('PS U schooling system; it also includes establishments
at lower divisions of the Party organization. It was established
originally in 1939 and was reorganized in 1946. The rector of
the school is still believed to be N.R. MI'1'RONCYT, although he
was last identified in this position in 1955. For several years
the address of the school has been: 6 Miusskaya Floshchad,
p-47, Moscow.
The chief purpose of the Higher Party School is the
training of Party and Soviet administrators, as opposed to
theoreticians. The training encompasses both ideological and
political matters as well as practical courses which would be
particularly useful to those responsible for Party and govern-
ment administrative procedures and activities. It is undoubtedly
for this reason that Satellite Communists in particular have
been reported at this school, although reliable reports have also
placed other foreign trainees at the Higher Party School. There
is some reason to believe, however, that at least some of those
non-Orbit Communists may have been attendinc: certain special
lectures at the school rather than participating in a reffular
course. It is possible, though no other evidence supports this,
that a separate division exists in the school in order to. handle
specialized training for non-Orbit Communists.
while it is difficult to know to what extent the school's
regulations are applicable to non-Soviet students, they may be
useful in helping to pinpoint future identification of the school.
According to an announcement made in 1956, for instance, the
school has changed from a three-year to a two-year course of
study. It was also announced that no entrance examinations are
given for admission to this school. Students are admitted on
the basis of recommendations by provincial, territorial or Central
Committees within the union republic CP's. Students must not
be over forty years of age, and must have had a higher education
and. experience in administrative, Party, Soviet or journalistic
work.
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The following subjects were listed by the Large Soviet
Encyclopedia of 1951 as those studied at the school: history
of the CPSU; history of the USSR; general history; political
economy; dialectical and historical materialism; logic; inter-
national relations and foreign policy of the USSR; economic and
political geography; Russian language and literature; foreign
language; foundations of the Soviet economy and the practical
direction of the branches of the national economy; Party organi-
zation; State law and Soviet organization; and journalism for
individual newspaper editors.
According to a defector report, some foreign Communists
from non-Orbit parties attended certain lectures at the Higher
Party School which covered not only world history but also military
tactics, including guerrilla warfare. This is the only indication
that courses of this sort might be given at the Higher Party
School.
Academy of Social Sciences
This is the leading CPSU establishment for the training
of theoreticians, and should not be confused with the USSR Academy
of Sciences which is a state institution involved in scientific
research in all fields. The purpose of the Academy of Social
Sciences is to train theoreticians for work in central Party
institutions, the Central Committees and other Committees within
the union republic CP's, as well as for work in higher scientific
establishments in the USSR. Although the Academy of Social
Sciences was opened in 1946, it is actually a revival of the former
Communist Academy which functioned in the 1920's and early 1930's.
Because of its importance as a Marxist institution,
the Academy's instructors are high-ranking CPSU officials and the
foremost theoreticians and propaganda specialists in the Soviet
Union, including those in the social science sections of the
Academy of Science. The Academy's present rector is believed
to be Prof. (fnu) DOROKHOV who apparently succeeded F.V. KONSTANTINOV
in this position in late 1955 when KONSTANTINOV became chief of
the Agitprop Section of the Central Committee, CPSU. In 1956,
the address of the Academy appeared as: Sadofaya-Kudrinskaya 9,
Moscow.
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While there is reliable evidence to show that Satellite
CP trainees are sent to the Academy of Social Sciences for study,
there is no firm evidence to indicate that other foreign Communists
are also trained there. Nevertheless, in view of the Academy's
purpose and importance, it is felt that selected foreign Communists
very probably do receive "advanced" theoretical training either
in regular courses at the Academy or in special courses arranged
specifically for the foreign students. When foreign Communists
are reported to be receiving "advanced political instruction"
in the USSR --and with no other indication as to school or course-
they may well be enrolled at the Acacemy. Satellite Communists
are sent on a regular basis, frequently coming directly from
the Social Sciences school attached to their own parties.
The length of courses at the Academy has been variously
described. Pravda in 1954 stated that the period of study was
three years. Party Life in 1956 listed the term of study at
four years. A report about Satellite students stated that they
would study at the Academy for a period of five years. There
may also be shorter, intensified courses related to certain
current problems or trends affecting Marxist theory.
While it would not be expected that regulations affecting
Soviet students would be particularly applicable to foreign
Communists, they may reflect something more about the Academy.
Soviet aspirants are considered from among those Party members,
recommended by various committees in union republic CP's, who
have been in the Party at least five years, who are not more
than forty years of age, who have completed their higher education,
had experience in Party work, research and training, and have
published articles and pamphlets. Admission is handled on the
basis of competitive examinations in which the aspirant may be
queried in a field of his chosen specialty, the principles of
Marxism-Leninism, and in a foreign language. He is also required
to present an essay dealing with his selected speciality.
Although students apparently concentrate over the whole
period on a single subject only, the Academy's curriculum is
a wide one. Fields of study have been listed as: political
economy; the economics and politics of foreign countries; theory
of the state and law; international law; international relations;
history of the USSR; history of the CPSU; world history; dialectical
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and historical materialism; Western European philosophy; logic;
psychology; and literature and art. It has been reported that
the Academy is broken down into two departments: a Department
of History, which is concerned with Party History; and a Depart-
ment of International Relations which prepares specialists in
this field for central Party establishments, research institutions
and work on theoretical publications.
Institute of Marxism-Leninism
It is more difficult to describe accurately this CPSU
establishment. It is the Party's top research institution on
the problems of Communism, and it has a long history. It was
once called the Institute of Marx-Engels-Lenin (as a result of
the merger of the Lenin Institute and the MarxEngels Institute),
and for a few years was called the Institute of Marx-Engels-
Lenin-Stalin. In 1956 its name was changed to its present one.
The Institute is publicized largely for its responsibility
to collect, study and publish documents and historical materials
pertaining to the founders of the Communist Party and to their
leading continuers in the CPS U. Stress is laid on its "research"
work into the history of the CPSU, but this work also includes
the study of the history of the international workers' movement.
The CPS U boasts that the Institute is unique in the world for
its store of reading material on the history of Marxism and
international socialist and Communist workers' movements. While
its role as a research institute tends to confuse its status as
a "training school", it apparently functions as both. Even
before World War II it was reliably reported that through "research"
work in the Institute, specialists were developed in various
fields of political science-in the science and history of the
class struggle in Russia and in various other countries of the
world. In the mid-1930's, the Institute reportedly catered to
foreigners on special recommendation.
Within the last few years, several reports have referred
to foreign CP functionaries who have studied recently at the
Institute of Marxism-Leninism, but these reports are of undetermined
reliability. In one case, the secretary general of a CP was
reported to have spent two months at the Institute attending
recourses" which particularly stressed political, economic and
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social developments affecting his own area of the world. Reportedly
this led, while still at the Institute, to the formulation of a
new Party policy better designed to meet those developments.
Other recent reports about the Institute have referred to courses
concerned with organizational problems, youth movements, socialist
legislation, mass agitation, infiltration tactics, etc. It is
impossible to evaluate these reports on the basis of what is
known about the Institute. It is suspected, however, that several
reports may have confused the type of work done at the Institute
of Marxism-Leninism with what was once taught at the International
Lenin School during the Comintern period. Nevertheless, it is
believed that foreign Communists do in fact study at the Institute.
Indicative of some of the work done by the Institute
was the announcement earlier this year that the Institute would
publish a new magazine, Problems of History of the CPSU (Vo-nrosy
istorii KPSS),. The basic functions of the magazine were stated
to be "to present scholarly treatment of problems of history of
the CPSU, particularly of the period since the October revolution;
to help teachers and propagandists in studying and teaching
Party history in higher educational institutions and in the
Party educational system; to review new literature on problems
of Party history, and to elucidate the history of fraternal
Communist and Workers' parties and the international workers'
movement."
In 1952, the address of-the Institute was listed as:
5 Ulitsa Marksa i Engel'sa, Ktyevskiy Rayon, Moscow. For several
years the director has been G.D. OBICHKIN, and the deputy director
S TEPANOVA. The Chairman of the Division on History of the CPSU
was identified in 1956 as M.D. STUCHEBNIKOVA. Two members of the
research staff also identified in 1956 were LEVINA and ROMA.NOVA.
The importance of the Institute to the CPSU is reflected in
some of its previous directors. These have included M.B. MITIN,
V.S. KHUZHKOV, and P'.N, POSPE LOV.
In addition to the Institute located in Moscow, the
union republics and some territories in the USSR have branches
of the Institute. In this connection, it should be noted that
one report has stated that although the Institute of Marxism-
Leninism in Moscow is the highest training establishment for
members of one foreign QP, the next in importance is a branch
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of"the Institute located in an area of the USSR closer to the
specific foreign country.
:Pushkinb (or Pushkin or Pushkinskove)
Recent information indicates that a special school.'
fnr foreeign Communist trainees from one non-Orbit CP is located'
in a'suburb of Moscow called Pushkino. The location and other
descriptions available of this school suggest that it may be
the same establishment reported several times during the 1940's
where."foreign Communists received training. In the earlier
reports It was generally called Pushkin. The location may be
similar to that of Pushkinskoye, described as one of the locations
of the Comintern for a brief time in the early 1940's.
The Pushkino school has no other specific address
but reportedly is near a military airfield and is disguised as
a convalescent home--a description similar to the "rest home"
at.`Pushkkinreported in 1943 as being actually a CP school for
foreigntrainees.
< Although the Pushkino school is now reported to be
used for Communist trainees from one country only, it apparently
is equipped to handle a considerable number of students. Another
interesting factor reported about this school is that some courses
-possibly many-are taught by functionaries of the foreign CP
to their fellow countrymen. Although some lectures are given
by CPSUexperts,~the'use of foreign instructors may stem In part
from language considerations as well as the large number of
trainees who are reportedly attending the school.
Recent information also indicates that the Pushkin
establishment is administered by the staff of the Higher Party
Scho6le The courses of study apparently center on three main
subjects: philosophy, political economy ahd history of the CPSU,
According to a reliable source, the courses of study given at
the Pushkin school are duplications of courses given to other
foreign Communist trainees who may be attending the Higher Party
School,
It has been reported that there has been some discontent
among the trainees with certain aspects of the courses given
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at Pushkino. Discontent has centered on a feeling that the
courses overstressed the CPSU and underemphasized the CP's of
other countries. Reportedly, the curriculum is to be modified
in this respect.
Other
On the basis of available information, it seems very
possible that other establishments, similar to Pushkino, may
exist for some other nationality groups. One source believed
that, in addition to Pushkino, special courses for Communists
from some countries are given at other schools, located in out-
lying areas, all of which are administered by the staff of the
Higher Party School. These Communists would probably come from
CP's having large memberships and a particularly active program
of sending trainees to the Soviet Union. Without the same re-
quirement for a special establishment, trainees from other CP's
probably attend regular training establishments, such as the
Higher Party School.
Reports are often so vague and confusing that it has
not been possible to identify specifically any other schools
where foreign Communists may be receiving special Party training
within the USSR. References to an Institute of Communist Studies,
a Study Center, a Lenin Academy, a Karl Marx School, a Lenin
Institute and a "special Party school" are but some of the various
names received in reports. They may refer to some of the es-
tablishments discussed above or they may refer to schools which
it has not yet been possible to identify.
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(Subjects covered in a recent course
in the history of the labor movement
given to foreign Communists in the
USSR)
THE FORMATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS AND THE BEGINNING
OF ITS- STRUGGLE FOR CLASS INTERESTS
The formation of the proletariat
THIRD LESSON
Brief characterization of the Utopian socialists
Saint Simonds concepts
F onier 4 s concepts
THE CARTISTA MOVEMENT
ROBERT OWEN (1771-1851)
THE ORIGTV OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM, THE EARLY YEARS OF MARX
AND ENGEIS? REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY.
THE ROLE OF THE PROLETARIAT IN EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS DURING 1848-
1849
The 1848 revolution in France
The 1848-1849 revolution in Germany
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THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKERS MOVEMENT IN THE FIFTIES AND
SIXTIES OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
Brief characterization of the economic and political conditions
during the fifties and sixties, especially in Europe.
The industrial worker movement in England during the fifties and
sixties of the nineteenth century,
THE STRUCTURE OF THE ENGLISH TRADE UNIONS
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE FIFTIES AND
SIXTIES.
HOW THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN GERMANY PROCEEDED
CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE DOCUMENTS She Manifesto or political
program and the Statute
The activity of the International up to 1870
THE PARIS COMMUNE
Causes of the Paris Commune
Marx' stand regarding the Paris Commune
The final period of activity of the International
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT FROM 1870 to 1917
Brief characterization of the period
The industrial worker movement in England from 1370 to 1917
The English industrial worker movement in the years preceding
WW I.
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN THE
U.S.A. BEFORE WW I.
Industrial worker organizations in the U.S.A.
Points common to the American and the English industrial 'worker
movement.
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Special characteristics of the French industrial worker movement
during the period from 1871 to 1917
Certain facts and stages of the French industrial worker move-
ment.
Special characteristics of the German industrial worker movement
during the period from 1870 to 1914
SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE
RUSSIAN INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT
The influence of the revolution in Russia in 1905 on the inter-
national revolutionary movement.
THE CREATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND BANKRUPTCY OF THE SECOND INTER-
NATIONAL
THE SIGNIFICANCE IN WORLD HISTORY OF THE GREAT SOCIALIST OCTOBER
REVOLUTION
The influence of the Great Socialist October Revolution on the
world. industrial worker movement.
INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIALIST OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON THE INTERNATIONAL
LABOR UNION MOVEMENT.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN GERMANY DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM.
The labor union movement
Revolutionary demonstrations by the German proletariat in 1919,
1921, and 1923.
The German Communist Party tactics.
Experiences gained by the events in January.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN ITALY DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
The economic and political conditions in Italy after WW I.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
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THE 1918-1923 PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY GAINS
STRUGGLE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER AND POPULAR
UNITED FRONT IN FRANCE
The basis on which the Popular Front was established and its
consequences.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT OF ENGLAND DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN THE U.S.A. DURING THE FIRST
STAGE OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT AND THE NATIONAL LIBERATION OF
CHINA
(First stage of the general crisis of capitalism)
The economic and political conditions in China after WW I
Political regime of China (1911 and 1912)
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
THE EVENTS OF FEBRUARY 1923
History of the Communist International
Second congress of the Communist International
Lenin thesis on the agrarian problem
Sixth congress of the Communist International and the program
of the C. I.
The struggle of the Communist International for the popular
united front-
The seventh congress of the Communist International.
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT DURING WW II
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER
MOVEMENT
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THE STRUGGLE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF
TRADE UNIONS--OR THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY OF THE INTERNATIONAL
INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT
Preparation and holding of the World Trade Union Congress in
Paris.
THE SESSION OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF
TRADE UNIONS
THE ROLE OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE POPULAR DEMOCRACY REGIMES IN THE BUILDING OF THE
FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIALISM IN EAST EUROPE AND EAST (word un-
intelligible)
The Peoples Republic of China
The Communist Party of China
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND DURING THE SECOND STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
Conditions of the industrial worker class after WW II
CONDITIONS OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS
CURRENT ACTIVITIES OF THE ENGLISH COMMUNIST PARTY
The industrial worker movement in the U.S.A. after the War.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE SECOND STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE ITALIAN WORKER MOVEMENT DURING THE SECOND STAGE OF THE GENERAL
CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL WORKER MOVEMENT
Changes within the industrial worker class
Conditions of the worker class in capitalist countries
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CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AFTER
ww II
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
The influence of the socialist parties of Europe
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR UNION
MOVEMENT
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(Portions of the text utilized during
the course in the history of the
labor movement and disseminated to
the foreign Communist trainees)
The translation is presented as received,
except for the correction of misspellings
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AFTER
WCRID WAR II
That period is characterized by a considerable reinforce-
ment of that movement: Before the war there were 43 CF's in
43 countries, the CPSU among them with 4,202,000 members (minus
those of the USSR there were 1,724,000 members). By the end
of the war there were already 76 CPts in that number of countries
consisting of almost 20 million militant members. At present,
the number of CPts is the same but with almost 30 million
Communists of which 25 million are in the nations of the socialist
field (including the Yugoslav rnion of Communists). The CPts
of the capitr,l:;t nations consist of ;lightly more than 3 millions
And the colonial and dependent nations have a little more than
one million and one-half.
This illustrates the development of the International
Communist Movement which should be taken into account that in
the several capitalist nations, since the war, the number of
OP members has lessened as compared to the end of the war period.
The reduction of the number of members took place in 11 nations
of Western Europe. Only in Italy has the OP maintained the
increased number of its members. These losses are due to a
series of causes. The largest OP in a capitalist country is the
Italian OP, next is that of Indonesia consisting of 1,~5 million
members an sympathizers (similar to the candidates to Party
membership; they are the vast majority but the reactionary
Lgovernment] persecute both the members and the sympathizers
in the same way).
During this period, the majority of the CF's greatly
strengthened themselves in the organic and ideological sense.
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A considerable number of CP's reviewed their programs, adopted
now ones, and took into account the new conditions of the world
and in their respective countries. However, all the CP's did
not go through that postwar period without making errors. For
example, the CPUSA went through it crisis during this period as
a result of which the Party was almost liquidated. In Japan
during the post-war years, there was also a serious crisis in
the CP, resulting in a Party scission. At present, during the
last two years, the Japanese Communist Party has consolidated
itself a great deal, organically and ideologically.
The CP's of the capitalist nations operate since after
the war with much more difficulty than previously. For example,
the OP of India operates under new complex conditions: a group
of Party members was and is in favor of full -support of the Nehru
policy. A short time ago, the CPI was completely and entirely
opposed to Nehru, calling him an "imperialist agent, a traitor",
etc. This stand is reflected in the CPI Program. At present,
some comrades go to the opposite extreme. But the majority of
the Communists take a better stand: support the government with
reservations. For example, support the foreign policy of the
government (which can be supported almost without reservations);
but as to the domestic policy, this support should not be complete.
Support the government measures which are beneficial to the
masses: the building of the social economy and for example,
the communal agricultural economy, the creation of large state
industry, the limitation of the role of foreign capital;, etc.
Is it that the domestic policy of the government should be supported
without reservations? At first glance, these reservations seem
superfluous but Nehru says he is a socialist. But what kind of
socialism is it? Nehru is a representative of the large Hindu
national bourgeoisie. And the policy of his government doubt-
lessly expresses the interest of that bureaucracy. But, for
example, what is Nehru's stand toward the CPI? He considers
the CP to be the most reactionary one of India because they
are tied to ideas which arose in Europe and for the Europe of
a hundred years ago. Even for Europe those ideas are antiquated,
but for India these ideas are entirely inapplicable. The Nehru
regime has created a series of laws against the workers: for
example, one of the laws authorizes the police to arrest any
person without making any previous investigation. Another law,
concerning the press, makes every person opposing the government
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subject to a trial in court.
Nehru is following a policy of salary freezing which
is in fact an actual salary reduction. During the war years
and after, the cost of living has risen to three or four times
that of the past but the salaries have been barely raised by
20 percent.
Let us consider the matter of the agrarian reform in
India. It has already dragged for 10 years, beginning essentially
with the Nehru government, but still 20 percent of the fallow lands
remain in the hands of latifundia owners, and the lands expropri-
ated from the latifundia owners pass into the hands of wealthy
peasants. Such a reform is clearly of a capitalist nature.
This agrarian policy cannot be supported without reservations.
Let us consider certain administrative measures.
There used to be 500 principalities in India headed by feudal
maharajas. Now these principalities were liquidated and their
territories were converted into provinces. This is a progressive
phenomenon but the provinces continue to be headed by the princes.
Thus the step taken by the government barely restricts to a
certain degree the rights of this princes. Thus, the CPI tactics
must be very flexible. We must support without disguise the
progressive measures of the Nehru government but we must also
explain to the masses the measures against their interests.
This is difficult to do since the Nehru government and the National
Congress Party has much influence over the masses.
The CPI has about 100,000 members. Its influence is
much less than that of Nehru's party but it is precisely on this
plane that the Party should apply its line.
At present, the Party is correcting a series of mistakes
it had made and increases its influence.
In several countries, there isn't a CP yet. In others
there are several of them. In Egypt, there are five CP's but
neither of them can consider itself a national organization.
In Purina there are two but there is a continuous struggle between
them. This is almost at the point of armed warfare... At present,
they seem to be moving toward fusing. Under these conditions the
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government is free to carry out any policy.
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS
The comintern was dissolved in 1943. In 1947, the
cominform was established. It consisted of the Popular Democracies'
parties and of some capitalist countries' parties. The objectives
of that organization are defined by its name. It was not a di-
recting organ but one for the exchange of experiences and infor-
mation between the Communist and workers' parties and to co-
ordinate to a certain extent their activities. There were three
sessions of the bureau: 1947, 1948, and 1949. These sessions
play an important role in the, carrying out of the task set be-
fore the bureau. But the bureau made an error concerning the
Yugoslav OP.
The resolution regarding the Yugoslav CP which was adopted
in 1948, was in general correct in regard to the OP's errors
in the fields of domestic policy, economic policy, etc. of the
Party. However, it was wrong to expel the Yugoslav CP. By 1949,
the resolution on the Yugoslav OP was completely wrong in that
it called the leadership of the OP murderers, imperialist agents,
and so forth. Such resolutions not only did not help the OP
to correct its mistakes but made them worse. These resolutions
were repealed by the OP and Workers' Parties whidh adopted them.
Now, the bureau no longer exists but this does not
mean that the exchange of experiences between the OP's had stopped
or that there is no co-ordination among the OP's. For example,
at the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, fifty OP delegations attended.
Obviously, the delegates did not just come to attend the Congress;
they exchanged opinions and information. There were other means
of exchanging opinions, experiences, etc.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOCIALIST MMEEMENT
Unfortunately in several capitalist countries, there
are socialist parties alongside of the OP's. In some countries
they are very influential. At present, the Socialist International
brings together 10 million members of the Socialist Parties and
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the Social Democrats (of which six million are of the English
Labor Party). It is made up of 36 parties; 24 of them are
European. In Asia there is another organization of the socialist
parties. In 1953, the Asiatic Socialist Conference was held,
attended by delegates from 11 countries. The socialist parties
have 10 million members. However, there does not exist unity
of action between the Socialist International and the Asiatic
Socialist parties' organization.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTIES IN EUROPE
Let us see by comparing the influence of the CP's
and the socialist parties in Europe in parliamentary elections
and the parliaments.
Nation
Communist Deputies
Socialist Deputies
France
151
94
Italy
143 r 75 (Nenni)
19 (Saragatti)
England
0
274
West Germany
0
151
Belgium
6
158
Holland
9
44
Austria
4
73
Finland
43
54
As can be seen, relationship with the social democrats
is very important. Besides, in several nations, the socialists
participate or head the governments: France, Belgium, Holland,
Switzerland, Austria, Denmark, Norway, Finland and others.
The socialist parties have an international organization:
already toward the end of the war (1944) an effort was made at
the initiative of the laborites, to bring about a rebirth of
the former Socialist International. In that year a Conference
was held at which it was decided to begin the preparatory work
to that end. In June 1946, a Conference of 19 socialist parties
was held in England which established the Liaison and Information
Bureau. Thus, after the war, the socialists were the first to
establish an international organization and this was formed while
there was no Communist organization. That same year, 1946, at
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another conference a resolution was passed by which the Bureau's
name was changed to Advisory Committee. In 1947 at the socialist
party conference, the Advisory Committee was replaced by the
International Socialist Conference Committee. This Committee
may be characterised as divisionist due to its activities.
For example, due to their collaboration with the CP's, the
Socialist Party of Poland, the Social Democrats of Czechoslovakia,
and the Nenni Italian Socialist Party were excluded from the
Committee.
On the basis of the Committee, the Socialist International
was established in 1951. In the Statutes there is stated that
the organization aims at insuring "that all the people will have
the right to determine the economic destiny and to create a society
in which free men will work together as equals". The Statutes
define as follows, "Socialism is the movement in protest against
the evils of capitalism." The Program and the Statutes provide
for the peaceful incorporation of capitalism into socialism.
An important event in the development of the socialist
movement was the Asiatic Socialist Conference. It met in January
1953 with representatives of socialist parties from 11 nations:
India, Pakistan, Malaya, Indonesia, Japan, etc. The delegation
of the Socialist International was headed by Attlee. These
colleagues of the Socialist International planned to guide the
work of the Conference along the lines of the Socialist Inter-
national. If before WW II, the Socialist International leaders
ignored the socialist and workers' movement in the colonial
and dependent nations, now they aimed at placing it in a sub-
ordinate position.
But the opinions of the Asiatic socialists were in
conflict with those of the Socialist International. The Asiatic
socialists refused to support any of the existing military coups.
They condemned racial discrimination, the repressive English
colonial policy. They pronounced themselves in support of the
agrarian reform, and the Conference established its own Asiatic
Bureau and decided not to adhere to the Socialist International.
Thus there is not unity of action between the Furopean and Asiatic
socialists. Likewise, there is not unity of action on numerous
matters within the Socialist International itself. The leaders
of certain socialist parties express their opposition to the
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Socialist International Statutes and tactics and act accordingly.
For example, the Statutes of the French Socialist Party state
that it is a revolutionary party, that the party takes upon
itself the task of struggling for socialism; the statutes state
openly that the aim of the party is to liquidate capitalist
property. It is true that the statutes do not recognize the
necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat nor the leading
role of the proletariat in these socialist transformations.
However, the statutes of the French Socialist Party adopted
in 1954 are very different from those of the Socialist Inter-
national.
There are other international socialist organizations:
the World Zionist Socialist Party, consisting of 125,000 members;
the Socialist International Organization of Jews (similar to
the Bund) consisting of 25,000 members, which drafts its minutes
in Hebrew; the Socialist Union of Central and Western Europe,
consisting of emigrants from popular democratic-countries, makes
a lot of noise as the only means of getting on the spy and
divisionist market etc.
THE STRUGGLE FCR UNITY OF THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR UNION MOVE!ENT
Toward the end of WW II, the organized unity of the
international labor union movement was achieved by the establish-
ment in October 1945 of the World Federation of Trade Unions.
The WFTU brought together its members without regard to race,
nationality and so forth. It was made up of industrial workers
of different tendencies. It united the majority of the world's
organized workers. There were about 67 million members in October
1945. Only the A.F. of L., of the large labor union organizations,
did not belong to the WFTU.
However, this did not mean that the establishment of
the WFTU ended the need to struggle for unity of the international
movement.
The A.F. of L. remained outside and its reactionary
leaders did everything to divide the WFTU in conjunction with
the British Trade Union Congress leaders so as to creRte a split
within the WFTU. They attempted to put under their influence
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sit
the progressive labor union organizations by forcing them out
of the WFTU. They did likewise to split the labor union move-
ment in the countries where it was unified.
Thus, the struggle for unity of the international labor
union movement continued being a vital problem even after the
establishment of the WFTU.
Meanwhile, the danger would not have been so great,
if the threat of a split was made just by the A.F. of L. leaders.
The danger was that the threat also came from within the WFTU.
How did this danger Manifest itself? Why did the re-
actionary leaders of the CIO and of the Trade Unions join the
WFTU? We have already seen: (1) under pressure from the masses
(2) They thought it was possible to control the WFTU and lead
it along the path that they wished. However, from the founding
of the WFTU, the main role was that of the progressive forces.
Then the reactionary CIO and Trade Union leaders, instead of
giving up its objectives, they proceeded to carry on a policy
of sabotage and two-faced conduct within the WFTU. They discussed
and voted on the resolutions but did not carry them out. For
example, after the Paris Congress and after the election of executive
organs, the WF TU apparat had to be organized: typists and so
forth. The delegations had already left. Few remained in Paris.
Citrine, the president of the WFTU, told Saillant not to employ
the officers until he had examined the list of their names.
They sent the list from London to Citrine. A month sent by and
no reply arrived. Mail accumulated. Saillant went to London
but he was detained for a month by Citrine. In addition; the
Statutes of the WFTU contains a provision calling for the organ-
ization of trade departments annexed to the WFTU (textile workers,
railroad workers, metal workers and so forth-the Professional
Department). The organization of these professional departments
should have put an end to the International Trade Secretariats'
activities. In the task of carrying on the negotiations with
the secretariats, Schevenels and Citrine did everything to prevent
the establishment of the professional departments. This negotiation
went on up to 1947. The longer the negotiations lasted, the
more insolent the international secretariats became. Finally
they proposed that they should have total independence from the
professional departments regarding the executive organs of the
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WFTU so that these organs could not influence the designation
of the directors of these departments. The assets should be
supplied by the WFTU but not controlled by it.
But the Soviets, the French and Italians agreed to such
proposals. The two secretariats were amazed. It was a complete
surprise and they finally went back on their proposals. In fact,
they wanted a split. Next, the Congress of Paris decided to establish
the department for colonial and dependent countries annexed to
the WFTU. Braught, the CIO representative who was one of the
vice-secretary generals of the WFTU, was designated to head it.
He did not even leave Washington and up to 1948 the Department
was not organized.
Another example: the Paris Congress resolved that a
labor union conference of the Asiatic nations should be called
and up to 1949 this remained just on paper due to the reactionary
leaders of the CIO and the TUC. Another example: the WFTU
decided to unify the German labor union movement but the reactionary
leaders of the CIO and the TUC frustrated this effort.
The policy of sabotage and two-faced conduct went on
until October 1947. At this point, American Imperialism passed
over to open activity for achieving its plans for world domination
and the world reactionary groups started the open offensive against
the progressive forces. In May 1947, the Communists were expelled
from the governments in France and Italy. The agents of bureaucracy
intensified their activity. An effort was made to split the CGT,
the Italian labor union movement. The same was the case in
Mexico and Latin America. Under these circumstances, the re-
actionary elements within the WFTU also became active.
In October 1947 a regular executive bureau of the
WFTU was set up in Paris. Here Carey, the CIO representative
proposed that the Bureau should approve the Marshall Plan as a
philanthropic American enterprise but the majority of the members
of the Bureau rejected this proposal. But the representative
of the TUC did not give his enthusiastic individual support which
displeased his American masters.
In December 1947, a secret conference was held in
Washington with representatives of the State Department, the
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A.F. of L. and the (British) Foreign Office (headed by Ernest
Bevin). At this Conference, a detailed plan for the splitting
of the labor union movement was prepared. Immediately after
the conference, the TUC general council demanded the calling
of an extraordinary session of the Executive Bureau of the Executive
Council of the WFTU to approve the Marshall Plan.
The representatives of the Soviet, French and Italian
labor unions pointed out that in April 1948 a regular session
of these organs was to be held. However, the divisionists of
the CIO and the TUC, together with those of the A.F. of L. held
in March 1948 at London the International Conference of Tabor
Unions. By then 16 nations had accepted the Marshall Plan.
Only the labor union representatives of these countries and the
representatives who approved the plan were invited to the Conference.
For example, in France the CGT was not invited; just the Force
Ouvriere.
This so-called international conference was of a secret
nature. It elected the so-called Co-ordination Committee to
co-ordinate the activities of the participating labor unions.
It was called without the consent of the WFTU and outside of its
framework. In fact, its objective was to establish the bases
of the new organization that opposed the WFTU, increasing the
division within the international labor union movement. In
addition to calling the Conference, the reactionary leaders attempted
to influence the Soviet labor union leaders. On 20 February and
at the beginning of March, Carey of the CIO was in Moscow. What
for? (1) to supply the bureaucratic press with material showing
that the ISSR and the Soviet labor unions obstructed the American
efforts to help the nations which suffered during the last war.
(2) To attempt to persuade the All Union Central Council of
Trade Unions to approve the Marshall Plan. (3) To attempt to
reach an agreement with the All Union Central Council of Trade
Unions on the changes of the WF TU leadership beginning with the
replacement of Louis Saillant. There were two days of interviews.
Obviously, he did not succeed in convincing the leaders with the
All Union Central Council of Trade Unions. He assumed that after
this failure to agree, he would return to the USA and open an
anti-Soviet campaign. The All Union Central Council of Trade
Unions sent a document stating the stand of the Council concerning
the Marshall Plan (on his third or fourth day in Moscow.) It
Irr
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was an important political document describing the Marshall
Plan it aimed at submitting to the USA, the nations that would
"help". It said that the USSR did not object to government help.
It favored help which would not imply economic and political
submission of the helped countries. Besides this, it said that
the All Union Central Council of Trade Unions did not object to
the discussion of the Marshall Plan at the WFTU but it could not
be imposed by force on this organization; that the Marshall Plan
should not be a pretext to split the WFTU. The statement was
very helpful for unmasking the Marshall Plan.
In addition to this defeat of Carey in his negotiations
with the All Union Central Council of Trade Unions, he tested
the ground for the replacement of Saillant. He asserted that
the Secretary General of the WFTU,should belong to one of the
large powers and that France was no longer one of them. Only
the other three remained: United States, USSR and England.
To agree to this proposal would mean that the English or the
Americans would elect their representative against the USSR.
With this post in their hands they would then take over the rest.
But the Soviets told him that France was still a great
power so Carey suffered another defeat.
In April and May 1948, the regular session of the
Bureau and the Executive Committee of the WFTU were held. Here
again a new attempt was made to modify the executive organs of
the WFTU. Saillant was again attacked. They called for his
replacement. Second, they brought up the matter of Leon Jouhaux,
a vice-president of the WFTU who as a member of the CGT left
the CGT and established the Force Qu'vriere. According to the
Statutes this was wrong and the CGT presented as candidate Alain
le Leap. The representatives of the English and American labor
unions wanted to keep Jouhaux but as a representative of the
Force Ouvriere. Third, the Toledano affair was also brought up.
His elimination from the Executive Bureau was demanded by the
English and Americans.
They wanted key posts on the directing organs. These
efforts failed. The resolutions taken by the sections of the
Bureau and'the Executive Committee were of a progressive nature.
At the final session, the Anglo-Americans voted together with
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the progressive leaders. They passed to an open break. In
September 1948, was the regular session of the Executive Bureau.
Only six members appeared-USSR, France, Italy, England, the
United States and Holland. Absences. Heated discussions on the
matter. Arthur Deakin and Carey did everything to slander the
USSR and the Popular Democracies. The voting was always three
against three. They only achieved the postponement of the matters
until the next session. Only one resolution was passed unanimously:
the payment of the living allowance to the members of the Bureau
during their work.
This showed that they followed the road to the split.
In January 1949 in Paris regular session of the Executive
Bureau-seven representatives. The seventh was from China
(Communist). Now 4 to 3. At this session, Deakin presented a
proposal to the General Council of the TUC that the WFTU should
end its activities. It should not call meetings of the executive
organs of the G'FTU and should dismiss the officers. The documents
and funds should be delivered to a Committee of Trustees. Within
a year, the Committee should decide if the WFTU should or not be
buried.
Deakin justified himself as follows: The WFTU expresses
itself on matters which do not concern it. It is a branch of the
Cominform. The Communists control it. Soviet labor unions have
a dictatorship. The CIO and the Dutch supported the proposal.
The others opposed it.
Kuznetsov refuted Deakin's arguments. He showed causes
why the WFTU could not work to its full capacity and what obstructed
its activity. The statement showed that they were underhand
activities of the Anglo-Americans. The statement said: how could
6 or 7 persons decide on an organization established by the re-
presentatives of millions. And they proposed to deal with this
at the session of the Executive Committee of the General Council,
including the T,Torld labor union congress. This proposal was
supported by Divittorio, Saillant and Lu-ni-Si (sic) but Deakin
said that if its proposals were not approved, he would withdraw
from the WFTU. Thus the WFTU split from which there broke off
the English labor unions, the CIO and the Dutch reformist labor
unions. Later they were followed by organizations of other
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nations. Obviously the division of the WFTU was a serious defeat
for the international proletariat. At the same time, the departure
of the divisionists favored the WFTU activity. The WFTU became
more cohesive and active. The divisionists thought that when
they left, the Executive Bureau would be disorganized. But le
Leap entered into this. A session of the Executive Committee
was also called.
The most important resolutions passed by the Bureau
and by the Executive Committee after the session and the most
important measures were first, after January 1949, the WFTU
began to participate more actively in the preparation of World
Congress of Peace Partisans. The WFTU activity in this field
was in the field of statements-Now the active participation
in all preparatory committees of the Congress of Peace Partisans:
Second, finally, the problem of admission of new members was solved.
The labor unions of Japan, Ceylon, East Germany and others joined
the WFTU. Third, the WFTU began to organize in a practical manner
the professional departments. Fourth, the calling of the Second
World Congress of Labor Unions in Milan was made possible. It
was a struggle for Peace. Several resolutions were passed for
the active participation of the WFTU? in the struggle for peace,
the commemoration of the struggle for peace day, organization
of the peace committees in the enterprises, and so forth.
All the subsequent activities of the WFTU were directed
at this purpose: the defense of peace. The present reduction
of international tension is to a great extent due to the activity
of the VFTU. The second Congress struggled for unity of the world
labor union movement.
Especially since the Second Congress the Anglo-American
labor union leaders attempted by different means to organize
their awn international organization. In December 1949 they
achieved this. It is the ICFTU. Why free? Free from Communism...
but not from imperialism.
It is directed by markedly reactionary Americans.
According to the figures provided by this organization, it has
54,000,000 members. The largest organizations are the A.F. of
L., the CIO and the TUC which have millions of members. Next
come the Belgians, Canadians, Australians, and so forth which
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have hundreds of thousands. It is convenient to point out that
it does not reflect that to which the mass of its members aspire.
Its leaders, in spite of the aspirations of the masses of the members,
engage in a reactionary policy: support of the anti-Communist,
anti-Soviet military blocs and of active support of internal
reactionary policy of the several governments.
Within the ICFTU a sharp clash between the various
tendencies took place. In 1955 the ICFTUheld a congress. The
American press said that the congress was held under the anti-
Communist sign. The hero of the Congress was Meany, the anti-
Communist president of the A.F. of L. Meanwhile, the anti-
C onmunist resolutions passed by the congress caused dissatisfaction
among various member organizations. For example, the central
organ of the Belgian Socialist Party severely criticized the
anti-Communist policy of the ICFTU. It wrote, "We will not per-
mit the use of our labor union organizations in behalf of military
blocs under the anti-Communist heading." The same stand was
taken by Hindu labor union leaders, members of the ICFTTJ. This
was also so in other countries. The ICFTU leaders reject all
proposals for unity of action of the WFTU.
At present there exists another international
organization: the International Confederation of Christian Trade
Unions. It is small and is influential in Italy, France, Belgium
and a few other countries. Outside of Europe, it has little
influence although it is striving to establish a base among
Catholic workers, especially in the USA.
It has ties with the Vatican.
One of the most important events in the history of the
WFTU has the holding in November 1949 of the labor union conference
of Asiatic nations at which were delegations representing Asia
and Oceania. There were also many African representatives.
The conference played an important role in the development of the
Asiatic labor union movement. The delegates exchanged experiences
and learned of the experiences of the labor union movement in
China and the USSR.
According to the delegates themselves, they learned
a great deal at the conference.
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At the conference was established the Liaison Bureau
between the Asiatic organizations and those of the WFTU.
A similar conference was organized in Dakar. There
also, a similar Liaison Bureau was established. These conferences
and all the WFTU activities for the fostering of the labor union
movement of colonial and dependent nations greatly promoted the
development of the labor union movement in these nations.
In Latin America, the functions of Liaison Bureau are
exercised by the CT,AL,
The Third World Labor Union congress met in October
1953, in Vienna. The importance of this congress is that important
theoretical matters were taken up in the resolutions. In the
reports by Saillant and by Divittorio, the following theoretical
matters were taken up: the proletariat cannot limit itself to the
struggle for the immediate interests of its own class. It should
act in defense of the interests of other classes, the peasants
and the intermediary layers of society. The labor union work
should assume a general popular nature. In the struggle for
national independence and for peace,the proletariat may side
with the national bourgeoisie. However, the struggle of the
proletariat for the interests of all the people should be based
on the alliance between the industrial workers class and the
peasant class. The report by Tivittorio emphasized repeatedly
the idea that the proletariat should have a leading role in this
movement of all the people. In the discussion of the subject
on the conditions of the labor union movement in colonial and
dependent nations, the Congress took practical steps to help
this movement. And the above-mentioned theoretical thesis should
provide the base for that movement.
The Congress assigned to its executive organs the
preparing the labor union bill of rights. This program-the
bill of rights-was prepared after the Congress by the Executive
Committee and the General Council of the WFTU. In fact, this
program is a program for the struggle for democratic rights:
(1) the rights of the workers to establish their own labor union,
co-operatives, and political organizations; the right of
industrial workers to have their own labor unions; the ri ht
to represent the industrial workers in the enterprises. (3)
36
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the right to strike (4) the right of assembly in the factories
and enterprises (5) the right of the labor unions to engage
in international activities. Besides these there were other
demands.
This program is the program for struggling against the
attack by anti-labor union reactionary forces.
The most important current problem of the labor union
movement is the unity of the international labor union movement.
The main road is the struggle from below for unity on the national
level. This, obviously, does not exclude unity on the inter-
national scale; that is, from above. But, up to now, there
have not been positive results in the struggle for that unity
due to the resistance by the TCFTU leaders and the International
Confederation of Christian Trade Unions. IFCTU.
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BRIEFS ON INTERNATIONAL COMMUNISM
1957
TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING
Of
FOREIGN COMMUNISTS
August 1957
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1. Introduction 1
2. Selection of Students ..................... 2
3. Arrangements for Students 6
4. Schools and Courses ??????????????????????? 8
Appendix A. Subjects Covered in a Recent
Course in the History of the Labor Move-
ment Given to roreign Communists in the 16
USSR ......................................
Appendix B. Portions of the Text Utilized
During the Course in the History of
the Labor Movement 22
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TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING OF FOREIGN COMMUNISTS
1. Introduction
One of the CPSU's earliest and most effective methods
of exerting control and coordination over the International
.Communist Movement was through its indoctrination and training
of foreign Communists. Thus, the training of foreign Communists
within Party schools in the USSR has long been an integral and
important part of the Communist movement. The greatest peak
of such activity was reached during the Comintern period. After
World War II there was an obvious curtailment in the number of
foreign Communists who received special Party training in the
Soviet Union, and contraction of the elaborate system of schools
which had existed. A certain amount of training for foreign
Communists continued to be carried out in the USSR but on a
much reduced scale.
At the present time there is evidence pointing to an
expanding program of training Communists from other countries
in Party schools within the USSR. While the evidence is not
firm there is reason to believe that this expanding program
may have commenced around the time of Stalin's death (1953)*.
Within the last few years especially, an increasing number of
foreign Communist functionaries have been traveling to the USSR
for Party training.
The identities and selection of trainees, their travel
patterns, the schools attended and the courses studied pose a
difficult intelligence target. It is nonetheless an important
one. The CPSU's apparent current interest in the training of
foreign Communists probably reflects not only a desire to produce
better Party activists and infuse the Communist movement with
fresh enthusiasm, but also a deliberate attempt to foster loyalty
Its inception, however, may have preceded this date. In February
1952, Stalin himself noted "the inadequate level of Marxist
development of the majority of the Communist Parties in foreign
countries" when he called for a new textbook of Marxist political
economy.
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and subservience to the Soviet Party among the next generation of
foreign Communist party leaders. There is also current evidence
to suggest that, in a few instances, some Communist functionaries
may be deliberately sent to study in the USSR in order that their
own party leaders can in their absence better restore ideological
unity within their party.
While this paper is concerned only with the trends of
CPS U training, some comment is applicable about CP China in this
connection. During 1956, for instance, CP China trained a con-
siderable number of Latin American Communists who are not known
to have received CPSU training. It is not yet apparent what
relationship this training activity on the part of CP China has
to the CPS U's training program for foreign Communists. It may
be a normal division of labor, with the Chinese Communists
handling particularly Communist trainees from underdeveloped
countries. In the case of one Latin American CP, however, it is
reliably reported that in late 1956 one of the highest-ranking
leaders of the Party began his studies under CPSU direction in
Moscow. On the other hand, training by both the CPSU and CP
China is indicated in at least one case involving another very
high-ranking leader of the same CP. Possibly the CPSU, as the
leader of the international movement, will concentrate not only
on the training of Communists from the advanced countries but
also on the topmost leaders of CP's from underdeveloped areas.
The situation with respect to China, however, is an important
one to watch. Some Latin American Communists are reliably reported
to have remarked that they found CP China's experience more
applicable to Latin American countries than that of the CPSU.
2. Selection of Students
Whereas in'the Satellites the dispatching of Communists
to Soviet Party schools is more or less routine, within the
OP's of the Free World the program of sending such trainees to
the USSR varies considerably.
Satellites
Reliable defector and other information shows that a
regular program exists whereby selected party functionaries from
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the Satellites are sent yearly to CPSU schools. There is also
evidence that the schools of the Satellite CP's themselves are,
in most instances, modeled so closely on the Soviet pattern that
a student completing with some distinction a required number
of years in one of the important training establishments of his
own Party may-according to a prearranged program-move on to
the parallel Soviet party school for "advanced" study.
While selection of a student by a Satellite CP obviously
entails consideration of his known loyalty and proven ability,
there is also reason to believe that Satellite parties are expected
to send each year a significant "quota" of students to CPSU
schools. Evidence suggests that the Satellite parties feel it
incumbent on themselves not only to hold up their end of this
program numerically, but also to prove to the CPSU, through proper
selection of students for specific schools, their ideological
and political astuteness. It is suspected, however, that often
the emphasis is on quantity rather than quality in the selection
of students.
Indicative of how this matter is handled by the Satellites
is a 1955 document of one Satellite Party. According to this
document, the Party Secretariat had as one of its tasks the
"organizing and selection of students" for study in various
CPSU establishments. This task included not only the composition
of the student delegation, but also the determination of which
ones should attend what schools and whether they should take
a one-year course or a three-year course. The "responsible
section" (presumably of the Central Committee apparatus) was
listed as the Section of Leading Party Organs, which was the
cadre section of the Party.
Other CP's
Without the uniform conditions which obtain in the
Satellites, in other CP's-the program of sending party functionaries
to CPSU schools has been influenced by a variety of factors:
the extent of the training program of the indigenous party itself;
the general availability of trained leaders; the conditions of
legality or circumscription under which the party operates; its
financial ability to help underwrite transportation costs of
students; its importance and potential both internally as well
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as in relation to other CP's; the dictates of specific party
programs requiring greater specialized training; the desire to
establish closer contacts with the CPSU; and many other factors.
Both seasoned party functionaries as well as youthful, less
experienced activists have been included in this program.
Available evidence pointing to an expanding training
program for foreign Communists in the USSR relates largely to
Western European and Western Hemisphere CP's, and, in several
cases, appears to be the first program of any consequence since
World War II. It is possible that an acceleration in such train-
ing is also taking place for CP's in the Middle and Far East,
but there is little evidence available as yet to indicate this.
With respect to Western Europe and the Western Hemisphere, however,
current evidence shows that while both seasoned functionaries
as well as youthful activists continue to be included in the
training program, there appears to be a deliberate effort-and
on a greater scale than heretofore-of sending to CPSU training
establishments the rising generation of future party leaders.
This evidence is strikingly similar in several widely separated
countries.
From one country, for instance, nineteen party function-
aries departed earlier this year to continue their Party training
in the USSR. Of these, over ten were born in the middle or late
1920's. From another country, nine functionaries are presently
receiving training in the USSR; of these, over seven were born
in the middle or late 1920's. From still another country it is
reliably reported that over twenty-five party activists are
attending a special school in the USSR. They are believed to
be in this same general age group. In yet another country, eight
party functionaries are reliably reported to have returned after
an extended period of training in the Soviet Union. Several of
these returnees are known to hold positions of importance in the
middle echelon of party leadership. In the case of two other
countries, there is an interesting parallel in the reports that
the son of a high party official in each country was among the
youths selected to receive party training in the USSR. The
selection of rising younger functionaries is apparent in other
information relating to trainees scheduled to begin their training
in the USSR this summer.
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Students attend short-term refresher courses as well
as undergo long-term training. A six week course (or "42--day
course") is evidently attended by some of the better qualified
foreign Communists whose stay in the USSR is thus of a compara-
tively short duration. The youthful or middle echelon Communists
remain for longer periods, and are apparently selected for
courses of specific duration before their departure. A course
of one and a half years appears to be the most common, but reliable
reports also show that there are courses of one-, two-, and three-
year periods. One group of students from the same country may
contain trainees scheduled for courses of varying lengths.
It is evident that the procedure followed in the se-
lection of specific trainees for Soviet Party schools varies
from country to country and even within the same country. Some
trainees are chosen on the basis of their proven organizational
skill in party work. Others are reportedly selected from among
those who have progressed through the hierachy of the sectional,
provincial, inter-regional and national schools of their own
party. Some find themselves at a CPSU school because it became
prudent for them to leave their own country. Others, who hold
positions of responsibility in their party, attend courses in
the USSR in order to enhance both their skill and their prestige.
Still others are believed to be the deliberate choice of present
party leaders in order either to bolster their own position
through the creation of a Moscow-trained cadre having a personal
loyalty, or to rid themselves temporarily of functionaries causing
party dissension.
While the bulk of evidence suggests that the actual
selections of trainees are made by the foreign CP itself (with
CPSU concurrence obtained afterwards), a report received earlier
in 1957 referred specifically to an invitation which had been
received by four youthful cadre workers in one country to attend
a special party school in the USSR. It is not yet evident whether
this indicates a new trend and the CPSU itself is beginning to
exercise greater influence and control over the selection of
foreign Communist trainees for Soviet Party schools. But such
a development would be in line with a CPSU desire to reaffirm
its supremacy over the Communist movement and to ensure the
loyalty of the best and most active elements within the foreign
CR's.
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3. Arrangements for Students
Evidence suggests that for the most part the foreign
Communist trainees experience considerable isolation while attending
Soviet Party schools. Although one report indicates very clearly
that even after a stay of three years in the USSR, a returning
trainee had a good knowledge of political and Party events which
had taken place in his native country during his absence, this
case may be unusual. Developing dissension in his Party at
home caused his recall from the USSR in order that he could bolster
the current Party leadership; obviously he had to be briefed about
events, and this may have been simplified by the fact that in
many of his courses in the USSR he was taught by members of his
own party. In another case, that of a Satellite CP, it is known
that the party leadership was disappointed to find its returning
trainees out of touch with the facts of life in the country and
by and large too theoretical, with little "contact with the workers."
Evidence about the physical isolation of the foreign
Communist trainees in the USSR is more conclusive. Not only are
they apparently removed from general contact with the Soviet
community, they are also kept apart from visiting members of their
own party-even those from their home town-whose Party business
does not take them to the school. This situation may stem in
part from the demanding regime of the schools themselves, but
is more likely the result of the stringent security measures which
have always characterized Communist training.
Little information is available about arrangements
made to handle correspondence between the trainees and their
families. Probably such arrangements are dictated by the
situation of legality or circumscription in which the national
party operates as well as the circumstances surrounding the
individual trainee's travel and cover. One case is known where
a mailing address was available to a trainee's family. 'Letters
could be sent to him in his true name and addressed to a specific
post office box (Pochtovvi Yashchik) in Moscow. In another case,
reports indicate that no arrangements were made the trainee,
apparently on his own, sent letters home via fellow party members
who were. returning before he did. He is reliably reported to
have received no correspondence from his family.
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Despite the isolation while in school, however, one
very interesting trend has been apparent in the case of at least
some Communist trainees from countries not too distant from the
USSR. Some of the trainees are being returned to their own
countries at regular intervals in order to enjoy a vacation.
Several trainees from at least two countries are known to have
returned home for a few weeks at Christmas time. Some are also
known to have had summer holidays at home last year. Available
information is not yet sufficient to conclude that this w ill be
a general pattern, but for countries within easy flying time of
Moscow it appears a likely possibility.
In the case of Communist trainees from countries too
far removed from the USSR to make it feasible for them to return
home for vacations, only one report is available to indicate
holiday arrangements. It may, however, reflect the general
procedure. According to this report, the students are given
summer vacations at a resort in the Crimea.
Travel arrangements for trainees also vary according
to party and individual. In one group of trainees from the same
country, for instance, it is reported that some held proper pass-
ports with the required visas but that one or two in the group
left the country without any documentation. In the case of some
trainees from another country, it is reported that their pass-
ports were not valid for the USSR; they simply went on to the
Soviet Union from the nearest country permitted by the passport
and any Soviet/Satellite stamps or visas were provided for by
loose cards rather than on the passport. In other cases the
trainees travel quite openly and directly. It is obvious that
infinite variations are practiced to effect the travel of various
trainees. It is also obvious that the CPSU must underwrite a
considerable portion of the over-all expenses involved.
Available evidence indicates that once within the USSR
the trainee's passport is turned over to Soviet authorities and
is returned to him only on his departure from the country. One
case may be cited of the travel documentation provided for a
returning trainee. 1ihen ready to leave the Soviet Union, he
received back his passport which had been doctored to show visas
and proper entry-exit stamps for various Western European countries
as well as two return trips to his own country and a passport
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renewal-all this falsified by the Soviets in order to conceal
his continuous stay in the USSR.
It might also be noted that in the case of certain
trainees from several Latin American countries, it is reliably
reported that these may frequently return to other than their
native countries. This situation probably results from the fact
that they cannot return to their own countries. It also attests
to the Soviet ability to provide documentation enabling these
individuals to enter and take up residence in countries other than
their own.
4.. Schools and Courses
In the great majority of cases it is impossible to
determine the specific Party school in the USSR which is attended
by any one individual trainee or group of Communists from other
countries. Evidence is often vague and nomenclature confusing.
Certain schools are known to exist and the presence of foreign
Communists has been reported at each. It is also quite possible
that there are other schools which have not yet been identified.
At the present time, this subject can only be treated in terms
which have general application.
Three training and research establishments of the CPSU
are located In Moscow and are controlled directly by the CPSU's
Central Committee. These are the Higher Party School, the Academy
of Social Sciences' and the Institute of Marxism-Leninism. Foreign
Communists have been reported at each. In addition, it has been
reliably reported that a special school for foreign Communists
is located in a suburb of Moscow called Pushkino ossibly also
known as Pushkin or Pushkinskoye). Finally, training of foreign
Communists from regions of the Middle East and Far Fast has been
reported in cities in the USSR adjacent to these areas. The most
persistently reported school of this sort is at Tashkent where
Arab cadres are allegedly trained.
Confusion in the identification of Soviet schools appears
to be due in part to the various names and descriptions given to
the courses studied and also to the different lengths of time
which may be involved. It is suspected that the programs of any
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one of the known Soviet schools is flexible enough to account
for these factors.
Higher Party School
As the name implies, this school is the apex of the
regular (TSU schooling system; it also includes establishments
at lower divisions of the Party organization. It was established
originally in 1939 and was reorganized in 1946. The rector of
the school is still believed to be N.R. MITRONOIT, although he
was last identified in this position in 1955. For several years
the address of the school has been: 6 Miusskaya Floshchad,
T)-47, Moscow.
The chief purpose of the Higher Party School is the
training of Party and Soviet administrators, as opposed to
theoreticians. The training encompasses both ideological and
political matters as well as practical courses which would be
particularly useful to those responsible for Party and govern-
ment administrative procedures and activities. It is undoubtedly
for this reason that Satellite Communists in particular have
been reported at this school, although reliable reports have also
placed other foreign trainees at the Higher Party School. There
is some. reason to 'believe, however, that at least some of those
non-Orbit Communists may have been attendinc certain special
lectures at the school rather than participating in a regular
course. It is possible, though no other evidence supports this,
that a separate division exists in the school in order to handle
specialized training for non-Orbit Communists.
Yhile it is difficult to know to what extent the school's
regulations are applicable to non-Soviet students, they may be
useful in helping to pinpoint future identification of the school.
According to an announcement made in 1956, for instance, the
school has changed from a three-year to a two-year course of
study. It was also announced that no entrance examinations are
given for admission to this school. Students are admitted on
the basis of recommendations by provincial, territorial or Central
Committees within the union republic CP's. Students must not
be over forty years of age, and must have had a higher education
and experience in administrative, Party, Soviet or journalistic
work.
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The following subjects were listed by the Large Soviet
Encyclopedia of 1951 as those studied at the school: history
of the CPSU; history of the USSR; general history; political
economy; dialectical and historical materialism; logic; inter-
national relations and foreign policy of the USSR; economic and
political geography; Russian language and literature; foreign
language; foundations of the Soviet economy and the practical
direction of the branches of the national economy; Party organi-
zation; State law and Soviet organization; and journalism for
individual newspaper editors.
According to a defector report, some foreign Communists
from non-Orbit parties attended certain lectures at the Higher
Party School which covered not only world history but also military
tactics, including guerrilla warfare. This is the only indication
that courses of this sort might be given at the Higher Party
School.
Academy of Social Sciences
This is the leading CPSU establishment for the training
of theoreticians, and should not be confused with the USSR Academy
of Sciences which is a state institution involved in scientific
research in all fields. The purpose of the Academy of Social
Sciences is to train theoreticians for work in central Party
institutions, the Central Committees and other Committees within
the union republic CP's, as well as for work in higher scientific
establishments in the USSR. Although the Academy of Social
Sciences was opened in 1946, it is actually a revival of the former
Communist Academy which functioned in the 1920's and early 19301x.
Because of its importance as a Marxist institution,
the Academy's instructors are high-ranking CPSU officials and the
foremost theoreticians and propaganda specialists in the Soviet
Union, including those in the social science sections of the
Academy of Science. The Academy's present rector is believed
to be Prof. (fnu) POROKHOV who apparently succeeded F.V. KONSTANTINOV
in this position in late 1955 when KONSTANTINOV became chief of
the Agitprop Section of the Central Committee, CPSU. In 1956,
the address of the Academy appeared as: Sadofaya-Kudrinskaya 9,
Moscow.
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While there is reliable evidence to show that Satellite
CP trainees are sent to the Academy of Social Sciences for study,
there is no firm evidence to indicate that other foreign Communists
are also trained there. Nevertheless, in view of the Academy's
purpose and importance, it is felt that selected foreign Communists
very probably do receive "advanced" theoretical training either
in regular courses at the Academy or in special courses arranged
specifically for the foreign students. When foreign Communists
are reported to be receiving "advanced political instruction"
in the IESR--and with no other indication as to school or course-
they may well be enrolled at the Acacemy. Satellite Communists
are sent on a regular basis, frequently coming directly from
the Social Sciences school attached to their own parties.
The length of courses at the Academy has been variously
described. Pravda in 1954 stated that the period of study was
three years. Party Life in 1956 listed the term of study at
four years. A report about Satellite students stated that they
would study at the Academy for a period of five years. There
may also be shorter, intensified courses related to certain
current problems or trends affecting Marxist theory.
While it would not be expected that regulations affecting
Soviet students would be particularly applicable to foreign
Communists, they may reflect something more about the Academy.
Soviet aspirants are considered from among those Party members,
fecommended by various committees in union republic CP's, who
have been in the Party at least five years, who are not more
than forty years of age, who have completed their higher education,
had experience in Party work, research and training, and have
published articles and pamphlets. Admission is handled on the
basis of competitive examinations in which the aspirant may be
queried in a field of his chosen specialty, the principles of
Marxism-Leninism, and in a foreign language. He is also required
to present an essay dealing with his selected speciality.
Although students apparently concentrate over the whole
period on a single subject only, the Academy's curriculum is
a wide one. Fields of study have been listed as: political
economy; the economics and politics of foreign countries; theory
of the state and law; international law; international relations;
history of the USSR; history of the CPSU; world history; dialectical
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.and historical materialism; Western European philosophy; logic;
psychology; and literature and art. It has been reported that
the Academy is broken down into two departments: a Department
of History, which is concerned with Party History; and a Depart-
ment of International Relations which prepares specialists in
this field for central Party establishments, research institutions
and work on theoretical publications.
Institute of Marxism-Leninism
It is more difficult to describe accurately this CPSU
establishment. It is the Party's top research institution on
the problems of Communism, and it has a long history. It was
once called the Institute of Marx-Engels-Lenin (as a result of
the merger of the Lenin Institute and the Marx Engels Institute),
and for a few years was called the Institute of Marx-Engels-
Lenin-Stalin. In 1956 its name was changed to its present one.
The Institute is publicized largely for its responsibility
to collect, study and publish documents and historical materials
pertaining to the founders of the Communist Party and to their
leading continuers in the CPSU. Stress is laid on its "research"
work into the history of the CPSU, but this work also includes
the study of the history of the international workers' movement.
The CPSU boasts that the Institute is unique in the world for
its store of reading material on the history of Marxism and
international socialist and Communist workers' movements. While
its role as a research institute tends to confuse its status as
a "training school", it apparently functions as both. Even
before World War II it was reliably reported that through "research"
work in the Institute, specialists were developed in various
fields of political science-in the science and history of the
class struggle in Russia and in various other countries of the
world. In the mid-1930'x, the Institute reportedly catered to
foreigners on special recommendation.
Within the last few years, several reports have referred
to foreign OP functionaries who have studied recently at the
Institute of Marxism-Leninism, but these reports are of undetermined
reliability. In one case, the secretary general of a CP was
reported to have spent two months at the Institute attending
"courses" which particularly stressed political, economic and
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social developments affecting his own area of the world. Reportedly
this led, while still at the Institute, to the formulation of a
new Party policy better designed to meet those developments.
Other recent reports about the Institute have referred to courses
concerned with organizational problems, youth movements, socialist
legislation, mass agitation, infiltration tactics, etc. It is
impossible to evaluate these reports on the basis of what is
known about the Institute. It is suspected, however, that several
reports may have confused the type of work done at the Institute
of Marxism-Leninism with what was once taught at the International
Lenin School during the Comintern period. Nevertheless, it is
believed that foreign Communists do in fact study at the Institute.
Indicative of some of the work done by the Institute
was the announcement earlier this year that the Institute would
publish a new magazine, Problems of History of the CPSU Vo rosy
istorii KPSS). The basic functions of the magazine were stated
to be to present scholarly treatment of problems of history of
the CPSU, particularly of the period since the October revolution;
to help teachers and propagandists in studying and teaching
Party history in higher educational institutions and in the
Party educational system; to review new literature on problems
of Party history, and to elucidate the history of fraternal
Communist and Workers' parties and the international workers'
movement."
In 1952, the address of the Institute was listed as:
5 Ulitsa Marksa i Engel'sa, Kiyevskiy'Rayon, Moscow. For several
years the director has been G.D. OBICHKIN, and the deputy director.
STEPANOVA. The Chairman of the Division on History of the CPSU
was identified in 1956 as M.D. STUCHEBNIKOVA. Two members of the
research staff also identified in 1956 were LEVINA and ROMANOVA.
The importance of the Institute to the CPSU is reflected in
some of its previous directors. These have included M.B. MITIN,
V.S. KHUZHKOV, and P.N. POSPELOV.
In addition to the Institute located in Moscow, the
union republics and some territories in the USSR have branches
of the Institute. In this connection, it should be noted that
one report has stated that although the Institute of Marxism-
Leninism in Moscow is the highest training establishment for
members of one foreign CP, the next in importance is a branch
7, M
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of the Institute located in an area of the USSR closer to the
specific foreign country.
Pushkino (or Pushkin or Pushkinskoye)
Recent information indicates that a special school
for foreign Communist trainees from one non-Orbit CP is located
in a suburb of Moscow called Pushkino. The location and other
descriptions available of this school suggest that it may be
the same establishment reported several times during the 1940's
where foreign Communists received training. In the earlier
reports it was generally called Pushkin. The location may be
similar to that of Pushkinskoye, described as one of the locations
of the Comintern for a brief time in the early 1940's.
The Pushkino school has no other specific address
but reportedly is near a military airfield and is disguised as
a convalescent home--a description similar to the "rest home"
at Pushkin reported in 1943 as being actually a CP school for
foreign trainees.
Although the Pushkino school is now reported to be
used for Communist trainees from one country only, it apparently
is equipped to handle a considerable number of students. Another
interesting factor reported about this school is that some courses
--possible many--are taught by functionaries of the foreign CP
to their fellow countrymen. Although some lectures are given
by CPSU experts, the use of foreign instructors may stem in part
from language considerations as well as the large number of
trainees who are reportedly attending the school.
Recent information also indicates that the Pushkino
establishment is administered by the staff of the Higher Party
School. The courses of study apparently center on three main
subjects: philosophy, political economy and history of the CPSU.
According to a reliable source, the courses of study given at
the Pushkino school are duplications of courses given to other
foreign Communist trainees who may be attending the Higher Party
School.
It has been reported that there has been some discontent
among the trainees with certain aspects of the courses given
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at Pushkino. Discontent has centered on a feeling that the
courses overstressed the CPSU and underemphasized the CP's of
other countries. Reportedly, the curriculum is to be modified
in this respect.
On the basis of available information, it seems very
possible that other establishments, similar to Pushkino, may
exist for some other nationality groups. One source believed
that, in addition to Pushkino, special courses for Communists
from some countries are given at other schools, located in out-
lying areas, all of which are administered by the staff of the
Higher Party School. These Communists would probably come from
CP's having large memberships and a particularly active program
of sending trainees to the Soviet Union. Without the same re-
quirement for a special establishment, trainees from other CP's
probably attend regular training establishments, such as the
Higher Party School.
Reports are often so vague and confusing that it has
not been pob ible to identify specifically any other schools
where foreign Communists may be receiving special Party training
within the USSR. References to an Institute of Communist Studies,
a Study Center, a Lenin Academy, a Karl Narx School, a Lenin
Institute and a "special Party school" are but some of the various
names received in reports. They may refer to some of the es-
tablishments discussed above or they may refer to schools which
it has not yet been possible to identify.
15
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(Subjects covered in a recent course
in the history of the labor movement
given to foreign Communists in the
USSR)
THE FORMATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS AND THE BEGINNING
OF ITS STRUGGLE FOR CLASS INTERESTS
The formation of the proletariat
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TWO ASPECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
THIRD LESSON
Brief characterization of the Utopian socialists
Saint Simon's concepts
Fourier's concepts
THE CHARTIST TIOVEMENT
ROBERT OWEN (1771-1851)
THE ORIGIN OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM. THE EARLY YEARS OF NARX
AND ENGELS' REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY.
THE ROLE OF THE PROLETARIAT IN EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS DURING 1848-
1849
The 1848 revolution in France
The 1848-18).9 revolution in Germany
16
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THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKERS MOVEMENT IN THE FIFTIES AND
SIXTIES OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY AND THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
Brief characterization of the economic and political conditions
during the fifties and sixties, especially in Europe.
The industrial worker movement in England during the fifties and
sixties of the nineteenth century.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE FIFTIES AND
SIX TIES .
CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE DOCUMENTS /he Manifesto or political
program and the Statute
The activity of the International up to 1870
THE PARIS COt MtThE
Causes of the Paris Commune
Marx' stand regarding the Paris Commune
The final period of activity of the International
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT FROM 1870 to 1917
Brief characterization of the period
The industrial worker movement in England from 1870 to 1917
The English industrial worker movement in the years preceding
WW I.
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN THE
U.S.A. BEFORE WW I.
Industrial worker organizations in the U.S.A.
Points common to the American and the English industrial worker
movement.
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Special characteristics of the French industrial worker movement
during the period from 1871 to 1917
Certain facts and stages of the French industrial worker move-
ment.
Special characteristics of the German industrial worker mevement
during the period from 1870 to 1914
SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE
RUSSIAN INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT
The influence of the revolution in Russia in 1905 on the inter-
national revolutionary movement.
THE CREATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND BANKRUPTCY OF THE SECOND INTER-
NATIONAL
THE SIGNIFICANCE IN WORLD HISTORY OF THE GREAT SOCIALIST OCTOBER
REVOLUTION
The influence of the Great Socialist October Revolution on the
world industrial worker movement.
INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIALIST OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON THE INTERNATIONAL
LABOR UNION MOVEMENT.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN GERMANY DURING TM FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM.
The labor union movement
Revolutionary demonstrations by the German proletariat in 1919,
1921, and 1923.
The German Communist Party tactics.
Experiences gained by the events in January.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN ITALY DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
The economic and political conditions in Italy after WW I.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM.
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THE 1918-1923 PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY GAINS
STRUGGLE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER AND POPULAR
UNITED FRONT IN FRANCE
The basis on which the Popular Front was established and its
consequences.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT OF ENGLAND DURING THE FIRST STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN THE U.S.A. DURING THE FIRST
STAGE OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT AND THE NATIONAL LIBERATION OF
CHINA
(First stage of the general crisis of capitalism)
The economic and political conditions in China after WW I
Political regime of China (1911 and 1912)
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
THE EVENTS OF FEBRUARY 1923
History of the Communist International
Second congress of the Communist International
Lenin thesis on the agrarian problem
Sixth congress of the Communist International and the program
of the C. I.
The struggle of the Communist International for the popular
united front-
The seventh congress of the Communist International.
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT DURING WW II
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORKER
MOVEMENT
19
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THE STRUGGLE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF
TRADE UNIONS--OR THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY OF THE INTERNATIONAL
INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT
Preparation and holding of the World Trade Union Congress in
Paris.
THE SESSION OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF
TRADE UNIONS
THE ROLE OF THE INDUS`IR.IAL WORKER CLASS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE POPULAR DEMOCRACY REGIMES IN THE BUILDING OF THE
FOUNDATIONS OF SOCIALISM IN EAST EUROPE AND EAST (word un-
intelligible)
The Peoples Republic of China
The Communist Party of China
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND DURING THE SECOND STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
Conditions of the industrial worker class after WW II
CONDITIONS OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS
CURRENT ACTIVITIES OF THE ENGLISH COMMUNIST PARTY
The industrial worker movement in the U.S.A. after the War.
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE SECOND STAGE
OF THE GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE ITALIAN WORKER MOVEMENT DURING THE SECOND STAGE OF THE GENERAL
CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL WORKER MOVEMENT
Changes within the industrial worker class
Conditions of the worker class in capitalist countries
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CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AFTER
ww II
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
The influence of the socialist parties of Europe
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY IN THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR UNION
MOVEME Nr
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(Portions of the text utilized during
the course in the history of the
labor movement and disseminated to
the foreign Communist trainees)
[The translation is presented as received,
except for the correction of misspelling]
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COT1 1UNIST MO77EMENT AFTER
WORLD WAR II
That period is characterized by a considerable reinforce-
ment of that movement: Before the war there were 43 CF's in
43 countries, the CPSU among them with 4,202,000 members (minus
those of the USSR there were 1,724,000 members). By the end
of the war there were already 76 CP's in that number of countries
consisting of almost 20 million militant members. At present,
the number of CP's is the same but with almost 30 million
Communists of which 25 million are in the nations of the socialist
field (including the Yugoslav Fnion of Communists). The CF's
of the capitalist nations concist of slightly more than, 3 millions
and the colonial and dependent nations have a little more than
one million and one-half.
This illustrates the development of the International
Communist Movement which should be taken into account that in
the several capitalist nations, since the war, the number of
CP members has lessened as compared to the end of the war period.
The reduction of the number of members took place in 11 nations
of Western Europe. Only in Italy has the CP maintained the
increased number of its members. These losses are due to a
series of causes. The largest CP in a capitalist country is the
Italian OF, next is that of Indonesia consisting of 1,,5 million
members a sympathizers (similar to the candidates Lto Party
membershipp; they are the vast majority but the reactionary
Lovernment] persecute both the members and the sympathizers
in the same way).
During this period, the majority,of the CF's greatly
strengthened themselves in the organic and ideological sense.
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A considerable number of OP's reviewed their programs, adopted
new ones, and took into account the new conditions of the world
and in their respective countries. However, all the CP's did
not go through that postwar period without making errors. For
example, the CPUSA went through a crisis during this period as
a result of which the Party was almost liquidated. In Japan
during the post-war years, there was also a serious crisis in
the CP, resulting in a Party scission. At present, during the
last two years, the Japanese Communist Party has consolidated
itself a great deal, organically and ideologically.
The CP's of the capitalist nations operate since after
the war with much more difficulty than previously. For example,
the CP of India operates under new complex conditions: a group
of Party members was and is in favor of full support of the Nehru
policy. A short time ago, the CPI was completely and entirely
opposed to Nehru, calling him an "imperialist agent, a traitor",
etc. This stand is reflected in the CPI Program. At present,
some comrades go to the opposite extreme. But the majority of
the Communists take a better stand: support the government with
reservations. For example, support the foreign policy of the
government (which can be supported almost without reservations);
but as to the domestic policy, this support should not be complete.
Support the government measures which are beneficial to the
masses: the building of the social economy and for example,
the communal agricultural economy, the creation of large state
industry, the limitation of the role of foreign capital, etc.
Is it that the domestic policy of the government should be supported
without reservations? At first glance, these reservations seem
superfluous but Nehru says he is a socialist. But what kind of
socialist is it? Nehru is a representative of the large Hindu
national bourgeoisie. And the policy of his government doubt-
lessly expresses the interest of that bureaucracy. But, for
example, what is Nehru's stand toward the CPI? He considers
the CP to be the most reactionary one of India because they
are tied to ideas which arose in Europe and for the Europe of
a hundred years ago. Even for Europe those ideas are antiquated,
but for India these ideas are entirely inapplicable. The Nehru
regime has created a series of laws against the workers: for
example, one of the laws authorizes the police to arrest any
person without making any previous investigation. Another law,
concerning the press, makes every person opposing the government
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subject to a trial in court.
Nehru is following a policy of salary freezing which
is in fact an actual salary reduction. During the war years
and after, the cost of living has risen to three or four times
that of the past but the salaries have been barely raised by
20 percent.
Let us consider the matter of the agrarian reform in
India. It has already dragged for 10 years, beginning essentially
with the Nehru government, but still 20 percent of the fallow lands
remain in the hands of latifundia owners, and the lands expropri-
ated from the latifundia owners pass into the hands of wealthy
peasants. Such a reform is clearly of a capitalist nature.
This agrarian policy cannot be supported without reservations.
Let us consider certain administrative measures.
There used to be 500 principalities in India headed by feudal
maharajas. Now these principalities were liquidated and their
territories were converted into provinces. This is a progressive
phenomenon but the provinces continue to be headed by the princes.
Thus the step taken by the government barely restricts to a
certain degree the rights of this princes. Thus, the CPI tactics
must be very flexible. We must support without disguise the
progressive measures of the Nehru government but we must also
explain to the masses the measures against their interests.
This is difficult to do since the Nehru government and the National
Congress Party has much influence over the masses.
The CPI has about 100,000 members. Its influence is
much less than that of Nehru's party but it is precisely on this
plane that the Party should apply its line.
At present, the Party is correcting a series of mistakes
it had made and increases its influence.
In several countries, there
there are several of them. In Egypt,
neither of them can consider itself a
In Burma there are two but there is a
them. This is almost at the point of
they seem to be moving toward fusing.
isn't a OP yet'. In others
there are five CP's but
national organization.
continuous struggle between
armed warfare... At present,
Under these conditions the
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government is free to carry out any policy.
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS
The comintern was dissolved in 1943. In 1947, the
cominform was established. It consisted of the Popular Democracies'
parties and of some capitalist countries' parties. The objectives
of that organization are defined by its name. It was not a di-
recting organ but one for the exchange of experiences and infor-
mation between the Communist and workers' parties and to co-
ordinate to a certain extent their activities. There were three
sessions of the bureau: 1947, 1948, and 1949. These sessions
play an important role in the carrying out of the task set be-
fore the bureau. But the bureau made an error concerning the
Yugoslav CP.
The resolution regarding the Yugoslav CP which was adopted
in 1948, was in general correct in regard to the OP's errors
in the fields of domestic policy, economic policy, etc. of the
Party. However, it was wrong to expel the Yugoslav CP. By 1949,
the resolution on the Yugoslav CP was completely wrong In that
it called the leadership of the OP murderers, imperialist agents,
and so forth. Such resolutions not only did not help the CP
to correct its mistakes but made them worse. These resolutions
were repealed by the CP and Workers' Parties whid'hh adopted them.
Now, the bureau no longer exists but this does not
mean that the exchange of experiences between the CP's had stopped
or that there is no co-ordination among the CP's. For example,
at the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU, fifty CP delegations attended.
Obviously, the delegates did not just come to attend the Congress;
they exchanged opinions and information. There were other means
of exchanging opinions, experiences, etc.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT
Unfortunately in several capitalist countries, there
are socialist parties alongside of the CP''s. In some countries
they are very influential. At present, the Socialist International
brings together 10 million members of the Socialist Parties and
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the Social Democrats (of which six million are of the English
Labor Party). It is made up of 36 parties; 24 of them are
European. In Asia there is another organization of the socialist
parties. In 1953, the Asiatic Socialist Conference was held,
attended by delegates from 11 countries. The socialist parties
have 10 million members. However, there does not exist unity
of action between the Socialist International and the Asiatic
Socialist parties' organization.
THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTIES IN EtROPE
Let us see by comparing the influence of the CP's
and the socialist parties in Europe in parliamentary elections
and the parliaments.
Nation
Communist Deputies
Socialist Deputies
France
151
94
Italy
143 r 75 (Nenni)
19 (Saragatti)
England
0
274
West Germany
0
151
Belgium
6
158
Holland
9
44
Austria
4
73
Finland
43
54
As can be seen, relationship with the social democrats
is very important. Besides, in several nations, the socialists
participate or head the governments: France, Belgium, Holland,
Switzerland, Austria, Denmark, Norway, Finland and others.
The socialist parties have an international organization:
already toward the end of the war (1944) an effort was made at
the initiative of the laborites, to bring about a rebirth of
the former Socialist International. In that year a Conference
was held at which it was decided to begin the preparatory work
to that end. In June 1946, a Conference of 19 socialist parties
was held in England which established the Liaison and Information
Bureau. Thus, after the war, the socialists were the first to
establish an International organization and this was formed while
there was no Communist organization. That same year, 1946, at
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another conference a resolution was passed by which the Bureau's
name was changed to Advisory Committee. In 1947 at the socialist
party conference, the Advisory Committee was replaced by the
International Socialist Conference Committee. This Committee
may be characterised as divisionist due to its activities.
For example, due to their collaboration with the CP's, the
Socialist Party of Poland, the Social Democrats of Czechoslovakia,
and the Nenni Italian Socialist Party were excluded from the
Committee.
On the basis of the Committee, the Socialist International
was established in 1951. In the Statutes there is stated that
the organization aims at insuring "that all the people will have
the right to determine the economic destiny and to create a society
in which free men will work together as equals". The Statutes
define as follows, "Socialism is the movement in protest against
the evils of capitalism." The Program and the Statutes provide
for the peaceful incorporation of capitalism into socialism.
An important event in the development of the socialist
movement was the-Asiatic Socialist Conference. It met in January
1953 with representatives of socialist parties from 11 nations:
India, Pakistan, Malaya, Indonesia, Japan, etc. The delegation
of the Socialist International was headed by Attlee. These
colleagues of the Socialist International planned to guide the
work of the Conference along the lines of the Socialist Inter-
national. If before WW II, the Socialist International leaders
ignored the socialist and workers' movement in the colonial
and dependent nations, now they aimed at placing it in a sub-
ordinate position.
But the opinions of the Asiatic socialists were in
conflict with those of the Socialist International. The Asiatic
socialists refused to support any of the existing military coups.
They condemned racial discrimination, the repressive English
colonial policy. They pronounced themselves in support of the
agrarian reform, and the Conference established its own Asiatic
Bureau and decided not to adhere to the Socialist International.
Thus there is not unity of action between the European and Asiatic
socialists. Likewise, there is not unity of action on numerous
matters within the Socialist International itself. The leaders
of certain socialist parties express their opposition to the
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Socialist International Statutes and tactics and act accordingly.
For example, the Statutes of the French Socialist Party state
that it is a revolutionary party, that the party takes upon
itself the task of struggling for socialism; the statutes state
openly that the aim of the party is to liquidate capitalist
property. It is true that the statutes do not recognize the
necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat nor the leading
role of the proletariat in these socialist transformations.
However, the statutes of the French Socialist Party adopted
in 1954 are very different from those of the Socialist Inter-
national.
There are other international socialist organizations:
the World Zionist Socialist Party, consisting of 125,000 members;
the Socialist International Organization of Jews (similar to
the Bund) consisting of 25,000 members, which drafts its minutes
in Hebrew; the Socialist Union of Central and Western Europe,
consisting of emigrants from popular democratic-countries, makes
a lot of noise as the only means of getting on the spy and
divisionist market etc.
THE STRUGGLE FOR UNITY OF THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR UNION MOVEMENT
Toward the end of WW II, the organized unity of the
international labor union movement was achieved by the establish-
ment in October 1945 of the World Federation of Trade Unions.
The WFTU brought together its members without regard to race,
nationality and so forth. It was made up of industrial workers
of different tendencies. It united the majority of the world's
organized workers. There were about 67 million members in October
1945. Only the A.F. of L., of the large labor union organizations,
did not belong to the WFTU.
However, this did not mean that the establishment of
the WFTU ended the need to struggle for unity of the international
movement.
The A.F. of L. remained outside and its reactionary
leaders did everything to divide the WFTU in conjunction with
the British Trade'Union Congress leaders so as to create a split
within the WFTU. They attempted to put under their influence
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the progressive labor union organizations by forcing them out
of the tFTU. They did likewise to split the labor union move-
ment in the countries where it was unified.
Thus, the struggle for unity of the international labor
union movement continued being a vital problem even after the
establishment of the WFTU.
Meanwhile, the danger would not have been so great,
if the threat of a split was made just by the A.F. of L. leaders.
The danger was that the threat also came from within the WF TU.
How did this danger fnanifest itself? Why did the re-
actionary leaders of the CIO and of the Trade unions join the
WFTU? We have already seen: (1) under pressure from the masses
(2) They thought it was possible to control the WF TU and lead
it along the path that they wished. However, from the founding
of the WFTU, the main role was that of the progressive forces.
Then the reactionary CIO and Trade Union leaders, instead of
giving up its objectives, they proceeded to carry on a policy
of sabotage and two-faced conduct within the WFTU. They discussed
and voted on the resolutions but did not carry them out. For
example, after the Paris Congress and after the election of executive
organs, the WFTU apparat had to be organized: typists and so
forth. The delegations had already left. Few remained in Paris.
Citrine, the president of the.WFTU, told Saillant not to employ
the officers until he had examined the list of their names.
They sent the list from London to Citrine. A month sent by and
no reply arrived. Mail accumulated. Saillant went to London
but he was detained for a month by Citrine. In addition, the
Statutes of the WFTU contains a provision calling for the organ-
ization of trade departments annexed to the WFTU (textile workers,
railroad workers, metal workers and so forth-the Professional
Department). The organization of these professional departments
should have put an end to the International Trade Secretariats'
activities. In the task of carrying on the negotiations with
the secretariats, Schevenels and Citrine did everything to prevent
the establishment of the professional departments. This negotiation
went on up to 1947. The longer the negotiations lasted, the
more insolent the international secretariats became. Finally
they proposed that they should have total independence from the
professional departments regarding the executive organs of the
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WFTU so that these organs could not influence the designation
of the directors of these departments. The assets should be
supplied by the WFTU but not controlled by it.
But the Soviets, the French and Italians agreed to such
proposals. The two secretariats were amazed. It was a complete
surprise and they finally went back on their proposals. In fact,
they wanted a split. Next, the Congress of Paris decided to establish
the department for colonial and dependent countries annexed to
the WFTU. Braught, the CIO representative who was one of the
vice-secretary generals of the WFTU, was designated to head it.
He did not even leave Washington and up to 194 the Department
was not organized.
Another example: the Paris Congress resolved that a
labor union conference of the Asiatic nations should be called
and up to 1949 this remained just on paper due to the reactionary
leaders of.the CIO and the TUC. Another example: the WFTU
decided to unify the German labor union movement but the reactionary
leaders of the CIO and the TUC frustrated this effort.
The policy of sabotage and two-faced conduct went on
until October 1947. At this point, American Imperialism passed
over to open activity for achieving its plans for world domination
and the world reactionary groups started the open offensive against
the progressive forces. In May 1947, the Communists were expelled
from the governments in France and Italy. The agents of bureaucracy
intensified their activity. An effort was made to split the CGT,
the Italian labor union movement. The same was the case in
Mexico and Latin America. Under these circumstances, the re-
actionary elements within the WFTU also became active.
In October 1947 a regular executive bureau of the
WFTU was set up in Paris. Here Carey, the CIO representative
proposed that the Bureau should approve the Marshall Plan as a
philanthropic American enterprise but the majority of the members
of the Bureau rejected this proposal. But the representative
of the TUC did not give his enthusiastic individual support which
displeased his American masters.
In December 1947, a secret conference was held in
Washington with representatives of the State Department, the
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A.F. of L. and the (British) Foreign Office (headed by Ernest
Fevin). At this Conference, a detailed plan for the splitting
of the labor union movement was prepared. Immediately after
the conference, the TUC general council demanded the calling
of an extraordinary session of the Executive Bureau of the Executive
Council of the WFTU to approve the Marshall Plan.
The representatives of the Soviet, French and Italian
labor bnions pointed out that in April 1948 a regular session
of these organs was to be held. However, the divisionists of
the CIO and the TUC, together with those of the A.F. of L. held
in March 1948 at London the International Conference of Labor
Unions. By then 16 nations had accepted the Marshall Plan.
Only the labor union representatives of these countries and the
representatives who approved the-plan were invited to the Conference.
For example, in France theCCGT was not invited; just the Force
Ouvriere.
This so-called international conference was of a secret
nature. It elected the so-called Co-ordination Committee to
co-ordinate the activities of the participating labor unions.
It was called without the consent of the WFTU and outside of its
framework. In fact, its objective was to establish the bases
of the new organization that opposed the WFTU, increasing the
division within the international labor union movement. In
addition to calling the Conference, the reactionary leaders attempted
to influence the Soviet labor union leaders. On 20 February and
at the beginning of March, Carey of the CIO was in Moscow. What
for? (1) to supply the bureaucratic press with material showing
that the USSR and the Soviet labor unions obstructed the American
efforts to help the nations which suffered during the last war.
(2) To attempt to persuade the All Union Central Council of
Trade Unions to approve the Marshall Plan. (3) To attempt to
reach an agreement with the All Union Central Council of Trade
Unions on the changes of the WF TU leadership beginning with the
replacement of Louis Saillant. There were two days of interviews.
Obviously, he did not succeed in convincing the leaders with the
All Union Central Council of Trade Unions. He assumed that after
this failure to agree, he would return to the USA and open an
anti-Soviet campaign. The All Union Central Council of Trade
Unions sent a document stating the stand of the Council concerning
the Marshall Plan (on his third or fourth day in Moscow.) It
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was an important political document describing the Marshall
Plan it aimed at submitting to the USA, the nations that would
"help". It said that the USSR did not object to government help.
It favored help which would not imply economic and political
submission of the helped countries. Besides this, it said that
the All Union Central Council of Trade Unions did not object to
the discussion of the Marshall Plan at the WFTU but it could not
be imposed by force on this organization; that the Marshall Plan
should not be a pretext to split the WFTU. The statement was
very helpful for unmasking the Marshall Plan.
In addition to this defeat of Carey in his negotiations
with the All Union Central Council of Trade Unions, he tested
the ground for the replacement of Saillant. He asserted that
the Secretary General of the WFTU should belong to one of the
large powers and that France was no longer one of them. Only
the other three remained: United States, USSR and England.
To agree to this proposal would mean that the English or the
Americans would elect their representative against the USSR.
With this post in their hands they would then take over the rest.
But the Soviets told him that France was still a great
power so Carey suffered another defeat.
In April and May 1948, the regular session of the
Bureau and the Executive Committee of the WFTU were held. Here
again a new attempt was made to modify the executive organs of
the WFTU. Saillant was again attacked. They called for his
replacement. Second, they brought up the matter of Leon Jouhaux,
a vice-president of the WFTU who as a member of the CGT left
the CGT and established the Force Ouvvriere. According to the
Statutes this was wrong and the CGT presented as candidate Alain
le Leap. The representatives of the English and American labor
unions wanted to keep Jouhaux but as a representative of the
Force Ouvriere. Third, the Toledano affair was also brought up.
His elimination from the Executive Bureau was demanded by the
English and Americans.
They wanted key posts on the directing organs. These
efforts failed. The resolutions taken by the sections of the
Bureau and the Executive Committee were of a progressive nature.
At the final session, the Anglo-Americans voted together with
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the progressive leaders. They passed to an open break. In
September 1948, was the regular session of the Executive Bureau.
Only six members appeared-USSR, France, Italy, England, the
United States and Holland. Absences. Heated discussions on the
matter. Arthur Deakin and Carey did everything to slander the
USSR and the Popular Democracies. The voting was always three
against three. They only achieved the postponement of the matters
until the next session. Only one resolution was passed unanimously:
the payment of the living allowance to the members of the Bureau
during their work.
This showed that they followed the road to the split.
In January 1949 in Paris regular session of the Executive
Bureau-seven representatives. The seventh was from China
(Communist). Now 4 to 3. At this session, Deakin presented a
proposal to the General Council of the TUC that the VIFTU should
end its activities. It should not call meetings of the executive
organs of the V'FTU and should dismiss the officers. The documents
and funds should be delivered to a Committee of Trustees. Within
a year, the Committee should decide if the WFTU should or not be
buried.
Deakin justified himself as follows: The WFTU expresses
itself on matters which do not concern it. It is a branch of the
Cominform. The Communists control it. Soviet labor unions have
a dictatorship. The CIO and the Dutch. supported the proposal.
The others opposed it.
Kuznetsov refuted Deakin's arguments. He showed causes
why the WFTU could not work to its full capacity and what obstructed
its activity. The statement showed that they were underhand
activities of the Anglo-Americans. The statement said: how could
6 or 7 persons decide on an organization established by the re-
presentatives of millions. And they proposed to deal with this
at the session of the Executive Committee of the General Council,
including the V?'orld labor union congress. This pro osal was
supported by Divittorio, Saillant and Lu-ni-Si (sic) but Deakin
said that if its proposals were not approved, he would withdraw
from the WFTU. Thus the WFTU split from which there broke off
the English labor unions, the CIO and the Dutch reformist labor
unions. Later they were followed by organizations of other
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nations. Obviously the division of the WFTU was a serious defeat
for the international proletariat. At the same time, the departure
of the divisionists favored the WFTU activity. The WFTU became
more cohesive and active. The divisionists thought that when
they left, the Executive Bureau would. be disorganized. But le
Leap entered into this. A session of the Executive Committee
was also called.
The most important resolutions passed by the Bureau
and by the Executive Committee after the session and the most
important measures were first, after January 1949, the WFTU
began to participate more actively in the preparation of World
Congress of Peace Partisans. The WFTU activity in this field
was in the field of statements Now the active participation
in all preparatory committees of the Congress of Peace Partisans:
Second, finally, the problem of admission of new members was solved.
The labor unions of Japan, Ceylon, East Germany and others joined
the WFTU. Third, the WFTU began to organize in a practical manner
the professional departments. Fourth, the calling of the Second
World Congress of Labor Unions in Milan was made possible. It
was a struggle for Peace. Several resolutions were passed for
the active participation of the WFTU in the struggle for peace,
the commemoration of the struggle for peace day, organization
of the peace committees in the enterprises, and so forth.
All the subsequent activities of the WFTU were directed
at this purpose: the defense of peace. The present reduction
of international tension is to a great extent due to the activity
of the u.FTU. The second Congress struggled for unity of the world
labor union movement.
Especially since the Second Congress the Anglo-American
labor union leaders attempted by different means to organize
their own international organization. In December 1949 they
achieved this. It is the ICFTU. Why free? Free from Communism...
but not from imperialism.
It is directed by markedly reactionary Americans.
According to the figures provided by this organization, it has
54,000,000 members. The largest organizations are the A.F. of
L., the CIO and the TUC which have millions of members. Next
come the Belgians, Canadians, Australians, and so forth which
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have hundreds of thousands. It is convenient to point out that
it does not reflect that to which the mass of its members aspire.
Its leaders, in spite of the aspirations of the masses of the members,
engage in a reactionary policy: support of the anti-Communist,
anti-Soviet military blocs and of active support of internal
reactionary policy of the several governments.
Within the ICFTU a sharp clash between the various
tendencies took place. In 1955 the ICFTU held a congress. The
American press said that the congress was held under the anti-
Communist sign. The hero of the Congress was Many, the anti-
Communist president of the A.F. of L. Meanwhile, the anti-
Communist resolutions passed by the congress caused dissatisfaction
among various member organizations. For example, the central
organ of the Belgian Socialist Party severely criticized the
anti-Communist policy of the ICFTU. It wrote, "We will not per-
mit the use of our labor union organizations in behalf of military
blocs under the anti-Communist heading." The same stand was
taken by Hindu labor union leaders, members of the ICFTU. This
was also so in other countries. The ICFTU leaders reject all
proposals for unity of action of the WFTU.
At present there exists another international
organization: the International Confederation of Christian Trade
Unions. It is small and is influential in Italy, France, Belgium
and a few other countries. Outside of Europe, it has little
influence although it is striving to establish a base among
Catholic workers, especially in the T.ISA.
It has ties with the l'atican.
One of the most important events in the history of the
WFTU has the holding in November 1949 of the labor union conference
of Asiatic nations at which were delegations representing Asia
and Oceania. There were also many African representatives.
The conference played an important role in the development of the
Asiatic labor union movement. The delegates exchanged experiences
and learned of the experiences of the labor union movement in
China and the USSR.
According to the delegates themselves, they learned
a great deal at the conference.
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At the conference was established the Liaison Bureau
between the Asiatic organizations and those of the WFTU.
A similar conference was organized in Dakar. There
also, a similar Liaison Bureau was established. These conferences
and all the WFTU activities for the fostering of the labor union
movement of colonial and dependent nations greatly promoted the
development of the labor union movement in these nations.
In Latin America, the functions of Liaison Bureau are
exercised by the CT,AL.
The Third World Labor Union Congress met in October
1953, in Vienna. The importance of this congress is that important
theoretical matters were taken up in the resolutions. In the
reports by Saillant and by Divittorio, the following theoretical
matters were taken up: the proletariat cannot limit itself to the
struggle for the immediate interests of its own class. It should
act in defense of the interests of other classes, the peasants
and the intermediary layers of society. The labor union work
should assume a general popular nature. In the struggle for
national independence and for peace,the proletariat may side
with the national bourgeoisie. However, the struggle of the
proletariat for the interests of all the people should be based
on the alliance between the industrial workers class and the
peasant class. The report by Divittorio emphasized repeatedly
the idea that the proletariat should have a leading role in this
movement of all the people. In the discussion of the subject
on the conditions of the labor union movement in colonial and
dependent nations, the Congress took practical steps to help
this movement. And the above-mentioned theoretical thesis should
provide the base for that movement.
The Congress assigned to its executive organs the
preparing the labor union bill of rights. This program-the
bill of rights--was prepared after the Congress by the Executive
Committee and the General Council of the WFTU. In fact, this
program is a program for the struggle for democratic rights:
(1) the rights of the workers to establish their own labor union,
co-operatives, and political organizations; the right of
industrial workers to have their own labor unions; the right
to represent the industrial workers in the enterprises. (3)
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the right to strike (4) the right of assembly in the factories
and enterprises (5) the right of the labor unions to engage
in international activities. Besides these there were other
demands.
This program is the program for struggling against the
attack by anti-labor union reactionary forces.
The most important current problem .of the labor union
movement is the unity of the international labor union movement.
The main road is the struggle from below for unity on the national
level. This, obviously, does not exclude unity on the inter-
national scale; that is, from above. But, up to now, there
have not been positive results in the struggle for that unity
due to the resistance by the IFFTU leaders and the International
Confederation of Christian Trade Unions. IFCTU.
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