TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING OF FOREIGN COMMUNISTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R000600170062-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 21, 1998
• Sequence Number: 62
• Publication Date: August 1, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

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 AMC
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eoJrc )T"5
1.
Introduction
2.
Selection of Students
-?.
3.
Arrangements for Students
4.
Schools and Courses
~~ kc~1c 4 . S4 'e C ts~ ~t eta' ~. re GCS t?+.- C.ex~?f a r +,..
.C;7 a v 1957
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TRENDS IN MOSCOW'S TRAINING OF FOREIGN COMANNISTS
1. Introduction
One of the CPSU's earliest and most effective methods of exerting
control and coordination over the ?ziternational Communist livement was through
its indoctrination and training of foreign Communists. Thus, the training of
foreign Communists within Party schools in the USSR has long been an integral
and important part of the Communist movement. The greatest peak of such
activity was reached during the Comintern period. After World War II there
was an obvious curtailment in the number of foreign Communists who received
special Party training in the Soviet Union, and a contraction of the
elaborate system of schools which had existed. A certain amount of training
for foreign Communists continued to be carried out in the USSR - but on a
much reduced scale.
At the present time there is evidence pointing to an expanding
program of training Communists from other countries in Party schools within
the USSR. While the evidence is not firm, there is reason to believe that this
expanding program may have commenced around the time of Stalin's death (1953)*.
44 thin the last few years especially,
an increasing number of foreign Communist functionaries have been traveling to
the USSR for Party training# eurrent information indicates that this program is
being
=e 1 fhe.
If-_
[actors concerning?~-l~he identities and selection of trainees, their
travel patterns, the schools attended and the courses studied pose a difficult
intelligence target. It is nonetheless an important one. The CPSUrs apparent
current interest in the training of foreign Communists probably reflects not
only a desire to produce better Party activists and infuse the Communist movement
# Its inception, however, may have preceded this date. In February 1952, Stalin
himself noted "the inadequate level of Marxist development of the majority of
the Communist Parties in foreign countries" when he called for a new textbook
of Marxist political economy.
W&MVIlklan
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with fresh enthusiasm, but also a deliberate attempt to foster loyalty
and subservience to the Soviet Party among the next generation of foreign
Communist .arty leaders. There is also current evidence to suggest that,
in a few instances, some Communist functionaries may be deliberately sent
to study in the USSR in order that their own Prty leaders can in their
absence better restore ideological unity within their -arty.
While this paper is concerned only with the trends of CPSU
training, some comment is applicable about CP China in this connection.
During 1956, for instance, CP China trained a considerable number of Latin
American Communists who are not known to have received CPSU training. It
is not yet apparent what relationship this training activity on the part of
CP China has to the CPSU's training program for foreign Communists. It may
be a normal division of labor, with the Chinese Communists handling particularly
Communist trainees from underdeveloped countries. In the case of one Latin
American CP, however, it is reliably reported that in late 1956 one of the
highest-ranking leaders of the Party began his studies under CPSU direction in
Moscow. On the other hand, training by both the CPSU and CP China is indicated
in at least one case involving another very high-ranking leader of the same CP.
Quo, h pr ihipie of a~ times emery be ~ed_irr?t3~ts Ei~a"" bm. Possibly
the CPSU, as the leader of the international movement, will concentrate not
only an the training of Communists from the advanced countries but also on the
top'Zost leaders of CPs from underdeveloped areas. The situation with respect
to China, however, is an important one to watch. Some Latin American Communists
are reliably reported to have remarked that they found CF Chinats experience
more applicable to Latin American countries than that of the: CPSU.
2. Selection of Students
Whereas in the Satellites the dispatching of Communists to Soviet
Party schools is more or less routine, within the OP's of the free World the
program of sending such trainees to the USSR varies considerably.
Satellites
Reliable defector and other information shows that a regular program
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exists whereby selected -arty functionaries from the Satellites are sent
yearly to CPSU schools. There is also evidence that the schools of the
Satellite CA themselves are, in most instances, modeled so closely on the
Soviet pattern that a student completing with some distinction a required
number of years in one of the important training establishments of his
own Party may -- according to a prearranged program -- move on to the
parallel Soviet warty school for "advanced" study.
While selection of a student by a Satellite OP obviously entails
consideration of his known loyalty and proven ability, there is also reason
to believe that Satellite parties are expected to send each year a significant
"quota" of students to CPSU schools. I deuce suggests
that the Satellite 'rties feel it incumbent on themselves not only to hold
up their and of this program numerically, but also to prove to the CPSU,
through proper selection of students for specific schools, their ideological
and political astuteness. It is suspected, however, that often the emphasis
is on quantity rather than quality in the selection of students.
Indicative of how this matter is handled by the Satellites is
a 1955 document of one Satellite Party. According to this document, the
Party Secretariat had as one of its tasks the "organizing and selection of
students" for study in various CPSU establishments. This task included not
only the composition of the student delegation, but also the determination
-
of which ones shod attend what schools and whether they should take aO 014t
year course or a year course. The "responsible section" (presumably of the
Central Committee apparatus) was listed as the Section of Leading Party Organs,
which was the cadre section of the Party.
Other C?s
Without the uniform conditions which obtain in the Satellites,
in other CPS the program of sending 4arty functionaries to CPSU schools has
been influenced by a variety of factorsA the extent of the training program
of the indigenous warty itself; the general availability of trained leaders;
the conditions of legality or circumscription under which the'larty operates;
its financial ability to help underwrite transportation costs of students; its
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importance and potential both internally as well as in relation to other
CPS; the dictates of specific -arty programs requiring greater specialized
training; the desire to establish closer contacts with the CPSU; and many
other factors. Both seasoned 4rty functionaries as well as youthful, less
experienced activists have been included in this program.
Available evidence pointing to an andintraining program
for foreign Communists in the USSR relates largely to Western European and
Western Hemisphere CPs, and, in several cases, appears to be the first
program of any consequence since World War II. It is possible that an
acceleration in such training is also taking place for CPs in the Middle
and Far East, but there is little evidence available as yet to indicate this.
With respect to Western Europe and the Western Hemisphere, however, current
evidence shows that while both seasoned functionaries as well as youthful
activists continue to be included in the training program, there appears to
be a deliberate effort -- and on a greater scale than heretofore -- of send-
ing to CPSU training establishments the rising generation of future 1a,rty
leaders. This
countries.
evidence is -trikingly similar in several widely separated
From one country, for instance tarty functionaries depart d.
earlier this year to continue their Party training in the USSR. Of these,
over were born in the middle or late 1920 Is. From another country, -I"
functionaries are presently receiving training in the USSR; of these, over
.8 were born in the middle or late 920ts. From still another country it is
t'
reliably reported that over ty activists are attending a special school
in the USSR. They are lieved to be in this same general age group. In
yet another country, arty functionaries are reliably reported to have re-
turned after an extended period of training in the Soviet Union. Several of
these returnees are known to hold positions of importance in the middle
echelon of 'arty leadership. In the case of,20other countries, there is an
interesting parallel in the reports that the son of a high tarty official in
each country was among the youths selected to receive d5arty training in the
USSR. The selection of rising younger functionaries is apparent in other in-
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formation relating to trainees scheduled to begin their training in the
/Students6attend short-term refresher courses as well as
undergo long-term training. A w eel* course (or "42-day course") is evidently
attended by some of the better qualified foreign Communists whose stay in
the USSR is thus of a comparatively short duration. The youthful or middle
echelon Communists remain for longer periods, and are apparently selected
for courses of specific duration before their departure.
A course of - "^"` 6
years appears to be the ost common, but reliable reports also show that there
are courses df -3T2 -a d year periods. One group of students from the same
country may contain trainees scheduled for courses of varying lengths.
It is evident that the procedure followed in the selection of
specific trainees for Soviet Party schools varies from country to country and
even within the same country. Some trainees are ehosen on the basis of their
proven organizational skill in 4rty work. Others are reportedly selected
from among those who bare progressed through the hierachy of the sectional,
provincial, inter-regional and national schools of their own 4arty. Some
find themselves at a CPSU school because it became prudent for them to leave
their own country. Others, who bold positions of responsibility in their
'arty, attend courses in the USSR in order to enhance both their skill and
their prestige. Still others are believed to be the deliberate choice of
present arty leaders in order either to bolster their own position through
the creation of a Moscow-trained cadre having a personal loyalty, or to rid
themselves temporarily of eunctionaries causingTarty dissension.
While the bulk of evidence suggests that the actual selections
of trainees are made by the foreign CP itself (with CPSU concurrence obtained
afterwards), a report received earlier db.'referred specifically to an
invita, which had been received by youthful cadre workers in one country
to attend a special Party school in the USSR. It is not yet evident whether
this indicates a new trend and the CPSU itself is beginning to exercise greater
influence and control over the selection of foreign Communist trainees for
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Soviet Party schools. But such a development would be in line with a CPSU
desire to reaffirm its suppremacy over the Communist movement and to ensure
the loyalty of the best and most active elements within the foreign CPs.
3. Arrangements for Students
Evidence suggests that for the most part the foreign Communist
trainees experience considerable isolation while attending Soviet Party
schools. Although one report indicates very clearly that even after a stay
f`#-years in the USSR, a returning trainee had a good knowledge of political
and Party events which had taken place in his native country during his
absence, this case may be unusual. Developing dissension in his Party at
home caused his recall from the USSR in order that he could bolster the
current Party leadership; obviously he had to be briefed about events, and
this may have been simplified by the fact that in many of his courses in the
USSR he was taught by members of his own 'rty. In another case, that of a
Satellite CP, it is known that the warty leadership was disappointed to find
its teturning trainees out of touch with the facts of life in the country and
by and large too theoretical, with little "contact with the workers."
Evidence about the physical isolation of the foreign Communist
trainees in the USSR is more conclusive. Not only are-'they apparently re-
moved from general contact with the Soviet community, they are ..
also kept apart from visiting members of their own tarty -- even those from
their home town -- whose Party business does not take them to the school.
This situation may stem in part from the demanding regime of the schools them-
selves, but is more likely the result of the stringent security measures which
have always characterized Communist training.
Little information is available about arrangements made to handle
correspondence between.the trainees and their families. Probably such arrange-
ments are dictated by the situation of legality or circumscription in which
the national 1rty operates as well as the circumstances surrounding the
individual trainee's travel and cover. One case is known where a mailing
address was available to a trainee's family. Letters could be sent to him in
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his true name and addressed to a specific post office box (Pochtovyi Yashchik)
in Moscow. In another case, reports indicate that no arrangements were made-
the trainee, apparently on his own, sent letters home via fellow'~arty
members who were returning before he did. He is reliably reported to have
received no correspondence from his family.
Despite the isolation while in school, however, one very interesting
trend has been apparent in the case of at least some Communist trainees
from countries not too distant from the USSR. Some of the trainees are
being returned to their own countries at regular intervals in order to enjoy
a vacation. Several trainees from at least two countries are known to have
returned home for a few weeks at Christmas time. Some are also known to have
had summer holidays at home last year. Available information is not yet
sufficient to conclude that this will be a general pattern, but for countries
within easy flying time of Moscow it appears a likely possibility.
In the case of Communist trainees from countries too far removed
from the USSR to make it feasible for them to return home for vacations,
only one report is available to indicate holiday arrangements. It may,
however, reflect the general procedure. According to this report, the
students are given summer vacations at a resort in the Crimea.
Travel arrangements for trainees also vary according to Varty
and individual. In one group of trainees from the same country, for instance}
it is reported that some held proper passports with the required visas but
that one or two in the group left the country without any documentation.
In the case of some trainees from another country, it is reported that their
passports were not valid for the USSR; they simply went on to the Soviet
Union from the nearest country permitted by the passport and any Soviet/
Satellite stamps or visas were provided for by loose cards rather than on
the passport. In other cases the trainees travel quite openly and directly.
It is obvious that infinite variations are practiced to effect the travel
of various trainees. It is also obvious that the OPSU must underwrite a
considerable portion of the over-all expenses involved.
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Available evidence indicates that once within the USSR the trainee's
passport is turned over to Soviet authorities and is returned to him only
on his departure from the country. One case may be cited of the travel
documentation provided for a returning trainee. When ready to leave the
Soviet Union, he received back his passport which had been doctored to show
visas and proper entry-exit stamps for various Western European countries
as well as two return trips to his own country and a passport renewal--all
this falsified by the Soviets in order to conceal his continuous stay in
the USSR.
It might also be noted that in the case of certain trainees from
several Latin American countries, it is reliably reported that these may
frequently return to other than their native countries. This situation
probably results from the fact that they cannot return to their own countries.
It also attests to the Soviet ability to provide documentation enabling these
individuals to enter and take up residence in countries other than their
4. Schools and Courses
In the great majority of cases it is impossible to determine
the specific Party school in the USSR which is attended by any one Individual
trainee or group of Communists from other countries. Evidence is often
vague and nomenclature confusing. Certain schools are known to exist and
the presence of foreign Communists has been reported at each. It is also
quite possible that there are other schools which have not yet been identified.
At the present time, this subject can only be treated in terms which have
general application.
Three training and research establishments of the CPSU are located
in Moscow and are controlled directly by the CPS U's Central Committee.
These are the Higher Party School, the Academy of Social Sciences, and the
Institute of Marxism-Leninism. Foreign Communists have been reported at
In addition, it has been reliably reported that a special school for
foreign Communists is located in a suburb of Moscow called Pushkino (possibly
also known as Pushkin or Pushkinskoye). Finally, training of foreign Communists
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from regions of the Middle East and Far East has been reported in cities
in the USSR adjacent to these areas.
The most p sistently reported school
of this sort is at Tashkent where Arab cadres are allegedly trained.
Confusion in the identification of Soviet schools appears to
be due in part to the various names and descriptions given to the courses
studied and also to the different lengths of time which may be involved.
It is suspected thatAany tine of the known Soviet schools is flexible enough
to account for these factors.
Higher Party School
As the name implies, this school'is the apex of the regular CPSU
schooling system- includesIalso)establishments at lower divisions of
the Party organization. It was established originally in 1939 and was
reorganized in 1946. The rector of the school is still believed to be
N.R. MITRONOV, although he was last identified in this position in 1955.
For several years the address of the school has been: 6 Miusskaya, i d,
D-47, Moscow.
The chief purpose of the Higher Party School is the training
of Party and Soviet administraors, as opposed to theoreticians. The training
e,4
encompasses both ideologica] political matters as well as practical courses
which would be particularly useful to those responsible for Party and govern-
ment administrative procedures and activities. It is undoubtedly for this
reason that Satellite Communists in particular have been reported at this
school, although reliable reports have also placed other foreign trainees
at the Higher Party School. There is some reason to believe, however, that
at least some of those non-Orbit Communists may have been attending certain
special lectures at the school rather than participating in a regular course.
It is possible, though no other evidence supports this, that a separate
division exists in the school in order to handle specialized training for
non-Orbit Communists.
While it is difficult to know to what extent the school's __
regulations are applicable to non-Soviet students, they may be useful in
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helping to pinpoint future identification of the school. According to an
announcement made in 1956, for instance, the school has changed from a 0~Aryear to a 4 year course of study. It was also announced that no entrance
examinations are given for admission to this school. Students are admitted
on the basis of recommendations by provincial, territorial or _Gentral Committees
within the union republic CR. Students must not be over` years of age,
and must have had a higher education and experience in administrative,
Party, Soviet or journalistic work.
The following subjects were listed by the Large Soviet Encyclopedia
of 1951 as those studied at the school: history of the CPSU; history of
the USSR; general history; political economy; dialectical and historical
materialism; logic; international relations and foreign policy of the USSR;
economic and political geography; Russian language and literature; foreign
language; foundations of the Soviet economy and the practical direction of
the branches of the national economy; Party organization; State law and
Soviet organization; and journalism for individual newspaper editors.
According to a defector report, some foreign Communists from
non-Orbit d"arties attended certain lectures at the Higher Party School which
covered not only world history but also military tactics, including guerrilla
warfare. This is the only indication that courses of this sort might be
given at the Higher Party School.
Academy of Social Sciences
This is the leading CPSU establishment for the training of
theoreticians, and should not be confused with the USSR Academy of Sciences
which is a state institution involved in scientific research in all fields.
The purpose of the Academy of Social Sciences is to train theoreticians for
work in central Party institutions, the Central Committees and other Committees
within the union republic CPS, as well as for work in higher scientific
establishments in the USSR. Although the Academy of Social Sciences was
opened in 1946, it is actually a revival of the former Communist Academy
which functioned in the 1920's and ear13/,3O's.
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Because of its importance as a Marxist institution, the Academy's
instructors are high-ranking CPSU officials and the foremost theoreticians
and propaganda specialists in the Soviet Union, including those in the social
science sections of the Academy of Science. The Academy's present rector
is believed to be Prof. (fnu) DOROKHOV who apparently succeeded F.V. KONSTANTINOV
in this position in late 1955 when KONSTANTTNOV became chief of the Agitprop
Section of the Central Committee, CPSU. In 1956, the address of the Academy
appeared as: SadovKudrinskaya 9, Moscow.
While there is reliable evidence to show that Satellite CP trainees
are sent to the Academy of Social Sciences for study, there is no firm evidence
to indicate that other foreign Communists are also trained there. Never-
theless, in view of the Academy's purpose and importance, it is felt that
selected foreign Communists very probably do receive "advanced" theoretical
training either in regular courses at the Academy or in special courses
arranged specifically for the foreign students. When foreign Communists
are reported to be receiving "advanced political instruction" in the USSR--
and with no other indication as to school or course-they may well be enrolled
at the Academy. Satellite Communists are sent on a regular basis, frequently
coming directly from the Social Sciences school attached to their own 'crties.
aa~
The length of courses at the Academy 1rebeen.variously described.
Pravda in 1954 stated that the period of study was 4 years. Party Life
in 1956 listed the term of study at years. A report about Satellite
students stated that they would study at the Academy for a period of f
years. There may also be shorter, intensified courses related to certain
current problems or trends affecting Marxist theory.
While it would not be expected that regulations affecting Soviet
students would be particularly applicable to foreign Communists, they may
reflect something more about the Academy. Soviet aspirants are considered
from among those Party members, recommended by various committees in union
republic CP's, who have been in the Party at least years, who are not
more than years of age, who have completed their higher education, had
experience in Party work, research and training, and have published articles
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and pamphlets. Admission is handled on the basis of competitive examinations
in which the aspirant may be queried in a field of his chosen specialy,
the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and in a foreign language. He is also
required to present an essay dealing with his selected speciality.
Although students apparently concentrate over the whole period
on a single subject only, the Academy's is a wide one. Fields of
study have been listed as: political economy; the economics and politics
of foreign countries; theory of the state and law; international law; inter-
national relations; history of the USSR; history of the CPSU; world history;
dialectical and historical materialism; Western European philosophy; logic
psychology; and literature and art. It has been reported that the Academy
is broken down into two departments: a Department of History, which is
concerned with Party history; and a Department of International Relations
which prepares specialists in this field for central Party establishments,
research institutions and work on theoretical publications.
Institute of Marxism-Leninism
It is more difficult to describe accurately this CPSU establish-
ment. It is the Party's top research institution on the problems of Communism,
and it has a long history. It was once called the Institute of Marx-Engels-
Lenin (as a result of the merger of the Lenin Institute and 'the--Marx Engels
Institute), and for a few years was called the Institute of Marx-Engels-
Lenin-Stalin. In 1956 its name was changed to its present one.
The Institute is publicized largely for its responsibility to
collect, study and publish documents and historical materials pertaining
to the founders of the Communist Party and to their leading continuers in
the CPSU. Stress is laid on its "research" work into the history of the
CPSU, but this work also includes the study of the history of the international
workers' movement. The CPSU boasts that the Institute is unique in the world
for its store of reading material on the history of Marxism and international
socialist and Communist workers' movements. While its role as a research
institute tends to confuse its status as a "training school", it apparently
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functions as both. Even before World War II it was reliably reported that
through "research" work in the Institute, specialists were developed in
various fields of political science in the science and history of the class
struggle in Russia and in various other countries of the world. In the
mid-1930's, the Institute reportedly catered to foreigners on special recommendation
Within the last few years, several reports have referred to foreign
CP functionaries who have studied recently at the Institute of Marxism-
Leninism, but these reports are of undetermined reliability. In one case,
the secretary general of a CP was reported to have spentVonths at the
Institute attending "courses" which particularly stressed political, economic
and social developments affecting his own area of the world. Reportedly
this led, while still at the Institute, to the formulation of a new Party
policy better designed to meet those developments. Other recent reports
about the Institute have referred to courses concerned with organizational
problems, youth movements, socialist legislat` r" e, mass agitation, infiltration
tactics, etc. It is impossible to evaluate these reports on the basis of
what is known about the Institute. It is suspected, however, that several
reports may have confused the type of work done at the Institute of Marxism-
Leninism with what was once taught at the International Lenin School during
the Comintern period. Nevertheless, it is believed that foreign Communists
do in fact study at the Institute.
Indicative of some of the work done by the Institute was the
announcement earlier this year that the Institute would publish a new magazine,
Problems of History of the CPSU (V2prosy istorii KPSS). The basic functions
of the magazine were stated to be "to present scholarly treatment of problems
of the history of the CPSU, particularly of the period since the October
revolution; to help teachers and propagandists in studying and teaching
Party history in higher educational institutions and in the Party educational
system; to review new literature on problems of Party history, and to elucidate
the history of fraternal Communist and Workers' parties and the international
workers' movement."
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In 1952, the address of the Institute was listed as: 5 Ulit$a
Marksa i Engel' sat Kirvsk4y Raton, Moscow. For several years the director
has been G.D. OBICHKIN, and the deputy director STEPANOVA. The Chairman of
the Division on History of the CPSU was identified in 1956 as M.D. STUCHEBNIKOVA.
Two members of the research staff also identified in 1956 were LEVINA and
ROMANOVA. The importance of the Institute to the CPSU is_reflected in some
of its previous directors. These have included M.B. MITIN, V.S. KHUZHKOV,
and P.N. POSPELOV.
In addition to the Institute located in Moscow, the union republics
and some territories in the USSR have branches of the Institute. In this
connection, it should be noted that one report has stated that although
the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow is the highest training establish-
ment for members of one foreign CP, the next in importance is a branch of
the Institute located in an area of the USSR closer to the specific foreign
country.
Pushkino (or Pushkin or Pushkinskoye)
Recent information indicates that a special school for foreign
Communists is located in a suburb of Moscow called Pushkino. The location
and other descriptions available about this school suggests that it may
be the same establishment reported several times during the 1940's where
foreign Communists received training. In the earlier reports it was generally
called Pushkin. The location may be similar to that of Pushkinskoye, described
as one of the locations of the Comintern for a brief time in the early 19401s.
According to recent information, the Pushkino school is designed
almost exclusively for foreign Communists, and apparently is equipped to
handle a considerable number of students. It has no other specific address
but reportedly is near a military airfield and is disguised as a convalescent
home--a description similar to the "rest home" at Pushkin reported in 1943
as being actually a CP school for foreign trainees. Courses of study have
been described as being generally the same for all foreigners at Pushkino.
Apparently they center on three main subjects: philosophy, political economy
and history of the CPSU.
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One interesting factor reported about Pushkino is that some
courses-possibly many--are taught by foreign Communist functionaries them-
selves to their fellow countrymen. This may stem in part from language
considerations, but it may also indicate that trainees at Pushkino are not
considered on the same select educational level as those who attend the
other CPSU training establishments. It is possible that Pushkino is designed
to cope with comparatively large numbers of foreign trainees and for that
reason, foreign functionaries assume administrative roles and the courses
are simplified. The indication that the courses are generally the same for
all foreigners, however, points up the fact that centralized control is
exerted by the CPSU.
According to a recent report, there has been some discontent
among foreign trainees with certain aspects of the courses given at Pushkino.
Discontent has centered on a feeling that the courses overstressed the CPSU
and underemphasized the CPs of other countries. Reportedly, the curriculum
is to be modified in this respect.
Reports are often so vague and confusing that it has not been
possible to identify any other, ,schools where foreign Communists
may be receiving special Party training within the USSR. It is
however, that other schools do exist. References to an Institute of Communist
Studies, a Study Center, a Lenin Academy, a Karl Marx School, a Lenin Institute
and a "special Party school" are but some of the various names received in
reports. They may refer to some of the establishments discussed above or
they may refer to schools which it has not yet been possible to identify.
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APPENDIX A
(Subjects covered in a recent oouree
in the history of the labor movement
given to foreign Communists in the
THE INDttSTRTAL WRIER MOVEMENT
THE FO MATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER CLASS AND THE BEGINNING OF ITS
STR.UGGIE FCa CLASS IN'iFtESTS
The formation of the proletariat
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TWO ASPECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
THIRD l SSON
Brief characterization of the Utopian socialists
S t Simon's concepts
FCer's concepts
TAE CARTISTA MOVEMENT
ROBERT OWEN (1771-1851)
THE CIRIGIN OF SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM. TAE EARLY YEARS OF MARX AND ENO L'S
REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY.
THE ROLE OF THE PROLETARIAT IN ETITtOPEAN REVOLUTI{ S DURING 184&1849
The 1948 revolution in France
The 1848-1849 revolution in Germany
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WOBRERS MOVEMENT IN THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES
OF THE NYNET NTH CENT'tlitY AND TAE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
Brief characterization of the economic and political conditions during
the fifties and sixties, especially in Europe.
The industrial worker movement in England during the fifties and sixties
of the nineteenth century
THE STRUCTURE OF THE ENGLISH TRAM UNIONS
THE IND1 TRIAL WORM MOVEMENT IS FRANCE DtRING THE FIFTIES AND SIXTIES.
HOW THE INDUSTRIAL k'CAU R MOVEMENT IN GERMANY PROCEEM
CHARACTERISTICS' THESE DOCUMENTS f M* Manifesto or political program
and the Statute
The activity of the International up to 1870
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'i'BE PARIS C
Causes of the Paris Camara ne
Maerx' stand regarding the Paris Comma
The final period of activity of the International
THE INTERNATIONAL INDUSTRIAL WORM MOVEMENT FROM 1870 to 1917
Brief characterization of the period
The industrial worker movement in England from 1870 to 1917
The English industrial worker movement in the years preceding WW I.
ORIGIN ANSI tVELOPMENT CF INDtETR.IAL WORKER MCVEMENT IN TV, 11,S.A.
ONE WW 1.
Industrial worker organizations in the U.S.A,
Pointe common to the American and the English industrial worker morvement.
Special characteristics of the French industrial worker movement during
the period from 18'711 to 3.917
Certain facts and stages of the French industrial worker movement.
Special characteristics of the German industrial worker movement during
the period from 1870 to 1914
SPEDIAL CHARACTERTSTIICS OF ME ORIGIN AND t VELOt NT OF THE RtSSIA
INDUSTRIAL WOR M0VEMW
The influence of the revolution in Russia in 1905 on the international
revolutionary movement.
THE CREATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND BANKRUPTCY OF ME SECOND INTERNATIONAL
THE SIGNIFICANCE IN WORLD HISTORY OF THE GREAT SOCIALIST OCT R REVOLUTION
The influence of the Great Socialist October Revolution on the world
industrial worker movement.
INFLUENCE OF T SOCIALIST OCTOBER REVOLUTION ON T FM IWIERNATIONAL LABOR
UNION MOVEMENT.
THE INDt TRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN GERMAN! DTIRING THE FIRST STAGE OF THE
GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM.
The labor union movement
Revolutionary demonstrations by the German proletariat in 1919, 1921, and 1923.
The German Communist Party tactics.
Experiences gained by the events in January.
TIE INDUSTRIAL WORR. MOVEMENT IN ITALY DURING THE FIRST STAGE OF THE
GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
The economic and political conditions in Italy after WW I.
THE INtltSTRIAL tat IER MOVEMENT IN FRANCE DURING THE FIRST STAG OF THE
GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE 1919-1923 PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY GAINS
STRUGGLE FC THE ESTABLISHMENT OF TAE INDUSTRIAL WORM AND POPtYLAR
PRONT IN FRANCZ
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The basis on which the Popular Front was established and its consequences.
THE INDTJS'IRIAL VTORK R MOVES IT OF ENGLAND DURING TfEF' FIRST STAGE OF TAE
GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
RIAL WORKER MOMENT IN THE U.S.A. D RING THE FIRST STAGE OF
L CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE INDt3S'IRIAL WORM MOVEMENT AND THE NATIt AL LIBERATION OF CHINA
(First stage of the general crisis of capitalism)
The eooncaioa and political conditions in China after W I
Political regime of China (1911 and 1912)
ESTABLISHMENT OF 'INF. CHIMESE COMMUNIST PARTY
THE EVENTS OF FEBRUARY 1923
History of the Communist International
Second congress of the Camunist International
Lenin thesis on the agrarian problem
Sixth congress of the Communist International and the Program of the C. I.
The struggle of the Ccnsmunist International for the popular united front...,.
The seventh congress of the Caamuniet International.
THE IN'iERNATIO?SAL INDTZiRIL WORKER MOVEMENT DURING W II
S"IRUGGI.E FOR UNIT! IN THE IN'SERNATIONAL I tUtE'IRIAL WORKER 40VEAAT
THE STRUOGLE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE WORM FEDERATION OF TRAM UNIONS--
OR THE S 1RUGGIE FOR UNIT! OF THE INTERNATIONAL IN MTRIAL WORKER MOVEMW
Preparation and holding of the World Trade Union Congress in Paris.
THE SESSION OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL OF THE WORLD FEDERATION OF TRAM VNIOE'
THE ROIF CF THE INDt TIAL WfJRKER. CLASS IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
POPULAR DEMOCRACY REGIMES IN THE BUILDING OF THE FOUNDATION S OF SOCIALISM
IN BAST EUROPE AND LAST (word unintelligible)
The Peoples Republic of China
The Communist Party of China
THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND DURING THE SECOND STAGE OF THE
GENERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
Conditions of the industrial worker class after WV 11
CONDITIONS OF
TRIAL WORKER CLASS
CURRENT ACTIVITIES OF THE ENGLISH COMMUNIST PARTY
The industrial worker movement in the U.S.A. after the War,
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THE INDUSTRIAL WORKER MOUNT IN TRANCE D1 ING 'IEE SECOND STAGE OF THE
CEEERAL CRISIS OF CAPITALISM
THE ITALIAN WORMER MO !!. NT DURING THE SECOND STAGE OF ffl GENERAL CRISIS
Cr CAPITALISM
THc STHUGGIE T R UNITI' IN THE INTERNATIONAL WCRKER MOVEMENT
Changes within the industrial worker class
Conditions of the worker class in capitalist countries
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE TE!RNAT ONAL C UNIST M t NT AFTER WW TI
INIERNATIONAL COMMUNIST ORCANIZATIONS
CHARAOTERISTICS OF THE SOCIALIST MOVEI?NT
The influence of the socialist parties of Europe
THE SZRUGGIE FCR UNITT IN THE INTERNATIONAL LIBOR UNION MOVEMENT
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APPENDU B
(Portions of the text utilized during
the course in the history of the
labor movement and disseminated to
the foreign Communist trainees)
;6 44
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVE NT AFTER WCRID WAR 17
That period is characterized by a considerable reinforcement of that
movement: Before the war there were 43 CF's in 1.3 countries, the CPSU
among them with 4,202,000 members (minus those of the USSR there were
1,724,000 members). By the end of the war there were already 76 CP ' s in
that number of countries consisting of almost 20 million militant members.
At,present, the number of CF's is the same but with almost 30 million
Ccmmnnie of which 25 million are in the nations of the socialist field
(including the Yugoslav Union of Communists). The CF's of the capitalist
nations consist of slightly more than 3 millions and the colonial and
depend nt nations have a little more than one million and one half.
This illustrates the development of the International Communist Move-
ment which should be taken into account that in the several capitalist
nations, since the war, the number of OP members has lessened as compared
to the end of the war period. The reduction of the number of members took
place in 11 nations of Western Europe. Only in Itily has the C? maintained
the increased number of its members. These losses are due to a series
of causes. The largest CF in a capitalist country is the Italian CP, next
is that of Indonesia consisting of 1.5 million members and sympathizers
(similar to the candidates 5o Party membership)a;they are the vast majority
but the reactionary ,rnmenti persecute both the members and the
sympathizers in the same way).
During this period, the majority of the M's greatly strengthened
themselves in the organic and ideological sense. A considerable number of
CP's reviewed their programs, adopted new ones, and took into account the
new conditions of the world and in their respective countries. However,
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all the We did not go through that postwar period without making errors.
xample, the CPU SA went through a crisis during this period as a
result of which the Party was almost liquidated. In Japan during the post-
there was also a serious crisis in the CP, resulting in a party
scission. At present, during the last two years, the Japanese Com nist
Party has consolidated itself a great deal, organically and ideologically.
The CP'a of the capitalist nations operate since after the war with
much more difficulty than previously. For example,, the CP of India operates
under new complex conditions: a group of Party members was and is in
favor of full support of the Nehru policy. A short time ago, the CPI was
completely and entirely opposed to Nehru, calling him an "imperialist
agent, a traitor", eta. 'Chin stand is reflected in the CPI Program, At
preseent, some comrades go to the opposite extreme. But the majority of
the Co unists take a better stands support the government with reservations,
For example, support the foreign policy of the government (which can be
supportel almost without reservatl nus); but as to the domestic policy,
this support should not be complete. Support the government measures which
are beneficial to the masses the building of the social economy anR for
example, the communal agricultural economy, the creation of large state
industry, the limitation of the role of foreign capital, etc. Is it that
the domestic policy of the government should be supported without reservations?
At first glance,, these reservations seem superfluous but Nehru says he is
a socialist, Put what kind of socialism is it? Nehru is a representative
of the large Hindu national bourgeoisie. And the policy of his government
doubtlessly expresses the interest of that bureaucracy. But, for example,
what is Nehru's stand toward the CPI? He considers the CP to be the most
reactionary one of India because they are tied to ideas which arose in
Europe and for the Europe of a hundred years ago. Even for Europe those
ideas are antiquated, but for India these ideas are entirely inapplicable.
The Nehru regime has created a series of laws against the workers; for
example, one of the laws authorizes the police to arrest any person without
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making any previous investigation. Another law, concerning the press, makes
every person opposing the government subject to a trial in court.
Nehru is following a policy of salary freezing which is in fact an
actual salary reduction. During the war years and after, the cost of living
has risen to three or four times that of the past but the salaries have
been barely raised by 20 percent.
Let us consider the matter of the agrarian reform in India. It has
already dragged for 10 years, beginning essentially with the Nehru govern-
ment, buxt still 20 percent of the fallow lands remain in the hands of
latifundia diners, and the lane expropriated from the latifundia owners
pass into the hands of wealthy peasants. Such a reform is clearly of a
capitalist nature. This agrarian policy cannot be supported without
reservations.
Let us consider certain administrative measures. There used to
be 500 principalities in India headed by feudal maharajas. Now these
principalities were liquidated and their territories were converted into
provinces. This is a progressive phenomenon but the provinces continue
to be headed by the princes. Thus the step taken by the government barely
restricts to a certain degree the rights of this prices. Thus, the CPT
tactics must be very flexible. We must support without disguise the
progressive measures of the Nehru government but we must also explain to
the masses the measures against their interests. This is difficult to do
since the Nehru goverment and the National Congress Party has much influence
over the masses.
The CPT has about 100,000 members. Its influence is much less than
that of Nehru's party but it is precisely on this plane that the Party
should apply its line.
At present, the Party is correcting a series of mistakes it had made
and increases its influence.
In several countries, there isn't a OP yet. In others there are
several of them. In Egypt; there are five CP's but neither of them can
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consider itself a national organization. In Burma there are two but there
is a continuous struggle between them. This is almost at the point of
armed warfare.,. At presents, they seem to be moving toward fusing, Under
these conditions the government is free to carry out any policy.
IN' RNATIONAL CO! WNIST ORGANIZATIONS
The ccmintern was dissolved in 1943, In 1947, the cominform was
established, It consisted of the Popular Democracies' parties and of
some capitalist countries' parties. The objectives of that organization
are defined by its name, It was not a directing organ but one for the
exchange of experiences and information between the Communist and workers'
parties and to co-ordinate to a certain extent their activities. There
Were three sessions of the bureaus 1947, 1948, and 1949. These sessions
play an important role in the carrying out of the tasks not before the
bureau. But the bureau made an error concerning the Yugoslav CP.
The resolution regarding the Yugoslav CP which was adopted in 1948,
was in general correct in regard to the CP's errors in the fields of
domestic policy,, economic policy,, etc. of the Party. However, it was
wrong to expe the Yugoslav CP. By 1949, the resolution on the Yugoslav
CP was completely wrong in that it called the leadership of the CP murderers j,
imperialist agents, and so forth. Such resolutions not only did not help
the C? to correct its mistakes but made them worse. 't'heme resolutions
were repealed by the CP and Workers' Parties which adopted them.
Ni, othe bureau no longer exists but this does not mean that the
exchange of experiences between the CP'e had stopped or that there is no
ordination among the CP'a. Por examples, at the Twentieth Congress of
the CPSU, fifty CP delegations attended. Obviously, the delegates did
not just come to attend the Congress; they exchanged opinions and information.
other means of exchanging opinions, experiences# etc.
MACCOOM
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CHMC .ISCS OF TRY, SOCIALIST MMMEWT
Unfortunately in several capitalist countries, there are socialist
parties alongside of the CP's. In some countries they are very Influential.
At present, the Socialist International brings together 10 million members
of the Socialist Parties and the Social Democrats (of which six million
are of the English Labor Party). It is made up of 36 parties; 24 of them
are European. In Asia there is another organization of the socialist
parties. In 1953, the Asiatic Socialist Conference was held,, attended
by delegates from 11 countries. The socialist parties have 10 million
members. However, there does not exist unity of action between the Socialist
International and the Asiatic Socialist parties' organization.
THE INFL1 NCE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTIES IN EtROPE
Let us see by comparing the ieluence of the GP's and the socialist
parties in Europe in parliamentary elections and the parliaments.
Nation
Communist Benue -es
Socialist Densities
'Prance
151
94
Italy
143 r 75 (Nenni)
19 (Saragatti)
England
0
274
West Geri'
0
151
Belgium
6
158
Holland
9
44
Austria
4
73
Finland
43
54
As can be seen, relationships with the social democrats is very
important. Besides, in several nations, the socialists participate or
head the governments France, Belgium, Holland, Switzerland, Austria,
Denmark, Norway, Fin.Mnd and others.
The socialist parties have an international orianizations already
toward the end of the war (1944) an effort was made at the initiative of
the laborites, to bring about a rebirth of the former Socialist Internationa
In that year a Conference was held at which it was decided to begin the
preparatory work to that end. In June 1946, a Conference of 19 socialist
parties was held in England which established the Liaison and Information
Bureau. Thus, after the war, the socialists were the first to establish
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an international organization and this was formed while there was no
Cnist organization. That same year, 1946, at another conference a
resolution was passed by which the Bureau's name was changed to Advisory
Committee. In 1947 at the socialist party conference, the Advisory Committee
was replaced by the International Socialist Conference Committee. This
Committee may be characterized as divisionist due to its activities. For
example, due to their collaboration with the CP's, the Socialist Party of
Poland, the Social Democrats of Czechoslovakia, and the Nonni Italian
Socialist Party were excluded from the Committee.
On the basis of the Coammittee, the Socialist International was established
in 1951. In the Statutes there is stated that the organization aims at
insuring "that all the people will have the right to determine the economic
destiny and to create a society in which free men will work together as
dquals". The Statutes define as follows, "Socialism is the movement in
protest against the evils of capitalism." The Program and the Statutes
provide for the peaceful incorporation of capitalism into socialism.
An important event in the development of the socialist movement
was the Asiatic Socialist Conference. It met in January 1953 with repre-
sentatives of socialist parties from 11 nations: India, Pakistan? Malaya,
Indonesia, Japan, etc. The delegation of the Socialist International was
headed by Atlee. These colleagues of the Socialist International planned
to guide the work of the Conference along the lines of the Socialist Inter-
national. If before W II,, the Socialist International leaders ignored
the socialist and workers' movement in the colonial and dependent nations,
now they aimed at placing it in a subordinate position.
But the opinions of the Asiatic socialisk Jere in conflict with
those of the Socialist International. The Asiatic socialists refused to
support any of the existing military coups. They condemned racial die.
erimination, the repressive English colonial policy. They pronounced
themselves in support of the agrarian reform, and the Conference established
its own Asiatic Bureau and decided not to adhere to the Socialist International.
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Thus there is not unity of action between the European and Asiatic
socialists. Likewise, there is not unity of a etion on numerous matters
within the Socialist International itself, The leaders of certain socialist
parties express their opposition to the Socialist International Itatutes
and tactics and act accordingly. For example? the Statutes of the French
Socialist Party state that it is a revolutionary party, that the party takes
upon itself the task of struggling for socialism; the statutes state openly
that the aim of the party is to liquidate capitalist property. It is true
that the statutes Rio not recognize the necessity of the dictatorship of the
proletariat nor the leading:-role of the proletariat in these socialist
transformations. However, the statutes of the French Socialist Party adopted
in 1954 are very different from those of the Socialist International.
There are other international socialist organizations% the World
Zionist Socialist Party, consisting of 125,000 members; the Socialist
International Organization of :ewe (similar to the Bond) consisting of
25,000 members, which drafts its minutes in Hebrew; the Socialist Union
of Central and Western Europe, consisting of emigrants from popular democratic
countries, makes a lot of noise as the only means of getting on the spy
and divisionist market etc..
THE STRUGGLE FOR t1NITT OF THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR UNION MOVEMENT
Toward the end of WW II, the organized unity of the international
labor union movement was achieved by the establishment in October 1945
of the World Federation of 'wade Unions. The WFTU brought together its
members without regard to race, nationality and so forth. It was made
up of industrial workers of different tendencies. It united the majority
of the world's organized workers. There were about 67 million members
in October 1945. Only the AS, of L., of the large labor union organizations,
did not belong to the WFTU.
However, this did not mean that the establishment of the WFTU ended
the need to struggle for unity of the international movement.
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The A.F. of L. remained outside and its reactionary leaders did
everything to divide the WPTU in conjunction with the British Trade Union
Congress leaders so as to create a split within the WFTU. They attempted
to put uhder their influence the progressive labor union organizations by
forcing them out of the WFTU. They did likewise to split the labor union
movement in the countries where it was unified.
Thus, the struggle for unity of the international labor union move-
ment continued being a vital problem even after the establishment of the
WFTU.
Meanwhile, the danger would not have been so great, if the threat
of a split was made just by the A.F. of L. leaders. The danger was that
tha threat also came from within the WFTU.
Hcr did this danger manifest itself? U"fq did the reactionary leaders
of the CIO and of the Trade Unions join the WFTU? We have already seen:
(1) under pressure from the masses (2) They thought it was possible to
control the WFTtT and lead it along the path that they wished. However,
from the founding of the WFTU, the main role was that of the progressive
forces. Then the reactionary CID and Trade Union leaders, instead of giving
up its objectives, they proceeded to carry on a policy of sabotage and
two-faced conduct within the WFTU. They discussed and voted on the re-
solutions but did not carry them out. For example, after the Paris Congress
and after the election of executive organs, the'WFTU apperat had to be
organized: typists and so forth. The delegations had already left. Few
remained in Paris. Citrine, the president of the WFTU, told Saillant
not to employ the officers until he had examined the list of their names.
They sent the list from London to Citrine. A month vent by and no reply
arrived. Mail accumulated. Saillant went to London but he was detained
or a month by Citrine. In addition, the Statutes of the WFTU contains
a provision calling for the organization of trade departments annexed to
the WFTU (textile workers, railroad workers, metal workers and so forth
ronrl
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the Professional Department) . The organization of these professional
departments should have put an end to the International Trade Secretariats'
activities. In the task of carrying on the negotiations with the secre-
tariats, Schavenels and Citrine did everything to prevent the establishment
of the professional departments. This negotiation vent on up to 1947.
The longer the negotiations lasted, the more insolent the international
secretariats became. Finally they proposed that they should have total
independence from the professional departments regarding the executive
organb~of the WFTU so that these organs could not influence the designation
of the directors of these departments. The assets should be supplied by
the WFTU but not controlled by it.
But the Soviets, the French and Italians agreed to such proposals.
The two secretariats were amazed. It was a complete surprise and they
finally went back on their proposals. In fact,; they wanted a split. Next,
the Congress of Paris dedided to establish the department for colonial
and dependent countries annexed to the WFTU Braught, the CIO representative
who was one of the vice-secretary generals of the WFTU, was designated to
bead it. He did not even leave Washington and up to 1948 the Department
was not organized.
Another example: the Paris Congress resolved that a labor union
conference of the Asiatic nations should be called and up to 1949 this
remained just on paper due to the reactionary leaders of the CIO and the
TUC. Another examples the %.'FTU decided to unify the German labor union
movement but the reactionary leaders of the CIO and the TUC frustrated
this effort.
This policy of sabotage and two-faced conduct went on until October
1947. At this point, American Imperialism passed over to open activity
for achieving its plans for world domination and the world reactionary
groups started the opeh offensive against the progressive forces. In May
1947# the Communists were expelled from the governments of France and Italy.
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The agents of bureaucracy intensified their activity. An effort was made
to split the CGT, the Italian labor union movement. The same was the
case in Mexico and Latin America. Under these circumstances, the reactionary
elements within the WF TLS aldo became active.
In October 1949 a regular executive bureau of the WFTU was set up
in Paris. Here Carey, the CIO representative proposed that the Bureau
should approve the Marshall Plan as a philanthropic American enterprise
but the majority of the members of the Bureau rejected this proposal. But
the representative of the TUC did not give his enthusiastie individual
support which displeased his American masters.
In December 1947, a secret conference was held in Washington with
representatives of the State Department, the A.F. of L. and the (British)
Foreign Office (headed by Ernest Levin).. At this Conferences, a detailed
plan for the splitting of the labor union movement was prepared. Immediately
afterwards the conference, the TUC general council demanded the calling
of an extraordinary session of the Executive Bureau of the Executive Council
of the WFTU to approve the MarshallPlan..
The representatives of the Soviet,. French and Italian labor unions
pointed out that in April 1948 a regular session of these organs were to
be held. However, the divissionists of the CIO and the TUC, together with
those of the A.F. of L. held in March 1948 at London the International
Conference of Labor Unions. By then 16 nations had accepted the Marshal
Plan. Only the labor union repress+ntatives of these countries and the
representatives who approved the plan were invited to the Conference. For
example, in France the CCT was not invited; just the Force Ouvriere.
This so-called international conference was of a secret nature. It
elected the so-called Co-ordination Cc>smsdttee to co-ordinate the activities
of the participating labor unions. It was called without the consent of
the tJFTtT and outside of its framework. In fact, its objective was to
establish the bases of the new organization that opposed the WFTt1, increasing
the division within the international labor union movement. In addition
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to calling the Conference, the reactionary leaders attempted to influence
the Soviet labor union leaders. On 20 February and at the beginning of
gray of the CIO was in Moscow. "Oh et for? (1) to supply the
bureaucratic press with material showing that the tESR and the Soviet
labor unions obstructed the American efforts to help the nations which
suffered during the last war. (2) To attempt to persuade the All Union
Central Council of Trade Unions to arprove the Marshal Plan. (3) To attempt
to react an agreement with the All Union Central Council of Trade Unions
on the changes of the W 'TU leadership beginning with the replacement of
Louis Saillant. There were two days of interviews. Obviously, he did not
succeed in convincing the leaders with the All Union Central Council of
Trades Unions. He assu-ed that after this failure to agree, he would return
to the USA and open an anti-Soviet campaign. The All Union Central Council
of Trade Unions sent a doeunaent stating the stand of the Council concerning
the Marshal9Plan (on hla third or foe"th day in !toscbw,) It was an important
political document describing the Marshal'Plan --- it aimed at submitting
to the MA, the nations that would It said that the WSR did not
d3eect to government help. It favored help which would not imply economic
and political submission of the helped countries. Besides this, it said
that the All Union Central Council of Trade dons did not object to the
discussion of the MarshdDlan at the WFTU but it could not be i nposeed by
force on this organisation; that the Marsha PPlan should not be a pretext
to split the WFTU. The statement was very helpful for unmasking the
rshaalsPlan.
addition to this defeat of Carey in his negotiations with the
All Union Central Council of Trade Unions, he tested the ground for the
replacement of Saillant. He asserted that the Secretary General of the
WFTU should belong to one of the large powers and that France was no longer
one of them. Only the other three remeineds United States,, USSR and
England. To agree to this proposal would mean that the English or the
Americans would elect their representative against the tSSR. With this
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post in their hands they would then take over the rest.
But the Soviets told him that France was still a great per so
Carey suffered another defeat.
In April and May 191, the regular session of the Bureau and the
'Executive Committee of the WFTt7 were held. Here again a new attempt was
made to modify the executive organs of the 1M. Saillant was again attacked.
They called for his replacement. Second, they brought up the matter of
Leon Jouhaux, a vice-president of the WFTU who as a member of the CGT
left the CGT and established the Force Ouvriere. According to the Statutes
this was wrong and the CGT presented as candidate Alain Is Leap. The
representatives of the l nglish and American labor unions wanted to keep
Jouhaux but as a representative of the Force Ouvriere. Third, the Toledano
affair was also brought up. His elimination from the Executive Bureau
was demanded by the English and Americans.
They wanted key posts on the directing organs. These efforts failed.
The resolutions taken by the sections of the Bureau and the Executive
Committee were of a progressive nature. At the final session, the Anglo-
Americans voted together with the progressive leaders. They passed to an
open break. In September 1948, was the regular session of the Executive
Bureau. Only six members appeared -- TZSR, France,, Italy, England, the
United States and Holland. Absences. Heated discussions on the matter.
Arthur Deakin and Carey did everything to slander the W.SR and the Popular
Democracies. The voting was always three against three. They only achieved
the postponement of the matters until the next session. Only one resolution
was passed unanimously; the payment of the living allowance to the members
of the Bureau during their work.
This showed that they followed the road to the split.
In January 1949 in Paris regular session of the Executive Bureau --
seven representatives. The seventh was from China (Communist). Now 4
to 3. At this session, Deakin presented a proposal to the General Eouncil
of the TUC that the WFTU should end its activities. It should not call
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meetings of the executive organs of the WFTU and should dismiss the officers.
The documents and funds should be delivered to a Committee of Trustees.
Within a year, the Committee should decide if the WFTU should or not be
buried,
Deakin justified himself as followss The WFTU expresses itself on
matters which do riot concern it. It is a branch of the Cominfo rm. The
Canmunist, control it. Soviet labor unions have a dictatorship. The 010
and the Dutch supported the proposal. The others opposed it.
Euznetsov refuted Deakin's arguments. 'He showed causes whir the
WFTU could not work to its full capacity and what obstructed its activity.
The statement showed that they were underhand activities of the Anglo--
Americans. The statement saids how could 6 or 7 persons decide on an
organization established by the representatives of millions. And they
proposed to deal with this at the session of the Executive Committee of
the General Council, Including the World labor union congress. This
proposal was supported by Divittorio, Saillant and Lu-ni-Si (sie) but
Deakin said that if its proposals were not approved, he would withdraw
from the WFTtT. 'thus the WFTU split from which there broke off the English
labor unions, the CIO and the Dutch reformist labor unions. Later they
were followed by organizations of other nations. Obviously the division
of the WFTU was a serious defeat for the international proletariat. At
the same time, the departure of the divisionists favored the WFTtT activity.
The WFTU became more cohesive and active. The diviaionists thought that
when they left, the 'Executive Bureau would be disorganized. But le Leap
entered into this. A session of the Executive Committee was also called.
The most important resolutions passed by the Bureau and by the Executive
Committee after the session and the most important measures were first,
after January 1949, the WFTU began to participate more actively in the pre-
paration of World Congress of Peace Partisans. The WFTU activity in this
field was in the field of statements - Now the active participation in
all preparatory committees of the Congress of Peace Partisans Second,
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anally, the problem of admission of new members was solved. The labor
unions of Japan,. Ceylon, Fast Germany and others joined the WFT'NT, Third,
the WFTLT began to organize in a practical manner the professional departments.
?ourthf the calling of the Second`Vorld Congress of Labor Unions in Milan
was made possible, It was a struggle for Peace, Several resolutions were
passed for the active partidipation of the WFTU in the struggle for peace,
the commemoration of the struggle for peace day, organization of the peace
eittees in the enterprises, and so forth.
All the subsequent activities of the WFTU were directed at this purpose:
the defense of peace. The present reduction of international tension is
to a great extent due to the activity of the WFTU, The second Congress
struggled for unity of the world labor union movement.
Especially since the Second congress the Anglo-American labor
leaders attempted by different means to organize their own international
organization, In December 1949 they achieved this. It is the ICFTtT.
Why free? Free from Ctmmuniem..,but not from imperialism,
It is directed by markedly reactionary Americans. According to the
figures provided by this organization, it has 54#000#000 members, The
largest organizations are the A.F. of L., the CIO and the TUC which have
millions of members. Next come the 'Belgians, Canadians, Australians,, and
so forth which have hundreds of thousands. It is convenient to point out
that it does not reflect that to which the mass of its members aspire.
Leaders, in spite of the aspirations of the masses of the members,
engage in a reactionary policy: support of the anti-Communist, anti-Soviet
military blocs and of active support of internal reactionary policy of the
several governments.
Within the ICFTtt a sharp clash between the various tendencies took
place, In 1955 the ICFTU held a congress, The American press said that
the congress was held under the anti-Communist sigh. The hero of the
Congress was Meary, the anti-Communist president of the A.F. of L. Mean-
while, the anti-Cammmist resolutions passed by the congress caused dis-
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satisfaction among various member organizations. For example, the central
organ of the Belgian Socialist Party severely criticized the anti-Communist
policy of the ICFTU. It wrote, " We will not permit the use of our labor
union organizations in behalf of military blocs under the anti-Communist
heading, The same stand was taken by Hindu labor union leaders, members
of the TCFTU, This was also so in other countries. The ICFTU leaders
reject all proposals for unity of action of the WFTU.
t._ At present there exists other international organization: the
International Confederation of Christian Trade Unions. It is small and is
influential in Italy, France, Relgi n and a few other countries. Outside
of Europe, it has little influence although it is striving to establish
a base among Catholic workers, especially in the tWA.
ties with the Vatican.
One of the most important events In the history of the WFTtT has the
holding in November 1949 of the labor union conference of Asiatic nations
at which were delegations representing Asia and Oceania. There were also
many African representatives. The conference played an important role
in the development of the Asiatic labor union movement. The delegates
exchanged experiences and learned of the experiences of the labor union
eat in China and the tR.
According to the delegates themselves, they learned a great deal
at the conference.
At the conference was established the Liaison Bureau between the
Asiati.h organizations and those of the WFTtT.
A similar conference was organized in Dakar. There also, a similar
Liaison Bureau was established. These conferences and all the W'FTtJ activities
for the fostering of the labor union movement of colonial and dependent
nations '#reatly promoted the development of the labor union movement in
these nations.
In Latin America, the functions of Liaison Bureau are exercised by
the CTRL.
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The Third World Labor Union Congress met in October 1953, in Vienna.
importance of this congress is that important theoretical matters were
taken up in the resolutions, In the reports by Saillant and by Divittario,
the follcaaing theoretical matters were taken ups the proletariat cannot
taeif to the struggle for the immediate interests of its rn class.
It should act in defense of the interests of other classes, the peasants
and the intermediary layers of society. The labor union work should assume
a general popular nature. In the struggle for national independence and
for peace, the proletariat may side with the national bourgeoisie. However,
the struggle of the proletariat for the interests of all the people should
be based on the alliance between the industrial workers class and the peasant
class. The report by Divittorio emphasized repeatedly the idea that the
proletariat should have a leading role in this movement of all the people.
In the discussion of the subject on the conditions of the labor union move-
ment in colonial and dependent nations, the Congress took practical steps
to help this movement. And the above-mentioned theoretical thesis should
provide the base for that movement,
The Congress assigned to its executive organs the preparing the labor
union bill of rights. This program ...... the bill of rights -- was prepared
after the Congress by the Executive Committee and the General Council of
the WFTCT. In fact, this program is a program for the struggle for democratic
rights (?) ~ the rights of the workers to establish their awn labor union,
co-tperatives, and political organizations; the right of industrial workers
to have their cwn labor unions; the right to represent the industrial workers
in the enterprises. (3) the right to strike (4) the right of assembly in
the factories and enterprises (5) the right of the labor unions to engage
in international activities. Besides these there were other demands.
This program is the program for struggling against the attack by
labor union reactionary forces.
The most important current problem of the labor union movement is
the unity of the international labor union movement. The main road is
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the struggle from below for unity on the national level. This, obviously,
does not exclude unity on the International seal.; that is, from above.
But, up to now, there have not been positive results in the struggle for
that unity due to the resistance by the ICFTU leaders and the International.
Confederation of Christian Trade unions, Ilo`CTU.
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