HEADQUARTERS DISTRIBUTION OF NEW KUJUMP/FDD PUBLICATION 'COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE'

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COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE
(3)
Summary No. 2797 7 September 1960
Foreign Documents Division
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
2430 E St., N. W., Washington 25, D. C.
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WARN I N G
THIS MATERIAL CONTAINS INFORMATION AFFECTING THE NATIONAL DEFENSE
OF THE UNITED STATES WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE ESPIONAGE LAWS,
TITLE 18, USC, SECS. 793 AND 794, THE TRANSMISSION OR REVELATION OF
WHICH IN ANY MANNER TO AN UNAUTHORIZED PERSON IS PROHIBITED BY LAW.
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C01VI 7NIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE (3)
This report contains material on Communist revisionism
and dissidence as reflected in Communist and non-Communist
sources. The latest source date used herein is 3 August
1960.
Table of Contents
Page
Part 1. USSR
CPSU Struggle Against Revisionism
1
Part 2. Far East
I. China
Revisionism Among Intellectuals
Enduring Universals Over Politics
Contradictions and. Law of
Unity of Apposition
IIo Indonesia
11
Party Reaction to Soviet-Chinese
Controversy
11
III. ..North Vietnam
15
Press Maintains Neutral Position on
Sino-Soviet Differences
15
Part 3.
Eastern Europe
17
I.
East Germany
17
Reaction to West German SPD Theories;
Revisionist Tendencies in Art, Literature,
Natural Science
17
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II. Hungary
Symptoms of Revisionism Continue
Page
22
III. Yugoslavia 24
Yugoslavs Refute Allegations in
Soviet Article
24
Part 4+. Western Europe 26
Danish Dissident Communists Criticize
Bucharest Declaration
26
26
27
Unified Socialist Party of France
Attacked by Communist Official 27
III. Italy 29
1. New Italian Revisionist Monthly Attacks
PCI and POF 29
2. Revisionist Giolitti Edits Book on
Communism in Europe 31.
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Part 1. USSR
CPSU Struggle Against Revisionism
"The struggle against revisionism is one of.the most-important tasks
of all Communist and Workers Parties," states I. Negodayev in his book,
Sovremenn Revisionism -- Oruzhiye Reaktsii (Contemporary Revisionism
Is the Weapon of Reaction), Moscow, 1959.. Accordingly, nearly all official
organs of the CPSU and the Communist Parties of the union republics-
con-tain, at one time or another,, articles intended to expose "the insidious-
ness of revisionism."
Kommunist Ukrainy, chief theoretical organ of the Communist Party
of the Ukraine, in its issue No 6, June 1960; publishes an article by
1. Kovalev entitled "The Growth of the Leading Role of the CPSU During
the Period of the Extensive Building of Communism.."'-. The author states:
"...The June 1957 Central Committee plenum, following Leninist directions,
unmasked and ideologically routed the antiparty group of Malenkov, Kagano-
vich, Molotov, Bulganin, and Shepilov, which, while employing the lowest
devices of factional, schismatic struggles, attempted to destroy party
unity, prevent the fulfillment of the 20th Party Congress decress, and
turn the party and nation away from the Leninist path. Having defeated
the antiparty group, the party united even more-closely around the Cen-
tral Committee under the banner of Marxism-Leninism.- Our party is now
monolithic and unified as never before. and is capable of solving the
great problems involved in constructing a Communist society. The most
shining affirmation of this. fact is the victories. gained by the Soviet',
people under party leadership in the first and second year of the Seven-
Year Plan.
"The Soviet people, in building Communism, are traveling along new,
unexplored paths. Marxist-Leninist theory plays an especially great role
in such circumstances, for it gives clearness of purpose and certitude
of victory. By its creative development of Marxist-Leninist theory, the
party illuminates the path of practical activity in the struggle for
Communism.. The statements of contemporary revisionists are shown to be
pitiable in regard to their view that the building of socialism can be
accomplished without the leadership of the revolutionary Marxist party.
The purpose of these statements is to disarm the working class and all
workers in their struggle against the exploitative system...."
Kommunist, chief theoretical organ of the CPSU, in its issue No 10,
July 1960, publishes an article by F. Konstantinov and Kh. Momdzhyan en-
titled "Dialetics and the Present Day," which attacks the "tendency of
some political leaders to regard the course of peaceful coexistence and
the struggle for disarmament as a deviation from the Marxist-Leninist `
?
position in the class struggle." The authors criticize those "striving
to sow distrust in the rightness of the decisions of the 20th and 21st
Party Congresses on the possibility of preventing a new world war under
present-day conditions,...these tendencies cannot be qualified in any other 11
way but as a mistaken dogma and left-sectarianism....
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Not all articles, however, deal directly with revisionism per Be.
Some, like the article "Elaboration of the History of the October Rev-
olution Following the 20th Congress of the C.PSU" by V. O. Ruslyakova
(Voprosy Istorii, No 5, May 1960), present a critical examination of
works on socioeconomic premises of the Proletarian revolution in Russia
and praise such writers as Volobuyev, Sidorov, and Mantsev for refuting
the revio#;onist conception of "absolute; backwardness of Russia."' Rusla-
kova's article severely criticizes V. P. Nasyrin for his article showing
the "revisionist conception of 'peaceful maturation' of socialism.in the
womb of capitalism," which was published in Voprosy Istorii, No 5, May
1956.
lu an ar 4,cle "On Lars Governing the Cultural Revolution, " .also
appearing in Voprosy Istorii, No 5, May 1960, M. P. Kim vigorously assails
the revisionist theory of cultural maturity" which rejects the influence
of "bourges r" cultural attainments.
Articles "exposing" or attacking revisionism appear not only in of-
ficial party orgtins; many are published in cultural and literary period-
icals and newspapers. Among these is the review of the book, Problemy
Realizma (The Problems of Realiam) by V. pneprov, Leningrad, 1-960ch
appears in Literature i Zhizn', 1. June 1960. The reviewer points out
that the author argues effectively with.;revisipnist writers in Poland
and Yugoslavia against bourgeois aesthetics and modernism.
Literature i Zhizn' of 15 June 196d contains an article by Al.
Bymshits which discusses various books that have appeared in 1959-1960
dealing with ideological problems. The author reports that the book
Protiv Burzhuaznykh Kontse tp siy i Revizonizma v Zarubezhom ,Liter-
atusovedenii Against Bourgeois Conceptions and Revisionism in Foreign
Literature), a collective work from the institute of World Literature
imeni Gor'kiy, edited by A. Bement'yev, A. Puzikov, and Ya. El'sberg,
concerns the struggle against .""modern bourgeois ideology and modern
revisionism." The article by I. Anisimor, "Against Reactionary
Theories of Contemporary Literature," criticizes the existentialists
and "'anmasks the revisionist ideas" of ]. Lukach and A. Le Fevre, and
shows the "spiritual flimsiness of the formalistic and aristocratic
art theories" of Ortega y Gasset and others. Yu. Borev's article on
Le Fevre draws a "Portrait" of one of the active revisionists and
discloses the anti-Marxist essence of his writings. Ya. El'sberg's
article analyzes the aesthetic platform of existentialism and describes
some of the works of Lukach, "the partriarch of modern revisionism
in literature," Vhose.works are intended as a re-examination of Marxism-
Leninism. The book Tvorcheskiy Marksizm i Pustotsvety Revizionizma
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(Cretative Marxism and the Sterility of Revisionism), by Z. Gershkovich,
sharply criticizes the works of Polish, Hungarian, and Yugoslav revi-
sionists; it deals with works by D'yerdya Lukach, Leshek Kolakovsikiy,
Henri Le Fevre, and Risto Toshovich, which "serve as masked propaganda
of bourgeois individualism and decadence," Dymshits says.
In the new't)oks by Soviet critics and those who are carrying on the
struggle against "bourgeois aesthetics and the aesthetic deceptions of
revisionism," whits sees not only an unmasking of the enemy;, but also
an a7tta .. on h" Ile says that in the book 0 Bess ornom i Spornozn (On
Mat Which Can Re Argued and That Which Cannot o by Ya. El'sberg, the
struggle against existentialism and revisionism is clearly and firmly
presented. The book Obraz Kommunista v Sovetskov Literature'(The Image
of a Cozru'nunist and Soviet Literature), by V. Ozerov, attacks the prop-
agandists of "heroless" literature and revisionists such as Iosip Vidmar,
Andzhey Braun,. and others who accuse the Russians of "antihumanism" and
who in practice "atteupt to I,eazd art along the road,. of petit-bourgeois
individualism," according to 1 nshits- The book '+azgoyr Po PPirodu...
(Conversation of the Occasion)), by A.' Makarov, presents a og,c .
attack against' bourgeois ideology and an unmasking of treacherous
revisionism." And in the book Glavnr Geroy (The Main Hero), V. Pankov
depicts the people in postwar Soviet literature. The reviewer maintains
that the book is politically sharp and directed against everything that
"hinders the development of Soviet art and socialist realism." The author,
Dymshits says, wages war against foreign revisionism and against "the
penetration of bourgeois influences in the Soviet literary environment."
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I. CH11U
Revisionism Among Intellectuals
Two controversies among the intellectuals in Communist China have
been taking place since approximately the beginning of 1960. One con-
troversy, associated primarily with the name Pa Jen (Wang Jen-shu), has
involved the rejection of political direction and goals for literature,
and the other, carried on in terms of a debate on the unity of thought
and existence, has involved acceptance of the universal applicability of
the law of the unity of opposites and :he contradiction thesis.
Enduring Universals Over Politics
Discussions of Pa Jen and his espousal of a humanitarianism and
human nature which would replace the political content of proletarian
literature have multiplied since the republication, along wit).suitable
articles of criticism, of his article ""On Human Sentiments"' (originally
written during the bloom-and-contend period) in the 26 January 1960 issue
of Wen-i Pao. As subsequent issues of'Wen-i Pao and other. periodicals,
including Hsin Chien-she, Chum-kuo Lh"in -nien, and some of the organs
of provincial party committees, took 'up Pa Jens case, criticisms of the
"revisionism" represented by Pa Jen 'broadened out to include all intel-
lectuals who still harbored remnants of "Bourgeois viewpoints" which
caused them to preach standards transcending politics.
The composite, ease of the rev sionists in this controversy is
that political direction and aims for proletarian literature have re-
sulted in the loss of all qualities which could give this literature
greatness. The subsitutes that the revisionists offer -- beauty, reality,
humanitariansim, himan nature -- have in common the characteristic that
standards for literature should transcend politics.
Issue No 8 of Wen-i Pao, 26 April 1960 (page 21), carried an
abstract of the proceedings of the 1 ership meting of the Shanghai
Branch Association of the China Writers:. Association, which dealt in
part with revisionism in literary circles. The periodical said:
"The conference criticized Chiang Kung-yang, Chien Ku-yang,
Jen Chun, and similar people for their revisionist viewpoints. These
people disparage the accomplishments of;socialist letters, believing
that it has not, and moreover cannot, produce model personalities.
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These revisionists oppose the serving of proletarian politics by letters.
They insist that beauty must be above reality, class, and politics and
that if there is only 'practicality' to serve the needs of the revolution,
we cannot speak of beauty. They propagate bourgeois humanitarianism on
a large-scale and wipe out the basic difference between proletarian and
bourgeois humanitarianism. They want socialist letters to manifest bour-
geois humanitarian ideology. They deny the decisive function of the
writers' world viewpoint, on his methods of writing and believe that the
tiethods of writing of realism and romanticism can transcend periods and
class, and develop.. independently. They also make extreme efforts to ex-
aggerate the accomplishments and advanced function of the bourgeois
letters of l9th Century Europe. They oppose criticism and re-evaluation
of these 19th Century writers using the viewpoint of historical materi-
alism. The conference engaged in deep discussions and criticisms of
these wrong viewpoints and many comrades pointed out that the core of
these theories amounts to the liquidation of the class nature of letters
and the rubbing out of the boundaries between proletarian and bourgeois
letters."
The lead article of the same issue of Wen-i Pao (page 4) was an
attack by Chien Chun-jui,.deputy director of the Staff Office for Cul-
ture and Education, on the humanitarians, pacifists, advocates of the
"writing of reality," and advocates of "creative freedom" in literary
circles. In his general attack, Ch'ien.stateds
"Revisionism is an objective thing which exists as the reflec-
tion of bourgeois antisocialist ideology within the working class and
the party. In a socialist state, before the influence of the political
ideology of the bourgeoisie is thoroughly eliminated, bourgeois anti-
socialist ideology generally objectively exists. Moreover, such ideology
frequently poses as fragrant flowers of socialism. The revisionism
in literature is of this type. It is a wolf in sheep's clothing, using
the name of Marxism-Leninism to. practice opportunism and capitalism.
Revisionism in literature is the manifestation of political revisionism
in the sphere of letters and arts.. The modern revisionism represented
by the Yugoslav ruling clique (not excluding the Chinese revisionists)
has as its real aim the liquidation of the class struggle and of the
socialist revolution, the weakening and elimination of the proletarian
dictatorship and of the leadership of the Communist party....rrThe modern
revisionists, to attain the goals which they cannot tell to other people,
in the sphere of literature, trumpet bourgeois humanitarianism, Jiuman
nature, and pacifism to oppose the revolutionary will of the masses. At
the same time, they use bourgeois realism to oppose the revolutionary
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realism of the proletariat. They propose the 'writing of reality,' which
has the twisting of socialist realism. ,s its goal. They deny the decisive
function of the revolutionary world viewpoint on the?creations of liter-
ature. They proclaim the empty creative freedom' of the bourgeoisie and
oppose the leadership of.l3tterature by; the party and the state."
Chien then attacked the revisionists in literature by groups.
The Yugoslavs, he said, are preaching glass harmony to be achieved through
humanitarian relationships and feelings. He charged that Hu.Feng, Feng
Hsueh-feng, and Pa Jen have all been g? silty of this ' offense . f?a den, he
said, had attacked the party and socialism in 1956-1957; he had attacked
socialist letters as lacking in "ht1 Etn sentiments" and "human.itarianism
of a basic human nature." and had clamored that humanitarianism should be
the "foundation" of-literature. Even now, Ch' ien said, Pa Jen has not
carried out conscientious self-criticism and reform.
It is of interest to note that the April 1960 issue of Hsin
Chien-she (page 17) had carried an article by one of Pa Jen's critics,
Li Hsi-fang which stated teat "this co*rixpt theory of human nature can
still form a kind of opposition current to confront socialist letters"
;
and that the 1 July 1960 issue of Chun'-kuo Ch'en Wien (page 17) carried
an article by Meng I which said- .e eory o human nature and human-
itarianism in the ideological system of bourgeois literary studies can
today still. deceive some of the yout:c and constitute a ieapon of the
revisionists at home and abroad for attacking Marxism-Leninism. It is
especially necessary today for us to thoroughly liquidate them. In
today's society, to trumpet abstract and trans class human nature and
humanitarianism, to deny party and class, to compromise or obliterate
the class struggles -- these are to plot for the maintenance of the
interests and ruling position. of the bourgeoisie, and. absolutely cannot
be tolerated."
Ch'ien Chu: ,g- ju1's attack on Pa Jen is only one. of many published
by Chinese Communist periodicals. One.of.the most informative was the
article "What Kind of Good Is Pa Jen' 'Reaching Principles Through
Feelings,'" by Liu Ning, ptolish,ed in ;sin Chien-she, No 6, 7 June 1960.
In answer to the question of how Pa Jet is revising the theory of the
class struggle, Liu said-
Superf lly, he [Pa Jena does not deny the class struggle. On the
contrary, he asserts that the class theorists in literature do not under-
stand where the 'pivot' of the class struggle advocated by, the proletariat
resides. He attacks ':dogma' and 'lack of human sentiments' in today's
literature, believing that these defect,s are due to a 'mechanical under-,
stancJ.i.ng of the principle of the theory of class in literature.' However,
this is simply the cunning that constitutes a habit of revisionism.. Chair-
man Mao has ta*.t us that 'revisioni.sts and rightist opport uxnists wear
the sign of Marxism and also attack d,ognatism, but that what they .attack
are the most fundamental things of I i ctsni.'
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"Pa Jen is exactly:like this. He pretends to acknowledge the
class struggle, but dctuaU $ twists and denies the most basic things of
the theory of class struggle of Marxism from the three basic aspects of
reasons, aims, and procedures." (Page 55-56)
In reasons for class struggle, Liu said, Pa Jen believes that
there are "...requirements, loves, and hopes which can be said to arise
from basic human nature. Class society suppresses the basic human nature
of mankind and therefore there is class struggle." Liu paraphrases Pa
Jen as saying that class struggle arises because human nature is repressed
or because the wants, loves, and hopes of people are obstructed. "To his
[Pa Jen's] way of speaking, between enemy classes there exists no basic
confrontation of class interests. On the contrary, there exists the so-
called 'basic nature of mankind' which pervades everyone, and class strug-
gle has its cause in the suppression of this 'basic nature of mankind.'
We must therefore necessarily arrive at the followirr conclusion: Class
contradictions and struggles are not incapable of' co:"promise. It is
necessary only to bring out:a little more of the 'basic nature of mankind'
in the enemy classes, necessary only to futher 'seek similarities' and
not to obstruct the existence and development of the enemy class, and it
will be possible to eliminate class struggle." (page 56)
A .second type of .ravisionisit in literature attacked
by Chinn Chug-juil in his article in the 26 April 1960 issue of Wen-
i Pao were the advocates of the "writing of reality," who, he said, in-
clude the Hungarian revisionist Lukcas, Hu Feng, Feng,Hsieh-feng, and now,
Li Ho-lin. He accused them of believing that there is no need to study
revolutionary theory or to be familiar with the social livelihood of the
masses or to go among them, and of denying the relations between politics
and literature and the decisive function of world viewpoints for writing.
Lukcas is said to have stated that world viewpoints are "intrusions" which
hinder the writer from being impartial and faithful in recording reality.
Ch'ien said that in its present form, as expressed by Li Ho-lin, this
revisionist trend asserts that the "ideology" in a work depends on whether
the work reflect.s..Je, and that the success of this reflection is the
equivalent of the level of the art incorporated in the work; hence the
formula, ideology is reality is art, or, art is politics.
The attacks on the humanitarians and writers of reality have
introduced, as a subsidiary issue, the problem of the standards by which
literature is to be judged, an issue which has been taken up as a subject
in its own right in the periodicals.
The 1 June .1.960 issue of Wen-i Pao (page 10) carried an article
ent tied "On the Power for Life of Classic Works and the So-Called 'Uni-
vextal Human Nature..'" The article stated the line of the revisionists
by quoting Pa Jen as saying, "The content which, in a product of art,
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in all ages, can stimulate the people of diffei*nt social classes, is the
characteristics common to all mankind." In contrast, the author cited
Mao as denying the existence of somethi:n;abstract and universal which
can be reflected in literature, and sayi.ag that human feelings and human-
itarianism must be expressed through the concrete. Love, the most prev-
alett of the "universals" common to all mankind mentioned by the revi-
sionists, said the author, has its significance in classic works of
literature not in its own right, but because profound social relationships
are revealed through such "universals." Similarly, the 11 June 1960
issue of Wen-i Pao (page 14) stated: ".Wherever they [the revisionists]
find manifestations of human nature, in classic works, we find manifes-
tations of class nature."
The theme of standards for literary criticism was also discussed
by the 1 July 1960 issue of Chyng-kuo Ching-nien (page 17). An article
entitled "Use the Method of Historicism 'to Critically Inherit Literature"
criticized adulation of the 19th Century European "realists" on the
grounds that although these writers did expose and criticize the realities
of their day, they were unable to escape their class limitations and so
operated from the positions of individualism, democracy, and reformism.
Theiarticle advocated that the works of these writers, as the works of
all, writers of the past, be critically accepted on the basis of assign-
ing superior and classic status to those works which can help us to
understand the society of that time and to increase our knowledge of the
class struggle."
A third group of revisionists ixliterature criticized by Ch'ien
Chun-jui in his article in the 26 April 1960 issue of Wen-i Pao are the
pacifists. Chien identified no members of this group except for cred-
iting Lukcas with having laid the theoretical foundations for this stand.
The pacifists, he said, do not distinguish between just and unjust wars.
He accused them of spreading fear of injury, pessimism, and fear psy-
chology among the people, of not seeking the cause of war "in the nature
of imperialism," and of not admitting to "the justice of righteous wars."
They picture the horrors of battlefields to "sap the will of the people,
the proletariat, and the oppressed clas.ae ," he said, and they oppose
all, wars as against human nature and humanity.
A fourth group of revisionists in literature criticized by Chien
Chun-jui are the advocates of "creative freedom." This group, which re-
jects the leadership or supervision of the party over literature and re-
fuses to serve politics, includes Wu Tsu- uang and Ch'in Yao-yang. Pa
Jen is also considered a member of the group, since he "hates the leader-
ship of the party" and wants a policy of broad tolerance for the arts.
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Contradictions and Law of Unity of Opposition
The second controversy, although couched innocuously in terms
of an {isoteric debate over whether there is any unity between thought
and existence, and if so, which has primacy, has probably been of more
significance for the immediate political scene because of its direct
bearing on Mao's contradiction thesis, as well as on the intellectuals'
acceptance of the philosophical foundations of Marxism. The importance
which the Chinese Communists themselves attach to this controversy is
indicated by the fact that criticisms of the revisionists in this field
have not only been voluminous in the intellectual periodicals since
November 1959, but have also appeared twice in Hung-ch'i, with articles
by Wang Jo-shui, the chief critic of the revisionists, in the 1 April
and 1 June 1960 issues.
In the 1 Jume issue, Wang presented the significance of the
controversy by saying that the question "...is a problem that is not
only of abstract theory, but one of very great practical significance.
The materialist dialectical method is the Marxist view of the universe
and the law of the unity of opposites is the most basic law of the
materialist dialectical method. The firm thorough materialist must
recognize the universal existence of this law, that it is in application
everywhere, that it is ever-lasting, that there are no exceptions to
it.... In contrast to the dialectical method, metaphysics [the revi-
sionists] has as its most basic viewpoint the denial of the-law of the
unity of opposites, believing that where there is unity, there are no
contradictions, and where there are contradictions, there is no unity,
and that opposites cannot be studied into unity or unity into opposites....
It can be seen then that the recognition or nonrecognition of the law of
the unity of opposites is a pivotal problem for distinguishing between
the dislectical method and metaphysics." (page 16)
The primary revisionist in this controversy, Shih Ch'eng, was
quoted by Wang as having written: "A unity of a nature of contradictions
between thought and existence cannot be acknowledged because the two.
do not exist together in common in one entity under certain conditions
and do not rely on each other or change in common under certain con-
ditions...." (page 16)
According to Wang, Shih Ch'eng, in subsequent writings, was
forced to speak of the application of the dialectical method to the
relations between thought and existence, but he then claimed that the
unity between thought and existence and the unity of the dialectical
method are completely different and that "we cannot confuse the two."
This Wang said, amounted to a denial of unity between thought and
existence.
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A second revisionist in this controversy identified by Wang Jo-
shui is Li Wei-i,.whom Wang accused of using a different formula to arrive
at Shih Ch'eng's conclusions; Li said, NO must not, because of the most
general law of the unity of opposites for all things, therefore call the
particular and different opposites that we are studying, that is, the
relations between thought and existence, '.Unity.'" (page 17)
A third revisionist is Hua Hsu-yu., whom Wang Jo-shui accused of
even more directness when stating the revisionist position thus: "We
absolutely should not take abstract thought and force a dialectical unity
with it onto actual existence." (page .17)
Wang wrote: "The comrades who oppose the unity of thought and
existence use the following logic: 'Thought and existence in the final
analysis are different, are not the same'(Shih Ch'eng). 'Thought and
existence are not the same thing, attribute or phenomenon., We cannot
lump the two together and call them the same' (Li Wei-O."
Wang's own position was that "existence is primary, thought
secondary,...thought and existence constitute a unity of opposites."
(page 17) He further stated: "We believe that the thorough materi-
alist must acknowledge the unity of thought and existence, and that
it is only by firmly recognizing the dialectical unity of thought and
existence that we can unwaveringly maintain the materialist principle
that 'existence is first and thought second."' (page 18)
The relevance of the controversy-to Mao's contradiction thesis
is that the revisionist stand can logically be used as grounds for re-
jecting the existence of internal contradictions and the role of con-
tradictions as the motive power for the development of society. The
lead article, "Contradictions Are the Motive Power for the Development
of Society," by Wu Chih-pu, in the 7 June. 1960 issue of Hsin Chien-she
(page 1), presents a description of such rejectors which makes them
almost indistinguishable from the revisionists in the controversy over
thought and existence. Wu said:
"Some people do not believe that in a socialist society, in
addition to contradictions between us an:4ithe enemy, there are internal
contradictions of the people. They even go so far as to believe that in
the so-called atomic age, we can eliminate the boundaries between us
and the enemy, that cats and rats can step together, even that there
are no contradictions between us and the enemy. Some people do not
believe that in a socialist society, there is a mutually contradictory
aspect as well as a mutually suited aspect to the relations between
the, productive relationships and the productive forces and between
the' superstructure and the economic base; that in addition to the
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mutually suited aspect, there is a mutually contradictory aspect.. They
even go so far as to believe that in a socialist system, there are no
contradictions which are not mutually suited and that it is not neces-
sary to seek development from solving contradictions and from battle;
that is, that in advancing toward Communism, we do not need to have
excessive flying leaps or changes of a revolutionary nature.
"On the problem of the motive power for the development of
socialist society, some people believe that it is necessary only to
have technology develop, to have the forces of production develop, and
to have the level of the rate of production attain a certain degree;
and that it is not necessary to have any innovations of the social
system, not necessary to rely on the broad masses in carrying out the
struggles along the economic, political, and ideological fronts, to
enter into Communist society. That is, we do not need to solve the
contradictions of the social system and between man and man for it to
be possible for society to develop. Contradictions are no'.longer the
motive power that pushes the wheel of society in continuous advance.
They believe that it is only the solidarity and unity of the socialist
society, its firmness like granite, that is the motive power for devel-
opment. This way of speaking violates the objective laws of social
development and the teachings of Marxism-Leninism on uninterrupted
revolution and dialectical meterialism. This wrong way of speaking can
cause the broad masses of socialist society to lose their direction and
the socialist system to stop and not advance. Therefore, the solving
of the problem of what is the motive power for the development of
socialist society is extremely important."
In contrast to the stand of the revisionists, Wu Chih-pu quoted
from Mao's contradiction thesis: "The philosophy of Marxism recognizes
that the law of the unity of opposites is the basic law of the universe.
This law,, no matter in the natural world, in society, or in the thoughts
of men, exists universally.... Contradictions exist universally."
Party Reaction to Soviet-Chinese Controversy
A survey of Harian Ra at from 29 June 1960 to 15 July 1960, when
the Djakarta war administration banned the paper for an, indefinite period,
indicates that the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) may have at least
partially resolved the conflict between the "hard".or "pro-Chinese" line
propounded by several party leaders in'late May and early June 1960 and
the moderate views generally associated with Chairman of the Central
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Committee Aidit, which are more in harmony with the Soviet position. The
evidence is rather scanty, however; by the end of June 1960, the PKI,
like its Chinese comrades, appeared reluctant to publish material dealing
with contested ideological issues. The only article observed during the
period under review which deals directly with the PKI's attitude toward
the ideological dispute between Peiping and Moscow is an editorial en-
titled "War and Peace," in the 30 June 196c0 Harian Rak'at. Its purpose
is to announce that the PKI has rallied to the compromise line proclaimed
in the Bucharest Communique.
This editorial begins by accusing the."imperialists" of wanting
"war'only, not peace." The desire of the. peoples of the world for "peace
only," it says, was clearly expressed in the recent Bucharest Communique,
which is portrayed as a reaffirmation of the 1957 Moscow Declaration and
the Peace Manifesto. The editorial highlights the 1957 Declaration as
follows: "It stated that 'at present the forces of peace have developed
to such an extent that there is a clear possibility for preventing war,'
but it also warned that 'while imperialism :exists, there will be grounds
for aggressive war' ...and it made clear that 'all nations must show the
greatest possible vigilance toward the danger of war which is caused by
imperialism."' The editorial notes that the PKI expressed full support
for the 1957 Declaration at its sixth national congress. It also asserts
that subsequent events further proved the validity of the theses expressed
in both the Declaration and the Bucharest Communique, citing the PERI
(Revolutionary Republic of Idonesia), Pope, and Karel Doorman affairs,
as well as "imperialist obstinacy and defeats in South Korea, Turkey,
and Japan" as evidence of this. The editorial concludes with the fol-
lowing formal injunction: "If we wish to solve the problem of war and
peace correctly, we must study and practice: the principles in the Decla-
ration, the Peace Manifesto, and the Commun.que.T"
On 8 July 1960, Harlan Rak'at publishe 3. the PKI's statement, which
was a detailed end higbly_d_= ysis of the failures of the .seat Indonesian
c a b i n e t daring i t s f i r s t year c f existence . O n 7 Jul y Heriai Rak jat cased a ' s im-
liar statement emanating from the national council of-obsi tMI -Indonesia
Federation of Labor Unions), and during July, according.to the press,
that organization and its subsidiary unions were engaged in a vigorous
campaign against the Minister of Labor. Ilhe discussions in the press
do not indicate whether or not the party's decision to apply increased
pressure to the government in these ways and thereby attempt to force
Communist participation in the cabinet was motivated by recent Chinese
arguments for a more vigorous pursuit of the revolutionary struggle in
countries such as Indonesia. The theoretical implications of the PKI
statement seem to indicate a continued pursuit of the middle road
customarily followed by the party in the past. For example, it contains
a direct appeal to the national bourgeoisie to ally itself with the PKI
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against "the new bureaucratic bourgeoisie, which is trying to suppress
both economic and political freedom." It sharply criticizes Indonesia's
approval. of the Yugoslav proposal for a little summit meeting of neu-
tralist nations this attack was developed at length in a 12 July 1960
Harlan Rakjat article by the PKI central committee foreign department),
on the grounds that it would "sabotage the struggle against imperialism."
It also viciously assails Foreign Minister Subandrio's policies toward
"imperialism" in passage such as the following, but without exceeding the
limits imposed at Bucharest:
"The international situation is indeed very favorable for the demo-
cratic and peace-loving forces. Never has the American war policy been
so isolated and become so rapidly bankrupt as it is today.
"In this present international situation, especially in Asia, and
in the present domestic situation, all of which is favorable to the
democratic forces, the Indonesian people must not relax and lessen their
vigilance in following the foreign policy now being pursued by the
Indonesian Foreign Minister....
"The, American imperialists will not stand idly by, but will seek
opportunities to preserve and continue their aggressive schemes to
plunge the world into a new war. National vigilance must be further
raised, and activities to smash the counterrevolutionaries, to oppose
American imperialism, and to completely liquidate the survivals of
colonialism must be intensified."
In contrast to the large number of NCNA dispatches dealing with
matters of policy which were carried in Harian Rakjat during most of
June, only two articles of this type appeared in the eriod surveyed.
These were excerpts from a Soong Ch'ing-ling article (originally pub-
lished in the 26 June 1960 Peking Review), which appeared in Hariem
Rak at on 29 June, and coverage of a Mao-Tse-tung speech to a. Japanese
cultural delegation in Shanghai, published in Harlan Rakjat on 6 July.
Madame Soong's article indicated, if not a modification of the Chinese
position on "the nature of imperialism," certainly a tendency to tone
down the violence of its expression. Similarly, Mao's statement,
although strongly anti-imperialist, was not in any sense a defense of
the Chinese line in Marxist-Leninist terms.
With the decline in the. number of Chinese statements published in
Harlan Rakjat during this period, the paper's coverage of the Soviet
position increased sharply. On 29 June 1960, ther was a brief article
noting the signing of the Bucharest Communique, the full text of which
appeared on 30 June. The 29 June Harlan Rasjat also carried a fairly
long Tass dispatch on Khrushchev's speech to the public meeting which
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concluded the Rumanian party congress. This was the first time, in the
paper's reporting of the recent ideological dispute, that remarks. by
Khrushchev on Marxist-Leninist theory were observed. From 4 to 11 July,
Harian Rakjat published. four long articles, all Tass dispatches, detail-
ing h'hrushchev's remarks during his Austrian tour. On 11 July, it fea-
tured Khrushchev's speech at the reception honoring First Minister
Djuanda's visit to Moscow. These articles contained no discussion of
the issue at the ideological level. On 15 July it published extensive
excerpts from the general declaration issued by the Bureau of the World
Peace Council at the close of its 9-11 July session in Stockholm.
The following pattern emerges from survey of Harian RakLat for
the period 1 May-15 July. The PKI did its best to ignore tfie Soviet-
Chinese ideological controversy during May, until on 30 May, with the
publication of an article by Sudisman, a member of the politburo, it
initiated a vigorous presentation of the "Chinese line," whickk was
also defended in articles by Tjoo Tik-tjoen and Ngadiman Hardjosubroto
and in Achadijat's speech to the WFTU session in Peiping. This speech
was published in Harian Rakjat on 10 June 1960 and was the last Indonesian
exposition of the h rd" observed in the press. During the ensuing
week, Harian Rakjat published NCNA dispatches reporting on statements by
Chinese leaders; the last of these to be noted appeared on 16 June. Dur-
ing this period, the only presentations of the moderate line which bore
on the issues in the Sino-Soviet controversy were a brief remark by
Aidit in his speech on the anniversary of the Bandung conference; a
two-part article by Politburo Member Sakirman, which appeared inHarian
Rakjat on 9 and 10 June; and perhaps Aidi,as speech on the i-0th anniver-
sary of the PKI; coverage of the Soviet line in Tass dispatches was
almost entirely lacking. As of mid-June, Harian Ra' s reporting was
weighted in favor of the Chinese.
The PKI then appeared again to enter. a period of indecision during
which its organ generally ignored ideological questions. The paper failed
to print any passages dealing with Marxism-Leninism in its report on
Khrushchev's speech to the Rumanian Party Congress. However, following
the congress and the resulting Bucharest Communique, the paper published
the editorial "War and Peace" on 30 June and there was a sharp upswing
inTass dispatches detailing Kh.rushchev'sremarks during the first 2
weeks in July. Nonetheless, Harlan Rak'a't's failure to reprint any of
the detailed Soviet responses to the hinese line, as well as the lack
of 'any rebuttal by Indonesian party leaders themselves to their four
comrades who had so clearly taken a Chinese view of the situation,
would seem to indicate that these were little more than gestures and
that the PKI remains strongly attracted to the Peiping line.
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Press Maintains Neutral Position on Sino-Soviet Differences
The position of the regime in North Vietnam on Sino-Soviet differ-
ences on peaceful coexistence seems again to be one of neutrality. Dur-
ing the period 23 June-15 July 1960, little partiality toward either
Peiping or Moscow is evidenced in the press or in the statements of party
leaders. They seem almost to be closing their eyes to the existence of
such a controversy.
Four of the articles around which the dispute revolves appeared in
the press during the period of this survey; however, where the full text
was not printed, the North Vietnam press omitted the controversial parts
and avoided. use of the wards. "revisionism" and "revisionist."
The! articles covered were: the full text of Khrushchev's speech at
the Rumanian party congress; the full text of the communique issued by
the parties attending that congress (this was printed in Nhan Dan on
28 June and reprinted in the same paper on 9 July); a fu1Ttrans ation
of the editorial from Jen-min Jih-pao on the Rumanian communique and,
the 1957 Moscow declaration on revisionism; and excerpts from the
speech made by Peng Chen, Politburo member of the Chinese Comm mist
Party, at this congress.
It could be of some significance that Nhan Dan devoted large sections
of three issues, 23, 25, and 26 June, to the full text of'Khrushchev's
speech while only three half columns on 24+ June were given to excerpts
from Peng Chen's speech. Also, the parts omitted from the'Vietnamese
account of the latter were Peng's references to "modern revisionism"
and to the great exploits and achievements of the Chinese people.
The North Vietnamese stand of neutrality is well expressed in an
editorial in the 28 June issue of Nhan Dan, which said: "The Vietnamese
Communists all fully agree with the-matters dealt with in.'the joint
communique of the Bucharest'meeting. We Vietnamese Communists realize
that the strengthening of unity and unanimity among all Communist and
Workers Parties in the socialist bloc and throughout the world is the
primary task of all Marxist-Leninists in all countries.... We are elated
at the unceasing consolidation of unity and agreement among our fraternal
parties, and we are striving to contribute positively to the strengthening
of this sacred unity and agreement."
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This idea of unity and desire for peace was again stated in-the DRY
(Democratic Republic of Vietnam) government note to the Soviet government
upholding the latter's stand on disarmament. This note, published in the
11 July issue of than Dan, declared: "The DRV. government fully approves
the Soviet decision to suspend its participation in-the conference of the
ten-nation committee and to submit the disarmament question to the coming
regular session of the UN General Assembly. The DRV government emphatic-
ally condemns the dishonesty of the US and other Western nations, approves
the Soviet government's willingness to continue the disarmament talks,
and believes that if future talks are to have good results, the partici-
pation of a number of countries in addition to those already represented
is necessary. The DRV government believes that the attendance of the
People's Republic of China is most essential."
The stand of the North Vietnam regime was definitely set forth by
Premier and Politburo member Pham Van Dong in his report to the first
session of the Second National Assembly. A large part of this report,
which appeared in Nhan Dan on 8 July, was devoted to denunciation of
the US and praise for the USSR for its "'constant efforts toward'world
peace." In his closing statement, Phaui Van Dong said: "The people and
government of the DRV have made constant; efforts to strengthen unity and
agreement with all countries in the socialist bloc, headed by'the mighty
Soviet Union, and at the same time to increase friendly relations with
other countries of the world according to the five principles of peaceful
coexistence in order to contribute to the maintenance and consolidation
of world peace."
Beyond this, he voiced support of the Soviet proposal that partici-
pation in a summit conference should include such large Asian powers as
China, India, and Indonesia, when he said.: "The Vietnamese people would
warmly appreciate the presence of the People's Republic of China at the
summit conference. In truth, it is unreasonable to ignore the 650 million
Chinese people while trying to settle major problems of the world today.
That is why, despite all attempts by t;helUS imperialists, who are reaction-
ary and blind, to hide the sun with t ei hands, reason will triumph in
international relations and the great People's Republic of China. Will
occupy its well deserved position in the:-present international arena."
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Part 3. EASTERN EUROPE
Revisionist currents in Eastern Europe were reflected in discussions
on art and literature, science and technology, and international problems.
In art and literature, there were indications that Hungarian literary
journals had not abandoned their earlier favorable treatment of modernist
tendencies. This was evident in, among other things, a survey of literary
tastes of Hungarians, comment on the recent "science-literature" debate
in Literaturnaya Gazeta,_and a plea not to dictate to young writers..- The
East German theoretical journal characterized the author of an art history
as being "very close to revisionist art theories" and admitted that the
,revisionist influence of Gyorgy Lukacs was still prevalent amont the coun-
try's :literary intelligentsia.
Discussions on science and technology featured a Hungarian counter-
attack on the modernist line, in which the belief that natural science
could :Pill the role of social factors was refuted. A similar line was fol-
lowed in another antirevisionist attack, scoring "bourgeois and revisionist
theories which make a fetish of technology." The East German theoretical
journa:L gave voice to regime concern that the country's natural scientists
were harboring positivist views on science, denying in particular the
applicability of dialectical materialism to modern physics.
Internationally, the Hungarian theoretical journal, in approving the
Soviet peaceful coexistence line and pointing to the ever-worsening condi-
tion of imperialism, attacked such revisionist heresies as the concept of
a "unified world process" leading to world socialism. Segments of the
East German scientific and artistic intelligentsia were denounced for "third-
way" views on the solution of the German reunification problem. Yugoslavia
answered a recent Soviet "quasi-ideological" attack on revisionism in the
Yugoslav-v- economy and foreign policy.
Reaction to West German SPD Theories; Revisionist Tendencies in Art, Lit-
erature, Natural Science
East German publications for some time have been vigorously combating
various manifestations of the West German SPD (Social Democratic Party)
"theory of the third way." In addition, numerous dissident views on the
popular level, in reaction to the collapse of the summit conference and de-
teriorating economic situation in East Germany, have recently been reflected
in the press.
Excerpts from two articles on the question of German reunification
which indicate this popular reaction follow.
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"...Among a part of the privateIy practicing medical and free-lance
artistic intelligentsia and those at'scientific Institutes,...illusions
and a false evaluation of the character offthe West German state have be-
come widespread. These persons represent the viewpoint that both sides
[East and West] in Germany must give in somewhat. Other members of the
intelligentsia do not understand the connection between the rate of so-
cialist development in our republic and our fight for a peaceful, democra-
ticreunification of Germany...." -- Report of the Bezirk Karl-Marx-
Stadt SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany) management (Freie Pxesse,
25 June, 1960)
...Among cooperative farmers who are:not party members in the
Bezirk(Gera], the opinion is expressed in discussions that the question
of Germany can be solved by taking a more for less middle line, that the
question cannot be solved without both sidles giving in. Behind this view
is hidden (although it is not openly stated) the view expressed by the
question, 'Who knows how things will eventually turn out?' [i.e., perhaps
Communism will not win out]. The harmfulness of this view lies in the
fact that it not only confuses people, butit also affects their work and
the results. of such work. It is,clear that those who approach the question
of Germany in this way will not exert much; effort to fulfill the plan....
Of course things will turn out differently;, not for the GDR, but rather for
West Germany...." -- Albert Norden at the. Bezirk Gera SED delegates confer-
ence (Volkswacht, 21 June 1960)
In addition, there has been evidence of what could be termed revisionist
tendencies in the fields of art and literature. The following excerpts from
the June 1960 issue of the East German theoretical journal, Einheit, denounce
a recent book on art history.
"Wolfgang Huett, in his book on art history, Wir and die Kunst (Art
and Ourselves), published in 1959, suceeds in imparting much worthwhile
information ... in an easily understandable fashion. No one disputes the
fact that an investigation of problems of artistic form, such as surface
andline,...,color, and composition, is certainly necessary and is fre-
quently very neglected in our art scholarship and criticism. But Huett
does not take adequate account of the function. ,o? art in society, the
side of reality on which it should concentrate. His treatment of formal
problems [alone].. .results .in the fact that the content of a work of art
.is excluded in his characterization. Thisfact encourages those theories
of bourgeois decadence which are concerned: only with artistic form but
which eliminate the [concept of] content..,,.
"As a result of this improper approach, Huett, in the first part of
his 'book, arrives at all kinds of unsatisfe,ctory absoluce statements, but
particularly the declaration that viewers should approach a work of art
with an 'unprejudiced and open mind as much as possible."Such an atti-
tude is, however, not at all possible..., because a work of art is always
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created under a very definite sociohistorical ideal by an artist with a
very definite relationship to the world and because the viewer also ap-
proaches art. . .from the vantage point of his own philosophy and experience
in life.... No one approaches art with an open mind, because.,..certain
aesthetic information on one's' surroundings is expected from a work oft.
art. Huett's assertion bears neo-Kantian traits. It could result in an
'open-minded' attitude toward major works of decadent art, which, however,
would mean approaching them uncritically, and in the end, justifying these
works....,
"The author does not attain ...a convincing clarification of the con-
cepts on content and form in art.... Marxist art scholarship will not be
able to progress one step forward if these general concepts are not clearly
defined. Huett essentially interprets [simply] those concepts which have
already penetrated old bourgeois-academic scholarship; but the development
of art changes and new concepts arise.... Thus, socialist painting-has
long ago enlarged the concept of genre painting with sociopolitical themes...
which are no longer included in the old concept of genre painting....
"However, Huett has accomplished a great deal in presenting the first
portrayal [in East Germany]...of early.'oriental, Egyptian, and classical
art on the basis of historical materialism....
"In. his book, Huett conceives of art as simply a reflection of reality,
as a mere reflection of ideas and thoughts by a class. But this alone does
not cancel the old bourgeois... idea of the 'independence' of art history.
A view which more or less ignores the essence of art as a particular means
of knowing and ignores the very active function of art.. .cannot completely
detach itself from the methods aC bourgeois art hlztoz.y.::.and.oveitome' ti se metho ss.
In Z a t , . one fires' in?HuettI s book... reminiscences ci' aA.'histAry. tsi-h161mTy in aiid of
tw7f [ii at. refererne:to paUtdcai ecca ic, etc. force's], as Ve11 as .other -echoe s of
bourgeois methods.... This book ...aoes not adequately take into considera-
tion the importance of the masses' fight for artistic progress and it de-
scribes the development of new art too simply....
"Above all, Huett does not satisfactorily analyze the role of the...
proletariat in the development of national art. In a general characteri-
zation of 19th Century art, he does not mention the working class even
once. In particular, the author does not take into account Lenin's teach-
ing on the existence of two cultures in every bourgeois national culture....
Huett simply says proletarian art 'grows out' of bourgeois art. This asser-
tion, along with his demand for an 'unprejudiced' acceptance of works of
art, brings the author very close to revisionist art theories. Huett also
cannot clearly explain the essence... of socialist realism,...which has de-
veloped by historical necessity in all countries in which the working class
has fought for its... liberation. It is based on common social-a:r?tistie
strivings, but is expressed in national folk form. It arose, in literature
as in art and in Russia as in Germany and other countries, before, and not
after the socialist revolution.
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---L
Huett does not clearly-show that the principles of socialist realism
were necessarily and lawfully applied eves during the antifascist demo-
cratic stage of GDR development: He does not analyze West German art
since the war and passes over the great national significance of pro-
gressive art in the GDR....
"Thus, Huett.'s book leaves a divided impression.... While it imparts
much new information, it is oriented inadequately or even falsely toward
basic questions. The new edition must be .basically revised. The defects
of the work arise, however, not alone from the inadequacy of the author;
they are characteristic, to a large extent, of the situation in our art
scholarship, particularly in theoretical research...."
The party press (most recently the January 1960 issue of Einheit) has
strongly indicated that of the revisionist influences of the 195Ta-1957
period, those of Gyorgy Lukacs among the East German literary intelligentsia
have been sustained more effectively than most others. A long-range plan
for bringing writers, as well as all other artists, into conformity with
party aims was set forth at the April 1958 Bitterfeld Conference, and
the effects of this conference are now becoming more evident in the current
movement of artists into factories, cooperative farms, mines, etc. How-
ever, there has been no indication that this movement has had an effect
on literary theory at the university level. In fact, the continued exist-
ence of revisionist thinking was strongly implied when an Informationsbuero
West item of 9 June 1960 reported that a conference "to strengthen to
basis of Marxism Leninism in literary scholarship in the GDR" was scheduled
for 24 and 2!i June 1960 in Leipzig. The conference, which was to be pre-
pared by the literature institute of the Karl-Marx University in Leipzig,
was to "dispute all reactionary and unscientific theories and methodologies,
including revisionism"; the agenda was to be based on the teachings of Lenin.
The only East German published report on this conference noted thus far
appeared in Leipziger Volkszeitung of 3 July 1960. It said:
"The main speaker at the conference,...sponsored by the literature
institute of Karl.-Marx University... was DrJohn, head of the department
of aesthetics in the Institute of Philosophy, who spoke on the meaning
of Lenin's theory of reflection as applied to literary science. In the
discussion... young scholars disputed particularly the false ideas, in-
citement, and unscientific features of the West German so-called 'East
Research' in the field of literature. But unfortunately the problems
of Marxist literature propaganda were not as thoroughly discussed."
The following are excerpts from Dr John's speech as reported in the
article:
"'It is characteristic for many forms 'of artistic reflection abased
on Lenin's concept] in drama and the epics. in painting and sculpture, that
an outer similarity [to the subject] exists: to a considerable extent. On
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this fact are based all the well-known attempts to define art as. an imi-
tation of reality. Many bourgeois and revisionist art theoreticians try,
by using their inadequate knowledge of Lenin's theory of reflection, to
make this fact absolute and to cancel the reflecting nature of such art
forms as music.. .and architecture, as well as lyric poetry, by pointing
to the fact that they lack an outer similarity [to reality]. The next
thing they do is to completely deny [the theory of] reflection in the
field of art.
"'The dialectical-materialist thesis that art is a reflection of re-
ality conceives the essence of art in a deeper and more complete way than
that definition which often serve the materialists of the past, namely,
that art is an imitation of reality....
""In this connection, something should be,said on the relationship
between truth and honesty. Revisionists try to eliminate the question
of truth by asserting that this deals with a "scientific-theoretical"
category, and they further try to eliminate the question of artistic
partisanship by asserting that this deals with a political motive. In
place of both of these, they offer as a kind of substitute, a highly
abstract. . ."artistic honesty."
"One must say that from the standpoint of Lenin's reflection theory,
the question of truth, the question of whether we are dealing with a true
or distorted reflection of reality, 1:nvt?ob1yC'"basr1c importance for science,
but also. ..for all forms of `reflection, including art. Every attempt to
operate with an abstract concept of honesty is to be energetically refuted;
an example of such attempts is the assertion that the artist, writer, or
philosopher is honest who says and writes what he thinks and that such an
"honest" person. will. dispense with the question of the quality of his
thoughts and feelings.'"
A further concern of the regime press, both recently and in the past,
has centered on the suspicion that East German natural scientists hold
what has been denounced as positivist views on science; particularly beliefs
in the inapplicability of dialectical materialism to modern physics, espe-
cially to quantum mechanics. Articles in both the April and July,1960
issues of Einheit were devoted to refuting these views as expressed by
such Western scientists as Werner Heisenberg and Niels Bohr. (See Review
of Communist Theoretical Journals (5). However, speaking in general
terms, the Jtily issue of Einheit said that "many scientists feel them-
selbes drawn to positivism, because they think that it fights more consis-
tently [than any other philosophy] against senseless speculations which
make more difficult the progress of science. They particularly. turn against
the too narrow idea. patterns of mechanical materialism, the limits. of which
are becoming more and more clear."
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The application of dialectical materialism to natural science was the
purpose of a symposium which wag held for scientists and Marxist philoso-
phers 8-11 October 1959 in Leipzig. Despite this conference, which sought
in general to impose greater doctrinal control over scientists, it appears
from discussions in the press that natural scientists have been able to
maintain a modicum of independence because of the situation arising from
a shortage of scientific personnel in East Germany.
II. HUN3ARY
Symptoms of Revisionism Continue
Despite attacks on "modernism" which described it as a mask for every
ideological sin from existentialism through narodnikism to Durrenmatt
cosmoplite third-roadism ( see Communist Revisionism and Dissidence (2),
the Hungarian literary journals have not abandoned their previous favorable
treatment of modernist tendencies.
The July 1960 issue of Na ilag continued its modernist line and
published a public opinion survey which supported it in this endeavor. The
top five foreign authors desired by Hungarians, in order of their popular-
ity, were: Durrenmatt, Sartre, Hemingway, Camus, and Sh:olokhov. In addi-
tion, Nagyvilag undertook to explain Dudintsev's "A New Year:1-6 Tales
"Dudintsev's story portrays the recovery of consciousness, the awakening
to their tasks, of the intellectuals, living barrenly and vegetating
amidst their magnificent scientific possibilities; and in the figure of
the owl it presents one of'the important motifs of this awakening, one of
the controlling problems of modern literature and of modern thought: Time."
The "Time" symbol was again used in a poem in the 8 July 1960 Elet es
Ir?dalom; "Do not suffocate in Time,". warned Tamas Nador in a poem titled
"Love As with Dudintsev's owl, Time isboth a threat and a promise, a
sign of possible victory, but a taskmaster which demands that the intellec-
tuals act in the present. This does not at all subtract from the divine
nature of Time noted in the "Revisionist; Elan" article in Communist Revi~-.
sionism and Dissidence (1); "Fear God and keep his commandments" was the
preacher's final word in a world of vanity.
Comment on the "science-literature" debate in the Moscow Literaturnaya
Gaz,eta appeared in the 15 July 1960 Elet es Irodalom in an article by Pal
E.-Feher, who noted Marietta Saginyan's proposal that Koziryev's time
theory be exploited for artistic purposes:
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Another interesting comment on the Sq'iiet literary scene appeared in
an article in the 8 July 1960 Elet es Irodalom, in which the editor of
Nagyvilla gave unstinted praise to Tvardovbkiy's "Distance Beyond, Distance,"
noting that Tvardovskiy had again offered a helping hand to his people in
"a moment of trial" -- the trial being their attempt to go forward from
Stalinism.
In its 22 July 1960 issue, the editor of Elet es 'Irodalom, Miklos
Szabolcsi,'took up a more direct defense of his own modernist-policies and
cautioned against dictating to the young writers; "We must not force our
youth into an outmoded schema or into rigid rules; we want to see from
them that courage and freshness, that bold exposure of truth which is now
beginning to develop in Soviet literature and which is now again taking
to the road in Western progressive literature."
But the modernist line is not going unchallenged. The rigid party
line literary monthly Tiszataj, published in Szeged, devoted considerable
space in its May 1960 issue to a refutation of ideas linked with the
term "atomic era": "The words 'atomic era'...give rise to a belief that
a special branch of natural science can fill the role of social factors."
On the! contrary, the journal argues, social factors are primary, and a
study of science cannot replace a study of dialectical materialism. In
the course of this exposition, the Tiszataj authors created for themselves
a good. bit of confusion as to what constituted superstructure and what
constituted base. They promised to publish more on this subject, but they
did not do so in June or July. (See Eastern Europe Press Surveys (113-115)
for a more complete treatment of the above articles on the literary debate
in Hungary.)
July, however, saw a massive attack on revisionist heresies by the
party theoretical journal Tarsadalmi Szemle. In an unsigned article titled
"Concerning Several Problems of the Struggle Being Waged for Peace and
Socialism," which gave total approval to the peaceful coexistence line of
the Soviet Union and pointed to the "ever worsening condition. of imperialism,"
it attacked such revisionist heresies as: "the reformist illusion being
spread about 'organized capitalism'"; "theories-which say that the capi-
talist state has become a 'suprasocietal' force, that monopoly capitalism,
of itself, in a spontaneous manner, is transforming itself into socialism";
and the revisionist contention that there is "some sort of 'unified world
process' which allegedly leads to world socialism." Although these are
Yugoslav or Social Democrat heresies, Tarsadalmi Szemle's attack might be
considered evidence of some revisionist Hungarian sympathy for them.
This article also takes up, very gingerly, the problem of the effect
of technological development on the formation of history. With an eye to
both Chinese and revisionist objections the article argues: "Nor can the
Marxists, who recognize the ruling role of productive forces in the devel-
opment of society, underestimate the significance and effect of technology --
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including the military arts.... Nor can anyone say.:.that military arts
in themselves. are the.effective factor independent of social classes and
systems.... Marxists should reject those bourgeois and revisionist theories
which make a fetish of technology and spread the erroneous belief that the
development of technology makes superfluous social changes, the socialist
revolution. However, in the avoiding of war this is not what is involved...."
The party line must deny that China can have a Communist superstructure
without an adequate base, and it must also deny that any country can de-
velop socialism, "spontaneously," as a result of changes in the base and
without aid from the superstructural Soviet state. The party line on
superstructure and base is being strained to its limits, and revisionist
arguments about the "atomic era" should find fertile ground. (For full
text of the Tarsadalmi Szemle article, see Eastern Europe Press Survey (116).
III. YUGOSTAV:IA
Yugoslavs Refute Allegations in Soviet Article
Yugoslav Communist are quick to answer any attack on Yugoslavia
particularly on the basis of revisionism published in the socialist camp.
The latest such article appears in the party's Belgrade weekly, Kommnist,
on 9 June, in rebuttal of an anti-Yugoslav article in the Soviet Kommunist
of 22'May. It sums up the Soviet artic:le!as a "well-known mixture of
quasi-ideological positions which are riot'worth discussing (since our
'critics' neither wish nor donduct a principled ideological discussion)
and political insinuations calculated to compromise.Yugoslavia." The
attacks on the economic and social progress of Yugoslavia and on its for-
eign policy, it says, "are intended to belittle the successes and to con-
ceal them from the Soviet public and the public of the socialist camp."
Correcting what they term erroneous'rassertions concerning the Yugoslav
economy, the editors stress that Yugoslavy "have always rejoiced over suc-
cesses in other socialist countries." in their opinion, "the incorrect
picture din the Soviet article] of the situation in Yugoslavia is apparently
necessary to show the public of the socialist countries as picturesquely
as possible the fatal consequences of 'Yugoslav revisionism' and (as the
entire article clearly shows) the impossibility of building socialism out-
side the socialist csmp."
The dditors hold that the criticism of Yugoslav foreign policy has the
same purpose; that is, to show that "socialism cannot be built outside the
framework of the socialist camp and that socialism and the socialist camp
are synonymous." Much is made of the point that Yugoslavia has offered ac-
tive support to all the constructive proposals of the Soviet Union concerning
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peace. The distortion of Yugoslav foreign policy is primarily for domestic
consumption, say the editors, for "how would it look'if the reader learned
that Yugoslavia not only supports every constructive proposal of the Soviet
Union but also has initiated many ideas and proposals which the Soviet gov-
ernment:.-later adopted?"
It is stressed that the underlying theme of the discussion of "Yugoslav
revisionism" in the field of international relations is that "'who is not
with us on every single point is'against us." Followed to its logical con-
clusion, the editors say, this.'would mean that-".everything socialist
necessarily belongs in one camp and everything else in the other."- In
this connection, the editors quickly point out that It is not difficult
to guess how countries which do not belong-to";any bloc feel about such
an attitude." .
In answer to the charge that Yugoslav leaders have "leadership" am-
bitions at the international level, the editors submit, that "this hue and
cry is not against the danger of some Yugoslav pretensions to ideological
--monopoly, but rather against the unreadiness of Yugoslav Communists to
submit to any such monopoly."
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v ai r -TES -j a-Z I
Part 4. WESTERN EUROPE
DENMARK
Danish Dissident Communists Criticize Bucharest Declaration
Two things are clear concerning the ideological conflicts in the
Communist world movement, writes K. M., 4 regular ebntributor, under
the heading of "Peaceful Coexistence and' Oracular Language. Out of
Bucharest," in the 8 July 1960 issue of SF, official weekly organ of
Danish dissident Communist Aksel Larsen's Socialist People's Party.
One is that quite profound differences of opinion on vital issues un-
questionably exist; the other, that in the current, aggravated inter-
national situation, the most serious effort is devoted to finding a
common denominator in the evaluation of the main features of the inter-
national situation. Outwardly, he notes,: efforts are made to.avoid an
ideological debate and to. maintain the semblance of ideologically. uni-
form, "conflict-less" parties, a closely knit bloc of socialist states
with a common approach to all the varied problems of the changing world
and without ideological differences on l:3asic principles -- "a relic of
the undialectical method of the Stalin er4, a departure from the tra-
dition Of classic Marxism."
K. M. charges that the search for a common denominator was the main
preoccupation of the Communist Party representatives from all socialist
countries who met in Bucharest in connection with the Congress of the
Rumanian Workers Party. They evaded the issues" he says, and their approach
to the "burning and controversial question" of the feasibility of peace-
.ful coexistence of countries with different social and political systems
was based not on an analysis of the immediate situation, but on the
Declaration of Principles and the Peace Manifesto of the 1957 Conference
of Communist Parties in Moscow. These K. M. says, quoting from the
Bucharest communique, they found "completely valid in the present situation."
This statement, K. M. points out, is conspicuous for what it leaves
unsaid, for what it evades; namely, the effect of modern atomic weapons on
world developments, Kuusinen's strong speech of 22 April and the "differentia-
tion process" in the Western World notwithstanding. "The thesis of the
possibility of preventing war in our time is preserved, but it is as if
greater weight is attributed to the danger of an imperialist aggressive
war because of the continued existence of ;capitalism -- a typical feat of
balance between, to put it mildly, Nikita thrushchev?t- and Mao Tse-tung's
slightly differently shaded conceptions of the main feature of our age."
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With reference to peaceful or nonpeaceful transition to socialism,
K. M. asserts, concrete analysis is again evaded and, in an effort to
"join the sundered," the "oracular language" of the Bucharest pronouncement
reaffirms; the possibility of the peaceful road to socialism, but-adds that
it may also be necessary to envisage victory by nonpeaceful means; "they
completely neglect even to conjecture where and under what economic, social,
and political circumstances the probabilities indicate one or the other
form of transition, whether under a bourgeois democracy in an industrially
highly developed country with a strong socialist labor movement; under
colonial, underdeveloped barbarism; or under a fascist, reactionary dic-
tatorship."
Does this ambiguous language which gives no clear answer to the
ideol?gical debate of the times, he asks, mean that realistic clarity
would expose ideological conflicts which might prove insurmountable?
II. FRANCE
Unified Socialist Party of France Attacked by Communist Official
An attack on the lack of unity of the Unified Socialist Party (PSU)'
on political or philosophical ideology, its anti-Communism, its attitude
toward the USSR and the People.ls Democracies and toward Communist-Socialist
unity of action, was contained in an article entitled "Dogmatism and
Chatter" by Francois Billouc,. member of the Politburo of the French Com-
munist Party (PCF), in its weekly Paris organ France Nouvelle of 3 August
1960. The PSU includes Tribune de Communisme (Tribune of Communism) and
other dissident Communist and Socialist groups.
Billoux began with a general attack on the PSU, its official weekly
Tribune du Socialisme, and France Observateur and L'Express, all of which,
he wrote, "continue to develop, under various forms, the theses of certain
militants and tendencies of that party." He used the phrase "certain ten-
dencies," he said, because "one of the characteristics of the PSU is that
it is composed of people with very diverse political and philosophical
concepts," who refuse to allow the party to be founded on a "unity of
thought, a common ideology, especially Marxist theory." He claimed that
each member of the PSU has his own ideas about socialism, and that many
members do not believe socialism has anything to do with the "science of
laws which regulate the development of society." They term as "dogmatic"
everything that relates to the basic positions of Marxism-Leninism, he
sneered, and issued the countercharge that the PSU itself is dogmatic
because it refuses'to acknowledge the existence of a socialist and an
imperialist; camp in the world.
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After asserting that the PSU leaders hurt not only themselves but
also the working class and the democratic movement with.their refusal to
admit that there is a scientific basis tothe development of society,
Billoux singled out an article by Jean Verlhac, "The Day of 28 June and
Its Lessons," in the 9 July 1960 issue of Tribune du Socialisme, to show
that the PSU "ritualistically" accuses the PCF of dogmatism, asserting
that it tries to prove its charge by quoting out of context, by presenting
"fantastic" interpretations, and by repeating cliches. Billoux particu-
larly criticized Verlhac for his contention that the PCF does not consider
the'Algerian war the main problem facing France today. The PCF has always
fought for the right of the Algerian people to self-determination and, for
an 'end to the war, he wrote, but the Communists believe that it is the
monopolies, not the Algerian war, which determine France's policy today.
Billoux further criticized Verlhac for dwelling on the "necessary
coordination of activities" but refusing to accept the Communist theory
of Communist-Socialist unity of action. ''Only those who are not sure of
their arguments and the correctness of their proposals can be afraid of
submitting them to a decision of the masses," wrote Billoux. Renunciation
of a Communist-Socialist united front, hecontended, impedes the advance-
ment of the Socialist workers.
In addition to criticizing Verlhac's!position on Communist-Socialist
unity of action "for the restoration and renovation of democracy," one
of the PCF's main current propaganda lines, Billoux took him to task for
his position on peaceful coexistence. The PSU leaders, like the SFIO
(French Socialist Party) leaders, he claimed, do not consider the USSR and
the People's Democracies as socialist countries. They Judge the policies
of those countries in the same way that they judge the policies of the
capitalist countries, he said. They denylthe existence of a socialist
camp and a peace camp larger than a socialist camp, as well as the exist-
ence of an imperialist camp. Gilles Martinet's similar position on the
two. camps was also denounced by Billoux.s whb asserted that one cannot be
opposed to one camp without serving the other. 'The Communists have chosen
to fight for peaceful coexistence and competition between the two camps,
he said "not only through a praiseworthy; desire,"'but also because hence-
forth "war is avoidable." He repeated the current Soviet-supported theory
that war is no longer inevitable, but added, "neither is peace. An unending
fight must be carried on by the peoples tp impose it...."
Billoux also criticized former Prenier Mendes-France, a PSU member,
particularly because of his record on Algeria, claiming that if the former
Premier has changed his stand on Algeria ~.t,is because of united action
on the part of the people.
Billoux concluded his article by strongly urging joint Communist-
Socialist action which "remains a major trump for the triumph of a peace
policy, liberty, and social progress."
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1. New Italian Revisionist Monthly Attacks PCI and PCF
The Italian revisionist monthly Corrispondenza Socialista which
appeared in the first issue of March 1960, replaced the weekly news-
paper of the same title published by.Eugenio Reale for some 20,000
Italian ex-Communists. The new magazine, a self-styled "review of
political criticism and documentation," is a source of revisionist
essays which severely. criticize the Italian Communist Party (Pc) and
the Soviet system. Two appeared in the March issue: "The Ninth Con-
gress of the PCI," by Antonio d'Ambrosio, and "Dogmatism and Revision-
ism in German Social Democracy," by Paolo Rossi. The May issue blamed
the Communist Party of France (PCF) for ignoring salient facts concern-
ing the Communist dissidents who have joined the new Unified Socialist
Party of France.
In his report on the Ninth Congress of the PCI, d'Ambrosio scored
the party, its directors, its secretary-general Palmiro Togliatti, and
the Soviet system in 18 columns analyzing the congress under the fol-
lowing ten subheadings: (1) Relaxati"on According to the PCI; (2) Ex-
pectation of Economic Depression; (3) Atomic War and Rights of Peoples;
(4+) Communism and the Soviet Army; (5) Ambiguity; (6) Monopolies and
Middle. Classes; (7) The Peasants; (8) Workers Conditions; (9) Interna-
tional Policy; and (10) Relaxation. In essence, d'Ambrosio said that
the Ninth Congress indulged in much useless talk and did not make the
least effort to change the basic aspects of the party program, but only
masked itself to condition the. Italian executive branch of government
so that the party might enter the cabinet, drive out the other parties
one by one, and seize unlimited power; that for this great act of decep-
tion the PCI would rely on the incautious good faith of other political
parties and movements with poor memories. ItaliannCommunists, said
d'Ambrosio, cannot become democrats unless they revise their program and
review critically the history of the international Communist movement,
which is exactly what they do not dare to do and what the present direc-
tors of the party will never consent to have done by others.
From the economic, political, and social viewpoints, certain descrip-
tions of domestic conditions and certain comparisons made by Togliatti and
other party directors between conditions in Italy and those in the Soviet
Orbit were variously labeled by author d'Ambrosio as made in bad faith or
as shortsighted. The author ridiculed Togliatti for one such comparison,
relating specifically to wages in Italy and the USSR, by referring to a
contradictory report on the same subject by Luigi Longo, deputy secretary-
general of the PCI.
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The Ninth Congress was convinced that Communist power is about to'
become dominant, and yet the party is afraid to look outside itself; it
tries to fit the facts of Italian existence to Lenin's old design, and
therefore there is constant worry in party circles over any attempt to
inquire, anger at heresy, and hate for revisionism, d'Ambrosio wrote.
The height of self-deceit is reached in portraying splendid relationships
between various Communist governments and colonial peoples, he noted.
Speaking more assertively for revisionisto, he denied the fatal nature
of economic depression and its inseparability from the capitalist system,
and stated that the "imperialist nature of Italian capitalism" broadcast
by ,Italian Communists is a gross exaggeration. The Ninth Congress attacked
Italian private monopolies in a manner which proved ignorance of their real
nature, d'Ambrosio noted, because, in his: opinion, a Soviet-type economy
is ,the ultimate monopoly, killing private; entrepreneurs who resist social-
izstion under a Communist regime but promising through the PCI that anyone
in ,Italy may own and run his own businesswhen the PCI comes to executive
power, a promise made in bad faith. This congress failed to clarify the
PCI's relationship to the USSR; in fact, paid revisionist d'Ambrosio,
Italian Communist leaders have not yet stopped talking about the "merits"
of Joseph Stalin.
The congress held its sessions in chilling boredom except for the
ovation given to Hungarian delegate Marosan, according to d'Ambrosio, who
saw in this welcome an a priori approval of the execution of 150 young
Hungarians for their part in the Revolution of 1956, regardless of the
horror expressed in the Free World press on the day before the cheers for
Morosan.
In the article titled "Dogmatism and' Revisionism in German Social
Democracy," Rossi castigated the resistance of Communism to every revi-
sionist movement: and its antipathy to and suspicion of Communists who
would re-examine Marxism-Leninism in the light of new conditions. As a
corollary to this theme of Communist resistance to social democracy in
West Germany, Rossi charged that the Italian Socialist Party, led by
Pietro Nenni, has made some weak efforts to separate itself from PCI in-
fluence, but that it still accepts the dogmatic spirit and theological
method of the PCI.
In the May issue of Corrispondenza Socialista, Roberto Macchi berated
the French Communist Party in connection with Tribune of Communism, dissi-
dent Communist component of the new Unified Socialist Party (PSU) of France.
Macchi remarked that the PCF carefully avoided praise of the new Unified
Socialists, and that the former's reservations were evident between the
lines of the official PCF daily 1'Humanite. For example, he said, l'Humanite
did not mention the presence of the Tito delegation, or the speech by
Perovtich, a member of the central committee of the Yugoslav League of
Communists, at the PSU's founding congress. The newspaper also omitted the
names of recent Communist Party dissidents who now represent Tribune of
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Communism on the national committee of the PSU, including Jean Poperon,
who in 1957 wrote for,Cahiers du Communisme, PCF theoretical Journal.
Among the founders of Me PSU who are not controlled from the Kremlin
is Laurent Schwarz, professor at the Sorbonne and chairman of the
Maurice Audin Committee, Macchi pointed out.
2. Revisionist Giolitti Edits Book on Communism in Europe
Antonio Giolitti, former Italian Communist deputy to Parliament and
now an Italian Socialist Party (PSI) deputy, has edited II Comunismo in
Europa (Communism in Europe), a compilation of official documents of the
in ernational Communist movement, excerpted writings of 14 Communist
authors, and his own introduction and comment. The PSI daily Avanti'! of
Rome reviewed Giolitti's latest politicoliterary effort in its issue of
27 July 1960 over the signature of Luciano Vasconi. The reviewer said
that Giolitti essentially examined the period from 1945 to the present,
and that the Communist writers represented are Dimitrov, Gomulka, Kardelj,
Khrushchev, Lenin, Malenkov, Manuilskiy, Nagy, Stalin, Thorez, Tito,
Togliatti, Trotskiy, and Zhdanov.
The newspaper review of II Comunismo in Europa quoted from Giolitti's
introduction, in which he translated the Italian Communist usage of I'du-.
plicity*" as meaning "the contradictory coexistence of two policies and
two outlooks." According to Giolitti, the contradictions which have
,appeared in recent years between various Communist movements, such as the
Chinese! and Soviet, concerning world relaxation and. a long-lasting peace
are not the result of different degrees of maturity, but seem to reflect
a deep and perhaps unresolvable conflict between Communist strategy and
tactics. Communist strategy, Giolitti wrote, is directed toward the
conquest of power by any means, whereas its tactics are aimed at under-
standing`whatever has appeared valid in the legacy from the old world.
Reviewer Vasconi reported that in an article published in Rinascita,
theoretical journal of the Italian Communist Party, party leader Togliatti,
writing; as "Roderigo," refuted Giolitti's interpretation of Communist
strategic and tactical contradiction and attempted to correct Giolitti's
phrase "provisional alignment"iby substituting "transitional alignment."
Giolitti made an assessment of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the
review said, measuring its ideological limitation in terms of the
"bigoted formula" of the "personality cult." He characterized the
secret report as "more important than the public one," and thus detoured
"onto a false road the criticism of Stalinism, obstructing the process
of revisionism which had just begun." According to the review, Giolitti
continued, "That formula was to act as a lightning rod to attract to
'personality' all the critical charge irhich necessarily struck at the
system, and thus absorb and neutralize it." He suggested instead that
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"the more convincing and compelling way" ;was "a criticism of Stalinism
which would not have hesitated to go back to its deepest and most
tenacious ideological roots, would have dad the courage to avoid just-
ification in historic dialectic, and would have filled the fearful gap
between means and ends, politics and truth:"
For Giolitti, the review said,Ahe two faces of Communism are not
clear to itself: The choice between the Soviet model, and national
roads to Communism; and, within the party, the fact that war Communism
and a policy of broad consumption are at odds.
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