THE CONGO REBELLION
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CIA-RDP78-02646R000300060001-8
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Original Classification:
C
Document Page Count:
41
Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
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Sequence Number:
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Publication Date:
December 1, 1964
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The Congo Rebellion
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Edited By the Press Service
of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Leopoldville
December 1964
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CONTENTS
A POLICY OF BROAD RECONCILIATION
- Contacts with the National Liberation Committee
- Unacceptable Conditions
- Liberation of Political Prisoners
- Toward Pacification and Reconciliation
- The Outstretched Hand is Rejected
- Respect for Legality
MASSACRES OF CONGOLESE
- Testimonies :
- Stanleyville
- Kindu
- Paulis
- Lodj a
- Boende
- Yangambi
- Witchcraft and Anarchy
- Brazzaville's Hospitality
- Arms and Propaganda from Communist Countries
- Algerian and Egyptian Support
THE SEARCH FOR AN AFRICAN SOLUTION
- Calls for Assistance from African Countries
- A Political Solution
- No Valid Negotiating Partners
- Bi-lateral Agreements
- The Volunteers
- The End of the Rebellion is Now in Sight
- The Appeals Made to the Rebels Remain Unanswered
- The Rescue Operation
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Introduction
The rebellion in the Congo had its origin in August 1961 in the
opposition which took form against the Government of National
Union that grew out of the parliamentary conference at Lovanium.
From this period on, the leaders of the insurrection movement
embarked on subversive activity against the established authority.
The Government of Mr. Adoula reacted vigorously against these
troublemakers, who made normal governmental activity impos-
sible by their systematic opposition. Feeling no longer safe to carry
on their illegal activity, they sought refuge in Brazzaville, capital
of the neighboring republic. It was there, in October 1963, that they
set up the subversive organization called the National Liberation
Committee. This committee began open rebellion against the legal
Leopoldville government by demanding the dismissal of the Chief
of State and by the creation of a dissident provisional govern-
ment.
The revolutionary group quickly began the organization of a
popular uprising in the Congo. Successively, revolts against the
legal authorities broke out in Kwilu, Lomami, and Kivu provinces.
These movements spread subsequently over a large part of the
country.
At the time the Government of Public Welfare came to power,
three-fourths of the Congo had been affected in one way or ano-
ther by the armed revolt directed against Mr. Adoula's govern-
ment. The country was laid waste with fire and blood. Even Leo-
poldville itself was threatened by criminal outrages and plastic
bombings. The revolt had the material and moral support of
neighboring countries.
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One of the first tasks of Mr. Tshombe's government in the face
of this catastrophic situation was to attempt to end the bloody
fighting by political negotiations. He made a general appeal for
all to join in the great work of national reconstruction and this
appeal was widely heeded. Others, however, preferred to remain
on the path of violence and anarchy. They set conditions which
a responsible Chief of Government could not accept.
We will see in this brochure, which has no other aim than to
bear witness to what has just happened in the Congo, how these
events led to the human tragedy which today shakes the entire
world.
It is planned to publish at a later date a more detailed bro-
chure which will be the real ((White Book > on the Rebellion.
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A Policy of Broad Reconciliation
The Government of Public Welfare installed on July 10, 1964 by the Pre-
sident of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mr. Joseph Kasa-Vubu, plan-
ned to rally mound the new ministers all the active forces of the nation.
From the day he took office, Prime Minister Moise Tshombe has con-
tinually expressed his desire to carry out the instructions given to him by the
Chief of State concerning the pacification of the country. In his view, more-
over, and in that of his colleagues, this prime objective was indispensable
to the economic; and social rebirth that the whole nation longed for. On July
19, the Prime Minister stated
My government is first of all a government of reconciliation, that is, of
reconciliation on a national scale. Without this reconciliation, peace will not
be possible for the Congo. Each of you must not only understand this, but
work together so that we will no longer present, abroad and at home, the
picture of a disunited family continually quarreling >.
Contacts with the National Liberation Committee (N.L.C.)
The Prime Minister increased his contacts with different political parties
,.u soon as he was called upon to form the transitional government. He invi-
ted among others the leaders of the N.L.C. who were in exile in Brazzaville
to join his cabinet, since they had promised their participation several weekp
earlier.
One of these, Mr. Andre Lubaya, a founding member of the N.L.C.,
answered this invitation as an official emissary of the group, and become
Minister of Public Health. He in turn spoke out in favor of the reconciliation
that everyone so much hoped for. (See Annex No. 1).
To attempt to win the support of other N.L.C. leaders, Mr. Tshombe tried
twice to go himself to Brazzaville. He was prevented from doing so by the
government of that neighbouring country. (This fact was acknowledged by
Mr. Charles Ganao, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Congo/Brazzaville, at the
Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Organization of African
Unity at Addis Ababa last September).
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Unacceptable Conditions
The N.L.C. already split into several factions, set legally unacceptable
demands as the condition for its participation in the government of Mr. Tsho-
mbe. Mr. Christophe Gbenye, president of this movement, demanded among
other things the dismissal of the Chief of State, Mr. Joseph Kasa-Vubu, as
well as the ouster of the highest military authorities of the country. The Gov-
ernment of Public Welfare could not accede to these demands. Their accep-
tance would have struck at the very foundation of the Congo state. One must
remember in this regard that Mr. Kasa-Vubu had been confirmed in his pre-
sidential duties by the new national constitution worked out at Luluabourg
at the beginning of the year and accepted with a large majority of votes by
popular referendum.
Liberation of Political Prisoners
Faithful to its promises made a few days earlier, the Government of Pub-
lic Welfare liberated on July 17 more than 2,000 persons held for political
reasons. Among them was Mr. Antoine Gizenga, the former Vice Prime Min-
ister who had been interned for two and one half years.
On the occasion of this broad amnesty, which might well serve as an
example for other countries, Mr. Tshombe stated :
My promise to liberate Mr. Gizenga was carried out today. I call upon
all Congolese and above all to those who, led astray by false promises, are
now creating disorder and spilling the blood of their brothers. Let them now
put an end to fratricidal struggles and return to legal status, because, and I
proclaim it loudly, the country needs them > .
Toward Pacification and Reconciliation
Less than eight days after taking office, the Prime Minister undertook a
trip of reconciliation that took him to the eastern part of the country. He took
the occasion to talk once again with rebel representatives so as to obtain the
N.L.C's collaboration with his government. (See Annex NO 2). Unfortunately,
he ran up age--anst the intransigence of the rebel leaders who continued to
demand the dismissal of the Chief of State and of his principal collaborators.
The population itself applauded the representatives of the Government
of Public Welfare as those who would finally bring them peace and tranquillity.
Stanleyville itself and other cities gave the head of government an extraord-
inarily enthusiastic and spontaneous welcome (See Annex NO 3).
Mr. Tshombe asserted during this trip, . In fact, on August 5, the rebels had taken
Stanleyville.
Respect for Legality
Although the Central Government was able to convince a large number
of former opponents to join it in its constructive activities, it encountered an
immovable opposition from certain elements bent on overthrowing the legal
authorities.
After the Government's attempt-, to bring peace to the Congo, the leaders
of the N.L.C. attacked the Prime Minister directly, which they had not done
up until then. They could not forgive him for having refused to follow them
into illegality. This compelled the Prime Minister to say : < If I had made
cause with the leaders of the rebellion in their political claims I might perhaps
have been considered a great nationalist leader by those who today criticize
and condemn me, but I would have betrayed the constitution and the confi-
dence which President Kasa-Vubu had placed in me and my cabinet >>.
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Massacres of Congolese
From the end of July on, the population of the regions affected by the
rebellion was to discover the realities hidden behind the revolutionary slo-
gans. While the legal government liberated political prisoners and encoura-
ged by all possible means the positive collaboration of various parties, the
insurgents installed a regime of pitiless terror.
The testimonies which follow, all of them gathered from refugees from
rebel-held areas, illustrate precisely this development.
Testimonies
Mr. Jean-Roger Ngumba, former confidant of < General > Nicolas Olenga,
quotes the following words spoken by the Commander-in-Chief of the rebel
troops : .
These threats were not empty ones. At Stanleyville they assassinated the
mayor, Mr. Leopold Matabo, who was dismembered alive by the rebel canni-
bals at the public market ; the Provincial Secretary, Mr. Gabriel Balete ; the
former Minister of Interior, Mr. Georges Kokonyange ; the Director of the
Provincial Ministry of Interior, Pierre Alamazani ; the mayor of the commu-
ne of Mangoba. Alfred Boningoli ; the chief of the arabized district, Sabiti
Mabe ; the Editor-in-Chief of the local newspaper < La Gazette > , Guillaume
Zambite ; Abbe Etienne of the Preinontres Order and all the Court Magistra-
tes except Crispin Lubangi. Three of these magistrates were victims of the
most savage acts of cannibalism.
More than 2,000 Congolese, the elite of the region, were massacred in
Stanleyville, killed with machetes, beaten to death or burned alive. The Pa-
trice Lumumba monument in the center of town served as altar for these
bloody sacrifices and it is true that despite torrential equatorial rains the
ground at this spot is still stained red from the blood of our compatriots.
A Pakistani refugee from Stanleyville gave his version of what he saw :
.
Another refugee told of the circumstances of the death of Mr. Sylvere Bo-
ndekwe, the founder and president of a moderate political party in Stanley-
ville and a former journalist.
Arrested during the first half of August, he was questioned by the rebels
over a long period of time, severely mistreated and then led before the Lu-
muba monument with former mayor Matabo, to be shot with a group of more
than ten other Congolese.
> The victims were made to k,aeel in front of the group of executioners
who, armed with sub-machine guns, fired as usual on the unfortunate victims.
M. Bondekwe, in spite of his wounds, and his weakened condition refused all
help. He expressed in a loud voice his wish to die standing. He refused to
kneel and was killed while asserting in a strong, calm voice his innocence
and the purity of his ideals >.
After the executions in front of the Lumumba monument become known
abroad, Gaston Soumialot, < Minister of Defense )> of the rebel government,
banned them at this spot at the end of August. Executions were then conduc-
ted by drowning in the Tshopo river. Victims were thrown into the river
hands and feet tied together.
In Kindu, capital of Maniema province, more than 800 personages and
functionaries were assassinated without any form of legal process, as well
as a large number of other civilians, among them the entire family of Colonel
Benezetti, Commander of the Third Group of the Congolese Army.
In Paulis, the Governor of Uele Province, Mr. Mambaya, his provincial sec-
retary, Mr. Joseph Tabolo, as well as members of Radeco, the party of Mr.
Cyrille Adoula, civil servants, teachers, magistrates and military prisoners
were executed in masse. Some were forced to drink gasoline after which
the rebels disemboweled and burned them. The number of victims exceeded
4,000. At Bunia, Bumba, Uvira, Befale and in numerous other places, the same
type of killings occurred.
An eye-witness, who himself had been the object of particularly brutal
treatment, gave details of the systematic assassinations which occurred upon
the arrival of the rebels in Paulis, in the northeastern part of the Congo.
On Thursday, August 20 >, he said, a in the central square, Lieutenant
Mathias Deo Yuma set up a microphone and addressed the crowd in extre-
mely violent terms repeating over and over again the words, < Kasa-Vubu,
Radeco, Adoula >. Congolese prisoners were gathered on the terrace of the
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territorial offices. They were led to the center of the square. The Simbas
made them lie down on the ground. At a sign from Deo the rebels jumped at
these unfortunates and killed them. Some of the rebels were armed with
sticks, others with machetes, still others with guns. The bodies were carried
away by nurses in white shirts, loaded onto wheel-barrows and then thrown
into the river not far away.
>> Before this, the police band, which was also on the terrace, played
a march, and the killers paraded onto the square gesturing with their bloody
weapons while stepping over the bodies. Then dance records were played and
youngsters of about 10 years of age forced people awaiting execution to dance
and eat the ballots of the recent constitutional referendum. The systematic
assassinations continued for a whole month >.
At Lodja, in Sankuru province, the rebels celebrated their entry into the
town by the execution of 70 of its leading figures. During the second week
of their regime a systematic and pitiless extermination of all members of
non-Lumumbist parties was carrie:l out before the population assembled by
force to watch the spectacles. On August 10, 12, and 19, high functionaries,
officers of public, services, commissaires, police officers, magistrates, teachers,
and military prisoners were tortured, beaten to death or burned alive. On
August 20 the administrator of the Lodja Hospital and three civilian assis-
tants were beaten so badly that they died a few hours later.
At Boende, 600 Congolese workers from the Societe Hevea plantations
were slain the same day. The rebels then turned to the specialists working
for this company : 180 technicians had their throats cut. Eighteen were Mala-
yans and Indonesians who had come to the Congo to train young Congolese
in the cultivation of rubber trees, Congolese overseers and functionaries were
tied togelther, doused with gasoline and burned alive.
At Yangambi, where the main research station of the Institut de Recher-
ches Agronomiques du Congo is located, the rebels killed the Territorial
Administrator Mr. Rene Linzanza and went on to the Experimental Station
and killed all the skilled Congolese personnel.
Mr. Eli Mbaka, the Territorial Administrator of Basoko who was able
to flee to Leopoldville, made the following declaration : a In my territory as
in so many others all the public service officers, all the tribal chiefs, teachers,
magistrates, policemen and people of note were massacred with very few
exceptions >>.
Witchcraft and Anarchy
It is necessary here to make brief mention of the immense degradation
which the rebellion produced in the political and social structure of an entire
region. In order to make fanatics of the young recruits of the < Popular Ar-
my > , the leaders of the insurrection did not hesitate to have recourse to
witchcraft. The rebel warriors who were called Simbas (lions) underwent
ritual mutilatic.n, wore amulets and were persuaded that they were invul-
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nerable. During attacks they would yell < Mai-Mulele > or < Mai-Olenga >>, ma-
gic formulas which they believed would change their enemy's bullets into
drops of water. The rebels also believed that if they died they would be
resurrected three days later.
This witchcraft promoted killings among the Congolese population. Wit-
nesses were present at scenes in the course of which victims were cut to
pieces and disemboweled, the hearts serving subsequently as ritual food. This
savagery was intentionally fomented by the leaders of the rebels : in their
writings and in their declarations, they did not hesitate to say, as did Chris-
tophe Gbenye in one of his last official appeals to the population : >. (See Annex NO 6).
At Kindu i'- was common to see < General >> Nicolas Olenga, Commander-
in-Chief of the rebel forces, confer with a well known sorceress, Mama Ono-
ma, and then make use of her prophesies to fanaticize the troops.
All this comes rather from chaos, anarchy and regression than from a
revolutionary movement which was supposed to be fighting for the emanci-
pation of the people and its moral and material well-being. It goes without
saying that the < government >> of Mr. Gbenye took no action of a social
character whatsoever during its reign, but on the contrary the cruel acts, the
abandonment of all respect for human life, stimulated, especially among the
young, an increase in criminality and delinquency which nothing could res-
train. (See Annex NO 7).
And yet, those responsible for this degradation have received the support
of certain countries under the pretext that the rebels were fighting for the
cause of Congolese nationalism.
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Foreign Interventions
The N.L.C., once installed in Brazzaville, immediately began looking for
aid from foreign countries. Several delegations were sent to North Africa,
Eastern Europe and Communist China. It will be recalled that the Soviet
Embassy in Leopoldville was closed in November 1963 after the Congolese
authorities had proved collusion between members of that Embassy and the
N.L.C. in Brazzaville.
Brazzaville's Hospitality
An N.L.C. mission led by Thomas Mukwidi went to Peking at the end
of 1963 from Algiers, at the invitation of the Chinese Communist Embassy.
A document found in Christophe Gbenye's effects after the liberation of Stan-
leyville appears to indicate that the mission returned to Brazzaville with
financial assistance (See Annex NO 8). There were later reports of other such
payments.
However, it was the Republic of Congo/Brazzaville that gave the insur-
rection its most important support from the beginning. The rebels set up at
least two training camps for the N.L.C. on its territory. The one in Gamboma,
located 350 kms northeast of Brazzaville, has been in operation since the
end of 1963. With the cooperation of technicians from the Embassy of Com-
munist China in Brazzaville, hundreds of rebels were given intensive in-
struction in guerilla warfare and techniques. A second camp of the same sort
was established this year at Impfondo on the Congo River, 600 kms to the
north of Brazzaville. It was from the Gamboma camp that an attack was
launched by a group of rebels in July against the region around the Congo-
lese town of Bolobo, 300 kms to the north of Leopoldville.
Arms and Propaganda from Communist Countries
At Bolobo, the National Army seized Soviet-made munitions, instruction
manuals on guerilla warfare and propaganda from Peking. (See Annexes 1, 9
and 10.)
Congolese Army units found Chinese munitions when they freed the town
of Kindu in November, as well as machine guns and mortars of the same
origin (see Annexes 11, 12 and 13) and a large amount of communist propa-
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ganda was discovered at Stanleyville. Rifles of Czech manul'acture were re-
covered at Kabambare.
Algerian and Egyptian Support
On October 31, 1964 an Ilyushin-18 airplane without registration markings
landed at Arua in Uganda territory, 30 kms from the Congolese frontier. Cases
of munitions were unloaded from the aircraft and taken by truck towards the
Congo border. It was later learned that the airplane had come from Dar-Es-
Salaam and that it was in fact an Algerian aircraft.
On September 7th, Christophe Gbenye made this statement over Radio
Stanleyville: e.
Finally, in a speech made on November 28, 1964 in Algiers, the Algerian
President, Mr. Ahmed Ben Bella, asserted that his government had supported
the Stanleyville authorities in the past with men and arms and that he had the
firm intention to continue this assistance in the future, in particular by the
sending of volunteers. President Nasser made a similar promise on December 1.
Aerial reconnaissance carried out over Lake Tanganyika disclosed
heavy traffic between Bujumbura, the capital of the Kingdom of Burundi, and
Albertville, and between Kigoma, in the United Republic of Tanzania, and
Baraka. In Bujumbura members of the N.L.C. got support from the Chinese
Communist Embassy. Eye witnesses have reported that indoctrination courses
and financial assistance were given there by the Chinese.
The U.A.R.. Algeria, Mali and Guinea have never hidden their hostility
toward the Leopoldville government or their support for the rebellion. The
recent Addis Ababa conference was proof of the support the rebels received
from certain member countries of the O.A.U. The same was true in Cairo at
the conference of non-aligned countries, where Prime Minister Tshombe
was even deta'ned for several days on President Nasser's orders. Clearly,
a group of foreign countries has wanted to place the representatives of the re-
bel regime on an equal footing with the legal government of the Congo, and have
shown their sympathy and their support to the cause of the rebellion, though
they do not hesitate to fight with all their power against any insurrectional
activities in their own countries.
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The Search for an African Solution
The President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mr. Joseph Ka-
sa-Vubu and his government have never ceased to proclaim their conviction
that an essentially African solution had to be found to the problems of the
Congo. Thus, the Congolese Chief of State expressed, in a message addressed
to the Organization of African Unity at the end of August, his wish to see
the problems of the Congo solved with the assistance of the O.A.U. (See
Annex NO 14),
The O.A.U. in response to this request took up the question in an extra-
ordinary session of its Council of Ministers, September 5 - 10, at Addis
Ababa.
The final resolution which was adopted without opposition created an
< ad hoc >> commission to support and encourage the efforts of the Govern-
ment of the Congo and its policy of national reconciliation. The assembly
had taken note beforehand of Mr. Tshombe's declaration which listed the
steps already under way to reach a general pacification of the country, a prior
condition necessary for its economic rehabilitation.
Calls for Assistance from African Countries
During the work of this session, Mr. Tshombe made an appeal to his
African brothers for their help in reestablishing order and tranquillity
throughout the whole of Congolese territory. These were his words :
< Instead of criticizing and condemning, come instead and assist me in
a peaceful policy to maintain order and territorial integrity, a policy which
can only benefit all of Africa. Almost all of you have to face in your own
countries, a problem of rebellion similar to that of the Congo. You thus know
its nature and its complexity. In a spirit of broad African solidarity, help my
government to put an end to the disorder and agitation which are bleeding
the Congo and which constitute a menace for all African countries >.
With this in view, the Congolese delegation proposed that certain Afri-
can countries conclude with the Leopoldville Government bilateral military
accords. This would have speeded up the reestablishment of peace in the
Congo and have been an African solution with its modalities decided upon by
Africans themselves.
This proposal was rejected by 1.8 votes against 17 The Congo was thus
refused the help it requested from brother African countries and stood alone
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with its problem of maintaining order in a country of nearly a million square
miles, the largest in Central Africa.
A Political Solution
The O.A.U did propose the assistance of an < ad hoc >>commission composed
of representatives from nine African countries to find a political solution for
its internal and external difficulties.
Even though this infringed on the full national sovereignty of the Con-
go, the Government of Public Welfare, in a spirit of understanding and con-
ciliation, not only accepted the idea but said that it was ready to encourage
and facilitate the commission's work. The Government stated unequivocally
that it was ready to collaborate loyally with the < ad hoc > commission and that
it would be happy to receive it in Leopoldville. (See Annex NO 15).
But though the commission, by the very terms of the Addis Ababa reso-
lution, should have come immediately to the Democratic Republic of the
Congo and neighboring countries, it. in fact never crossed Congolese frontiers,
nor those of the Republic of Congo/Brazzaville or of the Kingdom of Bur-
undi. It thus did not fulfill the mission which had been assigned to it by the
O.A.U. Council of Ministers to aid the Congo in finding peace.
The Leopoldville Government did not fail to remind the commission that
it was ready to welcome it and to facilitate its work to the limit of its ability.
No Valid Negotiating Partners
The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo could not
accept to deal on an equal basis with the rebels who, as we have seen above,
could hardly be valid spokesmen because of the crimes and acts of genocide
for which they bore responsibility. The entire world today knows to what
point horror may go when men's basest instincts are unchained. If Africa
had offered the Congo the assistance which it requested through the O.A.U.,
it would perhaps not be suffering today from the crimes of the rebel regime.
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The Alternatives
After the meetings of Addis-Ababa and Nairobi, the Government of Pub-
lic Welfare of the Democratic Republic of the Congo could certainly congra-
tulate itself on the understanding which a large number of African countries
had shown for its problems.
During this period, though, the rebellion had been gaining ground. The
region of Coqualhatville, some 400 kilometers to the north of the Congolese
capital, had been invaded by the insurgents. Luluabourg, capital of the for-
mer province of the Kasai, was threatened. The massacre of thousands of inno-
cent Congolese citizens increased in ferocity. Support of the rebellion by
foreign powers was increasing day by day.
What would the sovereign government of any nation have done under
such conditions ?
The Bilateral Agreements
It had become clear that the Leopoldville Government would have to call
on those countries with which it had signed bilateral military assistance
agreements. In taking such action, it was only following the example of many
other countries that found themselves in similar situations.
It is worth recalling at this point that the last United Nations contingents
left the Congo on June 30, 1964. At that time, no one had requested the main-
tenance of the UN forces and no one, in fact, had contemplated making such a
request because of the financial difficulties confronting the world organization.
Well before the departure of the UN troops, the preceeding Government
had concluded military aid agreements with several countries, notably Belgium,
Israel, Italy, and the United States, providing for intensive instruction and
training for an increasing number of officers and soldiers, and for logistic
support. But the reorganization of a military force the size of the Congolese
Army is evidently a long-range project and is not entirely completed as of
today
Under these circumstances, the Government of Public Welfare was led
to seek greater assistance from Belgium and the United States. It did so on
the basis of agreements concluded in 1963 which are mentioned above.
The assistance these two countries were to give was limited. Belgian assis-
tance included the sending of non-operational military advisers, responsible
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for the training of Congolese cadres and for logistic assistance to Congolese
headquarters staffs. The United States furnished material and means of trans-
portation.
The Volunteers
To put an end to the rebellion, the Congo needed experienced soldiers to
reinforce its Army. It would be pointless to list here all the countries which
in the course of their histories have been obliged to call upon professional for-
eign soldiers. It must be emphasized, though that it was only after having
exhausted all other possibilities that the Government of the Public Welfare,
conscious of its responsibility to the people, proceeded to recruit volunters.
This recruitment was carried out on an individual basis. No agreements were
made between governments. The Government of Public Welfare, in conformity
with the terms of the resolution adopted by the Addis Ababa conference, will
certainly discharge these volunteers as soon as possible and send them back
to their respective countries.
The End of the Rebellion is Now in Sight
Today the National Congolese Army is undertaking the last phase of its
struggle against the rebels to liberate our national territory and to safeguard
the integrity of the nation. Three months ago, three-fourths of the country
was occupied or threatened by the revolutionary regime. Today, only a small
part of the national territory is still in the insurgents' hands. Everywhere,
Government forces are advancing. Stanleyville, the heart of rebel-held terri-
tory, was liberated Tuesday, the 24th of November. Today, the knell of the
rebel movement has been sounded.
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The Hostages' Fate
Most foreign residents in the Congo decided to remain where they were,
despite the rebel invasion. As non-combatants, they hoped that the. rebels
would permit them to carry on their normal day-to-day affairs.
This was unfortunately not the case.
Many foreign residents suffered from acts of brutality similar to those
that the Congolese population had fallen victim to from August onward. Some
were shot to death. Others died after having been savagely beaten. Three
Belgians and two Dutchmen were massacred in Boende in October, at the time
of the withdrawal of the rebels. At Kindu, four Europeans, among whom
were a father and his two sons, and at Lolo a Protestant missionary, suffered
the same fate.
As the rebel army was pushed back, the state of mind of their leaders and
of the militant rebels was marked by increased fanaticism. Their intention
apparently was to utilize the non-Congolese population for blackmail, in the
hope of gaining a favorable cease-fire, as well as political concessions.
Stanleyvill-. Radio announced on August 31 that . The same day, the rebel < general > Olenga addressed a message
to Mr. Thant, Secretary General of the United Nations, which clearly indicated
that foreigners would be kept as prisoners in Stanleyville in order to protect
the city against < bombings >>.
In the last weeks the threats of violence grew wilder and on October 5 the
< Defense Minister > proclaimed his intention to bury 12 Americans alive for
each Congolese: killed.
The real (longer in which foreign non-combatants were living increased
during the final weeks preceeding the rescue operation. As central government
forces penetrated rebel-controlled territory, the insurgents took their vengeance
upon their unarmed hostages, men women and children. Three foreigners held
in Kibombo were massacred on November 3. It was clear, at the time of the
lightning liberation of the city of Kindu on November 5, that the 70 hostages
held there were about to suffer the same fate.
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The Appeals Made to the Rebels Remain Unanswered
On October 15, Prime Ministec Tshombe had warned the rebels against
executing a single hostage. He said that such acts would bring dishonor to the
rebels and to the Congo in the eyes of the world and that they would be
subject to severest punishment. The same day, October 15, Mr. Kenyatta called
upon the rebels, in the name of humanitarian principles, not to execute the
foreign hostages. On October 21, Mr. Tshombe invited Red Cross observers to
come to the Congo to check on the observance of the Geneva Conventions,
particularly those regarding the treatment of prisoners and the illegality of
taking hostages. (See annex no. 16).
Solemn representations on behalf of the civilian population were made
by the United Nations, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and by
His Holiness Pope Paul VI. None of the appeals was answered by the rebel
leaders. It was the same for the appeal made on November 21 by 13 signatory
nations of the 1949 Geneva Conventions. These Conventions, to which the Con-
go is committed, expressly prohibit the taking of hostages. (See annex no. 17).
The rebels refused to observe the Geneva Conventions and the basic prin-
ciples of human rights accepted by all civilized nations. A telegram that was
addressed last October 30 by the rebel < General > Nicolas Olenga to his com-
mander in Kindu is unmistakable proof of this
Adressee : Major Tshenda, Oscar, Kindu
301046/z Stan No. 6.1164 revotel s/n stop
Americans Belgians must be guarded in safe place stop in case region
bombed exterminate all without asking for explanation.
Sent by : General Olenga (signature) (See annex No. 18).
The Rescue Operation
On November 24, the day Stanleyville was retaken by the Congolese Na-
tional Army, x humanitarian mission was begun to liberate several thousand
hostages held in Stanleyville and in Paulis. Authorized by the Congolese Gov-
ernment, this action had as its sole purpose the saving of those who were
prisoners and who were in danger of death. The 500 Belgians parachutists who
successfully carried out the humanitarian rescue mission were transported by
American Air Force planes.
Altogether in four days operations, the parachutists saved nearly 2,000
persons of some twenty different rationalities (see annex no. 19). Included
among these were a sizeable number of Congolese.
However, the rebels had the time to carry out bloody massacres. Firing
indiscriminately and at close range on men, women and children, they killed
more than 30 persons in Stanleyville. On the left bank of the city, 28 mis-
sionaries, nuns and civilians were tortured to death and savagely mutilated.
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At Paulis, 18 European civilians and members of the clergy were beaten
to death with clubs and broken bottles, not to mention the dozens of individual
cases of murder under the most frightful circumstances. By December 4, 1964,
some 103 foreign civilians had been killed in the Congo as a result of the
armed rebellion.
The Belgian troops and American planes were strictly limited to carrying
out the humanitarian mission assigned to them. There can be no question here
of a military intervention >>, since the operation took place with the full agree-
ment of the Government which wanted first, to assume its responsibilities for
its own citizens, and secondly, for those of other nations.
It is of course known that all personnel sent to participate in the rescue
operation at Scanleyville and at Paulis were withdrawn from the Congo four
days after their arrival in the country.
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2-T
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Conclusion
This new trial which has struck the Congo such a blow and
has come on top of all those which have so cruelly affected the
Congo over the past four years, does not make us despair for the
future. On the contrary, it increases our determination to overcome
obstacles and face up to adversity.
The nation will survive, no matter what happens, as a great
nation bound to play a major role in the family of African peoples.
The Congo is a vast country blessed with incalculable riches
and populated by 15 million people who constitute an even grea-
ter wealth. By its geographical position and the immensity of its
territory, it will inevitably become a force to be reckoned with.
The government has every intention of leading it resolutely in
this direction and towards a rediscovered national grandeur and
dignity.
Once public order has been restored-and we have seen what
enormous difficulties the Government of Public Welfare has had
to face-it will prepare for the national elections which will give
the people the chance to chart their destiny themselves. These
elections are scheduled for next February.
As concerns Africa, the Government remains faithful to the
principles of the Organization for African Unity which must lead
all territories of Africa to their full independence and complete
national sovereignty. The Congo is proud of its own independence
and has the duty to help all those who have not yet benefited from
it to achieve their own in turn.
It is by suffering that the soul of a nation is forged. The Congo
has had no small measure of sufferings during recent years,
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but they will have taught the country how to become master of its
own destinies and how to direct them in a way most closely
conforming to our national hopes. The Government intends to
give the Congolese people new reasons for hope and for belief
in a better life. The country will exert all its energies toward this
end, with the help of its African brothers, but we will hold firm to
our inalienable rights to maintain a free and independent exist-
ence.
The Congo is convinced that the preceding pages will help
friendly nations to better understand it, to share its difficulties,
and also to associate themselves with its reasons for hope.
To bring about the happiness of an entire people is an excit-
ing task which can only be done successfully in a climate of warm
sympathy and wide understanding on the part of all those who
know that human fellowship is not an empty phrase.
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Documents
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Contacts with the N.L.C.
Mr. Andre Lubaya, the official representative of the N.L.C., signed an
agreement on July 3 with Mr. Moise Tshombe who was at the time charged
by the Chief of the Congolese state Mr. Joseph Kasavubu, with the mission of
looking into the possibility of forming a government. Following is the text of
this agreement :
< It has been agreed that the N.L.C. give its complete support to the
undertaking of Mr. Moise Tshombe in his efforts to end chaos and anarchy in
the Congo and to Mr. Tshombe's policy of national reconciliation which must
lead to the liberation of Mr. Antoine Gizenga and of the other political detai-
nees and to the return of those in exile.
a The Committee of National Liberation agrees to participate in the gov-
ernment of transition and believes and that its presence in this government will
assist in putting an end to all acts of violence >.
A few days later a schism occurred in the Committee of National Liber-
ation Some accused Mr. Lubaya of being a traitor to the cause of revolution
Speaking in the name of Mr. Gbenye they demanded the dismissal of Mr.
Kasavubu as a preliminary condition to all agreements. This demand was
clearly irreconcilable with respect for legality.
While these political negotiations were going on, military instruction went on
without a let-up at the Gamboma camp in the Congo/Brazzaville. The photo-
graph shows an manual on guerillz warfare found on a rebel taken prisoner
at Bolobo. The notebook is open at a chapter on < Handling of the Bazooka
and Rocket Launcher >.
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In July of this year while in Bujumbura, during a reconciliation
trip which was to take him to several points in the eastern part of
the country, Mr. Tshombe met with the representatives of the
N.L.C. He is seen here in discussion with one of its leaders, Mr.
Focas Bwimbi. The Prime Minister at this time still hoped to put
an end to the rebellion by peaceful means.
Mr. Tshombe received an enthusiastic and spontaneous welcome from the
population of Stanleyville at the end of July.
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The arrival of the rebels anywhere in the
Congo was accompanied by bloody killings
and scenes of horror. In this photograph
are the bodies of three Congolese civilians
shot by the rebels at Lodja.
Members of the National Congolese Army
captured at Paulis by the rebels were cruel-
ly tortured. Several among them had their
cars cut off ; others were castrated.
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J'ai bien requ votre lettre dat6e d'Alger. En ce qui
conceime Mr. X..., vous connaissez ma prudence h on sujet. 11 s 'appartiendra
plutet de vous conseiller % ne pas faire beaucoup d'dloges de Mr. X... Ce
qui raste cependant h considerer cc sent lee uoyens quo ces pays tnettent h
notre disposition pour mener is lutte. 119 ioufi recoc ardent la prudence
d'accord - mais it ne Taut pas perdre de lo 4q ,Jo conseiller nest pas
1'acheteur.
Exaninez dens Too entretle:o.lotre situation at mesurez
noa possibilitds d'avenir. Nous netyoulongpas'faire h, Brazzaville plusieurs
ann6es. N'oubliez pas, d'ailleurs ce m'ect.qug tormal, lee deux Congo.doivent
arriver It normaliser leers relations do voisina,e; at do cc fait nous no pou-
vons pas consituer un obstacle potty cgtte affairs. Duns des fours tree pro-
chains, vue notre division interne, Brazzaville ti.:ira par ddposer les bras
at no-us laisse h la morel des faseistes do Uopoldville.
Vous n'etes pas alle pour faire do nouvoon tees longterips
at reve.ir Bans un rdeultat concret. Je vous informs qua lee Miiuidi sent
rentrds de leur mission AL avec 10.500 dollars reque de in Chine. Voye2-vous
char camarade, 1'evance qua lea aria semblant avoir sur nous
En cc qui conoorne la eonfdronee Uro-f, atique, je zorais
partisan h ce qua vous y assistiez, car c'est une occasion de prondre sur pla-
ce des contacts avec plusieurs pays. Mais nous voulons d'abord $tre on pos-
session du rapport de votre mission. Quant aux instructions h vous don:ner at
se rapportant h la confdrence d'A1,er, je vous sip.ale qua n'6tant pas on
possession du ticket at de 1'ordre du jour de la corSdrence, it m'est fort
diffioile de vous faire parvenir l'ordre de mission ainai quo lea instructions
y affdrantes.
' J!attends touJours Is ticket comme vous no l'avies dit.
Noise sommea h.votre sttente at surt+ut 01 h sell* d'un ri-
sultat positif fin do rehauseer notre moral.
~-L uala no faites pas longtemps pour revenir regretter
do nouveau votre absence k Cotonou.
A letter found in the personal effects of rebel leader Gbenye in Stanleyville.
The text, despite its ambiguous nature, proves the aid given to the rebellion
by Peking. The marked paragraph refers to $10,500 received by the N.L.C.
in Communist China. Though the sender of this letter took the precaution of
not naming his correspondent nor of signing his name, the number of a post
box in Brazzaville is given. It is that of the National Liberation Committee.
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Explosives of Soviet manufacture cap-
tured in liberated town of Bolobo after
the failure of an attack launched from
the Gamboma camp in Congo/Brazza-
ville. The rectangular packages bear the
Russian inscription < Trotilovaya Shash-
ka > which may be translated as < Pac-
kages of T.N.T.>.
Chinese Communist propaganda litera-
ture found in many cities and towns in
the rebel zone. The photograph shows co-
pies of the propaganda pamphlet a Pekin
Information > sent in plain wrappers to
thousands of Congolese addresses.
At the outset of the rebellion, the Chinese
Communists helped the Congolese rebels with
advise and money, later on following with
arms and munitions. At Kindu and Stanley-
ville the Congolese Army found heavy machine
guns and munitions coming from Peking
among the weapons abandoned by the rebels.
The photographs show specimens of this ar-
mament. The photograph on the right is a
close-up view of the machine gun pictured
above.
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Telegram from the Chief of State Mr. Joseph Kasavubu
to Mr. Diallo Telli, Secretary General of the Organization
of African Unity, dated August 26, 1964, requesting
an extraordinary session on the Congo
I refer to the message of the Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Central Congolese Government stop Believe that solution io
present problem must be found within Organization African Unity stop.
< Consequently request immediate convocation O.A.U Council of Ministers
in extraordinary session at Organization headquarters stop Request Your
Excellency transmit to all member states our request so that meeting may be
held latest September 5, notwithstanding provisions Article 16 internal statutes
Council of Ministers stop High consideration full stop >>.
(signed) The President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Joseph Kasa-Vubu
Speech by the Prime Minister Mr. Moise Tshombe to the members
of the Ad Hoc Commission at Nairobi (excerpt)
a Mr. President,
Brother delegates,
a If the Chief of State of the Democratic Republic of the Congo called upon
the Organization of African Unity it, is because he has placed his confidence
in it and also because we believe in African unity. However, in order that
the work of this Commission might be completed with positive results, it
would not be advisable for it to go beyond the mandate assigned to it by the
Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity at Addis Ababa.
The Council decided, pursuant to the terms of Article 5 of the resolution adop-
ted, to set up cnd sent to the Congo/Leopoldville, to Burundi, and to the Congo/
Brazzaville, an Ad Hoc Commission placed under the leadership of Mr. Jomo
Kenyatta, which would have as its mandate :
a) to support and encourage the efforts of the Government of the Demo-
cratic Republic of the Congo designed to bring about national reconciliation
in conformity with paragraphs 2 and 3 of the Resolution; and
b) to seek all means possible to re-establish normal relations between the
Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbors, especially Burundi and
the Republic of the Congo/Brazzaville.
who was leader of an execution squad in Stanleyville.
The a Simbas> covered themselves in animal skins to ward
off evil spirits and all believed in the magic power of < dawa
given to them by sorcerers who had great influence over the
rebel forces (lower photograph).
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I Telegramme ~P,lv$ adinetn
_._. _.___._...... n_.. . -51 -111 Prive urgent
Annex No. 18 o.tn ena pr cuikv
Photocopy of the
telegram addres-
sed by the rebel
u General >> Olen-
ga to his Com-
mander in Kindu
on October 30.
The English text
of the telegram is
given on page 22.
Indications de service
Dienstaanwi jzingen
Tm Mr ....
k. IO
Tm p...,...d
conpoien ..
Ie . de atpe. --
O.N.ghNp
R. P. _
TOTAL
I...ngi.i.
TOTAAL
C,.pde.. I,_
Tn..a4 A -
Oeerpe....ke m
k
1. TO Whid.
D. TdeprtW.
(!"Ff /- ft' / ; e ~~3Ss~vd
if1AW7,e 7'IA '- I
do de.do.ntr.
gtdre-rde
s50 / 2 6 z .71'EX4 E t