POLES IN FRANCE A SURVEY OF THE ACTIVITIES OF SELECTED POLISH COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS IN FRANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02771R000200390025-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 78
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 26, 1998
• Sequence Number: 25
• Publication Date: January 1, 1956
• Content Type: REPORT

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A Survey of the Activities of
Selected,Polish.Communist Organizations in France
January 1956
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POLES IN FRANCE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.
Characteristics of Polish: Emigration,
page
1
.II o
Objectives of Warsaw Government in. France
7
III.
Some Polish Communist Activities in 'rarnce
11
IV.
Polish. Communist Organizations Active Among
Polish Emigres in France
23
V.
Repatriation Organizations in Poland
30
VI.
Polish Embassy in France and Affiliated
Organizations
33
VII.
Progressive Catholic Movement
55
VIII0
Polish Language Group in the Confederation
Generale Du.Travail (CGT)
59
IX,
L'Amitie Franco-Polonaise
62
X.
Association of People of Polish; Origin for
the Respect of the Oder-Neisse -Frontiers (APON)
65
XI.
Bibliography
68
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POLES IN FRANCE
I. CHARACTERISTICS OF POLISH EMIGRATION
A. Size of Polish Population in France
The Polish emigres in.France, one of the most important for-
eign ethnic groups in the world, are the largest Polish colony
in Europe and numerically rank second to the Polish colony in
the United States. In France the Poles numerically occupy third
place after the Italians and Spaniards, but their social and
political impact is greater than that of the other two groups.
There are varied estimates as to the number of Poles in
France, the highest being 1,000,000 and the lowest 400,000. The
consensus is that 750,000 Poles live in France.
B. Location in France
Poles are settled in.France in the following three main
strategic areas:
1. In the Departments of Nord and Pas de Calais. There
are reportedly about 200,000 Poles in such coal mining cen-
ters as Bruay, Lens, Marles-les-Mines, Barlin and Douai; in
the center of the metallurgical industry at Valencinnes; and
in the textile industry areas ofRoubaux, Tourcoing and Lille.
2. The second area of Polish settlement is in the Depart-
ment of Moselle with its steel mills at Thionville, Hayange,
Pont-a-Mousson and'Wendel& Other small settlements are scat-.
tered in the areas of'Mulhouse and.Strasbourg.
3. The third region with Polish settlements is the coal
basin of'St. Etienne and.Firminy in the Department of Loire,
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and centers of metallurgical industry at Montceau-les-Mines
and.Le Creusot in the Department of Saone-et-Loire.
Smaller groups of Polish emigrants live in the industrial
periphery of Paris and in the agricultural region of Toulouse
in the south. Paris also may be regarded as the center of the new
emigration for Polish refugees and intellectuals following World
.War II.
C. Composition
1. Waves of Polish Emigration
Polish emigres, composed chiefly of Polish settlers after
World War I and their descendants, may be divided into three dis-?
tinct groups:
a. The first homogeneous group came to-France after
World War I from. Westphalia, Germany. Because of poor
post-war living conditions in Germany and lacking the oppor-
tunity to re-settle in war-ruined Poland, they accepted
the invitation of the French Government to migrate to France,
which needed man-power,
b. The second influx to France occurred during the
first decade of Poland's independence and was caused by
economic depression and growing unemployment. In the
early thirties, however, deteriorating economic conditions
in France causing unemployment resulted in a wave of remi-
gration to Poland.
c. The third migratory movement of Poles to France was
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 App ie I1Fd~ F}ea 9 O9W aCTAr '7V'0Y? ik0 0b39b'O~5'-&-
cluded demobilized soldiers of the Polish Army, former
political prisoners, escapees from Poland, former prisoners
of war in Germany, forced labor deported by the Nazis and
other civilian refugees. Intellectuals and those partly
dependent upon manual labor constitute a large part of the
last emigre movement.
Those emigrating in the third group as a result of World
War II are referred to as "new emigrants" whr work in various
light industries, while those comprising the first two groups
or "old emigrants" are employed mostly in coal mines and in the
coal and textile industries. The third group, which comprises
about 10 per cent of the "old emigration," includes some 30,000
political refugees,-although of the Poles in France, only five
per cent can be considered political refugees from Communist
oppression. The third group is considered particularly active
and dynamic.
The division between the "old" and "new" emigration is
not only limited to time of arrival and settlement in Polish
communities but is also.reflected in the mentality, attitudes
and social composition of the two groups. The "old emigrants"
were by profession mostly miners. They were homogeneous,
stable, highly conservative, and retained their tradtions, re-
legion and customs. The "new emigrants," however, form a
heterogeneous social group, composed to a large extent of un-
married persons not yet stabilized in their profession and
often discontented with their situation and prospects in
France. It is in this latter group that the danger of Communist
subversion is greatest.
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An indication of the composition of the Polish labor
breakdown including both "old" and "new" emigration, is re-
flected in the 269,000 adult Poles in France reported working
professionally in the following fields:
Farmers and agricultural workers 91,000
Miners 79,000
Processing industry 58,000
Domestic servants 17,000
Transport 11,000
Trade 8,000
Professional people 5,000
269,000
2. Citizenship and Naturalization
In the absence of exact statistics, it is estimated that
275,000-300,000 Poles have become French citizens through
naturalization and birth in French territory. About 450,000,
however, have retained Polish citizenship, which permits this
group a freedom of choice in deciding whether to accept Polish
Communist consular jurisdiction.
Naturalization appears to be increasing. While formerly
the assumption of French citizenship was undertaken with
reluctance, naturalization by Polish emigres is now regarded
as a prudent measure compatible with devotion to Poland.
Irrespective of citizenship and a high degree of assimila-
tion, the Poles in France are reported to form a distinct cul-
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tu.ryal group, conscious of origin and extraordinarily faithful
to its mother tongue, national and religious traditions.
D. Political Influence and Orientation
National and naturalized Poles, who constitute about 1.7
per cent of the French population, and Frenchmen of Polish
descent, who comprise about 0.7 per cent of the French popu-
:cation, appear on the surface to exert little influence on
French life. Because, however, Poles living in France are
grouped in certain regions (in some towns and cities they con-
stitute 40-50 per cent of the inhabitants) their influence is
in fact considerable. Twenty Poles hold municipal posts, ten
are factory workers'. council leaders and a son of a Polish
emigrant is highly situated in the Ministry of Interior.
.Gaston Palewski, of Polish ancestry, was formerly Minister
Delegate to the President of the Conseil in the cabinet of
Edgar Faure. Furthermore, certain political and intellectual
Polish emigres represent an important sector in.French labor
and have succeeded in establishing close ties with influential
French in intellectual, social and political circles.
Polish emigres also affect. labor impact and potential in
France by their employment in such strategic and sensitive
industries as mining and metallurgy. Their influence is
also felt in French agriculture,
The existence of Polish emigres in France is evidence of
their opposition to the present Warsaw regime. Other than an
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estimated 5-10 per cent Communists or. fellow travelers, most
of the Poles are vigorously patriotic and resolutely anti-
Communist. Nevertheless, they represent a group susceptible
to Communist propaganda and subversion, especially those dis-
illusioned with their present status who have little hope for
improved status in the future.
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II. OBJECTIVES' OF WARSAW GOVERNMENT IN FRANCE
The motivation underlining Warsaw's current campaign in
France can, to some extent, be explained in terms of emotional
irritation over the emigre problem in general. The existence
of a large number of national Poles outside Poland's borders
constitutes in the eyes of Polish authorities a national
minority problem in reverse, and since minority problems of
any kind have always been a source of trouble and instability
in Poland, members of the Polish elite are unlikely ever to
reconcile themselves to such a status quo. One of the prin-
cipal characteristics of national Polish psychology is a
fixation on the ethnic distribution of population,. To most
Polish leaders a utopia would necessarily include s, situation
in which all Poles resided in Poland, all Germans in Germany
and all Jews in Israel. Although few members of the Polish
regime would admit it, even to themselves, many of them are
irrationally fascinated by the thought of a Poland to which
all Poles would return and in which no ethnic minorities
would exist. As long as a large body of national Poles re-
side outside Poland, this:problem will remain an idee fixe
of the Polish author ities.
The official decision of the Polish Government to seek
the return of Poles in France is based on several rea-
sons which probably outweigh the emotional motivation. The
campaign of the Warsaw regime is primarily directed toward
achieving the following objectives:
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1. To disrupt the political exile organizations
by discrediting their leadership, splitting the rank and
file from its leadership and by creating dissension
among exile groups. The achievement of this objective
would:
a. Neutralize the exiles as a source of effec-
tive anti-Communist and anti-Warsaw propaganda; en-
courage mass emigre disillusionment with Western
values and reduce or destroy their confidence in
the Free World and its concern for their welfare;
b. Reduce emigre influence on French public
opinion and on the official policy of the French
Government:
c. Disarm the potential threat of the govern-
ment-in-exile to the legitimacy of the Warsaw re-
gime.
d. Reduce a potential source of support to
resisters in Poland and resign the Communist-ruled
to the status quo, thereby creating loss of hope
for the liberation of Poland.
2.. To develop a long-range political fifth column
potential by exploiting interest in homeland, family
ties and general national consciousness among exiles
in France, and by reestablishing cultural ties between
France and Poland,in which the emigres would play an
important role.
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The long-term aim of Communist policy is to con-
trol the gradual integration of the Polish population
in France. In the short-term view, the Communists
elicit support of the Polish population in France for
the benefit of the Polish Communist regime, the French
Communist Party and Soviet Policy. Thus to the Commu-
nists, a Pole who obtains French citizenship should
become a member of the..French Communist Party; a Pole
who does not seek French citizenship should become a
.Polish.Communist.
The Warsaw regime's-approach to Polish emigres
having permanently settled in France with no intention
of returning to Poland is to champion their cultural
and professional interests and to call for a realignment
of allegiance rather than.a return to Poland. The re-
gime attempts to persuade them to maintain their ties
with Poland and their contacts with Polish diplomatic
and consular missions in France.
3. To secure the return of the following profes-
sions and skills needed for general Polish welfare and the
specific interests of the regime-
a. Scientists, because of their specialized
and technical knowledge are needed for the
scientific development of Poland.
b. Former diplomats, writers, intellectuals
and artists, for any intelligence information they
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might provide as well as for their propaganda po-
tential.
c. Skilled labor such as miners and metal
workers are necessary for the achievement of
Polish economic plans. Fad laborers are needed to
occupy and farm the Oder-Neisse territory which the
Polish Government has been attempting to settle in
the past decade.
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III, SOME POLISH COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN FRANCE
A. Background and Development of'Present Repatriation-
e efec on Program
In the years following the liberation of'France, the Polish
Government.began a vigorous propaganda campaign to persuade all
Poles in France to return to Poland. Official recognition
of the Waiisaw regime aided their campaign as well as the favor-
able status which.Communist enterprises enjoyed in France.
Political events in 1947-1948, such as the French.Commu-
nist ministers being forced out of the French Government and
the collapse within Poland of collaboration of.Mikolajczyk
with the Warsaw Government, represented a change in trend.
Unfavorable letters from.Foland to Polish friends in France
concerning conditions under the Communist system. and liquida-
tion of the repatriation bureau also contributed to-a decreasing
emphasis on the campaign.
.From 19+8 until early 1954, the organized repatriation
campaign waned until the Polish diplomatic representative
ordered the functionaires of the "consulates," "volunteers"
workers of the Polish Red Cross and militants of the General
Confederation of Labor (CGT) to resume the repatriation pro-
gram. This move by the Warsaw regime conformed to the
Soviet-Satellite pattern of increased interest in early 1954
in refugees of'Western Europe. Two complementary elements
are considered basic to Soviet-Satellite strategy in this
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regard. the attempt to "popularize" the regime internally
and the encouragement of "coexistence" externally--both on
Communist terms.
To gain good will among refugees in France, a change in
propaganda emphasis occurred during 1954, when political pole-
mics were replaced by a program of social contact and cultural
development.
Two recent offers by the Warsaw regime have proved signi-
ficant in developing'an increasing interest in the repatriation
program. The first was a speech on 23 July 1955 by Boleslaw
Bierut, ex-President of the Polish Peoples Republic and pres-
ent First Secretary of the Party's Central Committee, who af~_
firmed that Poland forgave the crimes of emigre oppositionists
and that they would be welcomed on their return to Poland with
the aid and protection of the Government. The second was
the announcement on 21 September 1955 by the Polish Government
of an offer of extensive assistance to all Polish emigres wishing
to return home,' including payment of returnees' traveling ex-
penses, providing professional training and pensions, etc.
At the present time the Polish regime is reportedly exerting
its greatest effort in France, where it is spending an esti-
mated $8,500 (3 million francs) per day to incite subversion,
redefection and repatriation by using every means at its
disposition including politics, education, sports, dancing,
movies, theater, art, music and literature,
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Of all the Satellites, the Warsaw Government is the
most completely engaged in influencing the emigres, not-
withstanding the fact that Poland entered the Soviet Bloc
redefection campaign later and with less acclaim than the
other.$atellites.
B. Propaganda Appeals of the Warsaw Government
To achieve maximum impact upon Polish emigres in France,
the Warsaw regime stresses the following major propaganda
appeals in its repatriation-redefection programs:
1. Cultural Heritage and National Consciousness
The appeal to cultural heritage and national conscious-
ness stresses the longing for homeland and families, and the
recognition and encouragement of patriotism as a natural
right belonging to the Polish emigre heritage and national
aspirations. .This appeal also exploits emigre disillusion-
ment and disappointment in failing to achieve security and
status. The long separation from homeland and family ties
makes the emigre Poles especially vulnerable to this form of
propaganda. Unsuccessful Poles in France are urged to return
to Poland while those who remain are assured of Communist
support for their cultural and social needs. Furthermore,
the latter are encouraged to become naturalized citizens of
France to promote the creation of a bloc of pro-Warsaw Poles
whose full citizenship might give them more power in promoting
Communist interests in Europe.
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2. Advantages of Repatriation
The appeal to the advantages of repatriation stresses pro-
fessional security, the guarantee of employment and the return
of property. Emigres are "guaranteed" the right to practice
their professions and skills. Warsaw propaganda attempts to
show how miserable life in the West is and exploits the fact
that many professional and skilled Poles in France are faced
with vocational dislocations caused by exile. It promises
them opportunities and openings in their respective profes-
sions. Training is also promised to the npn-skilled to pre-
pare them for professions or skills.
3. Post-War Changes in Poland
This appeal emphasizes the "great changes" which have
taken place in Poland, particularly the economic and educational
advantages of life in the homeland and the extraordinary re-
covery from war devastation. A fervent plea is made to the
emigre to return and participate in Polish reconstruction.
Warsaw propaganda contrasts the present freedom and oppor-
tunity in Poland with the class stratification, struggle
and feudal system of the pre-war period. Poland is repre-
sented as a country where the former exploitation of peasants
and workers by the "landlords" has been abolished and where
everyone is happily building a better future under the Com-
munist aegis.
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4. Insincerity of Free World's Concern for Plight of
Eastern European. Peoples
Warsaw explains to Poles at home that they can no longer
expect help from-.the West, and uses political emigres returning
to Poland from the West as examples to prove that resistance
to the regime is in vain. Because resistance is futile,
refugees are urged to avail themselves of the regime's
favorable provisions and return to Poland. Warsaw propa-
ganda attempts to interpret the Geneva Conference as implying
Western recognition of the status quo and utilizes the
theme of coexistence to persuade exiles to that effect.
5. Exploitation of French and Polish Fears of a Reunited
Germany
Warsaw propaganda attempts to enlist French support of
Polish rights to the Oder-Neisse area, and suggests that a
Polish-French alliance would be a cornerT tone of a truly
peaceful Europe as a first step toward peaceful existence
with the USSR. Warsaw broadcasts indirectly appeal to French
sympathy by describing the happy experiences of repatriates
and alleging that emigre leaders in France are lying about
oppression in Poland. This appeal is supplemented by attempts
to strengthen ties between Poles at home and Poles in France,
particularly the intellectuals who are influential among moul-
ders of public opinion and policy-forming circles in France.
The Polish Government has established friendship committees
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with naturalized Frenchmen as officers through which. a coor-
dinated program of social, cultural and propaganda events is
presented at the same time to both French and Polish audiences.
C. Methods of Action
The Warsaw regime utilizes the following methods of action
to achieve the repatriation, redefection and subversion of
Polish emigres in France:
1. Polish Schools and Teachers in France*
Polish school teachers and schools in France are important
because they provide the means by which the Polish Government
can win over emigre youth and exploit Polish teachers for re-
patriation propaganda purposes.
The pre-war Polish-French agreement which gave the Polish
Government the right to conduct cultural and educational acti-
vities among the Polish emigrants in France was renewed on
19 February 1947: It provided for the instruction of children
of Polish origin residing in-France, as well as for the teach-
ing of"Polish language, literature, history and geography.
Thus Poles in France are permitted to have their own teachers
and extra-curricular schools. Traditionally the teachers
for these schools were supplied by the Polish Government.
For information on specific relationships between Polish
schools and the Polish Embassy, see Section VI, D, 1.
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The Lycee Polonais in Paris, under the control of the War-
saw regime, prepares young Poles of Western Europe for Polish
baccalaureate examinations. Its 130 students, instructed in
the Marxian dialectic, exercise a deep influence on their
parents, friends and acquaintances, and act as agitators in
the repatriation campaigns and propaganda programs.
The Polish Embassy utilized Polish teachers in its pay
to resume the repatriation campaign in early 1954. Despite
the fact the French Government took over the payrol~s of 60
Polish teachers and replaced a number of Communist teachers,
the Warsaw regime still controls a system of educational
posts employing 160 teachers. Although the French educational
authorities feel that the schools are no longer a dangerous
source of Communist influence, the Free Polish representatives
state that considerable Communist influence remains and
flourishes in these schools.
2., The Youth Vacation Colonies*
The Polish Communists regard the so-called vacation colo-
nies as an effective means of influencing Polish emigres to
return to Poland and of selecting personnel to conduct acti-
vities in France. Polish youth aged 14 to 16 of emigre parents
attend vacation camps in France and Poland where Komsomol
courses are taught.
For information on specific relationships between vaca-
tion colonies and the Polish Embassy, see Section VI, D, 2.
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The Polish Red Cross and "Embassy" teachers sponsor the
organization of these vacation colonies. In 1954 the Red
Cross sent 4,000-5,000 children to these summbr camps.
About one thousand youth of Polish emigre parents in France
went to Poland; the remainder attended Communist-organized
camps in France. Upon returning to France, some of the chil-
dren who went to Poland persuaded their families to go back
to Poland.
In 1955 a more intensive and selective drive for enroll-
ment concentrated on children of the most impressionable
ages (11-16) and from groups considered.i ost susceptible to
Communist influence, Enrollments increased in the mining
areas of Nord and Pas de Calais during 1955. Aided by
posters and tracts, "Embassy" teachers and Polish Red Cross
representatives carried on the organization of this campaign.
3. Pardon and Assistance to Repatriates
Two appeals to attract repatriates in France and Western
Europe were made by the Polish regime, one on 23 July 1955
and the; other on 21 September 1955.
a. Pardon
In the first appeal made on 23 July 1955, Boleslaw
Bierut, ex-President of Poland and present First Secre-
tary of the Party's Central Committee, told a delegation
including Poles from abroad that Polish citizens were
welcome to return and that Poland generously pardoned
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any of these who returned now. He stated further that
the Polish nation does not desire to remember the of-
fenses and errors of the pasta
b. Assistance to Repatriates
The second appeal-.-one of the most positive yet
made to any Soviet Bloc emigres since the inception of
the redefection campaign--was the resolution of
21 September 1955 in which the Polish Government of-
fered extensive assistance to all Polish emigres wish-
ing to return home. Although relatively few Poles have
been repatriated so far, this offer may attract some
who lack security in the West or increase the disil-
lusionment of others remaining abroad,.
The resolution offers the following to potential
returnees-
(1) The Polish Government will assist repatriates
in paying travel expenses incurred on the return
journey; furnish free food and medical aid until employ-
ment is secured; assist repatriates in procuring hous-
ing; give them one lump-surn,cash payment; and exempt
from customs duties any possessions brought back to
Poland.
(2) The government promises to provide professional
training if necessary; to give full educational oppor-
tunities to young people; and to provide farmers with
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buildings and help them to purchase livestock, or employ
them on state farms.
(3) The government commits itself to provide pen-
sions for the aged and for invalids. Periods of employ-
ment outside Poland will be considered in computing pen--
sions, and persons with physical disabilities arising
from military service will receive pensions regardless
of the state for which military service was performed.
The promise to recognize service-connected disabilities
as pensionable is considered by some to be almost the
same as an amnesty.
(4) In addition, returnees may keep the rank they
held in the Polish or Allied military units up to.the
end of the war with Germany.
4. Press
The Communist. Polish language press aimed at Polish emi-
gres in France originates both in Poland and in France.
Redefection propaganda began to appear in the Polish Commu-
nist press in France at the end of March and early April
1955. The Polish language Communist daily in Paris is now
responsible for presenting new arguments to its readers to
persuade them to return to Poland. The repatriation campaign
dominated its news coverage in July and August 1955. Articles
contained either official declarations, such as Poland's of-
fer to pardon returnees, or the statements of "happy"
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returnees. Warsaw propaganda described the "brilliant
progress" of the Polish economy and the improved status
of workers.
5. Letters from Poland
.Another method which the Warsaw regime uses to imple-
ment its repatriation program is that of personal letters
which are mailed to Polish refugees in France inviting them
to return to Poland. Some letters, written in the form of
a manifesto, are sent from different Polish towns and are
signed by forty persons; nojie of whom are Communists. Those
signing are well-known pre-war university professors, wri-
ters and prominent priests who cooperate with the regime.
These letters are sent to emigre leaders, intellectuals,
writers and politicians.
.D. Number of Repatriates
The returnees to Poland reportedly averaged about 30-50
each month during the first half of 1955. The number,
at present, appears relatively insignificant in comparison.
to the Polish emigre population in France and to the
Communist effort. However, each repatriated individual
and family is being exploited to the limit for any possi-
ble advantage. The reasons for returning to Poland are
usually personal and economic rather than political, such
as an unfavorable economic status, professional and
language deficiencies, dismal prospects of emigration
overseas, old age, reunion with family, and desire for land
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and security. No prominent individuals have redefected from
France. Those who have redefected have been older people,
the indigent, farm workers and ex-legionnaires. However,
there is always a danger of the redefection and subversion
of the "elite," a primary target of the Warsaw regime.
Even a small number of repatriates to Poland constitutes
a setback for the Free World because it is of immense propa-
ganda value to the Soviets, it contributes to the creation
of anti-Western sentiment within Poland, and it supports
Warsaw's claims that the existence of the Iron Curtain is
fictitious and that new conditions prevail which enable
emigres to return.
Although about 36,000 emigres returned to Poland before
1947, and about 7,000 between 1947-49, only about 100 have
emigrated to Poland in each subsequent year from 1949-1954, The
figure reportedly rose to 263 during the first half of 1955,
two-thirds of whom were agricultural laborers. There have
been many and varying estimates of probable repatriation
for 1955. In view of Warsaw's intensification of its repa-
triation program and the eStabIishment of organiations such as
"Polonia" with its program of "1grass roots" contacts between
the Poles at home and the Poles abroad, 1956 figures
will be a more significant index to Polish repatriation capa-
ability than studies of any previous results.
France ranks second after Belgium in the number of re-
turnees to Poland. Sixty-five per cent of those who have
returned to Poland thus far have come from Belgium.
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IV, LISTS OF POLISH COMMUNIST ORGANIZATIONS
ACTIVE AMONG POLISH EMIGRES IN FRANCE
LIST A - Official Polish Government and Party Organizations
I. Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza (PZPR) - Polish Com-
munist Party (elements in France)
II. Repatriation Organizations in Poland
A. Government Plenipotentiary for Repatriation Affairs
B. Association for Liaison with Poles Abroad ("Polonia")
III. Ministries and Agencies
A. Committee for State Security (KBP)
B. Ministry of Defence
1. 2nd Department of General Staff (0.II) - (elements
in France)
2. Main Department for Information of General Staff
(GZI) - (elements in France)
C. Ministry of Foreign Trade - (its representatives in
France)
D. Ministry of Education - (its representatives in the
Paris Embassy)
E. Ministry of Health - (supports the Polish Red Cross
in France) _
F. Ministry of Foreign Affairs
1. Polish Embassy - Paris
a. Ambassador
b. First Secretary
c. Second Secretary
d. Press Attache
(1) Bureau d'Informations Polonaise (BIP)
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(2) Polska Agencja Prasowa (PAP)
(3) Gazeta Polska and successors - (official
Embassy news organ)
(a) Les Amid de la Gazeta Polska (sup-
pressed in 1950)
eo Emigration
(1) Education Section
(a) Polish Lycee in Paris
(b) University in Paris (located in
Polish House)
(c) University in Lille
(d) Embassy Farm at La Presle-en-Bri
(e) Polish "Gymnasium" in Paris
(f)
Sunday Schools in Paris
TUR - (Society of Workers Universities -
Ignace DASZYNSKI)
(a) OMTUR - (Youth Organization of TUR)
f. Military Attache
Commercial Department - (was responsible for
commercial operations of Polish Government
and firms in France)
Official Polish Commercial Firms in France
(a) La Compagnie LOT (Polish Airline.)
(b) Bank "Polska Kasa Opieki" (PKO)
(c) TRANSTOURS - (formerly POLORBIS;.
Agence Maritime et Bureau de Voyages,
Transports et Tourisme)
(d) Film Polski
(1) SIRIUS - (represents Film
Polski in France)
(1)
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(e)
BOT - (Bureau de Reception et de
Transport des Surplus Americains)
(a) BOTRANS - (replaced BOT)
h.
Consulates
(1)
Paris
(a)
Nasze Pisemko - (Children's publi-
(2)
Lille
cation sponsored by the consulate)
(3)
Lyons
(4+)
Strasbourg
(5)
Toulon
(6)
Marseilles
(7)
Metz (consular agency under Strasbourg)
(8)
St. Etienne (consular agency under Lyon)
i. Polish House (Dom Polski)
J. Polish Book (Ksiazka Polska)
k. Union of Embassy Employees
G. Radio Stations
1. Radio Warsaw
2. Radio Kraj
a. Bulletin of Radio Kraj
H.
Polish Red Cross - Polski Czerwony Krzyz (PCK)
1.
Dispensary Paris
2.
Dispensary Lens
3.
Rest Home - Biarritz
4.
RKL - Council of Summer Camps
5.
Polish Student Summer Camps in Western Europe
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LIST B - Polish Communist Front Groups and their Publications
in France
I. Organizations with their Publications
A. Parti Communist Francais (PCF) - Polish section
1. JEDNOSC - (Polish language publication of PCF)
2. PORADNIK
3. LISTY Z WOLWOSCI - (secret organ of Polish section
of the Action Council., Central Committee, PC;F)
B. Confederation Generale du Travail (CGT) - Polish section
1. Le Sous-sol Lorraine - (CGT publication carrying
articles in Polish)
2. Prawo Ludu - (paper published by CGT)
3. Centre des Journalistes Professionnels - (affili-
ated with CGT)
4. Commission Administrative de la Federation Regionals
du Syndicat de Mineurs du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais
C. Association of Protectors of the Border on the Oder
and Neisse
D. Amitie Franco-Polonaise
1. Les Amis de la Juenesse Polonaise - (suppressed in
1950)
2. Amitie Franco-Polonaise des Jeunes
E. Progressive Catholic Movement
1. Pax Christi
F. Union of the Women of "Maria Konopnicka" (ZKMK) -
(suppressed in 1950)
1. l'Union des Femmes Francaises - Polish section
G. Union of War Invalids (ZIW)
1. Polish Association of War Invalids
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H. Association des Combattants Polonais
I. Aide Mutuelle Aux Militaires Polonais
J. Armee Ouvriere Polonaise (Polska Armia Robotnicza)
K. Unite Ouvrier (Workers' Unity) - (lending library)
L. Organization of Polish Jews (ZZP)
1. Polish-Jews Communist Association at Toulouse
2. Jewish Communist Youth 2e Arrondissement
N. Comite d'Aide et de Defense des Immigres (CADI)
1. Comite Francais de la Defense des Immigres
(CFDI, same as CADI)
2. UNIS - (newspaper of CADI/CFDI)
N. Union of Polish Teachers in France (ZNP) - (sup-
pressed in 1950)
0. Union of Polish Engineers and Technicians (ZIT)
P. Union of Polish Cattle Breeders in France
Q. Federation des Emigres Polonais (FEP) - (suppressed
in 1950)
Union of Settlers and Agriculture Workers (ZORR)
S. Union of Polish Youth "Grunwald" (ZMP) - (suppressed
in 1950)
T. Union of Polish Scouts and Guides (ZHP) - (suppressed
in 1950)
U. Union of Former Members of the Resistance (ZPBURO) -
(suppressed in 1950)
V. Aid to the Homeland (OPO) - (suppressed in 1950)
1. The Independence-(organ published by OPO)
W. Polish Union of Former Members of the International
Brigade in Spain
X. Parti Socialiste Unitaire (PSU)
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Y. Congress of Foreign Resistants and Volunteers
Z. Engages Voluntaire~ et Combattants de la Resistance
AA. Union Generale des Engages Volontaires Etrangeres
(UGE VE )
BB. Amicale des Socialistes Polonais en France
CC. RNPF (National Council of Poles in France) - (sup-
pressed in 1950)
DD. Union of Soviet Patriots in France
EE. Polska Partia Robotnicza (PPR) - (existed officially
as "Les Amis du PPR")
1. Jednosc Polska - (organ published by PPR)
FF. Central Children's Commission (Jewish Communist
organization working with Polish war orphans)
GG. Union des Juifs pour la Resistance et 1'Entraide (UJRE)
HH. Comite pour la Solution Pacifique du Probieme Allemand --
Polish section
II. Polish Football Union (PZPN) -- (Communist wing)
II. Other Communist Publications
A. Nasz Dziennik
B. Dziennik Wychodzcy
C. Kurier Polski
D. Glos Polski we Francji
E. Polska I Swiat
F. Zycie Polskie
G. Echa Polskie (one of successors to Gazeta Polska)
H. EMI Le Presse (la Presse Nouvelle) - (Jewish Communist
daily subsidized by Poland)
I. Nowiny Foiskie - (banned January 1954)
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J. Przeglad Polski we Francji - (La Revue Polonaise en
France; replaced Nowiny PolskieT
K. Zycie Uchodzcze - (replaced Przeglad Polski)
L. Folski Swiat - (banned November 1952)
M. Tygodnik Polakow we Francji - (banned June 1953)
N. Swiat w IllustracJach - (successor to Polski "Swiat
and Tygodnik Polakow we Francji)
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V. REPATRIATION ORGANIZATIONS IN POLAND
The Presidium of the Council of Ministers, Prezydium Rady
Ministrow (PRM), the supreme ruling body of the.Warsaw Govern-
ment, has appointed a Government Plenipotentiary for Repatria-
tion Affairs to coordinate the implementation of the resolution
on care for repatriates returning to Poland. It reportedly
has also opened a special center devoted to persuading emigres
to return home.
The new organization presumably directs a secret institu-
tion concerned with the repatriation campaign and known to the
public as the Department of Affairs of Polonia.Abroad. Situated
in the building housing the Ministry of'Foreign Affairs, it
maintains a front of respectability, yet it reportedly is a
branch of the secret police.
To implement the official program and announcements, un-
official groups have established organizations, the most impor-
tant of which is the high-level Association for Liaison with
Poles Abroad, "Polonia."
rtPolonia" was organized in Warsaw by a group of persons
representing various cultural, social, and scientific organi-
zations and several former organizers in Polish emigre centers
abroad. It was first publicized in October 1955 and is one
of the latest moves in the Polish intensified repatriation cam-
paign. The announced objectives of the Association are to
consolidate the bonds linking Poles abroad with the homeland
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and to strengthen the ties of "'friendship and brotherhood"
with the nations in which the emigrants reside.
The organization has the task of maintaining contact
with and aiding the repatriation of Poles abroad, It
considers the issue of the Oder-Neisse frontier to be of
common interest to all Poles and a strong bcnd between
those at home and abroad.
The organization's program calls for the establishment
of Polish language schools throughout the emigre populations
abroad and envisages the teaching of various subjects con-
cerning the homeland, such as history, geography and cul-,
g,ure. School books and texts will be supplied from Poland
.and close contacts will be maintained with all existing
emigre organizations.
The organization of the "Poloniar" comprises the
following offices which have been filled by "election."
Chairman. Prof. Stanislaw KUULCZYNSKI
(Deputy Marshal of the Sejm)
Deputy Chairmen. Hugo HANKE
Prof Tadusz LEHR-SPLAWINSKI
Dr. Zofia WASILKOWSKA
Deputy Czeslaw WYCECH (former
Mikolajczyk man)
Secretary:
Szczepan STEC, director of the
central institute for the
training of educational cadres
and former chairman of the
National Council for Free
Poles in France.
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Father Dr. Boleslaw KULAWIK, for-
mer priest, returnee from France
Dr, Prof, Andrzej BIERNAC,KI, mem-
ber of the Medical Sciences of
the Polish Academy (PAN)
Mme. Irene DOMANSKA, Deputy
Arcady FIEDLER, writer
Boleslaw GEBERT, chief editor of
Voix du Travail
Dominik HORODYNSKI,Deputy, editor
in chief of Dzis I Jutro
Edward KOWALSKI, general manager
of olonia,
Stanislaw KOWALEWSKI, former mem-
ber of the Swiatpol, returnee
from Argentina
Dr. Roman KOZLOWSKI, professor
Prof Oskar LANGE, 1iehiber of 'the
Council of State, Deputy
Czeslaw MONDRZYK, journalist, for-
mer collaborator of Narodowiec
Edmund OSMANCZYK, lDeputy
Antoni SLONIMSKI, writer
Dr, Wojciech SWIETOSLAWSKI, pro-
fessor
Executive Deputies: Number of members unknown.
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VI. POLISH EMBASSY IN FRANCE AND
AFFILIATED ORGANIZATIONS
The Polish Embassy in France is located at 57 rue St.
Dominique and 1 rue Talleyrand, Paris. Since 1949, the im-
portance of the Embassy as an instrument of Polish policy
has been indirectly enhanced by French:security police action
against Polish Communist front organizations. As a reaction
to known Polish Communist subversive activities in France,
and in retaliation for Warsaw's actions against French repre-
sentatives in Poland, the French suppressed such Polish Com-
munist front organizations as the Aid to the Homeland (OPO),
the Union of Polish Youth "Grunwald" (ZMP), and the Gazeta
Polska. They restricted Polish social aid and financial activi-
ties by outlawing the school program and some activities of
the Polish Red Cross, and by harassing the Party's commercial
ventures. These French repressive measures resulted in the
transfer of some of these activities to the Embassy itself.
The Polish Embassy possesses two inherent qualities which
make it indispensable to the Soviet and Polish strategy in
France2
(1) Recognized by the French Government as the
official representation of Poland in France, the Eat
bassy is automatically clothed with authority and pres-
tige which give it a front of respectability and at the
same time provide it with enormous propaganda resources,
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This front conceals Polish and-Soviet subversive activi-
ties and provides a haven for those individuals who dis-
dain meeting openly with the Soviets.
(2) The popular image of the Embassy among some
Polish emigres as the symbol of the "beloved homeland"
makes it a powerful platform for psychological action
among and against the Poles in France.
The subversive campaign of the Polish Embassy is designed
to encourage and direct political and cultural activities of
the pro-regime Poles and to exploit their energies and aspira-
tions for action against anti-regime Poles, those Poles who
are politically uncommitted, and even.France itself. Control
of the pro-regime Poles provides the Embassy with a two-edged
weapon. Propaganda disseminated by the unnaturalized group
conveys the impression that its tenets are accepted by and re-
flect the opinions and aspirations of all Poles away from
home. Propaganda distributed by the naturalized Poles, on the
other hand, gives the impression that the tenets are acceptable
to major segments of the French population. These vigorous
Embassy-directed campaigns are launched on the theory that they
will have a telling impact upon the "uncommitted" Pole, who,,
living in an alien land and having no desire to jeopardize his
security in a foreign community, is equally impressed by the pres-
sure of the Embassy organization and by the implied authority
of its pronouncements. These Embassy campaigns, conducted with
equal pressure both on high official and "grass roots"
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levels, are designed not only to influence the Polish
colony and the ordinary French citizen but also to exert
maximum pressure upon the stability of French. politics. The
Embassy attempts to use the potential influence on public,
opinion suggested by Polish pro-regime propaganda as leverage
in dealing with individual French Deputies courting popular
support. The Polish Iiibassy seeks to direct or control
members of the French Assembly and thereby influence French
legislation according to the objectives of Moscow.
The Polish Embassy also conducts a subversive campaign
directed against Polish anti-regime organizations and their
key personalities. Activities against this sector of the
emigration are carried on with all resources available to
the Embassy. ?Theprimary aims are either to destroy the
organizations by infiltration and subversion or to gain con-
trol and reorient their direction along lines favorable to
Warsaw. Campaign tactics are designed to create defection
in the ranks or to destroy thep4rsonal reputations of anti-
regime leaders. The ultimate aims of this campaign are to
protect Poland azainst infiltration and subversion from the
West and to prevent externally,!.-induced stresses and strains
within Poland.
The third objective of the Embassy's campaign among Polish
emigres is the conversion of the "uncommitted" Poles to the
Communist fold. It is among this great mass of the politically
unattached that the Embassy-directed campaigns expend the
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most diverse effort. This is the group which is attacked by
all political methods. It is examined for weakness and ex-
ploited for advantage. All social levels are flattered,
bribed or pressured as each circumstance dictates, Pensions,
medical care and winter relief are offered to the aged and
infirm. Free trips to Poland and cheap summer camps in France
attract the children. The intelligentsia and professionals
are flattered with memberships in expertly organized study
groups and associations. The youth are invited to
athletic clubs and attractive, well-organized events. The
worker is pressured by his labor union. Prominent person-
alities are duped into lending their names to ostensibly well-
meaning organizations, drives and movements. This third
and by far the largest sector of the Polish colony in. France--
the "uncommitted" group--promises the highest political
dividend to the organization, whether, Communist or free, most
capable of exercising public opinion leadership.
The Embassy organization comprises:
Ambassador
First Secretary - Political Affairs
Second Secretary - Administration
Press Attache
Emigration Affairs
Military. Attache
Commercial Councellor
Various functional sections
A. Ambassador's Office
The present Ambassador,. Stanislaw Gajewski, received his
appointment in early 1954. A lawyer by profession, he has a
long background of participation in leftist organizations.
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He has gaa.:ne p
in various international conferences including East-West
negotiations when he was a member of the Polish delegation
to the Neutral Repatriation. Commission in Korea and an al-
ternate representative to the UN General Assembly.
The Communists have citedGajewski's appointment as an
indication of a change in policy at the Polish Embassy from
the "militant" to the "diplomatic." He has been presented
as a "non-Party" official and as one who considers himself a
representative of all Poles regardless of their political
orientation.
B. Political Affairs
Jerzy.Wiechecki, First Secretary, is responsible for
political matters related to the Embassy's mission in France.
Because political matters are sensitive to public rela-
tions, there is a close relationship between the activities
of the political secretary and the Press Attache.
The Press Attache, presently Stanislaw Klos, is responsi-
ble for public relations and for control and direction of
press propaganda campaigns, He directs the activities of BIP
(Bureau d'Informations Polonaises) and has close contact
with and interest in the Polish Press Agency (PAP).
Prior to its suppression by French authorities in 1952,
Gazeta Polska was the mouthpiece of the Embassy and the press
vehicle of the Polish Communist Party (PZPR) in France. It
was under the direct control of the Press Attache
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Since French authorities have instituted suppressive
measures against the Polish. Communist publications, the
Communists have adopted a tactic whereby a suppressed
publication is revived almost immediately under another
name but with policy direction remaining under the same
personalities.
All propaganda programs directed against France are
formulated in Warsaw and are implemented by the Press
Attache and the Emigration Division. A close working re-
lationship probably exists between the Press Attache and
the Polish Red Cross which presently maintains direct con-
tact with the emigration in matters of education, vaca-
tion camps, child visits to Poland, winter relief and
old age pensions, all of which are key activities in the
Communist propaganda and repatriation campaign.
Over-all control of the political and propaganda
activities of the Polish diplomatic missions and Consulates
abroad rests with the Office of Foreign Affairs of the
PZPR Central Committee. Actual direction of propaganda
in foreign countries, however, is handled by two depart-
ments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Department of
Press and Information and the Office for Poles Abroad.
The Department, of Press Information directs and con-
trols the activities of press and cultural officers attached
to the diplomatic and cultural agencies of the Warsaw re-
gime. It also controls the special information and propa-
ganda centers abroad.
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The Office for Poles Abroad is attached to the Consular
Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and deals ex-
clusively in cultural and propaganda activities among Polish
emigres, This agency works through the channels of Polish
diplomatic and consular representations, but it restricts
activities to those countries where there are large groups
of Polish or Polish-born emigrants. In addition to direct
propaganda, it is engaged in educational and cultural acti-
vities conducted in behalf of the regime. All plans elabor-
ated by this office are intended primarily for France, where,
because of special cultural agreements with the French govern-
ment, educational activities on a large scale can be conducted
among Polish miners and other labor groups. In recent years
the French government has somewhat limited these activities,
but Polish officials can still work there more freely than in
any other country. For this reason most of the instructions
and plans sent to the diplomatic and consular posts abroad
are based and modeled on the experiences acquired in France.
1. BIP (Bureau d' Informations Polonaises), 23 rue Tait-
-iout, Paris,
This key propaganda unit, directed by Press Attache Stanis-
law Klos, is charged with publicizing in France developments
in Poland under the Warsaw regime. For this purpose, it"pub-
lishes the weekly Bulletin du B.I.P. in the French language.
It also seeks to have published in the French press information
prepared in Warsaw concerning the political, social and econo-
mic aspects of Polish life. It organizes cultural events
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to publicize Polish literature, music and art. Some of its
writers prepare articles for insertion in the French left wing
press,
The Warsaw propaganda line transmitted to the French Press
through BIP seeks to bring the emigre under a continuous flood
of inducements to return to the homeland. In persuasive.
French, through organs not publicly identified with the in-
terests of the Polish Embassy, the emigre is presented with
vivid descriptions of the reconstruction and rehabilitation
programs going on in Poland and with glowing pictures of the
prosperity and contentment of the workers. Thus a strong ap-
peal is made to his patriotism and he is urged to
return and become an active participant in the reconstruction
of his h'bmel+and,
2. PAP (Pglska AgencJa Prasowa - Polish Press Agency),
27-rue Tait b out, . Paris
A press service similar to TASS,.PAP is the successor
to the prewar Polish Telegraphic AgEn cy (PAT) and is controlled
by the Warsaw regime. Its functions are those of news
gathering and transmission,
C. Administration
Mieczyslaw Gumkowski,.Second Secretary, is responsible for the
administration of the Et hassy and, through sections under his
control, supports various activities carried on by the consulates.
D. Emigration Affairs
Wieslaw Gajda, as chief of the division, is responsible for
all matters concerning the Polish emigration in France and for
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normal diplomatic assistance to the colony. This office
controls and directs all Embassy-sponsored activities
connected with the emigration, which on the surface have
the appearance of being purely cultural and humanitarian
in character but in fact serve as instruments of propa-
ganda and political action,
Promotion of the repatriation campaign is a primary
concern of the division. This program is implemented
through front organizations, promotion of summer camps
and children's expense-paid vacations in Poland, and through
"aid" activities in association with the Polish Red Cross.
Legal aspects of repatriation--visas and exit permits--
are dealt with by the consulates, while transport matters
are handled by TRANSTOURS,
1. Education
Controlled educational institutions provide the Warsaw
regime with a direct instrument for contacting and con-
verting Polish youth and for gaining indirect entree into
the Polish home and family. The activities of the Embassy
in the educational field as well as the activities of its
organizations and schools give an indication of the impor-
tance which this propaganda medium occupies in Warsaw's
over-all program. Following the French recognition of the
Warsaw regime, Polish schools in France were directed by
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the Education Section of the Embassy under an attache.
The schools were under the immediate control of the
consulate in whose jurisdiction they were situated.
In 1949, an investigation by French authorities
revealed that the Polish school system, as directed by
the Embassy, was being operated as an adjunct to other
Polish Communist political organizations. These in-
vestigations resulted in the expulsion of key diploma-
tic personnel connected with the school system and many
of the pro-regime teachers.
The Polish educational system remains active but with
less freedom than in the past. French authorities take
a stronger interest in school activities and anti-Commu-
nist forces constantly demand greater alertness to the
Communist danger and more careful screening of the teaching
personnel by the French Government. Nevertheless, the
current acceleration of Warsaw's repatriation program will
probably cause its educational activities in France to
increase in vigor and scope.
a, TUR (Society of Workers' Universities),
7 -rue Crillon, Paris
TUR was founded in Poland before the war by the
Polish Socialist Party for the purpose of completing the
education of Polish workers. Its branch in France was
created in 1928 and operated until 1939. After'the libera-
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tion in 1945, the Paris branch was reopened, but immediately
became a victim of pro-Warsaw influences and was penetrated
throughout by the Communists. In order to differentiate this
association from the original organzation, the Communists
added the patronymic "Ignace Daszynski."
In February 1948, the anti-regime wing of the Polish
Socialist Party recreated non-Communist TUR-"Antoine Zdanow-
ski.." Its headquarters are at 23 rue du 14 Juillet, Lens,
Pas-de-Calais. It is charged with the reorganization of
libraries and the acquisition of Polish and French books.
The Youth Organization of TUR (OMTUR), which in 1948
had its headquarters at 23 rue Taitbout, Paris, was an organi-
zation of students and young workers. It advertised itself
as publicizing the work, aims and ideology of the Polish
Socialist Party (PPS), but it was in fact a pro-Warsaw or-
ganization. It was engaged chiefly in academic and library
activities.
b. Lycee Polonais,
15 rue Lamade, Paris
Lycee Polonais, a coeducational school, is officially
recognized by the French educational authorities. The school's
curriculum which conforms to Warsaw directives emphasizes
political history.
Teachers receive a two-year course near the Lycee. Resi-
dent students are entirely under Communist influence. Even
during their school days, they are useful servants of the pro-
paganda apparatus. Instruction in Marxist dialectics enables
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the students to wield. a telling influence on their parents,
families and associates and they often act as monitors in
vacation camps. After receiving their certificates, about
half of the students go to Poland for higher studies., The
remaining graduates join, often secretly, the Polish
educational system in France.
A study of the Lycee account in the PKO Bank reveals,
when compared with the estimated cost of maintaining the
school,.that the withdrawals cannot meet the costs. The
subsidy of 20,000 francs per student paid by the Ambassador
cannot be traced through the PKO and it is, therefore, be-
lieved that the PKO account covers only funds contributed by
parents and that the other subsidies are passed hand-to-hand.
Withdrawals from the bank are made by one Mlle Pszenica in
the name of the Lycee.
The Communists have been making an effort to recruit
students among the children of Polish farm workers. A
study. of student lists indicates that farm workers' children
already comprise about 10 per cent of the enrollment.
2. Polish Red Cross (PCK)
After the Communists had gained control of the Polish
Government, the PCK became an instrument of the Party and as
such began to play an important, role.in the propaganda pro-
gram within the Polish emigration and in subversive activi-
ties against France.
The PCK and the Embassy became closely connected through
the Embassy-sponsored programs dealing with the emigration.
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The two have mutual interestin such activities as the summer
camps in France, children's vacations in Poland, old age
pensions and winter relief. As a result of this close associ-
ation, the PCK became involved in the affairs of Polish
political organizations and actively participated in the
miners' strikes of 1948, Its actions during those strikes
drew the attention of the French authorities who discovered
that PCK was engaged in subversive activities among the miners
and 'was making illegal transfers of provisions which were
imported from Poland ostensibly for summer camps, The
authorities thereupon curtailed PCK activities by closing
its provincial offices, The central office in Paris, how-
ever, was permitted to remain open.
PCK has now a central staff in Paris and maintains clinics
in some of the large emigre centers. PCK is able to mobilize,
on short notice, large groups of "volunteer workers" among
the Polish emigration. These groups have been employed by
PCK in such activities as the 1948 strikes, in the distribution
of aid, and in the-actual hand delivery of propaganda material.
At present, PCKfs main propaganda activities are the summer
camps and the vacations in Poland which bring PCK in direct
contact with parents, enjoy a strong propaganda appeal, and
provide opportunity for indoctrination. Although the French
authorities frown upon these PCK activities among children,
their adverse reaction, if any, is quickly neutralized by
concerted press campaigns which stress the "humanitarian"
aspects of the projects.
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The summer camp program is popular with the children and
in general is passively accepted by the parents, who justify
their attitude on the grounds that the camps are clean and
well run, that they offer children a healthy outing in new
and pleasant surroundings away from the unhealthy environ-
ment at home, and that.children learn the songs, folk dances,
history, geography and language of Poland. They believe
that the time spent in camps is too short to indoctrinate'. the
children, although the entire teaching program has been im-
bued with Marxist ideology. Priced at 3,000 francs for a
three-week vacation, payable on easy and convenient terms,
the PCK camps have been free of serious competition. Free
Polish elements in France have been unable to cope with the
problem because of lack of contributions and financial sup-
port.
The.P'CK, which is generally believed to be a charitable.
.organization by virtue of its name, conducts its summer camp
program under camouflage of respectability and is generally
not suspected of political motivation. Recruitment is car-
ried on by PCK "volunteer workers," political instructors
maintained and paid by the Consulates, and by French front
organizations.
In the past, in order to impress large numbers of emigres,
any child who applied for admission was accepted regardless
of nationality. In 1955, however, a new policy was adopted
whereby those children who had not been to camp were given
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priority, and children of parents "neutral" and "hostile" to
the regime were sought, Because of the large number of ap-
plications the leaders have had little difficulty in making
their selections.
The camps, their location, their physical property, and
their administration receive the most careful attention in
order not to arouse unfavorable reaction on the part of the
French authorities, who, on the whole, look with disfavor
on foreign activities among the youth. The camp sites use
rented property and lie in areas distant from children's
homes (at times even in departments without Polish popula-
tion) in order to prevent parents from visiting the camps,
to leave the operators in complete and uninterrupted control
of the children, and to avoid suspicion of "Red" connections
by the local populace. Every effort is made to impress the
local civic leaders, the clergy and the French in general by
the orderly. administration of the camps, the discipline, the
poiiiteness and the regular attendance at local churches.
The camp administration is so planned that no excuses
can. arise for French Government intervention. The camp
director is generally a school teacher and a political
"neutral," The business manager is also untainted but is
dependent upon the PCK. which controls the money. Each
camp director has a "collaborator" concerned with the camp
program. The "collaborators" are political instructors
or inspectors sent to observe and "advise" the camp directors.
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.The camp personnel are selected from-, school teachers and
active members of Polish..Communist organizations.
The success of the PCK summer camp program is indicated
by the fact that 1,000 children were sent to Poland and
2,000-4,000 attended camps in France in 1954.
The subsidies which the PCK receives from Poland through
the Embassy and the Consulates are supplemented by contribu-
tions collected locally in France. These contributions,
collected from Poles and non-Poles alike, are obtained from
a citizenry which in many cases is totally unaware of the
true nature of the PCK.
The following individuals have, been identified as key
PCK personalities.
Headquarters:
Director. Mme. Anastazja Sieff
Social Assistants: Boleslaw Zelechowski
Mme, Edwarda Szrajerowa
Mikola Bacholnik (for the
sick
Mme. Marguerite Gonnet
Cashier & Bookkeeper::; Mme0 Renee Tartakowska
(Temporary) Secretary
to`the Director. Mme0 Kazimiera Szramska
Office Man & Chauffeur. Stanislaw Cierlicki
Vacation Schools in. Service:
Chief: Mme, Pola Duffau
Secretary: Mme, Mirea Pszenica
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de Neyman (Consulate em-
ployee-part time)
Dispensary, rue Crillon, Paris-
Director:
Administrative Director:
Physicians:
Social Assistant.
Dispensary, Lens (P.de.C.)-
Physician.
Assistants-
Delegate of the PCK
Headquarters-
Maison de Biarritz!
Director-
.Secretary-
Mme. Ludwika
Mme. Gliksztein
Szramski (Temporary)
Dr. Jokiel
Dr. Henryk Russak
Jozef Fuzwerk
Samuel Danowski
Morek Folek
Szyja Szajnfeld
David Czamarka
Piotr Grynberg
Leon Perel
Sylvia Bratman
Hanna Fautanzzo
Krystyna Libermann
Aniela Ziemba
Helena Abramczyk
Eugenia.Swiecicka
Mme. Jadwiga Mowszowicz
M1leo Maria Brodzinska
Marianna Dudz.inska (very
active in vacation schools)
Mme. Pola Bergue
5 other persons who look after about 4+3 children.
Drs, Jokiel, Russak and Czamarka, Mr. Cierlicki and Miss
Ziemba have received decorations for services rendered to the
PCK.
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.E. Military Attache
The present Military Attache/ is Col. Domi,nik Pietrowski.
Capt. Adam RozowiCz is Assistant Military Attache for Air.
There is very little official connection between the Military
Attache and the Embassy although the Attaches are nominally
subordinated to the Ambassador. The Military. Attache uses
the communication facilities of the Embassy.
F. Commercial Counsellor
The present Commercial Counsellor is Michael Ruzycki.
The department is responsible for representing the interests
of commercial firms in Poland and Polish commercial agencies
in France.
This department has always played an important role in the
activities of the Polish government and the party in France.
The department has been used for other than commercial pur-
poses in the past and is presumed to be so used at present.
1. Fitms Under Indirect Control of the Commercial Depart-
ment
a. TRANSTOURS - (Agence Maritime et Bureau de Voyages-
Transports et Tourisme; formerly POBORBIS)
TRANSTOURS is ostensibly a. typical French firm dealing
with travel between France and Poland. Founded in 19+6 and
originally known as POLORBIS, it was controlled by the offi-
cial government travel agency ORBIS. in Warsaw.
TRANSTOURS handles travel matters incident to the re-
patriation of Polish emigres to Poland and group tours of
children visiting Poland in connection with the "vacation in the
homeland" program.
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b. Bank PKO, 23 Taitbout, Paris
This organization was established before the war as
an independent concern, though it was actually a subsidiary
of the Warsaw Post Office Savings Bank (Pocztowa Kasa Oszczed-
nosci - PKO). Branches were established in the main centers
of Polish emigration throughout the world to provide assis-
tance in the form of credits. These branches changed the
name PKO to mean Polska Kasa Opieki (Polish Relief Bank).
The Warsaw regime took over the PKO branch in Paris
after the liberation and changed it into an Embassy-controlled
institution. PKO maintained close working relations with the
Banque Commercial de l'~Europe du Nord, and acted as a banker
for Communist Party activities and organizations in France.
PKO was the instrument used in financing Polish
Government-owned firms in France and handled credits of these
concerns during their operation. In some cases it actually
owned controlling shares in these concerns. The firm now
acts as the disbufsing office of funds forwarded by Warsaw
to the Polish Government representations and firms in France,
such as the Embassy, the,consulates, PAP, LOT and the Polish
Red Cross, Government expenses incurred in the field of pub-
lications are,also paid out through this bank,
G. Consulates
The Polish Consulates in France are located generally in
the principal emigre and industrial centers. There are con-
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sulates or consulate agencies in Paris, Lille,. Strasbourg,
Metz, Lyon,.Sta.Etienne, Toulouse and Marseille. These of-
fices, supported by sections of the Embassy, are, in fact,
the provincial contacts of the Warsaw regime with the Polish
population in France. In addition to ministering to
the diplomatic needs of the emigre colonies, the consulates
engage is propaganda campaigns and carry out Communist Party
programs under the front of "humanitarian" activities.
The consulates subsidize the activities of the PCK and
have at their disposal paid "political instructors" who,
in concert with the PCK, act as contact agents in recruit-
ment and propaganda drives.
The present repatriation campaign, although conducted on
an international level, eventually resolves itself into actual
person-to-person contact, which is the responsibility of dip-
lomatic and consular personnel. Depending upon the importance
of the individual., the consul-general may himself make a
call, visit, or tender an invitation to an emigre, These
visits and personal contacts not only afford the consul
opportunities of making a direct repatriation appeal to
highly-placed emigres, but afford him, in case of failure,
the opportunity of throwing suspicion on. these emigres,
thereby weakening their position of leadership in the eyes
of anti-regime Poles.
The consulates at present also play a key role in Warsaw's
educational program. After its recognition by the Allies, the
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Warsaw Government took over control of all Polish schools
with some 150 Polish teachers in France. New rules and methods
were prescribed by Warsaw and teachers were replaced by poli-
tical agitators under the direction of School Inspectors sta-
tioned in the consulates French expulsions and cancellations
of teaching licenses later caused some Communists to teach
clandestinely in homes and rented rooms. The consulates,'.
are still permitted to name some of the monitors of recog-
nized Polish courses. French abolition of these courses is
not likely to remedy the situation, since the consulates
employ scores of clandestine monitors with salaries varying
between 20,000 and 40,000 francs per month in addition to
allowances for propaganda expenses.
Polish, oons:ulates?in France are located in the following
cities Paris
Headquarters- 31 rue Jean Goujon, Paris
Consul: Casimir Dybilas
Lille
Headquarters- 45 Bd Carnot, Lille
Conaul.a. Rudolf Larysz
Vice-Consul- Joseph Polak
Headquarters-
Strasbourg
10 rue du General Castelnau, Stras-
bourg
Consul: Stanislas Heresztyn
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Metz
Headquarters- 18 rue des Augustine, Metz
(The Consular Agency of Metz
functions under the Consulate of
Strasbourg.)
Consular Agent:
Headquarters:
Consul:
Headquarters-
Consular Agent-
Headquarters-
Consul General-
Assistant:
Headquarters:
Vice-Consul:
Marian Wirski
Lyon
6 Quai du General Sarrail, Lyon
Jean Dorosz
Saint-Etienne
31 rue du General de Gaulle, St.
.Etienne
(This Consular Agency functions
under the Consulate of Lyon)
An employee of the Lyon Consulate
spends two days per week at this
office.
Toulouse
10 rue Ninan, Toulouse
Kazimierz Fryda (former attache at
the Embassy; also supervises the
consulate of Marseille)
Franciszek Frasz
Marseille
2 Place Felix Barret, Marseille
Joseph Skrzyniarz (supervised by
Consul General Kazimierz F.ryda)
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VII. PROGRESSIVE CATHOLIC MOVEMENT
In its program to Communize the country, the Polish Com-
munist regime has from the very beginning of the post-war
period faced the unbridgeable gap between Cqmmunist ideology
and Catholic dogma. Attempts to impose Communist doctrine,
eliminate Catholic traditions and to subjugate the Church
have been difficult in Poland where the population is pre-
dominantly Catholic and where the bond with the Vatican has
always been unusually strong.
The Warsaw regime has had to rely, therefore, on subtle
persuasion rather than direct methods to achieve its objectives.
It has had to convince both Church and laity that the differ-
ences between the Church and the regime are not irreconcilable
and that cooperation between the two is not only possible but
essential to the interest of the country as a whole. To repre-
sent this viewpoint, the Polish regime selected Boleslaw Piasecki,
_a man previously unidentified a with Communist ideology who was
formerly head of the National Radical Party (Oboz Narodowo Rady-
kalny), a pre-war extreme right-wing organization.
Piasecki, who fought the Communists in Poland and was
a Soviet prisoner during the War, agreed to work with the
regime for the purpose of subverting the Church, and proposed
the creation of a "progressive" Catholic movement which would
enable the Church to "cooperate"' with the Government. A de-
feated politician with a Machiavellian respect for power,
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Piasecki was motivated partly by opportunism and partly by the
conviction that the survival of the Church and the intelli-
gentsia as instruments of Communist policy depended on the
integration, if not of the Church itself, at least of the
Catholic masses into the new economic and social system. The
Church would _retain control over the. sp1ritual life of its
members. He argued that the Polish regime must not alienate
nor arouse the militant opposition of the vast majority of the
Polish population by a direct assault on the Church. To the
regime, he offered the Church's cooperation or at least the
non-hostility of the Catholic masses. To the Catholics,
especially the intelligentsia, he offered an opportunity for
adaptation to the new system and the promise that violence
would not be used against them.
Until October 1953, the movement had not developed any
single form of organization. There were several lay and
clerical groups, commissions and committees in addition to
.the Piasecki group, which was known as "Dzis i Jutro" (Today
and Tomorrow), the name of its weekly publication. Caritas,
a philanthropic organization which the Warsaw-regime had
seized from the Church, was placed under the Piasecki group.
Since 1953 all progressive Catholic activities have been
conducted under the over-all auspices of the Commission of
Clergymen and Lay Catholic Workers, an organization which
represents the unity of the so-called Progressive Catholic
Movement. The Commission, as presently organized, is a
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monolithic organization under the aegis of the Piasecki group.
However, the Warsaw regime actually controls the Commission
through Department V of the Ministry of Public Security, whose
mission is the control of all legal political organizations
except the PZPR.
The Polish Government utilizes the Commission as an agency
to assist it in propagandizing its economic and political
programs at home and abroad, particularly its views on reten-
tion of the Oder-Neisse territories, in criticizing Vatican
policies, and in attempting to redefect selected emigres
abroad. During 1955, Polish Progressive Catholics were sent
to France to persuade key intellectual exiles to return to
Poland.
Recently, Polish Progressive Catholics have been discussing
a mass pilgrimage of Poles living in the West to the Shrine
of Our Lady of Jasna Gora in Poland, which has both religious
and national significance symbolizing resistance to the
enemy. The pilgrimage is to further Progressive Catholic
propaganda by depicting Communist Poland as a country with
complete freedom of religion and rapport between Catholics
and Communist authorities in the interest of general welfare.
This campaign is aimed principally at the pre-war emigration.
Father Kwasny of the Polish Catholic Mission in France
(independent of the Polish Catholic Church) previously re-
jected an invitation of Jan Dobraczynski, a Progressive
Catholic and a member of 'the Sejm in Poland, to organize a
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pilgrimage from France to.Czestochowa for the tercentary of
the Holy Image. Dobraczynski stated as a member of parlia-
ment that Polish emigres from France participating in the
pilgrimage would be free to return to the West and would not
be subjected to coercion by the Polish authorities. He was
expected to visit France in December, 1955, to conduct con-
versations with French Progressive Catholics and Polish
emigre intellectuals, and to develop a closer relationship
between emigre Catholics and progressive Catholics in Poland.
The Progressive Catholic Movement is probably the strongest
ideological weapon available to the regime in its anti-emigre
activity. It is cleverly designed to appeal to two major
characteristics of virtually all Poles! identification with
the homeland and identification with the faith. The Pro-
gressive Catholics offer to the emigre Pole reconciliation
with the former without abandoning the latter--a compromise
solution to a problem plaguing the consciences of many emigre
Poles.
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VIII. POLISH LANGUAGE GROUP IN THE CONFEDERATION
GENALE DU TRAVAIL (CGT )
(Headquarterso Maison des Syndicats, 8 Avenue
Mathurin Moreau, Paris (XIX))
Large masses of Polish workers seeking employment in France
after World War I, particularly in the North of France, were
difficult to assimilate into the Confederation General du Tra-
vail (CGT) because of language barriers, social and cultural
traditions, and a strong emphasis on Catholicism. Because of
these factors, the CGT formed a special federation called "La
Federation des Emigres Polonais." During the course of 1925,
autonomous Polish sections within the CGT were organized in
Department Nord of France.
As a result of French Government measures in 1948-1950
which forbade foreign pro-Communist political action in France,
the PCF may have decided to shift its action to the Polish
Language Group of the CGT. A vigorous reorganization of the
Polish language sections in the CGT was initiated in the
early part of 1949, which was characterized by intensive
strengthening of the sub-sections of Polish workers. It
was suggested that the delegate in charge of liaison with
French sections ought to be a Frenchman of Polish origin, and
that he should be a departmental and regional delegate responr-
sible to the national echelon. This reform was designed to
restore confidence in the militant polish syndicalists and to
provide impetus to increased activity.
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'Although the Poles operated their own language sections
in the CGGT,.they had no freedom of action. They have enjoyed
only a relative autonomy within the CGT.
At present, the Polish Language Group within the CGT
receives its instructions from the "Commission Confederale de
la Main d'Oeuvre.Immigre" (MOI), a CGT office directed by a
Frenchman and including representatives of all foreign lan-
guage groups. This office is primarily responsible for liai-
son between the CGT and the foreign. language groups and for
assuring that CGT instructions are implemented by these groups.
.The strategic French mining industry presents a somewhat
special problem, since in many French mines. the Poles constitute
the majority among the miners working underground, particularly
in Pas-de-Calais and.Nord.Departments. Poles working in French
mines are concentrated in the following departments:
.Pas-de-Calais and Nord:
36,000
Ardennes, Meuse, Moselle, 14,000
Meuse-et-Moselle:
Mulhouse-Belfort--Doubs : 5,000
Allier-Cher-Puy de Dome: 4,000
Other. Districts: 3,000
62, 000
Fifteen per cent were members of the CGT, ten per cent were
members of the Force Ouvriere (FO), while about. eight per
cent belonged to the Confederation Francaise des Travailleurs
(CFTC). Two thirds of the Miners were not organized.
Of the 62 Polish sections affiliated with the CGT in the
district of Pas-de-Calais in 1947, only six still existed in 1952.
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In the 1952 elections of mine delegates, the influence of
the Communist CGT declined but it maintained its majority.
Many Poles among the miners abstained, while others,,although
non-Communists, voted for the Communist CGT largely because
CGT delegates were able and efficient trade union representa-
tives and the CGT, unlike the FO, was represented everywhere.
Communist CGT and.CFTC trade unionists argued that the French
Socialist Party, the parliamentary representative of FO, pre-
sented to the French Parliament a bill which would have de-
prived foreign workers of their right to participate in elect-
ing miner delegates. Many Polish workers did not vote for
FO because its leadership did not protest the bill. Actually
foreign worker rights were already restricted, since they
were entitled to vote only after having lived ten years in
France or after having worked at least six years in the French
industry. Only a French citizen could be elected delegate.
The activity of the Polish Language Group was supported
until the end of 1953 by a press organ of the CGT, the Polish-
language Pra,wo Ludu (The Right of the People). Since then
.the CGT has published an internal information bulletin in the
Polish language, and the central organ of the mine workers
of Pas-de-Calais and Nord, La Tribune des Mineux+s, has devoted
a page to articles in the Polish language.
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IX0 L'AMITIE FRANCO-POLONAISE
(Headquarters: 12 bis Avenue Elyssee-Reclus,
Paris (VII), France)
L'Amitie Franca-Polonaise (AFP), a French association
founded in June 1944 by Communist intellectuals, has a
carefully selected membership and is financially supported
by the Warsaw regime. ..As in the case of the French-USSR
-Society, it has liaison with the Central Committee of the
French Communist Party (PCF).
The AF P claimed a membership of approximately 12,000
throughout France in 1954. It publishes a monthly review,
Peules Amis, which draws upon the columns of the extreme-
left press,
The threat of the AFP stems from the fact it ensnares
many non-Communist French persons, usually either highly
placed neutrals or so-called progressive liberals, who are
anti-Communist but friendly toward the concept of coexist-
ence with the USSR and the Satellites. Many Frenchmen
fail to distinguish between. Communist and true Polish in-
terests and are duped by appeals to traditional Franco-
Polish friendship.
The main activists are Maurice Baquet,former director
of "Institut National des Sports," active in youth sports
organizations; Paul Chevallier, Professor of Medicine who
work. in the Comite Francais des Defense des Immigres;
Georges Fournier, Professor of Chemistry, one of the leaders
of "Paix et Democratie" (a clandestine Communist organization
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penetrating the ranks of religious orders), and a member
of considerable influence in the "Union des Intellectuals
Francais pour la Justice et la Liberte";.Emil Tersen,
Professor of History, who maintains contacts with Polish
and French intellectuals; Henri Wallon, Chairman of the
"Centre Laigne de Formation du Personnel d'Encaudrement
des Oeuvres pour 1'Enfance," who has charge of the training
of teachers and instructors for Polish children and youth
summer camps.
Key personnel of local committees which are established
in communities with a substantial Polish population are
drawn from such groups as the Polish Red Cross and the Polish
language groups of PCF and CGT. The most active committees
are those in the departments of Nord and Pas-de-Calais.
Blatant support of Communist policies was reflected
in the AFP-sponsored "L'Exposition d.'Arts Graphiques Polonais,
which opened on 4 May 1954 in the fashionable Elysee district
of Paris. Polish Communist posters were brought especially
from Warsaw for this event.. Special printed post-cards
addressed to the President of the French Republic were dis-
tributed to the visitors.
The AFP has campaigned against the Paris agreements and
in defense of the Oder-Neisse frontier, Last year it praised.
the Polish Government's decision to reduce the strength of
its armed forces as a contribution toward peace. The AFP
called on the French people to demand that the Foreign Minis-
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tern' Conference at Geneva achieve positive results. It
officially resolved to support all efforts in that direction
and to work for a peaceful settlement of the German problem,
It is significant that the major part of the Polish Com-
munist activities in. France has been carried on through
the AFP association. Although it is a non-mass organization
with selected membership, it is effective in its appeal to
traditional Franco-Polish friendship among key French indivi-
duals who make no distinction between Communist and true Polish
interests. Themes such as the concept of coexistence and the
danger of resurgent German militarism appeal to both Frenchmen
and Polish emigres. The fact that the AFP champions the
cause of_Polish emigres against discrimination also aids its
cause.
6L.
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X. APON
(Association of People of Polish Origin for the
respect of the Oder-Neisse Frontiers--Associa-
tion des Originaires de Pologne Pour le Respect
des Frontiers sur LtOder et la Neisse--Stowarzy-
szenie Obroncow Granicy na Odrze)
(Headquarters. 9 Cite du Retiro, Paris (VIII), France)
'A. Activities
The Association of People of Polish.. Origin for the Res-
pect of the Oder-Neisse Frontiers (APON) was organized in
France by the Warsaw Government on 22 December 1950, to pro-
pagandize for the retention of its western frontiers with
Germany, provisionally ceded to Poland after World War II,
and to attract into this:Communist-dominated organization
emigres to whom such propaganda appealed. While it functions
primarily among French citizens of Polish extraction, APON
does not neglect those Poles who for various reasons have
not applied for French citizenship. It represents itself
as a purely patriotic association and stresses its apolitical
character, but actually is dependent upon the Polish Embassy
in France.
Tjje .paqchological basis for APON' s existence is French and
Polish fears of;German-rearmament. APON exploits Polish
patriotism by creating determination to defend the Oder-Neisse
border; it exploits French and Polish fears of Germany by
creating opposition to the rearmament of Germany. APON
propaganda claims that the preservation of the Oder-Neisse
frontier is the best guarantee against the threat of German
militarism.
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The official purpose of APON is to convince the French
that the present Polish-German frontier serves not only the
interests of Poland but also those of France. Any attempts
to revise it, according to APON, would result in war.
Along with the Polish Embassy in France, the Polish Red
Cross and the French-Polish Friendship Society, APON has been
used as an instrument in the redefection and repatriation
program. It actively engages in selecting youth for vaca-
tion holiday camps and it assists Polish parents in France
to send their children to Poland for holidays by assuming
their expenses. The apparent non-party character of APON
has helped win the confidence of parents who distrust the
Communists.
Another effective means employed by APON among Polish
emigres is the so-called "Odra-Nyssa Solidarity Cards" which
it distributes in large numbers to create good-will within
the emigration. These cards are supposed to grant priority
in applications for French naturalization. For holders
who do not choose to take advantage of this opportunity, the
Polish. Embassy will presumably secure particularly advan-
tageou's conditions of return to and resettlement in Poland.
APON worked actively for the limitation of German rear-
mament and the preservation of the Oder-Neisse border following
the victory of Chancellor Adenauer in the West German elections
of 1953.
.The Political atmosphere of 1954 contributed to the
development ofAPON. The USSR strove to use for its own propa--
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ganda purposes the so-called."pro-German policy of the United
States" by trying to persuade Frenchmen that only the USSR
and its Satellites can successfully counterbalance the danger
of renascent German militarism and nationalism.
Furthermore, the issue of French ratification of the EDC
provided.APON with an excuse to'increase its activities. It
distributed 110,000 propaganda leaflets and sent 4+2 activists
to.the provinces on special propaganda missions.
APON was partly instrumental in organizing visits to Poland
for members ' of the French Parliament in 1953 and for ' leading
French personalities during the Holy Week in 1954.
B. Organization
APON is registered as a .French organization. Its National
Council includes the President, the Directors Bureau, the
officers of departmental and local committees, and all politi-
cal activists.
The President of APON is Dr. Irene Strozecka, former Vice-
President, who replaced the late Henri de Korab-Kucharski.
The remaining posts are filled by French naturalized Poles.
.All APON directors have been "militant Communists" with long
histories of pro-Warsaw activity. Political activity is di-
rected by Michael Grojnowski.
The Directors Bureau comprises of the following members:
President:
67
Dr. Irene Strozecka, succeed-
ing the late Henri de Korab-
Kucharski who died on 28 Decem-
ber 195+
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Secretary General: Moise Michael Grojnowski
Treasurer-Administrator: Ester Begot (1954)
The scope of APON;'s organization was indicated in 1953,
when it had branched. out into 59 French departments
and 380 communes. The assistants of the late Henri de
Korab-Kucharski regularly visited the provinces, especially
the mining centers of Nord and Pas-de-Calais.
In February 1954, the Youth Department of APON had seven
cells and a monthly financial income of 130,000 francs de.-
rived from the Polish Red Cross. In February 1955, the
Youth Department had 96 cells and monthly funds totalling
480,000 francs. It worked vigorously and quite successfully
on the project of selecting Polish children for vacation
trips to Poland,.
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XI. BIBLIOGRAPHY
The following sources were consulted in the preparation of Poles
in France:
Free Europe Citizens Service
Dulles, Constance A. Paris, FECS.
Memorandum, Communist Activity Among Refugees in
France, 23 Dec 54.
Memorandum, Translation of Report No, 7 from J.
Jelski, 8 Jul 55.
Political Report 17-55, Polish Organizations in
Fr nce.
Redefection and Communist Subversion Among Satellite
Refugees in Western Europe. Paris, FECS, June 1955.
The Challenge of Iron Curtain Refugee Redefection.
August 195
Paris; FMS-,
Zachariasiewicz, Walter. Survey of Polish Refuge_
and Emigration Centers in Europe. New York, FECS,
J-uiy-August 1955.
Free Europe Press
News from Behind the Iron Curtain, Vol. 4, No. 10.
October 1955.
Poles in France. 27 October 1955.
Radio Free Europe
Information Item NQ. 1056/53
10273/53
1425/54
2074/54
4360/54
3275/55
6405/55
'I 7405/55.
7572/55
7637/55
r' 7873/55
11 It 9038/55
Poles in France. (Based on Narodowiec, Lens, France,)
13 Jan 53.
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69
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Population in France. Paris MicY li~wsi,-~:Zyginunt H The P `'RFE"
SS_ ttaoff, November 1954.
The Polish emigration in France is treated in a number of
publications, mainly in the French language, comprising Ph.D.
dissertations by Polish students in French universities and
French treatises dealing with foreign emigration in France.
There are approximately 350 to 400 books on the subject. A.
Dygnas and J. Jankowski, both of the Free Europe Committee, are
among the leading bibliographical authorities on Poles in France.
The following is a bibliography on the Polish emigration in
France compiled from general background publications:
Alain, Girard and Stoetzel, Jean. Francais et immi res
l'attitude francaise; l'adaptation des It liens
Polonais. arl is, Presses Universitaires de France, 1953.
.
L'Armee polonaise. Association France-Pologne. Paris,
1945.
Bailly, Rosa. L'histoire de 11amitie franco-polonaise. Les
Amis de la Pologne, 1939.
Beyer, G. Maps Projecting the Spreading of Refugees in Wes-
tern Europe. lief Society for Polish Activities
and the Future Needs of Polish Refugees in Western Europe,
1952.
Bodenski, Leslaw. Warsaw Government Propaganda Among Poles
Abroad--An Esssa in reennds and Techni ues. New Yor , pre-
pared with the assistance of the Mi pean Studies Center,1952.
Boissard, B. Le ~r_o__b_l_eme de la main-d'oeuvre agricole.
Parise;'Gabalda, 1924.
Brojdy, Henryk. "Organizacja emigracji," Sprawy Obce,
Zeszyt 7, 1931, PP. 536-555,
Bryas, M. de. Les peuples en marche (Les migrations oliti-
ques et economigques en Europe depuis la guerre mondial .
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Bulletins of the Polish Office of Emigration, 1928-1932.
L'Effort de 11immi ration dans la reconstruction francaise.
Paris, Centre d'Action et ec Defense des mmigres (CAM),
1946.
70
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Chromecki, T. Le probleme de l'emigration polonaise en
France., Paris, Les Presses Modernes, 1929.
Czajkowa, May. Some Polish Contributions to the Culture
.
of France. New York, Columbia University Tress, 1941.
Demangeon, A. and Mauco, G. Documents pour servir a
1'etude des etrangers dans 11agriculture francaise. Paris,
Herman &7TIe-77939..
Deresiewicz, Stanislaw. Dziejowe zwiazki z Franca na
powielaczu.- 1942.
Dudley, Kirk. Europe's Population in the Inter-war
Years. League of Nations, 194b.
Edinger, Lewis J. Contemporary Political Exile Movements,
with S ecial Reference to 'off cio-Political Characteristics
of Such rows, Particularl - Anti- azi Social emo-
crats and he Anti-Stalinist ea estern European Emi res. (To
bepub7i-shed by the University of California Press.
L'Emi?ration polonaise, son importance et son organization.
Warsaw, 1922.
Emigrants' Memoirs (in Polish). Warsaw, 1939. (One volume
concerns France and gives 37 memoirs, mostly of miners and
agricultural workers.)
Etudes Demographiques, Statistique Generale de la France:
No, 3. "Les naturalisations en France, 1870-1940.''
No. 4, "Mouvements emigratoires entre la France et
1'etranger."
No. 5. "Tables nouvelles relatives a la population
francaise, 1941-1945,"
Francais et immigres; Nouveaux documents sur 1'adaptationi
ageriens italiens - polonais. Le Service Social d'Aide
aux Emigrants, Institut national d'etu.des demographiques,
Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1954, Cahier no 20.
Feblowicz, S., and Lamour, P. Le statut juridique des
strangers en France. 1938.
Fogelson, S. International Emigrations during the Economic
Crisis,. Baltic Countries. Torun, 1937, Vol. 2, pp. 201-213.
Friedlander, Walter. Sociolo ical Influence of Change of
Political Climate on Youn Refugees. Berkeley, California.
-Estimated completion date is indefinite.)
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Gargas, Sigmund. "Die poolsche emigratie na dem wereldoorlog,"
Tijdeschrift voor economische geographie. Rotterdam, 1927.
"Rocznik Wychodzstwa Polskiego we Francji i Belgii," GGAzeta Polska.
Paris, 1948.
Glaser, Kurt. Activities of Iron Curtain Exiles, Including
Subversive Activit aG mouflaged as A" nti-Communist Activity.
Mono raph, Government Affairs Institute, Research Division,
1953.
Gonnard, R. Essai sur lthistoire de l'emigration. Paris,
Valois, 1928.
Gonnard, R. L'Emigration eruopeenne au XIX-eme siecle.
Gronwaski, L. Polak we francuskim ruchu oporu. Warsaw,
1950.
Haczynski, Lea. Prince Adam Czartoryski and Polish Emigres.
(Ph..D. thesis in preparation.-
Hemar, Marian. Dlug honorowy. London, Wydz. Pr. Kult.-
Ose. B.O.N. Zoln., 1944.
I-er Congress de l'ancienne emigration polonaise en France.
Institut des Recherches Scientifiques sur 1 migration
Polonaise en France, 1939.
Informator dla Reemigrantow. Warsaw, Rada Organizacyjna
Poow z Zagranicy, 1933.
Jedizejewicz, Waclaw. Poland in the British Parliament.
Pilsudski Institute of America, Vol. I, 1946. Vol. II
and III in progress.)
Josse, Prosper, L'Invasion etrangere en France en temps
de paix. Paris, 1938. Kaczmarek, Czeslaw. L'Emi ration polonaise en France apres
la guerre. Paris, Berger-Levrault, 1928.(A doctoral the-
sis for the University of Lille written by a bishop recently
tried in Poland.)
Kalendarz Wychodzczy. Lens, 1940.
Kloss, Heinz. Fremdsprachige Einwanderung in das franzoesische
Sprachgebiet Frankreichs vor dem Weltkrieg. Berlin, Volk and
Reich, 1935.
72
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Kowalski., Edward. Un probleme i attend sa solution.
Paris, CADI, 1946. T
Kowalski, Edward. Une solution juste et humaine du pro-
bleme des ;immigres. Paris, C . DI, 19 46 ,
Kowalski, Edward. Les immigres au service de la France.
Paris, CADI, 1945?
Kreusler, Abraham A. Union of Polish Patriots Administra-
tion Exiles. (Chapter of book in preparation .
Lachaze, Marcel. Les etrangers dans le droit public fran-
cai.s. Paris, Dalloz; 928.
Lambert, Charles. La France et les etrangers. Paris, 1928.
Lannier, Xavier. L'Immigration en France depuis 1945.
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cation No. 8.
Lefas, Alexandre A. Le repeuplement de lea France, la
question des etrangers installer en France. Comite- ational
d 'Etudes ociales et Politiques, Rapports et Conferences,
7 December 1925.
Lesczinsky, Jacob.. "National Groups in Polish Emigration,"
Jewish Social Studies. New York, 1943, Vol. 5, pp. 99-114.
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activity in France during World War II.)
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1942.
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Sociaux sous la IV eme Rep bl que.. Paris, 19)4..
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l'activite economique. Paris, 1932.
73
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Millet, R. Trois millions d'etrangers en France. 1938.
Problem emigracyjny i turowcowy (?) w Poisce. Warsaw,
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Paris,
1951.
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Polskich
Tow. Teatralnych we Francji.
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na tle .,. ankiety 1936, Emigrants polonais repatries de
Prance durant la crise d'apres lTenquete de 19 Warszawa,
1939.
Nieniytka (?), Marja. Wychodzcy po powrocie do kra u.
Instytut Gospodarstwa Spolecznego, December 1736.
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vailleur polonais entrance. Nancy, Impr. Grandee Mlle,
1930.
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wojna swiatowa. Warsaw, Urzad Emigracji, 192 --
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74
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"Kalenda,rz na rok 1.947." Polska Wierna. Paris, 1947.
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The speakers included Jacques Duclos.)
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Sprawozdanie ze zgromadzenie narodowego emigracji olskie
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