(UNTITLED)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-02771R000400290042-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 30, 1998
• Sequence Number: 42
• Publication Date: June 11, 1958
• Content Type: TDCS

25X6A8g
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 Approved For Rase 2000/08/27C~IA R DP78-O1jFOQ~4,~Q~~OAt;fRS
June 11, 1958
After such a vivid demo ssratiozy, everything is clear. Soustelle's
friends appear as the intrepid desfenders of the fraternity of people,
of democracy, and of the republic.
Regarding the linguistic excesses of a number of these people, like
Leon Delbecaue,,who spoke about setting off for the political
conquest of Metropolitan. France, they are simply the results of
mental strain. You can believe it, since Soustelle says it.
Leon Delbecque has worked so much for'democracy and the republic
that his speech strays and he calls, go to divide (Fendre), instead
of go to defend (Defendre). However, have some doubts as to whether
Soustelle's ideological tricks and his. (word indistinct) cards will
convince the French, for it does not appear that his political philosophy,
which proceeds by a simple reversal of,'reality, is very widespread in
Descartes' country.
FAJON PROTESTS SEIZURE OF L'HUMANITE
Moscow, TASS, in Lnglish Hellschreiber to Europe, June 9, 1958,
18oo GMT--L
(Text) Paris--Etienne Fajon, member of the politburo of the central
committee of the French Communist Party, has sent a letter to Minister
of Information A. Malraux, calling his attention to the recurrent
instances of seizure of L'HUMANITE issues in Corsica, where power has
been captured by a so-called Committee of Public; Safety. Faion
strongly .protests these arbitrary actions and asks the minister what
steps he proposes to take to insure the distribution of L'HUMANITE
in Corsica as elsewhere "in accordance with the laws which guarantee
the freedom of the press in France."
The leadership of the Corsican federation of the French Communist Party
has issued a statement saying: "Corsica will never be a fascist base
for struggle against the republic and the French people. The Corsicans,
who are in a, state of legal defense, will use every means to prevent
fascist rule from entrenching itself on our territory."
Party Plenum
Moscow, Soviet Home Service, June 10, 1958, 1600 GMT--E
(Text) Paris--The plenum of the French Communist Party's central
committee continued its work today. L'HUMANITE reported that at
the morning session of June 9, held under the presidency of Etienne
Fajon, Waldeck-Rochet reported on the present political situation
and the great tasks facing the party, the working class, and all the
French people. This was followed by debates, presided over by Leon
Mauvais, whic-z1 nnxif,.i_fp~~=3 I -eii,rh thn cd c rn.oon session.
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- BB 30 - US5'R 1NTE ATIONAL AFP IRS
June- 11, 1958
DE GAULLE TRREATENS FRENCH DEMOCRACY
Moscow, Soviet Home Service; June 10, 1958, 1135 GMT--L
(Interview of Jacques Duclos by. r?epresent.ativ.s of the fraternal
parties, published in PRAVDA: "Toward a New.Upsure of the Struggle
of the Working Ci.as.s and Democratic Forces of France in Defense of
the Republic)
(Text) Berlin--NEUES DEUTSCHT yND published the following text of the
interview of the secretary. of the French Communist Party central
committee, Jacques Duclos:
On June 1 General.. de Gaulle was granted the powers of premier by the
National Assembly as a result of events on wh-'yh I would like to dwell
briefly. On May 13 Pflimlin, who was entrusted by the President of
the Republic with the formation of a new govern,.ien-c, requested the
National Assembly to grant him the powers of premier. On the same
day the extremist colonizers in Algiers, with. the sui.port of the
army, staged an insurrection. They took control of the Ministry for
Algerian Affairs and announced their opposition to the formation of
a Pf limlin government, simultaneously putting forward a demand for the
formation of a government in Paris according to their discretion.
They announced unequivocally that they demanded the formation of
a government headed by General de Gaulle. At the moment when the
insurrection began in Algiers, the rebelliously inclined military
and civilians began preparations for an insurrection in Paris, with
the support of certain military formations, on whom they could rely.
all the more, because cells had been formed in the army under the
guidance of the notorious De Gaullist, former Minister of National
Defense Chaban Delmas.
In connection with the situation that had arisen, the government of
the republic should have shown determination, relying on the working
class and the popular masses. However, the Pfliml3.n government which
was formed on May 13 chose another way. The 'r-nch Communist Party,
having cooperated in the formation of this gotiernmex`-, desired to put
an end to the government crisis, on which the insurgents were banking
in an attempt to Justify the spreading of a military insurrection from
Algiers to Paris. The Pflimiin government had the necessary means at
its disposal for taking the situation in hand, but showed weakness,
capitulating again and again, It went as far as retracting the
accusations put forward at the beginning in than National Assembly
against the persons responsible for the events -n Algiers and did
not even dare to condemn the military in revolt.
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Junt; 11, 1958
General de Gaulle announced on May 15 to
f these events
I
th
,
e coarse o
n
press :representatives that he was ready to assume all power in the republic,
which was nothing else but a reply to the demands of the insurgents in
Algiers. This announcement alarmed republican circles, who regarded it
as a proclamation, a military coup d'etat.
Question: A characteristic feature of the proclamation is the army's
opposition to the existing order. What consequences did the insurrection
in Algiers have in France and Yoww did the masses react?
Answer: The calling of the army to power in Algiers was reflected in the
actions of certain military and civilian insurgents in France, including
General Chassin, who made similar demands. Insofar as the military way
is a risky one, General de Gaulle preferred to come to power under a legal
guise, relying on the threat of a,military-insurrection. In this case 11 it was not a matter of the forced expulsion of i3eputies, as happened
during the Louis Bonaparte coup de'etat on Dec. 2, 1551, but of compelling
the majority of deputies to call De Gaulle to power, by exerting strong
pressure on them and banking on their anticommunist prejudices. However,
these actions could not lead to success without a certain amount of help,
for example the help of GuyMollet. who gave General de Gaulle the desired
10.
- motive for his press conference on May 19, which was given a somewhat s
soothing tone in order to weaken the republican opposition. While General
de Gaulle's agents began to demoralize the republican deputies, the French
Communist Party made every effort to prevent this demoralization, to
encourage the weak, and in the first place, to unite all the forces of
the working class and the republicans for joint action.
The day that General de Gaulle made his statement at the press conference
tens of thousands of partisians went on strike and demonstrated their will
to defend the republic. At the time when, on one hand, the separatist
pressure was increasing and, on the other hand, the actions of the working
class and the republican-minded forces were gaining momentum, the govern-
ment retreated, and on the night of May 26-27 Pflimlin, during secret talks
with General de Gaulle, announced his readiness to appoint him to the post
of premier.
This capitulation came at a moment when the will of the popular masses
to defend the republic turned into a powerful demonstration. This was
proved by-:ti great strike movement launched on May 27, both in Paris and
arid Frenchwomen of Paris held a great demonstration and marched from the
Place de la Nation to the Place de la Republique.
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r. June ii, 1958
Communists, Socialists, Radical-Socialists, Catholics, and other democrats
took part in this demonstration, The movement of tii broad masses
had become stronger; while the :Adherents of a personal dictatorship found
themselves in-ever-increasing difficulties,
On the eve of the grandiose demonstration General de Gaulle stated that
he followed the lawful yiay toward forming a republic;.n government, while
on the night of May 27-28 Pflirnlin resigned, despite the support of,
the majority of deputies in the National Assembly.
Question:' Was the fatal activity of those who contributed to splitting
the working class and t1 workers masses, decisive for the turn of events?
Answer.,. After the capitulation of the Pflimlin government the road was
free for the individual from Co~gnb.ey-les-deux-Eglises, General de Gaullets
country h2tise. But resistance inside the country, as well as the
.resistance of parliament, as to be expected. it was especially necessary
to achieve a split in the socialist parliamentary g.oup, which had expressed
itself against Do Gaulle by an overwhelming majori.t;r. For this purpose,
General-de Gaulle had to be presented as a reppublicrn who respects
democratic freedom. This was the job of Guy icollet and of the formerPresident of the Republic Vincent Auriol who o some extent, cleared
the way for the candidate for dictatorship.
In this way the National Assembly, by 329 votes to 224, invested the
general with the ncwers of premier: among Socialists, 42 deputies
voted in favor of and 2;9 against De Gaulle. The activity of those who
banked on splitting the working class and derDeratie forces -;.hus effected
a breach at a particularly vulnerable spot--in parliament. :t rough this
breach, De Gaulle could come to power while keepi.i.,.g up a show of legality.
Scandalous pressure als worked in his favor, c.nd t`i.e President of the
Republic was the first to give the example -Li this, The separatists and
their myrmidons waged a true war of nerves in order to prepare the condi-
tions of capitalation, which was opposed by the Communist Party, a stead-
fast champion of republican freedoms.
It is clear from all the foregoing that the formation of the De Gaulle
government occurred only under an appearance if legality. In actual fact
it is the fruit of the mutinies in Algeria and in Aj3ccio, the main town
in Corsica, and, at the same time, it is the r,~;sult of the dishonorable
capitulation of the Pfl'mlin government and the treachery of the General
Secretary of the Socialist Party, Guy Mollet, who agreed to become a tool
of personal dictatorship.
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- BB 3 - USSR 1:!114,it; '~ ? ~.F''
June 1.0, l9
Q~estion: What are the first lessons that can be drawn from these events?
Answer: In the first place, workers and democrats can note that anti-
communist feelings played into the hand of the mutineers not only in the
course of events,but also long before them. The roots of the present
s tuation undoubtedly ought to be sought in the policy which for the past
1 years has been pursued by a majority that frequently extended from
Guy Mollet to Pinay, both of whom have joined the new government. On
the basis of this majority, united by anticommunist feelings, governments
were set up under whose rule the nation ecperienced many humiliations;
for instance, nonresistance to serious attempts at our independence, the
c r,^_nuation of destructive wars, and the refusal. to carry out the legiti-
m to demands of the working class and the toiling masses in town and
c untry.
Workers and democrats can see where treachery was committed, and in the
light of facts they can appreciate the (boldness?) and the scale of the
struggle of the Communist Party against personal dictatorship. As a re-
3 it of this, the Communist Party's prestige has grown considerably and,
a the same time, great successes have been achieved along the road of
t e Lnity of action of democratic forces and of the working class. All
o ti,is fanned the antirepublican plans of the leaders, and one must admit
t at their main aim--to bring a De Gaulle government to power--has been
a hieved. This means that a new stage in the struggle for the defense
o the republic has now begun for the working class and the French people.
F Dr this reason it would be dangerous not to treat seriously the situation
which has arisen as a result of the De Gaulle government coming to power.
Question: What is your estimate of the present course of events in France?
Answer: The general-become-premier possesses not only the usual powers
o the usual government, but also executive and legislative power. De
G ulle, surrounded by subservient ministers, is all the more dangerous
t republican institutions since he has legislative power and will himself
w rk out the draft of a constitution so as to consolidate his personal
dictatorship with its aid. Since General de Gaulle invested with an official
c aracter the so-called committees of public safety in Algeria on the very,
day that a committee with a similar name published in Lyons a blatantly
fascist appeal directed against the workers and all republicans, he
t ereby acquitted all the acts of violence thanks to which he came to
l3 wer, and he justified in advance all similar action in the future.
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- BB 34 - USSR INTLENATIONAL AFFAIRS
June 11, 195#3
The so-called committees of public safety which came into being during
the insurrection must, in Le.Gaulje's view, in the first place, replace
the legitimate institutions of the republic, and, in the second, a
fascist movement must be created with their aid. This movement;, by its
onslaught on political and trade union freedoms must play a role more or
less recalling that of the Falange in Franco Spain. Since there exists
no mass De Gaullist movement in France, the general-premier intends to create
one. This aim is served by the,so-ca? led committees of public safety
which, following the example of Mussolini's fascist organizations, intend
to place De Gauile's agents in inhabitated localities and at enterprises.
For this reason it 41-S absolutely necessary for all workers, for all
republicans, to join together to expose all attempts to set up such
committees, in order to mobilize popular masses to struggle against this
by showing the true face of the organizers of these committees--spies,
agents-provocateurs, and fascists. The working class and the people's masses
must render them harmless. Furthermore, De Gaulle, as follows from..
his Algiers speech, leans on colonialist extremists and militarists.
This seriously hinders the peaceful settlement of the Algerian problem,
which results in the Continuation of war in Algeria.
Thus, the new government appears in its true light, as tine embodiment
of the forces of the blackest reaction and of the ultracolonialism of big
capital, Which demands the continuation of war in Algeria. This runs
counter to the true interests of France and is fraught with the serious
danger of war spreading to the whole of North Africa. The words repeated
by De Gaulle in Algiers, about the 10 million Frenchmen who form one
entity, will not destroy the Algerian people's striving; for independence.
The liberal solutions, recently mooted in the entourage of the general-
premier, in reality boil down to support for the plans of colonialism
which have for long been nurtured by the paid agent of the colonialists in
Aler.ia, Sousteile. Furthermore, the continuation of war in Algeria
cannot.fail to have serious repercussions on the position. of workers and
of the toiling masses, which is equivalent to the new government having
first of all to come up against:gnore~acute social problems.
One must be prepared for General de Gaulle trying to suppress by force all
resistance to his policy of war and poverty, doing it with all the support
of the military personnel who strive to achieve a leading role in politics.
The military want to exclude all representatives of the system--as the
De Gaullists call it--in order to establish in France a kind of military
dictatorship over the population.
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- BB 35 USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
June 11, 1958
It is the cruel irony of history that as a consequence of colonialism
France has lost her freedom--as a consequence of colonialism which she
stubbornly wants to foist upon peoples resolutely striving to realize
their right to independence. It is clear from these facts that the words
of Marx and Engels that "a people oppressing others cannot be free" are
applicable to the present political situation in France. Once again the
French people oppose officers who specialized in colonial war as, for
instance, it opposed General Saint-Arnaud during the coup d'etat of
Dec. 2, 1851.
L?uestion: How will the struggle of the masses develop in your view?
Answer: The French workers and the French people are faced with hard struggle
not only in order to reestablish peace in Algeria but also to defend their
freedom and the conditions of their existence. There are social and political
forces in France capable of barring the road to fascism, and defeating
personal dictatorship. It should be noted in this connection that events
are not developing quite the way the mutineers had intended.. They wanted
to set up a dictatorship through an unexpected maneuver before the workers
and the democrats could recover.
he French Communist Party, fully conscious of the responsibility that
falls upon it, was able to give timely warning to the working class and the
country and thereby create conditions which allow the people to mobilize
in defense of the republic. Thanks to the efforts of the French
ommunist Party, the resistance which had encompassed the whole of the
country also spread to the National Assembly, where deputies of various
arties, including many Socialists and Radicals, together with the Communists,
opposed the mutineers and refused to support De Gaulle.
he main thing, however, as the politburo of our party's central committee
tresses, consists in the fact that French men and women of the most varied
onvictions in the country--Communists, Socialists, Radicals, Catholics,
s well as workers, peasants, students, and the most prominent
epresentatives of the intelligentsia--have joined in the defense of civil
ights. It is true that the mighty demonstrations in Paris and the provinces
,
he strikes and action of all kind, whose number has recently increased
any times over, could not prevent the setting up of personal dictatorship.
evertheless, these manifestations greatly contributed to the unification
he struggle of the working class and of democratic forces.
he Communists, who have played a primary role in rallying the forces of
the people against fascism, acted as the invincible van of the republican
asses, Thp piest,-ign c,f t.11 ra.?.n,7~ I,;ef Party ]qn-s grown in this
struggle.
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- BB 36, - USSR INTERME TI0NAL AFFAIRS
June 11, 1958
After the first stage of the struggle, the Communist Party has become
even stronger and more closely rallied to.g.,ether. It is fully resolved
to intensify its struggle for the unification of republican masses and
especially for -the maintenance of the unity of all the forces defending
the republic, The Communist Party is doing everyth :ng to expand and
consolidate the movement for the unification of antifascist forces.
At enterprises, in French tovrn.s and villages, thousands of democratically
elected action committees for the defense of the republic are being set up;
they express the will of the masses tb struggle, and bear witness to their
resistance to all splitting maneuvers.
The politburo of the central committee of the French Communist Party has
appealed to all Frenchmen to whom the country's interests are dear and who
are truly faithful to the people's cause, to conduct resolute struggle
for peace in Algeria, for the demands of the toiling masses, for the
relaxation of international tension, thereby showing the way which must
be followed in order to prevent the fascists from establishing their
shameful domination in France, This road is the road of unity and struggle.
Victory, beyond doubt, lies at its end, after the obstacles and the
difficulties have been overcome.
PAVLENKO PRAISES AUSTRIAN FCWER SYSTEM
Moscow, TASS, Radiote_letype in Russian to Europe, June 7, 1958,
1614 GIRT--L
(Text) Vienna--At a press conference today in the Soviet Embassy in
Austria the USSR Minister of Power Stations, A.S. Pavlenko, described. the
results of his visit to Austria. In 10 days he became acquainted with
.Austria's power system, visiting large hydroelectric stations and various
industrial plants. Pavlenko noted that Austrian engineers and technicians
have every right to be proud of their power installations, and he
expressed the hope that reciprocal visits of Soviet and Austrian power
spedialists will serve to strengthen the friendly relations between
Austria and the Soviet Union even further.
The USSR Ambassador in Austria, S.G. Lapin, gave a reception yesterday
to mark Pavlenko's visit to Austria. Among the guests were Austrian
Federal Chancellor Raab, Vice Chancellor Pittermann;Ministers Figl,
Waldbrunner, and Tschadek; and other officials. Pavlenko paid a visit
to Chancellor fleas yesterday.
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