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March 25, 1963
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-- .i. ..ff? if .f.ii fifif ? .......... ............ -I ;...?; ?ii~?: ?.????.?.?..???...f.?,..?.???.?.?.?..?....1..??.....?.???...?\G..GiG.000..?..??GGG.G??.?.:: ?:Gi~.~ ???~: ?: ??: i?::?:. ...?.....i..?..?1....\:. ....................... .. ;....: ....?-'?.?..~~ .. ..~ .' :.iii:.ii?::1: r.. i?.~::: ..?? . ? ?? ?.??? ?? ...................... ?.?..... .~ .....'~. ? ? ? ? ??? ?.. .~r'?r?:. ..,... /Y ?:I:..:::.:.:..i?..: ::... .: ? ........................ . ~? ~ c ~ :. ......: ................ :: ................. ~` 7..:; T F P78- ~... A. ;wasr. c c:? t :6.~.?:G:::::?.::::G...... ;.... ii?ii? ;?? ;???r??, ;?. ;~?? ;?? ;. . .. ;?.... i?ii i?, i? i?i ?iiii i?:.!?:::.1?.ii?:.ii???....?.......?..1.....?.??.?.I..I...i III -WEEKIjY PKOPAG DA Gl_IOANCE :.:::' NUMBER 112 Central Propaganda Briefly Noted 637. 638 FE, , g. a 639 FE, NE. 640iIi, d, g. Reorganization and Maneuver in the Soviet Party-and State The Communist Party of Indonesia The Kashmir Question Countering Cuba's Claims as of Latin America's Destiny List of .. ~~,?'' 1 AC: ttachments ............. (unclassified) Champion 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Releas2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061;V00200010006-4 (Briefly Noted Cont.) 25 March 1963 "Easter Marches" "Easter Marches," again scheduled to take place in Pur pean countries, may have propaganda impact inimical to Wes ern defense (NATO) efforts and may strengthen neutralist tendencies. This form of the ."peace" campaign, whether Communist-inspired or not, if given sufficient support, could strengthen Soviet beliefs that large segments of the populations in NATO countries are unwilling to support their countries' defense efforts. Moreover, Easter marches and demonstrations, and the attendant publicity, could conceivably be used this year to enlarge differing views on common European economic and defense policies. 2 Approved For Release 200('i" -~,-Rnp78-q nq ggoipggloep?,4 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 25X1C10b 17 April National Organizations of Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity Organization (AAPSO) to observe 17 April (Bay of Pigs) anniversary as Day of Solidarity of AAPSO with the peoples of Latin America 19 April World Federation of Resistance Fighters (FIR; Communist Front) Commemoration of 20th Anniversary of Warsaw Ghetto uprising 23 April 1339: Hitler's Birthday (possible anti-German moves by Communists) 24 April World Youth Day Against Colonialism and for Peaceful Coexistence (Communist) April Afro-Asian Journalists' Conference, Indonesia (Djakarta-Bandung), 24-30 April 1963 23 April Italian general elections scheduled (See Briefly Noted) April Twentieth Anniversary of German's discovery of the Communist KATYN massacre (see 19 April) 1 May World Holiday of Labor (celebrated by Communists, Socialists, certain other Labor groups) 5 Approved For Release 2000/0 -030QQQ ,g0%,QQQ6 $nt, ) Approved For Relea e, 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-0306144900200010006-4 (Briefly Noted Cont.) 25 March 1963 1 May Indonesia to Assume Sovereignty over West New Guinea (See Briefly Noted) 3 May yE Day, 1945 12 May 328 day Berlin land blockade ended as a result of successful US airlift, 1949 14 May Warsaw pact, 20-year mutual defense treaty signed at Warsaw by USSR, Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania and East Germany, in 1955. 30 May Communist coup d'etat in Hungary, 1947 13 June Twentieth anniversary of Moscow's official declara tion disbanding the Communist International (COMINTERN) 17 June Tenth anniversary of anti-Communist riot and strike in Communist Germany against increased work quotas; Soviet troops were required to put down the riot (1953) 17 June Fifth anniversary of Communist Hungarian Government's announcement of the trial and execution of Imre Nagy, Gen. Pal Maleter and other leaders of the Hungarian Revolt of November 1956 (1958) 6 Approved For Release 2000/0?/Z7 ? r 78-0?R6aAPP02 001006-4 rao y ote Approved For Release 560116ft-4 53'. Reorganization and Maneuver in the Soviet Party and State 25X1C10b BACKGROUND: (Note: The economic shortcomings which re- sulted in last November's reorganization were explained in Guidance #607, 3 December 1962, and will not be discussed here. This guidance describes the organizational acrobatics and po- litical maneuvers the Soviets use while avoiding or postponing fundamental economic reform.) In time of economic difficulty or internal political ri- valry, the Soviet leadership sometimes turns to organizational ch rt-inak-ring. On the one hand, "reorganization" has often been a way of purging undesirable officials, or of keeping those who Were not purged faithful and alert. On the other hard, the Soviet leaders seem actually to regard reorganiza ti. n as a potential cure for economic problems. If a cure is no effected, at least certain symptomatic irritations may be temporarily relieved: old promises of consumer goods can be red laced with new (more remote.) ones, bureaucrats may be prodded into making a few new efforts, the theft of public property may be slightly inhibited for a time, a somewhat greater am.unt of local initiative can be encouraged at the cost of central control, or vice versa. Real remedies are available for the Soviet ills, but these would require a certain amount of surgery. Bloated bureaucratic empires, like those of the army, the planners, and above all, of the CPSU, would have to be weakened and reduced, and a measure of initiative and incentive would have to be given to the workers and managers in the enterprises. But the rulers are not about to abdicate their power--indeed, their doctrine tells them that it would be a crime, a "betrayal of Marxism-Leninism, " to abdicate it. So they continue to tinker and adjust (see attachment) while forgoing fundamental change. The November 1960 reforms: 1. Amalgamated the 100 National Economic Councils (Sovnarkhozy) established in 1957 into 40 Sovnarkhozy, making them larger and more powerful. 2. Reorganized the Party on the "productive principle," eliminating the lowest territorial units (the rayon committees) and establishing parallel organizations at other l vel for industry and agriculture. Party officials are expected to intervene more directly and actively in eco gnomic activity. 3. Created a single combined organ for Party and state con;rol, that is, for the inspection and policing of Soviet officialdom. Approved For Release 200 PJ9-7 ~-Q'A,nP78-030CIA990FR (A 15roged1Edr Relea 2009 P78-0306/) QQ,QQQO1QQQ6-4 4. Redistributed planning powers, with Gosplan assuming long-term planning functions from Oosekonomsove , and Republics assuming short-term planning respon-s ies. Observers recognized at once that this reform was a move back toward centralization, and a new attempt to flog the machinery into greater activity. But it now appears that there are other implications as well. Hitherto the Oblast (provincial) Party secretaries have been virtually the backbone of the Party or- ganization. They were a key element supporting Khrushchev in his conflict with the "anti-Party" group in 1957, and since 195 , two-thirds of the new Secretariat and Party `presidium mem ers have come from this group. They also had extensive pow r in the 1957-1962 Sovnarkhozy, whose boundaries usually car esponded with those of the Oblasts. Now these men are bei g assigned to one of the two parts (industrial or agricul- tur 1) of their former bailiwicks, and in many cases to the les important part (e.g., to the agricultural section in a lar ely industrial Oblast). New appointees are assigned to the other sector, doubling the number of officials at this rank, and halving the prestige of each individual. The former Oblast secretaries have also lost their influence in the new Sovnark- hoz . These changes are likely to have profound repercussions on he Central Committee (to which the former Oblast secretar- ies belonged), and eventually also on the higher leadership. The.reasons for these moves are not yet clear, but Khrushchev may have acted to weaken a conservative and parochial force resisting his efforts to rejuvenate the Party. (It may well be that the new Party-State Control Committee will next pro- cee1 to purge those Party or State officials who have outlived their usefulness.) On the other hand, he may unintentionally hay weakened his own power position, particularly by the chi ge in the Sovnarkhozy, but also by the resentments which the e reforms are causing within the party bureaucracy. At the least, the 1962 reforms illustrate the instability within the USSR's political structure, and the continuous process of political maneuver. In two respects, the November reorganization is more far- reaching than previous shuffles. In the first place, there is he split into industrial and agricultural sectors, a dlvi-? sio of a kind which would raise problems in any organization, enc-. uraging jealousy and conflict, and ca. Uug for a large amount of "liaising" at higher levels. I: is not clear who, at he lower levels (i.e., Oblast) will be responsible for the cultural, propaganda, personnel, and other matters which do not lend themselves to an "industrial" or "agricultural" treat- ment. More significant from the point of view of a Communist, the split implicitly runs counter to Party goals and claims. In he past, Lenin, Stalin, and Khrushchev have worked to ur- ban ze the peasant, that is, to change him into a more vulner- abl J, more pliable "worker." Lenin's goal of electrification 2 A proved For Release 200 DP78-030eJ 000000010006 4 ontinued i ro Pd Release,.;2000 78-03061p0 1 and Khrushchev's agrogorods ("farm cities") both had this aim. Official stateents claim that differences between industry and agriculture are smaller than in any other country. The Twenty Year Program promises to eliminate completely differences between city and country. From this standpoint, the reform is a backward'step. Secondly, the prestige of the Party is now more committed to practical successes. Previously, the Party provided the in oiration and the state assumed the responsibility; as Lenin said, "The party tries to direct the activities of the Soviets, but not to replace them." But now, with Party officials ordered to intervene more directly, the Party will also have to take a large share of blame for failures. Already there are signs of a revision within the reorgani- zation, for now, in March 1963, a new Supreme Economic Council has been established, apparently in order e ter to coordinate current planning and production. The exact role of the new organ is not yet clear, but its chief, Dmitry Fedorovich Ustinov, has had a long career in the production of missiles and arms. This relatively unknown technician has also been made a First Deputy Premier, a government rank he will share with Kosyg and Mikoyan. In his former post as Deputy Premier, he is suc- ceeded by Leonid Vasilyevich Smirnov, the Chairman of the State Committee for Defense Materiel, another arms expert. The new Council and new appointments do not necessarily mean a reversal of last November's reorganization, which Khrushchev reaffirmed in a speech on 14 March, but they very likely reflect increas- ing concern over Soviet production difficulties. When produc- tion difficulties occur, consumer goods usually take a back seat. Thus, while Khrushchev had spoken in November of "a more increased tempo" for consumer goods production, he used his 27 February 1963 "election" speech to claim that there was an over-riding need "to spend enormous sums on maintaining our military might" and he stated frankly that "this diminishes-- and cannot but diminish--the opportunity for the people to gain direct has to put up with it." 25X1C10b 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Releas2000/08/ 78-0306'F O q~JOgg 638 FE,a,g. The Communist Party of Indonesia 25X1C10b BACKGROUND: Since achieving independence from Dutch rule in million inhabitants of Indonesia have been subject by and large to the will--and the whims--of one man. As the leader and symbol of the successful revolution against. Dutch colonial rule, Sukarno has used his consummate skill at manipulating the various elements in Indonesian politics so as to retain for himself the controlling power position. Sukarno describes his concept of highly centralized govern- ment as "guided democracy" in which the principal elements of Indonesian society--nationalist, religious and communist (NASAKOM)--cooperate and eventually merge in a society which shall have achieved unity, democracy and social justice. Sukarno's political philosophy may also be defined in terms of the "Pantja Sila" or Five Principles: nationalism, human-. itarianism, agreement through conferring, social justice and belief in God, which were originally propounded by Sukarno in a speech in 1945. Indonesian economy is strictly government controlled, as are all information media. The country's political structure includes a rubber-stamp parliament, a Supreme Advisory Council, a National Planning Board, an Economic Development Council, a cabinet which assists Sukarno in formu- lating policies and a mass organization, the National Front, composed of the "loyal" parties and groups which have allegedly submerged their separate identities and interests in support of the government. Political parties opposed to Sukarno's concept of "guided democracy"--such as the small Socialist Party and the large Moslem Masjumi Party--have been dissolved. In this way, Sukarno has stripped the institutions of repre- sentative government of much of their meaning and influence. The Indonesian army, which Sukarno uses to counterbalance the PKI, has become disillusioned by the inability of the non- Communist political parties to develop effective organization and support among the people and is itself initiating new political programs to counter PKI influence. These plans in- clude creating veterans' groups responsive to army political direction as well as expanding current village development and civic action programs. The Soviet Union has encouraged Indonesia in a Soviet- oriented neutralism, granting Sukarno large-scale military aid including warships, jet planes, surface to air missiles, etc.--and in general is making every effort to ensure that the USSR rather than the US or. China is the dominant influence in the country. Peking, for its part, in accordance with its goal of extending Chinese hegemony over Southeast Asia, is Approved For Release 2000/0 8-030 4rOQ(301Qn.{ 16-4 vecFP r heleas .2000/O 8-03061 0oooon 0066&4 constantly attempting to increase its influence by offers of aid, supporting Indonesia's moves against the Dutch and by playing on Sukarno's ambitions as a leader of the non-aligned states. The Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia-- PKI) is the third element in the, political power triangle of Sukarno-Army-Party. The largest and most cohesive political party in Indonesia with 2 million members, directed by a leader of stature, and having a considerable role in the gov- ernment and National Front, the PKI is a major influence on the Indonesian scene. However, this was not always the case. The Party played only a small role in the struggle for inde- pendence, being re-established as a legal political Party only in 1945 after 20 years underground (during the Dutch colonial rule and the Japanese occupation). In 1948, one month after the arrival on the scene of a Moscow-trained Communist by the name of Musso to take over the leadership of the very weak and disorganized PKI, Communists in Central Java attempted a coup against Sukarno, the "lackey of American imperialism." The Madiurn rebellion--as the revolt was called--was quickly sub- dued and the Party :leaders either fled or were executed. Musso himself was killed and the PKI entered a period of relative quiescence until 1952. Re-instated in 1949, at the time the Netherlands recognized Indonesian sovereignty, by 1955 the PKI had regained considerable stature, polling the fourth largest vote, and by 1957, it was the largest political party in Java (which has 60% of the Indonesian population). In the year and a half following 1959, when Sukarno re-established the 1945 Constitution as a basis for his "guided emocracy;'; 25 percent of the House of Representatives and the People's Congress appointed by Sukarno were either Communist or susceptible to Communist direction. Approximately the same percentage of the Supreme Advisory Council and the Economic Council was Communist oriented. On the executive bodies of the National Front, Communist representation was 30 percent. However, the Commu- nists have never been represented in the cabinet, one of their major goals. PKI participation in the two legislative bodies is a prestige factor but does not carry influence communsurate with its representation. The Councils are responsive to Sukarno only. Thus, the National Front remains the best political forum for advancing Communist aims since it can be used in pressuring Sukarno to expand his leftist orientation.. If the PKI succeeds in gaining representation in the cabinet, this would probably be a meaningful political gain for the Communists providing, as it would, an opportunity to directly influence Sukarno's policies. The PKI is also active in the villages and strong in the labor movement; it is attempting to organize the peasantry and to infiltrate the army and the police. They Party's success can be attributed not only to official tolerance but also to the skill and industry with which it has been han- dled under Aidit's direction and above all to its public pos- ture of identity with the government's program. The Party's cooperation with Sukarno is fully endorsed by the CPSU. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 :2CIA-RDP78-03061 A000200010006-4 (638. Continued) A~ i` S3eg r ~eleas 000/0 78-03061 AO0O2QQQ1tOQQ6at Since the days of the disastrous Madium rebellion, Party leader Aidit has stressed Lenin's treatise, Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, concerning the necessity o act ca coopers on tai ye bourgeoisie. He has also borrowed Mao's formulation of the "tw:--stage revolution," doing away with the traditional "liberal capitalist" phase, and thus passing directly from the first "bourgeois--or national--democratic" stage (characterized by a united front with non-Communist and non-proletarian groups such as the peasantry and the bour- geoisie) in which imperialism, imperialist economic vestiges, feudal remnants, counter-revolutionary movements, etc. are all eliminated, to the second stage of the establishment of a "socialist society" in which the Party dominates (i.e. the actual stage--according to Communists--in most of the East J urooean countries). There are differences of opinion within the PKI, however, with the more revolutionary or militant faction pressing for an accelerated program of communization and adapting a more critical attitude toward the present degree of cooperation with Sukarno and the bourgeoisie. The militants doubt whether t"guided democracy" can really be transformed into "people's democracy" by working from vvhin the government frame emote the parallel with the situation facing the Italian C,ommunists7, and fear that their cooperation with the bourgeoisie will cause them to lose their identity as a party of protest and reform. However, the reality of the Indonesian political situation dictates prudence vis-a-vis Sukarno, who still controls the masses and cannot be discarded; and the PKI has not forgotten its earlier experience in opposing a leader who symbolizes the successful revolution against the Dutch. Moreover, both the USSR and China are currently cultivating Sukarno, encouraging him in his expansionist claims and providing military and eco- nomic assistance. The Sino-Soviet dispute--particularly the unilateral condemnation of Albania (which, ineTidentally, Aidit did not second)--has made Aidit's pDsition increasingly diffi- cult, since it provides the opposition with a made-to-order issue with which to challenge Aidit's leadercl-ip. Thus, Aidit fears that the Sino-Soviet dispute will strengthen the militant wing of the PKI and will force him to adopt a more vigorous and aggressive program which in turn would make tie Party more vulnerable to repre::sion by the Indonesian arsmy. . AA.ctually, the Party militants My already have been, successful in cir- cumscribing Aidit's authority and making his actions increas- ingly subject to collective approval. The PKI has remained neutral in the Sino-Soviet dispute and has a strong stake in a rapprochement between the tw.-s n,~tvc~rc? r- +1n+ -;A- ---- 25X1ClOb (638. Continued) 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 25X1C10b Approved For Relea&2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 25 March 1963 639 FBI NE. The Kashmir Question BACKGROUND: The fourth round of ne otiations in the current ssor~"between India and Pakistan on the Kashmir dispute ended in Calcutta on March 14. The first three, headed by the sa-ie delegation leaders, Swaran Singh, the Indian Minister for Railways, and Z,A. Bhutto, Pakistan's new Foreign Minister, were held in Rawalpindi, New Delhi and Karachi. While there are not yet any firm signs that an agreement will be reached, the talks have so far been conducted in a leas hostile atmosphere than similar talks (at the U.N, for instance) over the long per,i.odi--virtually since the part it: .cn of the sub-continent of in 1947-- in which the sovereignty of Kashmir has been all* issue. As expected, no final agreement was reached at Calcutta and the fifth round of the current series will h :gin in Karachi on April 22. At the last Calcutta sess A.on, the Pakistanis proposed a new route (bypassing Srinagar) which would permit Indian military supplies to get to ea.. cr,nc?ludir. speech at the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party of Italy and the theses of the congress, uae cannot help feeling that he and certain other C.-P.1. leaders are departing further and further four Marxism-Leninism. They cherish the greatest illu- sions about imperialism, they deny the fundamental antagon- ism between the two world sys- tems of socialism and capitalism and the fundamental antagon- ism between the oppressed na- tions and oppressor nations, and, in place of international class struggle and anti-imperialist struggle, they advocate inter- national class collaboration and the establishment of a "new world order." They have pro- found illusions about the mono- poly capitalists at home, they confuse the two vastly different kinds of class dictatorship, bour- geois dictatorship and proletarian dictatorship, and preach bour- geois reformists, or what they call "structutlal reform" as 'a substitute of proletarian revolu-? tion. They allege that the funda- mental principles of Marxism- Leninism have become "out- ~noded," and they tamper with the Marxist-Leninist. theories of imperialism, of war and peace, ~ f the state and revolution, and bf proletarian revolution and proletarian dictatorship. They kliseard the revolutionary prin- iciples of the Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement, they repudiate the universal laws. of proletarian revolution or, in other words, the universal signt- ticaace of the road of the October Revolution, and they describe the "Italian road," which Is the abandonment of revolution, as a ''line common to the whole in- ternational communist move- ment." THE QUESTION OF WAR AND PEACE Comrade Togliatti and certain other comrades differ with us, first of nil, on the question of war and peace. In his general report to the Tenth Congress of the Conurnutist Party of Italy, 'i'of;Ii;ilti declared; "This problem was widely discussed at the Con- ference of the Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow in the autumn of 1960. The Chi- nese comrades put forward some views, which were rejected by the meeting." The Communist Party of China has consistently taken the stand of opposing the imperialist po- licies of aggression and war, of preventing imperialism from launching a new world war, and of defending world peace. We have always held that as long as imperialism exists there will" be soil for wars of aggression. The danger of imperialism start- ing a world war still exists. However, because of the new changes that have taken place in the international balance of class forces, it is possible for the peace forces of the world to prevent imperialism from launch- ing a new world war, provided that they stand together, form a united front against the policies of aggression and war pursued by the imperialists headed by the United States, and wage re- solute struggles. Should imperi- alism dare to take - the risk of imposing a new world war on the peoples of the world, such a war would inevitably end in the destruction of imper?ialistn and the victory of socialism. The Source of Modern War. Firstly, the Communist Party of China holds that the source of modern war is imperialism. The. chief f ,force for aggression and war 3.4 U.S. imperialism, the most vie{nks enemy of all the people of the world. In order to defend world peace, it is necessary to exp;)se the imperialist policies of aggression and war unceasingly pad thoroughly, so as to make the people of the world to main- tain a high degree of vigilance. The fact that the forces of social- ism, of national liberation, of people's revolution and of world peace have surpassed the forces of imperialism and war has not changed the aggressive nature of imperialism and cannot possibly change it. The imperialist bloc headed by the United States is enga ect in 'reuzied arks:; cs- pansior and 'war prrparatnuc. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIAO-RDP78-03061A'0002000110OO61-14 peace. boundary question reflects their point of view on peaceful coex- istence. which is that in carry- ing out this policy the socialist countries should make one con- cession after another to the cap- italist countries, should not fight evert In self-defense when sub- ject to armed attacks. but should surrender their territorial sovereignty. China's All-Out Support for Cuba. Those who accuse China of opposing peaceful coexistence also attack the Chinese people for supporting the just stand of the Cuban people in their strug- ps t the resolute support which the Chinese people gave to the Cuban' people in their struggle against International inspection and in defense of their sover- Was opposed to peaceful coexist- lunge others d to t p e Once cat wan into a thermonuclear war" Does this mean that China, also, should have applied pressure on Cuba to force her to accept international inspection, and that only by so V r4 S 'culd China have con- 4iii to this so-called "pekoe- } Qpxistence or wanted to page others into a thermonu = !others Does this mean that f9,iha alcn should have applied ty as meaning that China was 4 of wanted to plunge others into ps+afcure on Cuba to force her to .ygieltpt international inspection, a thermonuclear war? Does this mean that China, also, should JE to force her to accept interna- et formed to this so-called "peaceful coexistence"? If there are people who give verbal sup- port to Cuba's five demands but are actually opposed to the Chi- vase people's support for Cuba, are they not merely exposing the hypocricy of their own support frog Cuba's five demands? T."* C.g.C. and the Chinese people havz :.wways maintained asst 1ba cc?.. z- of history Is de- Ceded by tl::: -eat strength of the 40asea of sue people and not by that we neither called for the ition one-sidedly as "a principle bases in of world strategy of the commu- -4 of mLnsil e CS Cuba nor obstructed the with- nist movement." drawal of the so-called "offen- sive weapons" from Cuba. We have never considered that it was a Marxist-Leninist attitude to brandish nuclear wcaprnna as a way of settling International disputes. Nor have we ever con- sidered that the avcldanee of a tt termcau II-ar war in the Carib- bean crisla wc.s a ":' uarch.L Strhat we did strongly oppose. still strongly oppose and will strongly oppose in the future is the sacri- fice of another country's sover- eignty as a means of reaching a compromise with imperialism. A compromise of this sort can only be regarded as one hundred per cent appeasement. a ''Munich" pure and simple. A compromise of this sort has nothing in common with the so- cialist countries' policy of peace- ful coexistence. ? THE QUESTION OF PEACEFUL TRANSITION In fact, not only do Comrade Togliatti and certain other C.P.I. comrades call for class collabor- ation in place of class struggle in the international arena, they also extend their concept of `peaceful coexistence" to rela- tions between the oppressed ana the oppressing classes within the capitalist countries. Togliatti has said: "All our actions within the sphere of the internal situation of our country are none other than the translation into Italian terms of the great struggle for renewing the structure of the whole world." Recently in capitalist coun- tries some Communists who have degenerated politically and some R I g h t-wing social-democrats have successively advertised the' theory of "structural reform" re- sembles social democracy and how remote it is from'Marxism- Leninism! The Moscow Declaration and the Moscow Statement point out that socialist revolution may be realized through peaceful or non- peaceful _ means. Some people of Comrade Togliatti and certain other leaders of the Italian Com- munist Party concerning "the advance toward socialism in de- mocracy and in peace" is rem- iniscent of some of tit sstatc- ments of the old recisionisi K. Kautsky. The cxtmnt to which Comrade Togliatti and certain other com- rades have departed from Marx- ism-Leninism and from the :1ior- cow Declaration and the Mos- cow statement is more clearly revealed by their recent ardent flirtation w.?itih the Yngusl:ov. re.- visionist group. With the developmcut .,f the Tito revisionist line and their increasing dependence upon 1T.S. imperialism, Yugoslavia has long ceased to be a socialist coutar}? and the gradual restora- tion of capitalism in Yugoslavia began long ago. The restoration of capitalism in Yugoslavia has occurred not through any counter-revolution- ary coup d'tat by- the bourgeoi- sie, nor through any hivasion by imperialism b u t gradually, through the degeneration of the Tito group. Birds of a Feather Flock To- gether. It is particularly sur- prising that certain people, \t hile loudly boasting of their intimate relations with the renegade Tito group, vigorously attack the Chi- nese Communist Party asserting that, our unity with the Alban- ian Party of Labour, which is based on Marxism-Leninism, is "impermissible," These people stop at nothing in their attempt to eject the Albanian Party of Labour, a Marxist-Leninist Party,. from the international communist movement, and at the same time, they are seeking ways to inject the renegade Tito group, which the Moscow State- ment unequivocally condemns, into the international communist movement. \Vhat are they really after? As the old Chinese saying has it, "things of one kind come together; different kinds of peo- ple fall into different. groups." Should not those who treat the Tito group like brothers and who cherish such bitter hatred for a fraternal Marxist-Leninist Party stop and think for a moment where they now stand? 06r5ved For Release 2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Releas&gQ : /aZ,; [ 78-O 61 000 @O01~36I45 tns- occasion we have made it clear thesis to quote peaceful Approved For Release,,,2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061iW0200010006-4 Albanian Party of I3ELOWV are published excerpts from all article representing the views of the Albanian Party of Labor, entitled "High Treason to i~7arxisnt-Leninism." it is the po- sition and actions ?of'the Albanian Part of Labor which the Chinese Communist leaders assert they are defending against the other Communist parties. It is iiow publicly known that the Yugoslav policy in forci;;n affairs is an appendalce of the policy of aggression tu.d war which the American in.iperialists pursue and it cam- t be said that it concurs \aith the state policy of' the Soviet Union or of any other socialist country. The pol- icy of the Yugoslav revisionists is fully at one with the views and aims which hiuusitchev's revi- sionist group 11r ucy, Below is the m: r portion of Togliatti's rebuttai of Chinese criticism. By PALMIRO TOGLIATTI FOR SOME bMO.NTHS, the press organs of the Chinese Communist Party have been pub- lishing long and often violent articles of criticism and pole- mics. These articles, often lack explicit clearness. At a certain point one discovers' that criti- cism and polemics are directed ? 'against "certain people." against "some persons" (and it is not even specified if these are com- rades!), but no mention is made as to who these people are. From the context it comes clear that they are the leading comrades of the Communist Party of the So- viet Union and, in particular Comrade Khrushchev. If the Chinese articles stated this explicitly, perhaps they would be forced to moderate their harsh teams, terms gener- ally used when speaking of men and tendencies with whom it is necessary to come to an open clash. These articles are then spread in all countries and read by everyone. How can one think :+it ~;"- w _- Z:; Labor's Views Of paramount importance to Khrushchev is the fact that the attitude of Tito's clique on the various international problems should be suitable to the funda- incnt:i; strategic problems which unite -:hruslrchev's group to the Tito clique. These problems arc: class reconciliation of socialism and capitalism, political and ideo- locical coexistence between them, peace and coexistence at all costs, renunciation of every revolutinary movement, economic and political integration of the - world From all this it turns out clearly enough that N. Khrush. chev's group and Tito's renegade band are politically and ideolog- ically at one in all fundamental quesitons; they are at one in the tactics and ? strategy iii getting closer to the imperialists; they arse avoid meeting the probiemms, the polemics and criticism ra:;cd by the Chinese articles, and not re- ply to them? It would be strange indeed if the Chinese comrades intended to begin a onesided polemic, in which they would have the right to speak while others would remain silent. Therefore, in our Congress we had a debate, and we reject very resolutely the statement, that in this debate, the Chinese Commu- nist Party has been. brutally at- tacked. There was no attack and no brutality. On the contrary, The Chinese'. Communist Party was always mentioned with the greatest respect, and its revo- lutionary merits were stressed. The reporter himself, comrade Togliatti, stated from the Con- gress tribune that the Chinese Party was not to be mentioned in the final Congress resolution, even though particular political positions were defended by them. These positions were debated so that they could be criticized and rejected with arguments. It is as well to add that during the whole debate the names of the Chinese Party leaders 'were never mentioned and it is with the ex- plicit aim of avoiding any un= at one In opposing Marxism-Len- inism: they are at one in their joint efforts to drag into the road of betrayal, to corrupt also cer- tain leaders of the Communist and Workers' parties in some so- cialist countries of. Europe and some capitalist countries as ~vell. They are at one in the strategy and tactics of undermining the national liberation movement and subjugating it to general and total disarmament; they are one in their strategy and tactics of in- tegrating the world economically and 'politically. "All of these things make it. very clear that we are facing high treason to Marxism-Lcnin- ism. This treachery may escape only the eyes of those who do not want to see, only those who deem it expedient. It does not worry us at all that today the 'Chinese comrades di- rect their criticism, personally, against Togliatti. This will con- tribute -to sincerity and clearness, also because the above n.ontioned comrade is deeply co,iv:aced that the positions he sup;~orts and which have been cciicetively worked out by the 1cadirs coup of our Party, contribute posi- tively to the further ue?.,ciop- ment of the revolutionary work- ing class doctrine, Marxism- Leninism in the present histor- ical conditions. Now coming down to the sub- stance of the matter, the politi- cal line of our Congress and of our Party, which according to the article published by the Chi- nese daily, is reduced to the fol- lowing: The peoples of capitalist coun- tries must not make revolutions. Oppressed nations must not struggle for their freedom and the peoples of the world, must not fight against imperialism. Further, we are trying to make the nature of imperialism ap- pear better. We are placing our hope for peace upon imperialism. We have a passive negative atti- tude towards the peopi s revolu- tionary struggles and want a fusion between the Socialist and capitalist system. We are sup- posed to ask the peoples of the world to tolerate colonial r c- gimes instead .,f fighting for their freedom and we are supposed to have forgotten the class-nature of the State, and so on. In the face of this true sum- mary of the criticism against us. that the Congress of a large and pleasant persona! references, we cannot but remain dumb- Militant Marty ? like pure . could founded. It cannot even be said pproved For Release 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061 AMOM001O6u* of our pol- tributing to us the most absurd positions, then refuting them, which is obviously easy and then pretending to have knocked us out. Polemics led in this manner may serve to exacerbate relations between two parties but Is cer- tainly of no help in the develop- ment of a political debate. Our Chinese comrades work in conditions which are very differ- ent from ours, and they are also very far away. They may there- fore, be misinformed on the sit- uation in our country and on the -- worn of our party. Italy is today the West European country where the class struggle is sharpest. The wave of strikes, of economic and political move- ments of the people's struggles which have followed one union upon the other in recent years show this. Do the Chinese com- rades really think' that these movements and struggles are taken place independently of our work, our struggles and our par- ticipation? But it would be unjust toward the leaders of the Chinese Party to think that they, students of the international working class movement as they are, ignore these things. Certainly they do not ignore them. But they believe and want others to believe that the struggle for peaceful co-ex- istence, such as it is carried on by our Party and by other Communist Parties, leads to a political degeneration. They for- get or pretend to forget what we really are; they forget, or pre- tend to forget, our vigorous ac- tions and our struggles, and give a ridiculous representation of our Party as being in agreement with the imperialists and collaborat- ing with them. But a mere call for reality is enough to cause the collapse of this artful scaffold- ing. Peaceful coexistance has been considered by our Congress an essential aim of a strategic. na- ture. We have however, clearly stated that peaceful coexistence does not imply a status quo, a freezing of the world in its pres- ent relations, but implies a new order of international relations such as to insure independence and freedom for all peoples. We have added that this new internaltional order cannot be attained except by a struggle of peoples against imperia: i>:m, by the successes of this strut.,::; le, by -the strengthening and consoli- dation of the system of Social- ist countries and by the progres- sive settlement through reas- onable agreements of the most acute present day international problems. Therefore, the true picture has. nothing in common, with the caricature which the Chinese comrades make of our positions. Certainly, we believe that any World conflict; which Inevitably could be an atomic conflict, must and can be avoided. But we do not say that history "necessarily" leads to the destruction of atomic weapons. It will lead to this result in so far ' as we shall manage to create a regime of . trating our fire against its most the American imperialists w o aggressive elements! strengthen- actually lost the game, when they ag- ing the Socialist countries more were forced to give up their ag- gressive plan and respect the and more and developing a vast . freedom of the Cuban people. movement of the people in favor kzowever, during the erisie in of peace. the Caribbean Sea, it appeared Where is the difference be- ' clear that the imperialists were tween our position and that of ready to commit any crime. For the Chinese comrades? In cer- this reason we do not agree to lain respects, it seems that there call them paper tigers. If they is no difference because we use are paper tigers, why so many the same words. The difference struggles and so much work to lies in the fact that we do not fight them? The exact evaluation stop at general statements of of the enemy, of his power and principles. We are not content intentions is the basis not only of with the continuous repetition a good strategy, but also of good of the word "revolution." But we tactics. We know that the roots make an effort to see how things of imperialism are undermined actually stand today and to ren- by contradictions which, at a cer- der our positions close to this tain point, become insurmount- reality. This is the only right able. These contradictions, how- way to really work for a revo- ever, come to light and explode lution. only through a struggle which The same applies to a possible must have an aim capable of in- nuclear conflict and its conse- fluencing the widest mobiliza- quences. To consider as progress tion of the masses, which leads in the road to socialism and com- to a differentiation in the enemy munism, the transformation of ranks themselves, and which in- one third or one half of the creases and utilizes all the pos- world into an uninhabitable sibilities for advance and suc- zone owing to a nuclear conflict, cess. In present conditions, this with the death of 150 millions of aim is to avoid war and create people in is hours, and I do not a situation of peaceful coexist- know of how many others before ence. the end of the conflict, appears In all our policy, the danger to us nonsense. Nor do we stress which we always try to avoid is this point to create terror, but that of limiting ourselves to gen- only to emphasize the fact that eral formulations of principle and also in the development of de- of being unable to operate effi- sfructive weapons there is, as in ciently in practice. This is what every development, a passage the Chinese - comrades recom- frOhi quantity to quality that mend in the article we are ex- must be realized, because this amining. We know very well the passage is reflected in the very nature of the State and there- nature of war. We do not draw fore, of democratic regimes as from this consideration, how- long as capitalism exists. The ever, the conclusion that there Chinese Comrades may examine do not exist just wars anymore in our polemics, in this regard, with any way and this was clearly the socialist comrades. stated in the report to our Con- But in the democratic regime gress. in which we live today in our s a strange la mean- ib~ uv-.,1.1--_" plf~v ds obi F eIea aZ0 ~m a`iJ)oTiP78-0 06 IIAOM201601006-4 We do however, draw the con- clusion of the necessity (and not only possibility) of creating -a situation of peaceful coexist- ence. Not only that, we openly take a position against those des- perate people who in face of the difficulties of the situation and the misdeeds of imperialism give us freedom. This would not only 'be absurd, but sheer madness. Our task, instead, is precisely that of saving the world from atomic disaster, fighting on one band for peaceful coexistence and on the other defending the independence of the people and advancing towards socialism. The action of the Soviet Union in the course of the Caribbean crisis managed to achieve these two aims. Atomic war was avoided through the acceptance of a reasonable compromise at a most critical moment. And the inde- pendence of Cuba and its ad- vance towards socialism has been guaranteed. If the Soviet Union and the U.S. had come to an atomic conflict, would this last result have been achieved? Cer- tainly not. The island of Cuba with all its inhabitants, would have been turned into an im- mense cemetery, where no one certainly, would have gone on to build socialism. Today social- country and which has not been a gift from the bourgeoisie, but was conquered by the working ,class,. by us through a hard mili- tary war; in this State in which the bourgeoisie classes are still they ruling classes, can the work- ing class, can and most we wage a mass struggle to obtain sub-. stantial reforms, capable of im-' proving the economic and poli- tical situation of the workers or must we simply preach and await the great day of the revolution? Is it right or not to fight for an agrarian reform; for a- mere democratic organization of the State, for the limitation of the power of the big monopolies, for the development of the rights of, the workers, their trade-unions and their factory organizations and so on? There can be no doubt as to the answer. These struggles must be carried on and by wag- ing them is it right or not for the working class and for us to concentrate the firo of our ac- tion against the most reaction- ary groups of capitalism, repre- sented by the big monopolies? This is the starting point of our policy now and it would be strange if the Chinese comrades rejected it or criticized it. But we want our struggle for the above mentioned reforms to be successful and we must ad- mit that such a success', may be Approved For Release 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Releas&2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061W00200010006-4 possible. If not, why should we fight for them? In some cases, some success has already been achieved. But when this occurs, when these struggles and suc- cesses are won it is clear that something changes in favor of the working classes, not only from the economic point of view but also in the manner in which power is exercised. This means that an advance towards a new regime takes Mace, an advance which in order to be made needs a va: i movement, economic and pol, i.,al struggles, strikes, peas- ant. actions and movernents in de:cnse of democratic freedom, with all the harshness which such a movement may imply. Therefore, we consider the way in which the Chinese article counterposes a peaceful way to a non-peaceful way extremely abstract and formal. A peaceful and non-peaceful war are always interlaced. From a democratic and "peaceful" mass movement a situation of civil war may al- ways emerge, because the bour- geoisie is always ready to resort to violence. Therefore, a moment may come when it is no longer possible to avoid the greatest clash. On the other hand, it is possible in the present world conditions, to develop the peo- ple's movement with such am- plitude as to paralyze the leading groups and open up the perspec- tive for real changes, both eco- nomic and political, democrati- cally obtained without resorting to the hard experience of a civil war. To exclude such a possi- bility today means committing a serious political mistake be- cause it leads to limiting the perspectives of the working- class political struggle and may even exclude the possibility of actual political struggle for pre- cise and achievable aims, against the present capitalistic order. In such a mannef we march towards socialism and we do not see in today's capitalistic countries a different manner of leading this march, unless one considers as a means of attain- ing socialism the writing of long articles full of "revolutionary" expressions but void of any in- -dications as to real and imme- diate objectives opening the way for the masses towards a radical transformation of the present economic and political forces. The Chinese comrades would like to frighten us recalling the name or' Kau sc;y, whose posi- tions have nothing in common with our policy. May they allow us, however, to remind them that it is exactly in the majectic pages against the "renegade Kautsky" that Lenin spoke of the differ- ent forms of democracy and dic- tatorship by which the working class can. attain power. Nobody had dreamed of criticizing as a mistake the political bloc of different social forces (includ- ing a part of the bourgeoisie), which in China forms the con- tent of the present political re- gime. Why should the search of other countries, for different so- lutions, corresponding to a poli- tical bloc having its axis in the struggle against imperialism and big monopoly capital, be con- sidered a mistake? Certainly, it is impossible to-, day to suppress the big monop- olies without hitting the capital- ist regime itself. And imperial- ism cannot be suppressed other tban through the establishment of a completely new democratic order as far as its economic, po- litical and social content. But it is precisely in this direction that the working class struggle must move, if it wants to be effective, if it is not to reduce itself to a more protest and messianic hope. And it is in this direction that we move. We, therefore, think that what all the criticism of. the Chinese comrades lacks is a ,en>.o of re- ality. They speak of Cans;titu- tion, but probably they do not know exactly how our Constilu- tion was won and what are its contents. They are unaware or appear to be unaware of the new conditions for t` e development of democratic and socialist strag- gles, not only in our country but in the uihole world, owing to the deep structural changes that oc- curred in the world. Thaw make no distinction between the differ- ent social regime:, is 'cr the case of -,.hat they call a capitalist restoration in Yugoslavia. There may be and there are di(Terences between us and the Yugoslav communists. But Yugoslavia nas a popular regime aiming at so- cialism, not a capitalist one. And this widely justifies the p sr: cn assumed by us and atr,ers. to- wards the Yugosla .' comra;es, correcting, in this way --- because it was mistaken in this case-- tae 1960 Resolution. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 9 S Ytelea l g&-RD 0; 10006-4 ins Deb&cd Editorial from Pravda, January 7, 1963, Moscow, .USSR. Mankind is now in one of the most crucial stages of its devel- opment. This stage is replete with major developments and sharp clashes between the forces of socialism and peace and the forces of imperialism, reaction and war. The new world - a world of socialism, freedom and happiness, a genuine springtime of mankind - is gaining in is strength and growing, crowd- ing out the old world, the world .of capitalism, violence and ex- ploitation. And the results of the year 1962 are new, clear evidence cf this. The main result of socialism, and the heroic struggle of the Cuban people and all peace-lov- ing forces in the past year, was that the attack on Cuba, care- fully prepared by aggressive im- perialist circlcs of the United States, was thwarted. Socialist Cuba was defended and is con- fidently continuing her trium- phant advance. The manace of world thermonuclear war hang- ing over mankind was averted. It was proved once again that the forces of socialism and peace are capable of curbing the im- Communists, and impede the en- tire liberating process of the people's struggle for liberation. The most important, the most vital problem of our time is the problem of war and peace. In real life the choice is either peaceful coexistence between states with different social sys- tems or a devastating v. ar. There is no other alternative. The ques- tion arises: what position should the Communists take? Only one -- the position of peaceful coex- istence. The international work- ing class and liberation move- ment is waging a great offen- sive struggle against imperial- ism in conditions of peaceful co- existence. The socialist coun- tries do not need war. They are sucessfully developing in peace ful conditions as they will be victorious in the peaceful eco- nomic competition with capital- ism, which will be of exceptional importance in getting the peo- ples to choose the socialist way as the only correct one. The most important thing in the struggle for peace is to curb the aggressors in time, to avert war, prevent it from flaring up. This is particularly necessary in view of the unprecedented de- structive power of modern wea- pons. The Statement says: "Mon- strous means of mass annihila- tion and destruction have been tion aggressors. developed which if used in a new The international Communist contribute to the solution of this war, can cause unheard-of de- movement has scored magnifi- problem more than the Commu- struction to entire countries and cent success. And this was, above nist Party of China. That would reduce key centers of world all, because at all stages of its really benefit the Albanian. Party war and would bring culture to ruins. struggle it remained scrupuously of Labor, and would meet the in- Such a production loyal to the banner of Marxism- terests of the entire socialist com- and suffering to hundreds eing of death and mil- Leninism, Leninism, and was guided by monwealth." this victorious teaching in all its Unfortunately, far from im- non-ba llipeopln, including those in activities. At the Moscow Meet- proving, the situation has fur- tigerent countries." ings in 1857 and 1960, Commu- ther deteriorated. In contrast to these ideas, the nists worked out a new strategic The dispute over what line the dogmatists emphasize that nu- and tactical line conforming to Communist movement should fol- clear war is not to be feared, the new historical conditions. low is not an abstract one, but that modern weapons are mon- The course of world development one of deep principle and prime strous only "in the opinion of the to this line and unity of the Com- munist movement, are guaran- tees of victory in all things. Unfortunately; views are be- ing spread in the ranks of the international Communist move- antee of the victory of commu- i renunciation of the policy of ment which are directed against nism in these conditions gives peaceful coexistence. a number of the basic princi-. our movement an unprecedented The dogmatists present peace- pies of Marxism-Leninism, and power of attraction, draws very ful coexistence as "renunciation are designed to undermine the wide masses of the people to its cohesion of the fraternal parties. side, whereas the line the see- The most outspoken exponent of tarians and dogmatists are try- these dogmatic, splitting views, Ing to impose is one of lack of A 1 h t '1 to e h h of the struggle for the exposure of imperialism,"' as "ending the struggle against imperialism." They do not understand that com- s i are cep y ic faith in the forces of commu- Leninism, is the leadership of the nism, of the masses, lack of faith petition in peaceful conditions is Albanian Party of Labor. in the possibility of socialism, one of the most important sectors The attitude adopted by the triumphing in new countries of the struggle between socialism Albanian Workers Party (APL) without war between states, and capitalism. As. regards the leadership caused great con- without a world war. Such a ' struggle against Imperialism pro- cern to the Communist Party of line, should it, establish itself, claimed by the dogmatists, it boils the Soviet Union, to all Commu- would repel the peoples of the down to loud invective and vitu- nist Parties who prize the unity- capitalist countries from the peration. But should a Marxist- of our ranks. Firmly abiding by countries of socialism, repel mil- Leninist party in power confine the principle that disputes in lions of people from the Commu- itself to this in its struggle against the international Communist nist movement, would isolate the imperialism? movement should be settled ?. - through an exchange of opinion and consultations between par- ties, the Central Committee of the CPSU, as early as August 1980 twice proposed to the APL Central Committee that a meet- ing be arranged between repre- sentatives of the two parties. In at letter to the Central Committee. of the APL of August 13, 1960, the Central Committee of the CPSU wrote in part: "It would be correct to extinguish in good time the spark of misunderstand- ing that has arisen in order to prevent its kindling . if the Central Committee of the APL shares our view and does not object to an exchange of opin- ion, we are prepared to meet a delegation of your Party level, at a time convenient to you." The Albanian leaders turned down these proposals. They rejected all attempts by the Central Com- mittee of the CPSU to normal- ize relations. From the rostrum of the 22nd Congress of the CPSU Comrade N. S. Khrushchev said: "We shall share the anxiety expressed by our Chinese friends, and appre- ciate their concern for greater unity. If the Chinese comrades wish to apply their efforts to- wards normalizing the relations between the Albanian Party of there is hardly anyone who can ful coexistence of states with tiger." This is nothing but re- different social systems, the line : nunciation of the main aim of of economic competition of social- the struggle for peace laid down ism with capitalism and the guar- in the Statement, nothing but a Approved For Release 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061 A000200010006-4 - Approved For Relea.i 2000/08/27 ': CIA-RDP78-03061&000200010006-4 The peoples know that the ac- tive struggle of the Soviet Union, and its might, have played a de- cisive role in preventing the world war which bellicose im- perialist circles have several times tried to unleash in recent years and also in assisting the liberation struggle against im- perialism. Who in 1956 extinguished the raging flames of war in the Suez Canal zone by compelling the British-French-Israeli aggressors to retreat? Who in 1957 prevented the invasion of Syria, which had been prepared by the imperial- ists? Who in 1958 prevented the war in the Near East and in the area of the Taiwan Strait? It was the Soviet Union, all the coun- tries of the socialist camp, the peace forces. They, and above all the might and vigorous actions of the USSR,, compelled the impe- rialist warmongers to retreat. The entire activity of the Soviet state and of the CPSU in the in- ternational arena is a practical struggle against imperialism, a. tireless struggle to strengthen and expand the positions of so- cialism, to render practical as- sistance to the peoples who are defending their freedom and fighting for freedom. Since the war there has been no international crisis more acute, more fraught with the danger of a world-wide thermonuclear con- flagration, than the recent crisis created by American imperialism in the Caribbean Sea area. For- tunately for mankind, however, this did not happen. The all-de- vouring torrent of atomic and hydrogen bombs did not fall on the peoples. All the world admits that credit for this goes to the Soviet Union. The crisis in the Caribbean Sea area has been settled through the resolute actions of the Soviet Union, the people of Cuba, against the aggressors, due to the support given to the just cause of the Cuban people by all the socialist community, by all fight- ers for peace. At the same time the crisis was settled on the basis of mutual concessions and rea- sonable compromise. The solution of disputed Issues between states without war, by peaceful means -that is precisely the policy of peaceful coexistence in action. Those who declare that they sup- port the policy of peaceful co- existence. while at the some time criticizing the method of solving the crisis around Cuba, actually reject the policy of peaceful co- existence. Critics of the peaceful settle- ment of the conflict say that agreements with the Imperialists are not trustworthy. But if we proceed only from this, it will mean admitting that disputed issues can be settled only by means of war. Marxist-Leninists consider that the strength of the socialist countries has grown so much that the imperialists are compelled to reckon with it and, consequently, they can be made to observe the commitments they assume. However. Marxists-Len- inists never forget about the per- fidy of the imperialists and urge the peoples always to be vigilant, to intensify the struggle against the aggressive intrigues of they warmongers. What are the n'ain results of the liquidation of the crisis in the Caribbean Sea area? The sover- eignty and independence of so+ cialist Cuba has been consoli- dated. The ruling quarters of the United States, who had slighted Cuba, who prepared aggression 'against her, declared through their President that they would not undertake an attack on Cuba. Of course, the struggle still con- tinues and precisely for this rea- son the Soviet Union resolutely supports the well-known five de- mands of the Cuban Republic and gives her immense all-round as- sistance. It is obvious to every- one that Cuba's position has be- come much stronger, that her in- ternal prestige has grown. The Cuban people their militant lead- ers with Comrade Fidel Castro at the head, have displayed great courage, firmness and resolution to defend their socialist achieve- ments and have contributed tre- mendously to the cause of safe- guarding peace. The beacon of freedom in the Western Hemis- phere is shining still brighter. Is ,this "Munich?" Is this a retreat? The authors of the term "second Munich" are obviously at odds with elementary history and know not what they are talking about. When Marxists-Leninists speak of the possibility of preventing a world war, they do not forget for a single moment that the sub- stance of imperialism, its aggres- sive nature, has not changed. Our Party proceeds from this in all its policy. At the sime time it takes into account the changes in the world arena, which have brought about a situation when imperialism can no longer dictate its will to everybody and pursue its aggressive policy unobstruct- ed. The correlation of forces in the world now is such that the camp of socialism and peace is able to curb the aggressive forces of imp; rialisrn. Of course, one cannot guaran- tee that madmen will not appear in the camp of imperialism, who will plunge headlong into a war adventure. That is why a high level of constant vigilance, a sound economy and good arma- ments are needed so as to be ready to deliver a crushing rebuff to an aggressor at any moment. From the strategic point of view imperialism's predatory nature cannot be tamed by mere con- tempt: and an aggression. if start- ed, cannot be stopped by disdain. A modern war canna, be ap- proached with old yardsticks. A world war. unless preventri. will immediately become a thermo- nuclear war, will bring about the death of millions upon millions of people, the destruction of tre- mendous material values, the Those who give no thought to the 'consequences of a modern war, who underestimate or simply dis- count nuclear weapons as some- thing secondary in relation to the mass of the people, are grossly mistaken. Can anyone doubt that if the socialist camp did not pos- sess mighty weapons, above all nuclear-missile arms, its posi- tions in the present-day world would have been absolutely dif- ferent? What would the security of socialism have been based upon in that event? Not on some magic incantations surely. The international Communist movement knows Lenin's defini- tion of imperialism and has been' guided by it for decades. Lenin's definition of imperialism is pro- found and all-embracing, it con- tains neither over-estimation nor under-estimation of the forces of imperialism. What need was there to offset these definitions if Marx and Lenin by a different, home- made thesis on the "paper tiger," which is an under-estimation of the forces of imperialism? In order to impose on the Com- munist movement their definition of modern imperialism and to Ig. nore its atomic fangs, some peo- ple claim that the "paper tiger" thesis is tantamount to Lenin's definition of imperialism as a "colossus on clay feet." It is com- mon knowledge, however, that the figurative expression does not cover or substitute for all the. substance of V. I. Lenin's overalk definition of imperialism. More- over, this expression stresses that imperialism is still strong ("co- lossus"), but it stands on an un- stable basis ("on clay feet") and is rent by internal contradic- tions. The "paper tiger" defini- tion of imperialism speaks only of its weakness. The main point, however, is that what we need are not paper definitions, stub- bornly thrust upon us, but a genuine analysis of contemporary imperialism: disclosure of its vices, weaknesses, laws leading to its ruin, and at the same time a sober assessment of its forces, including the huge atomic and other military potential. The sowers of these phrases also say that the enemy should strategically be despised, but tactically regarded with all seri- ousness. But this "double count" contradicts Marxism - Leninism. From the Marxist viewpoint, strategy and tactics are linked 'iy profound community. Tactics is called upon to serve the achieve- ment of the strategic goal; str'i- tegy does not contradict tactl s, and is aimed at achieving more important historical goals. The international Communist move- ment is well aware that imperial- ism is on the decline, that it has historically outlived itself, but it also knows that it has atomic fangs, to which it may resort. A nuclear war would lead to the annihilation of hundreds of mil- lions of people, to a colossal de- struction of productive forces. This would make exceedingly difficult the building of a new Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03015OO2 OOl1iQ0@6!4om- i1 munists must not keep silent on Approved For Release 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-03061-AOOQ2G40;i 0 45 the matter, but must tell the transition to socialism, the dog- especially dan,,crous, too, because masses frankly and openly about matists usually resort to the fol- it is directed against the line of the threat. This helps to rally and lowing argument: "Up to our the Communist movement on raise the peoples for the struggle days, history has not known a such vital questions as war and single instance of a peaceful for a lasting world peace, against peace, which affect the destinies transition from capitalism to so- of all mankind. Left-wing oppor- imperialism. cialism." But had Marx and En- The Communist movement e , is more difficult to' ex- gels worked on the basis of such pose because it hides its capitula- holds that if the imperialists un- an "argument," they could not tore essence behind "ultra-revo- leash a war, this will mean the have drawn the conclusion that lutionary" phraseology, playing final end of the rotten capitalist the victory of socialism and the on the feelings of the masses. In system. But the socialist revolu- dictatorship of the proletariat these conditions there can be tion does-not need atomic and were inevitable, because they did only one correct line for the Com- hydrogen bombs for its advance. not yet exist at that time, any- munists: resolute struggle against The Marxists-Leninists have where in the world. The strength both Right-wing and Left-wing held and still hold that the des- of the bMarxist-Leninist theory opportunism, against both re- tinies of mankind are determined lies in an ability to make a pro- visionism and dogmatism and by the masses. This is why they found analysis of the key fea- sectarianism; implacable struggle do not elevate the might of arms, lures of an epoch, and to draw against any distortion of Marx- including nuclear weapons, to be from this analysis conclusions ism-Leninism. absolute. But one must not arti- that illuminate the way for.the.. ' The Communist Party of the ficially counterpose the might of revolutionary forces for decades Soviet Union, like the other the masses to the might of arms. to come. The dogmatists seek to Marxist-Leninist parties, consid- To safeguard peacer to prevent a orientate the fraternal parties ers it its international duty to world war, we must put all forces solely towards armed struggle for abide scrupulously by the propo- into action: the struggle of the, power, in all circumstances and sitions of the documents of the under all conditions. These views masses, the defensive power of Moscow Meetings and develop the socialist camp and a correct., deviate from Leninism. The `Soviet Union does its best its relations in accordance with foreign policy of the socialist the principles laid down in them. to promote the development of This is why countries, which must be firm,. the Communists can loyal to principles and one taking revolutions of national liberation only feel gravely concerned over into account at the same time the. and to achieve the earliest aboli- the idea projected recently that correlation of forces, flexible, not tion of the disgraceful colonial there is a "temporary majority" excluding-depending on condi- system. It has invariably ex- in the international Communist tended, and it does so today, a "persists tions-both the method of "spear helping hand to all peoples ris- movement which in its against spear" and the method ing against imperialism and col- mistakes," and a "temporary mi- of talks. To go headlong for one onialism. And this is real sup- nority" which "boldly and reso- of these methods and to reject port, not just verbal support. lutely upholds the truth." the other haughtily is an unwise, Asa rule, the 'young national . This contention is especially harmful un-Leninist policy. states come out for peace and in that it is linked with an incredible claim that one As long as the military danger form an important link in the party is the true heir of Lenin, from the imperialist camp per- zone of peace. It is of the utmost, and all the other parties are sists, as long as there is no gen- importance to extend this zone apostates of yarx,ism-Leninism. eral and complete disarmament, of peace, to strengthen the mili- To proclaim to the whole world the CPSU deems it to be its sa- tant alliance of the socialist and that a situation has now devel- cred duty to keep the defensive the newly-independent states, to oped in the international Com- might of the Soviet Union, the solve patiently - through nego- munist movement analogous to combat readiness of as armed tiation - disputes which arise, that in the period of the Second forces at a level oi:.;: a :teeing and to prevent all actions that International on the eve of its the complete rout of a;iy enemy. might undermine the positions of split, and similar to that in the Mankind knows what great mili- the progressive forces in these ranks of the Social-Democratic tary power is wielded by the So- states and -weaken the friend- Party of Germany in December viet Union and this steadily ship between the newly-free 1914, when its leadership ad- growing force is wholly placed states and the countries of so- hered to positions of chauvinism, at the service of the, cause of cialism. It would be extremely means in effect telling the entire peace. If a war is imposed upon harmful to try tc, fit revolution- international Communist move- us, the Soviet Union will be able ary processes in this extremely ment it has sunk into the morass to stand up for itself and for its varied world ir"" ready-made of opportunism and social-demo- allies. No one can have any doubt moulds, as the -.ogmatists are cratic revisionism, and setting on this score. But we, Commu- trying to do. oneself up as the only party nists, genuine humanists, are The CPSU steadfastly fought, which adheres to correct Marx- called" upon by history to create as it does now, both against re- ist-Leninist positions. fhe fairest society and this is why visionism, and against dogmatism It also indicates an incredible we must do everything we can and sectarianism. But some peo- arrogance, a complete absence of to ensure the peoples peace and pie lay one-sided emphasis on any sense of respect or any de- favorable conditions for their the struggle against revisionism sire to heed the.unanimous view struggle for a bright future, for only, and moreover decry crea- and the appeals of the over- communism. tive Marxism-Leninism as "re- whelming majority of the fra- The CPSU holds that true hhap- visionism," introducing obvious ternal parties, each of which has piness can be achieved by the confusion into the Communist done great service to the inter- peoples only on the lines of so- movement. Marxist-Leninists are national proletariat, and has cialism and communism. The duty-bound to analyze the spe- great revolutionary experience. CPSU, as all the international cific situation and see who, at Is it worthy of Communists to Communist movement, holds that each specific moment, is retard- allege that the glorious fraternal for the working class and its van- ing the advance of the common parties of France, the United guard=-the Marxist-Leninist par- revolutionary cause. Approaching States, Italy, Spain, i-ritain, ties-it would be desirable to the matter from this, the only Greece, Belgium, Denmark, Por- carry out the socialist revolution correct position, one cannot fail fugal, Iraq, Chile, Argentina, by peaceful means. At the same to acknowledge that a dogmatic Uruguay and many other coun- time the CPSU invariably stresses approach to the solution of the tries-which are in the thick of that in conditions when the ex- key problems of the Communist class struggles and daily wage .in g,' classes resort to violence - movement is a source of the truly heroic battles against cap- the possibility should be borne gravest errors. italism, for which they are sub- iir mind of a non-peaceful transi- The disease of leftist sectar- jected to persecutions and re- tion to socialism, of the need of ianism feeds upon nationalism prisals by the police machine of armed struggle. and, in turn, feeds nationalism. the imperialist states - stand In their opposition to the prin- As experience shows, it becoiftes aside from the struggle of the ciple of variety of dorm in the particularly intolerable when it masses and support imperialism? -? manifests itself in the activities But this is blasphemy against selfless fighters! In fact it is help for the enemy against whom the Approved For Release "2000/08/27~:2CIA-RDP78-03064tAO- ( 4QO06-4 Approved For Releasor2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061AP00200010006-4 What the Cominunfsts need is not division into ,majority" and "minority," but unity, unity and again unity. The supreme law of the Communist movement, the important feature distinguishing it from reformists of all hues, is to scrupulously safeguard its cohesion and unity. In the period of the Second International,' the world bour- geoisie acclamed the treason of the social-democratic leadership and proclaimed war on Lenin and Leninism. Today the world bour- geoisie fights against the Com- munist Parties with no less fury than it did against Lenin and the Bolsheviks, as it justly sees the Communist Parties to be its principal adversaries, the staun- chest fighters for the interests of the people, for the liquidation of capitalism and the exploita- tion of the masses. To describe a great army which daily wages a real, truly heroic struggle against. imperialism, for the happiness and freedom of the peoples, for the victory of socialis}, as a "temporary majority" which "persists in its mistakes" and is alleged to be following the way of revisionism, as was the case with the leaders of the Second International; means to strike a blow at the main force of the revolution, to hamper the victory of the cause of the revolution. The Communist movement is ? faced with extremely complex and responsible tasks. The vital interests of the masses, the devel- opment of a successful struggle against im ie.?ialism, for the aboli- tion of tl :-hameful system of exploitat.iih: and national oppres- sion, for titu triumph of socialism. and communism, imperatively demand tl'e consolidation of the international alliance of the Com- munist Parties and. its solid, in- destructible unity. Iii~tory will not forgive any 1c-_;..: who, in this crucial historic;. -riod, fails to recognrzle we mz..n thing re- quired of him-to w? cork persist- ently and in every way tc strengthen the unity of the Com- munist Parties-and acts con- trary to the vital interests of the- peoples. The differences between indi- vidual Communist Parties on this -or that matter do not have deep s roots in the social system of the socialist countries. Whereas in the Conditions of capitalism the con- tradictions have an objective foundation and are therefore an- tagonistic in nature, the differ- ences among Communist Parties are above all subjective. Conse- quently, there is every ;ground for successfully overcoming these differences. One must proceed from the higher aims and inter- ests of the international Com- munist movement and seek ways of drawing closer together, ways of cooperation and unity. If one does not stick stubbornly to.' a special position, if one is guided by Marxism-Leninism and pro- ceeds from the higher interests common to the entire movement, and finds "the physical strength of mind" to march in stop with the entire movement, then-inter- national solidarity in the Commu- Gus Hall, Communist spokes- man, some time before the de- bate took shape, had this to say about peace: IT IS our task to reveal to every American that U.S. big business and big brass are today the chief force for war, that the monopolists who exploit the American people through high prices, high taxes and ?huge war budgets, are the very forces that aim at world domination and world exploitation. We must make clear that their talk of de- fending freedom is a fraud. The enemy of our security, freedom, and peace is not abroad. That enemy is here at home. This must be patiently, convinc- ingly and persistently explained to the American people. War is the constant companion jig of capitalism. As long as impe- rialism exists there will be soil for wars of -aggression. Hence i he need for the greatest vigilance and struggle. But it is not true, as some have said, that as long as capitalism exists in any part of the world, war is inevitable. War can be prevented. Moreover, as the forces of socialism continue to grow, the superiority of the forces of socialism and peace will before long become absolute and, in the words of the 81 Party Statement, "a real possibility will have arisen to exclude world war from the life of society oven before socialism achieves com- plete victory on earth, with cap- italism still existing in a part of the world." Gus Hall: The U.S._ in Today's World. To view the new possibilities ism has not changed, and is again' of halting war as a gift art ab- resorting to . such measures stract objective development or against Cuba. But is it not a fact as gifts from an imperialism that that, because of the new factors, has changed its nature, would it is fully possible to defeat these lead to passivity and inaction. On policies of aggression? And such the other hand, to see the new a defeat would be a retreat and possibilities arising because of the a setback for the American rul- growing power of the socialist; ing circles. world, combined with the sirug- U.S. imperialism has not given files of the anti-imperialist and. up its old policies that have in peace movement will lead to the past paid off so well. it. is confidence, to new enthusiasm still building up points of an- and renewed activity. tagonism. It is building the war In the old circumstances, when machines of West Germany and the war-like predatory imperial- Japan. What is new, however, is ism dominated the world scene, that now the possibility exists for such a possibility did not exist. preventing these policies from In the past, armed marines were bearing their grisly harvest of sent in without hesitation. If not war. the marines, then aggression by , economic boycott was-begun. Gus Hall: The Summit and In this sense, U.S. imperial- After - unity of the Connnturist Parties, to encroaching on the very prin- ciple of proletarian international- ism. It may lead first to the ap- pearance of a "minority" trend and then to the danger of a split in the international Communist movement, to the joy of its com- mon enemy-international impe- rialism. The line laid' down for the CPSU by its 20th and 22nd Con- - gresses is the line of rallying all the forces of socialism, consoli- dating the unity of all fraternal parties, rallying all the forces -of the anti-imperialist front. It is the basis of our position in the development of our relations with socialist Yugoslavia. The stops taken recently by the Yugoslav Communists and their leaders in their. home and foreign policy - have eliminated much that was erroneous and damaging to the cause of building socialism in Yugoslavia. The Yugoslavia Com- munists took 'steps towards rap- prochemetnt and unity with the Yugoslavia, that "new bourgeois elements" have occupied a domi- nating position there, lie delib- erately, do not want. to analyze facts ' and, `phenomena but are substitutirig fabrications for them and trying to' push- the people of a whole country out of the ranks of the fighters for socialism. The CPSU declares openly that there are still differences with the League of Communists of .Yugo- slavia on a number of ideological questions. But-rappochement be- tween Yugoslavia and the coun- try building communism can un- doubtedly help in overcoming the differences on a number of ideo- logical questions much quicker. The Communist Parties have a tried and tested. method of set- tling controversial issues by way of collective discussion. Our Party has always advocated this method. The CPSU is convinced that with collective discussion -of the most important questions of contemporary world development it is possible to ensure unity of niDiAp~ftl"(Yf"i ti E 4~ of V; nu t untst en ag tantamount to undermining s "capitalism has been'restored" in the very, foundations of the fraternal 13 Approved For Release- 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Below is the Corrkmunist Party of the U.S. statement discussing the world struggle for peace and, especially, how it expressed it- self in the Cuban crisis. The statement follows: * THE AMERICAN people, in common with all humanity, breathed a deep sigh of relief when, in the recent Caribbean crisis, a nuclear war was avert- ed, and the invasion of Cuba, which could have triggered such a world war, was prevented. The stage had been set for such a dreaded Armageddon by the aggressive and unilateral brinkmanship of U.S. imperial- ism, in particular by' President Kennedy's reckless blockade of Cuba, his piratical interference with freedom of the seas, and his unwarranted intervention into the internal affairs of an Catastrophe was averted by the firm policy of peaceful co- existence flexibly and correctly applied, in the first place by the Soviet Union, and adhered to by virtually the entire world Marx- ist movement; by the peace policy of the heroic Cuban people and their government led by Fidel Castro; by. the pressures for world peace exerted 'by the neu- tralist countries; and by the forces of peace in the capitalist states, including our own coun- try, who rallied around the slo- gan, "No war over Cuba." the idea that this signifies in the least a lessening of pur revolu- tionary perspective. Because on the smoking ruins no socialism can be built. On. the contrary we are convinced that in our epoch the fight for peace has become a primary condition of the struggle for socialism.,,' Li$ C 'ia BACHIR HADJ ALI First Sec- retary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Al- geria;' from remarks at the So- cialist Unity Party Congress in the German Democratic Repub- lic: "Just as we seek a policy of unity within our own country so too we strugg a for unity within of the missiles. 't'hey are pressing for the outright invasion of Cuba. Furthermore, they have drawn the dangerous and erroneous conclusion that the "policy. of strength" has been vindicated, and that it is z1 mandate for a so- called "harder" and more adven- turous line by U.S. imperialism, especially toward the Soviet Union and the other socialist states, but also against the neu- tralist and newly emerging in- dependent countries. IN THE NATIONAL interest of our country, and in solidarity with international Marxist and other peace forces throughout the world. the Communist Party- of the U.S. decisively rejects this view and will continue to op- pose it with maximum effort as a menace to the struggle for peace and peaceful coexistence. For this reason, the Communist Party of the U.S. regretfully finds it necessary to take sharp pub- lic issue with the policy of the Chinese Communist Party in re- spect to the Caribbean crisis and in respect to. its wrong position on peaceful coexistence in gen- eral. * WORLD PEACE was saved; peaceful coexistence an,d peaceful competition were vindicated; and the right of Cuba to determine her own way of life and her own social system was preserved. Premier Khrushchev stood forth as one of the great states- men of our times, fully deserving the accolades of appreciation which arose from the most diverse world quarters for his unwavering, realistic and ?monu- anental service to the cause of world peace. The assessment of the Carib- bean crisis is not merely a mat ter of an abstract "post-mortem," or of Monday morning "second- guessing." The success of the thole struggle for world peace, present and future, whether over danger spots in the Far East, Berlin, Africa or Latin fir. erica, depends upon a correct evaluation of the Caribbean crisis, its outcome and signifi- cance. POWERFUL ultra-Right cir- cles - enraged by the peaceful settlement of the crisis - are exclaiming that President Ken- nedy played a "sell-out" role, and are pressing for a more ad- venturous policy for U.S. imperi- alisin in respect to Cuba and all over the world., They have al- ready compelled the Administra- tion to equivocate on the no-in- vasion promise given by Ken- nedy when Premier Khrushchev originally agreed to the removal the international communist movement. " WWTe fully support the proposal of Comrade Khrushchev to avoid public polemics and to allay time for tempers to calm down. "We express 'our agreement with the line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopted at the 20th and 22nd Congress and with that of the 81 Party statement on the basis of our own. experience. After the crisis in the Caribbean an old peasant said to me: "'It is said that Khrushchev does not believe in God. But 3. has won a place in Paradise by saving the world from a war.? "We must also add that be. has saved Socialist Cuba." In effect, the position of the Chinese Communist Party, like that of certain powerful U.S. monopoly circles, is that the reso- lution of the Caribbean crisis is a victory for U.S. imperialism, its "policy of strength" and "tough- ness" over the alleged weakness, .fear and capitulation of the So- viet Union. This pseudo-left dogmatic and sectarian line of our Chinese com- rades dovetails with that of the most adventurous U.S. imperial- ists -and gives the latter encour- agement. Not only is it harmful and incorrect, but the Chinese Communist Party is systematic- ally and openly pushing this line in all countries and Marxist Par- ties of the world, in utter disre- gard of the 81-party statement which it signed, and in violation of the norm of all Marxist parties to 'fix their own policies, and finally to the detriment and dis- unity of the broad peace move- ment, in individual countries and on a world scale. THE CPUSA cannot be indif- ferent to the fact that the Chi- nese Communist Party seeks converts for its dangerous poli- cies in our country, and that the open promulgation of its poli- cies can only spread confusion and disruption. It rejects the line of the Chinese . Communist Party and, in the. interest of 16 Approved- Far'.R lease 2000/08/-27-: CIA-RDP78-03061 AO00200010006-4 '!err' l . - ? ~? Approved For Relea 2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-030614000200010006-4 peace and peaceful coexistence, energetically opposes it. The CPUSA has hoped that the sharp strictures by the world Marxist movement against the unprincipled anti-Soviet, anti- peace and anti-Marxist line of the Albanian Communist Party, of whom the Chinese Communist Party is the principal supporter, would have had a beneficial effect upon our Chinese Com- rades, at least. It had hoped that its constant. reaffirmation of its adherence to the line of peace- ful coexistence would also have carried some weight with the Chinese Communist Party. But neither of these sound and re- sponsible attitudes achieved the necessary results The CPUSA must now speak plainly "nd bluntly, conscious of its natio.wl and international ob- ligatioi:s, as the Marxist-Lenin- ist Party in the heartland of the world's most powgrful and arro- gant imperialism.. 1, The CPUSA, at the same time, reiterates its deep appreciation of the past achievements of the Chinese Communist Party, its es- tablishment of socialism in the world's most populous country, the victory of the Chinese people over Chiang Kai-shek, the stooge or U.S. aid world imperialism. a, THE ETlRO '70US and dan- gerous character of the policies pursued by the Communist Party of China, on which their position on the recent events in Cuba is o; viously based, was already evident in its statements and dec- larations over a number of years. These views find their sharpest and clearest expression to date in their editorial on "the differ- ences" with the Italian Commu- nist Party published in the Wash- ington Post of January 3rd. The threat of - thermonuclear world war was not and is not a paper tiger, either tactically or strategically. That threat in the Cuban crisis posed the possibil- ity of final total disaster for mil- lions of people, including every major city in the countries on the three continents of the north- ern hemisphere, and that includes ,our own country, the U.S., as well as the Soviet Union, East- ern and Western Europe and China. All the military installa- tions were part of the alert and the. count-down. The victory for the policy of peaceful co-existence with its negotiations and compromises to maintain peace and the integrity of nations has nothing in common with the slanderous charge of' "Munich." They are not steps to war but to peace. The use of the vile slander of "Munich" and "appeasement" is an absurd dis- tortion of history and is un-_ worthy of consideration by Marx- ist or any serious historian. THE DOGMATIC and secta- rian repetition of phrases by our Chinese comrades reflects a fail- ure to grasp the essence of Len- in's admonition that Communists "must operate on the basis of scientific principles." Lenin thus elaborates, "Science demands, first, the calculation of the ex- perience of other countries, es- pecially if these other countries, also capitalist countries, are un- dergoing, or have recently un- dergone, a very similar experi- ence; second, science demands the calculation of all forces, groups, parties, classes and masses operating in the given country, and does not demand that policy be determined by mere desires and views, degree of class consciousness and read- iness for battle of only one group or party." Here, Lenin gives a sharp warning against both nar- row nationalism and against the mechanical dogmatic application of policy. We do not accept the negative attitude of theiCommunist Party of China on peaceful transition to socialism. We hold that they' fail to consider what is the new situation in the world which strengthens t struggle for a peaceful tra sition. Without elaboration at this time, we also differentiate from their views on the struggle against _monopoly_ capital, and especially as regard to our own country. t#' WE DEEPLY REGRET the necessity to express such sharp differences with our Chinese comrades. The world needs the unity of the socialist sector. That American imperialism grabs at every point of difference is to be expected. The fight against im- perialism, and for peace and so- cialism requires international working class solidarity and the unity of the forces of the social- ist sector in this world today. That unity is not to be achieved by the compromise of basic prin- ciples. It. can be achieved only on the basis of the policies of the 81-Party statement. We hope that our Chinese comrades will correct their policies in accord with the tested experience and ,line of the world Marxist move- ment. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIW RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 THE ULTRA-RIGHT and the PEA E and PEACEFUL KENNEDY, ADMINISTRATION THE threat from the ultra- PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE is Right continues to mount in the the only policy which is in ac- U.S. At the same time, the Ken- cordance with the state of the nedy Administration pursues a world today. The basic shift in cold-war, interventionist, and world relations, which has pro- generally anti-democratic course ceeded since the end of World The Kennedy Administration War II, cannot be reversed. The pursues a contradictory course main historic trend continues: in which flows from the instability favor of socialism, of independ- of the U.S. imperialist position, once from imperialism, of the from the new relationship of world forces, (the growing forces of democracy and prop- strength of the socialist, anti- , ress. Ours is the epoch of the imperialist and peace forces), disintegration of imperialism. It which it recognizes but does not is the epoch of the rise, consoli- fully and properly assess. Its dation and final victory of world wavering course results also from the pressure of the mass of peo- socialism. In such an epoch, the ple in our own country, particu- strength of the world forces ar- larly from the working class, rayed--against imperialism must the Negro people, the peace forces continue to grow, and with it the which have been its main mass realistic possibility of averting support and which elected it. war between capitalist and so- It is of course true' that these cialist states and of establishing maneuvers, pretenses and con- peaceful coexistence as a long- cessions are forced upon him by range policy. In such an epoch, the strength of the world peace war is not inevitable, and world forces, by the deterioration of 'peace and disarmament can be imperialism in particular, by the fought for as realizable goals. declining world prestige and po- However, peace will not come sition of U.S. imperialism in par- of itself. It must be fought for. titular, and by the deep-rooted To obtain a national policy of peace and democratic sentiment peaceful coexistence, the people of the American people. must wage a constant struggle But the fact remains that the against the big monopoly and Kennedy Administration has not imperialist forces in our country closed the door to accommodation -the forces who seek to block to those world realities, as the the liberation struggles of col- ultra-Right wishes it to do, and onial and oppressed peoples and this involves a certain recognition to "contain" socialism, while at of the new necessities of the prey- the same time they strive to ad- ent-day world at home and vance their own aggressive, ex- abroad. This is an important dif- pansionist ambitions. ference, which the forces for Today, American imperialism peace and democracy must recog- ,strives to undermine and destroy nize and exploit in order to bring the revolution of the Cuban peo- about the required change in na- ple through economic warfare, tional policy. accompanied by plots and prepa- It would be a serious mistake rations for military intervention. to underestimate the danger to In the Congo, Wall Street allies peace and democracy of the Ken- itself with Belgian imperialism, nedy Administration. It would be with the aim of taking into its no less serious a mistake to un- own hands control of the coun- der-rate the possibilities of pres- try's resources and depriving the suring it in another direction. It Congolese people of their hard- is essential to fight imperialism, won independence. The fight for war, and reactoinary measures peace, which is menaced by these whether it comes from the Ken- aggressive imperialist policies, nedy government or the ultra- demands an unrelenting struggle Right. by the American people against However, the situation requires the actions of U.S. imperialism in that the main direction of the at- these and other parts of the tack should be at the war-monk- world. it demands their whole- Bring and fascist forces who are hearted support for all struggles presseuring the Kennedy Admin- of colonial and oppressed peo- istration further to the Right. At ples for their freedom. the same time, every policy or The fight for peace demands a action of Kennedy that plays in- far greater struggle for the recog- to the hands of the Right should nition of People's China, for her be sharply opposed and criti- admission to the UN, for an end cized, building up the pressures' to American, occupation of Chin- upon _the Administration for a ese territory through the puppet change of policy in the direction Chiang Kai-shek, and for the of peaceful coexistence and de- lifting of the total economic em- fense of democracy. bargo which now exists. Gus Hall, Political Affairs, Communist Party August 1961 Resolution, Aug. 1960 18 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 - #-IA-RDP78-03061 A 2000.10006-4 Approved For R+q ase-2000/08/27: CIA-RDP78-0Q61A000200010006-4 "The Soviets lets,Q a4i4e..a0. Reorganize" In Soviet industry,. the.. f a lowing major reorganizations have recent years::, 1, in 1953,after Stalin's death, Malenko.' tried to combine Stalin's 57 ministries into a sma1:, number off' super-ministries. He hoped to eliminate dtplication between the various ministerial empires, btt the results were chaotic, ministries were recreated, and in little more than n year, there were as w.ny ministries as before, 2. Beginning in 19$4, a decentralizing reorganization was tried, with many factories removed from direct Moscow control, and put under Union Republic or Oblast (provincial) dl,recttgn, This reform was never completely pa r*K',w4 ont . S, In 1957, virtually all, economic ministries were abolished and a system of 103 regional economic Vuncils (Sovnarkhozy) was set up, with functional subdivisions in each Sovnarkhoz. The object was to reduce duplication between ministries and over- centralization, but to the degree that these aims were achieved, they were purchased at the cost of regional duplication and localism. In June-July 1960, operational control of the local.Sovnarkhozy was given to Republic Sovnarkhozy. 4. In November 1962, Khrushchev moved to enlarge the Sovnarkhozy geographically, and to split them functionally, along with corresponding party organs, into industrial and agricultural sections, Further- more, party officials and party organs are to assume a direct, operational responsibility, rather than limiting themselves to indirect control through state organs. Without retracing here the details of agricultural reorganiza- tion through the years, it should be noted that it has been at least a, frequent, and that in agriculture the tendency to look for individual scapegoats is stronger. On 8 March 1963, a new Minister of I, riculture (Ivan P. Volovc.henko) was appointed, the fourth in four years. His predecessor (Konstantin Pysin) had only lasted ten months. There is no better example of the shifting sands of Soviet rule than the history of the planning apparatus, which is supposed to draw up long range plans and see that they are carried out on a day-to-day basis. In 1945-1949, Gosplan, the State Planning Commission, was changed to a Committee, and stripped of its material allocation and technical departments. In 1953 this change was reversed, and Gosplan was strengthened again. Then in 1955, Gosplan was split into a long-term planning organ (still caTles Gosplan) and a State Economic Commission (Gosekonomkommissia) for current planning; the technical departmen wa.s also split off again. In 1957, when the Sovnarkhozy were established, the Gosekonomkornr issia was abolished, an' Gosplan was made stronger than ever, recovering control of current planning and assuming powers formerly exercised by the now-defunct ministries. However, an Economic-Science Council (Gosekonomsovet) was created, and in 1960, this body took over long range planning from Gosplan. In the November 1962 reorganization, Gosplan was again redirected to assume long- term planning responsibilities, with current planning mostly in the hands of Republic and lower planning organs, under the supervision of the USSR Council of National Economy (USSR Sovnarkhoz). To expect far-sighted planning from bodies which Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Approved For Relea 2000/O8/27 CIA-RD178-03061 b00200010006-4 are so. subject to : changer themselves.. is. obviously,, ridiculous. T' Every such' reorganization of course involves shifts 'of personnel, reclassification of: files and indices, and constant interruptions.. of.- work to deal with organizational problems. Experienced bureaucrats probably find`these changes a welcome opportunity to conceal their personal failures and build new empires. There-is an old"military proverb which the Sovtets..seem;.to ignore: "Order, Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 order,-disorder." 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4 Next 2 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000200010006-4