BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000300050001-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 57
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 17, 1999
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 27, 1965
• Content Type: REPORT

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25X1A2g
27 September 1965
Western In Whose Interest
Unity
BrIefly Noted 0000"
The reaction to Gen. de
Gaulle's 9 September
press conference among
his EEC and NATO partners ranged
from silence to restrained disap-
pointment when he confirmed a de-
termination to cripple the exist-
ing machinery of Western solidarity
and strength. His allies apparently
saw little point in reiterating what
had been said so often - that NATO
and the EEC embodied the collective
politico-economic strength without
which the West would be impotent vis-
a-vis Communist threats. And no mat-
ter how noble the Western vision or
its intent toward the East might be,
as Brzezinski pointed out in "Peace-
ful Engagement"
"no Western policy of conciliation
is possible in a context which allows
the other side opportunities for ef-
fective military blackmail."
However, the outpouring of Com-
munist comment from Moscow, Pankow
and Warsaw (with others yet to be
heard from) made clear that they rec-
ognized Western solidarity as the pri-
mary obstacle to Communist designs in
Europe.
On 11 Sept, Radio Moscow quoted
de Gaulle's statement that, "France
attributes much importance to the new
trend in its relations with Russia.
It rejoices over the result of the
visit of the head of the Rumanian Gov-
ernment, G. Maurer, and prepares with
great satisfaction to welcome the head
of the Polish Government, J. Cyran-
kiewicz" ... "France's (statement) of
relations with the socialist countries
of Eastern Europe reveals the
realistic approach of French diplo-
macy to this problem." On 12 Sept,
Radio Moscow broadcast the text of
a "commentator's roundtable" amongst
whom were-the editor of-Pravda
Valentin Zorir_, and others. In an
effort to exacerbate U.S.-French re-
lations, these Kremlin spokesmen as-
serted that the U.S. had forced
agreements upon France in the past,
and was now characterizing de Gaulle
as a major enemy of the U.S. Commu-
nist hopes were clear in their state-
ment that, "France's actual with-
drawal from NATO would mean an almost
mortal blow to the organization, if
not a mortal one ... it is beyond
doubt that these actions of Gen. de
Gaulle against the American dictate,
against the imposition of NATO plans
upon Europe, and of Common Market
plans, objectively represent a posi-
tive factor in the political life of
today."
On 10 Sept, East Berlin Radio
applauded de Gaulle's press confer-
ence statements, especially his
reference to the EEC commission in
Brussels as an embryo of technoc-
racy," and the European Parliament
as "a figurative legislature." The
French attitude toward the visiting
Rumanian and Polish delegations was
hailed, as was the French attitude
toward the Oder-Neisse line (there
is no evidence that de Gaulle actu-
ally did discuss the Oder-Neisse
issue with Cyrankiewicz).
On 11 Sept, Warsaw Radio and
the CP organ, Trybuna Ludu, spoke
favorably of the press conference:
"de Gaulle's statements were like a
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(Briefly Noted Cont.)
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lecture on the policy of a state
that is building its independence on
the strong basis of a realistic view
of the world ... de Gaulle demon-
strated a consistent foreign policy -
a consistence also proved by his other
declarations."
* iS
Lin Piao's statement of the Chicom blueprint
for world war has captured wide attention; it
may tend to obscure the fact that Soviet strat-
egy -- even if more cautious and realistic than
Peking's aggressiveness -- aims ultimately at
the same goal of world domination.
BUT, the USSR is faced with two diametrically
opposed tasks, which help to expose its real
intent, namely: to press its peaceful coex-
istence strategy against the Free World while
maintaining its position among Communist coun-
tries and parties against the CCP's accusation
that it is no longer a revolutionary party,
society or power.
SOVIET PROPAGANDA DEFENSIVE ON TWO FRONTS is
a case study which shows this dilemma
his
commentary on speeches made at a conference
of Soviet agit-prop officials in Moscow in 1963
is as pertinent today as it was when Khrushchev
was in power, following the same strategies.
This unclassified 77 page booklet, containing
an index for quick reference, can be obtained
upon request to headquarters.
ti *
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Aw
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5X1 1
(Briefly Noted.)
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IgnifIcant Dates 1
OCT.
10 International Meeting for Opposing Foreign Military Bases (Kiapma),
Djakarta, 10-15 October, sponsored by Chicom oriented Indonesia Peace
Committee (Communist).
15 Brezhnev and Kosygin announce secret meeting decision to oust
Khrushchev as Party/Govt head. 1961+.
17 22nd Congress of CPSU. Khrushchev and Chou En-lai clash on Stalinism
and Albania. 17-31 Oct 1961.
20 Chicom troops begin advance into India, escalating border war. With-
drawal announced 21 November. 1962.
21 III Annual Organization of African Unity (OAU) Summit, Accra, origi-
nally scheduled for early Sept.
21 UN condemns Chicom suppression of Tibet. 1959.
22 President Kennedy calls for OAS and UN Security Council meetings over
offensive missile sites build up in Cuba. Soviets agree to withdraw
missiles 28 October. 1962.
23 Orderly student demonstration in Hungary becomes national anti-Soviet
uprising when Soviet tanks fire. (See 1 Nov). 1956.
26 Chinese Communist "volunteers" intervene against UN forces sweeping
through North Korea. 1950.
29 KOMSOMOL (Communist Union of Youth) established. 1918.
NOV.
1 Hungarian Revolt 1-1+ (see 23 Oct above). 1956.
1+ Greek Civil War ends with Communist acknowledgment of defeat. 1949.
:5 Afro-Asian Bandung II still scheduled for Algeria.
6 U.S. grants billion dollar Lend-Lease credit to USSR. 191+1.
7 UN Emergency Force established, ending Suez Crisis. 1956.
7 Bolsheviks seize power in October Revolution (Julian calendar date
is 25 Oct). 1917.
10 World Youth Day (Communist). To celebrate 20th anniversary of found-
ing of the WFDY (191+5).
11 International Student Week, concluding with an International Student
day on the 17th (celebrated by communist IUS).
12 Trotsky expelled from the CPSU. 1926.
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#62 l-1i September 1965
September: La,ve.riteg Paris-published "monthly" organ of the French
section of the London-based ""International Committee," the smallest of
the three factions contending for recognition as the Trotskyist "Fourth
International," prints a 256-page special issue devoted entirely to a
Stephan Just article entitled "Defense du Trotssysmeti" which deals mainly
with (a) 'revisionism, the liquida.tin; factor, of the Fourth International,"
abd (b) "the struggle for reconstruction of the Fourth International."
September 1: Moscow weekly New Times carries an article by President, Ho
Chi Minh on the '"'20th anniversary of the DRV," -- which carefully and
neutrally handles policy as "Marxism-Leninism creatively applied to the
specific conditions of one's country," with absolute loyalty to proletar-
ian internationalism.
TASS announces that Suslov and Ponomarev met with top Spanish Com-
mu.nists Ibarruri and Carrillo "vacationing in the USSR.` An "exchange
of opinions and information" took place "in an atmosphere of cordiality
and friendship typical of the relationship between the CPSU and the PCE."
September 2_3: The Chinese Communists mark the 20th anniversary of V-J
day with _a people's Daily editorial on the 2nd and a greatly expanded
(30,000-.word), bellicosely arrogant article by Vice Premier and Defense
Minister Lin Piao, entitled "Long Live the Victory of the People's War,"
published in all papers on the 3rd and in multilingual pamphlet form.
The massive Lin article, intended to "review the historical experience
of the great victory of the people's war in China and to recapitulate
Comrade Mao Tse--tun 's theory of 12e22le's war ('diametrically opposed'
to Soviet views)," repeats previous Chinese denunciations of the Soviet
leadership in a 3,000-word final section, entitled "The Khrushchev Re-
visionists Are Betrayers of People's War," and in numerous references
earlier in the text.
Working hand in glove with the U.S. imperialists, they
are doing their utmost spread all kinds of arguments against people's
war and, wherever they can, they are scheming to undermine it by
overt or covert means....
... They have no faith in the masses and are afraid of U.S.
imperialism, of war, and of revolution.
The propaganda of the K revisionists against people's war and
the publicity they give to defeatism and capitulationism tend to
demoralize and spiritually disarm revolutionary people everywhere.
These revisionists are doing what the U.S. imperialists are unable
to do themselves and are rendering them great service .... They
have completely betrayed the M-L revolutionary theory of war and
have become betrayers of people's war.
(Chronology Cont.)
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... The revolutionary people of the w,Torld will sweep away
everything that stands in the way of their advance ... Khrushchev
is finished. And. the successors to K revisionism will fare no
better . . . ., will be swept like dust from the stage of history by
the mighty broom of the revolutionary people ....""
September 3: Pravda announces a top-level delegation of the Bolivian CP
had visited the USSR in July-August: talks with Ponomarev "in an atmos-
phere of fraternal friendship" 1'showed that both parties' views coincided
on questions of the World Communist and iational Liberation Movements.'
September 3-6: Radio Moscow announces that Premier Kosygin received a
high-level, Rodriguez-led Cuban delegation on the 3rd: they "had a
friendly talk on matters of mutual interest." Brezhnev received Rodriguez
on the 6th, "in a friendly, cordial atmosphere."
September 3-11: A top-level Rumanian party-state delegation, led by
Party First Secy Ceausescu and Premier Maurer are given ostentatious
reception and treatment during a week-long visit to the USSR, climaxed
by a Kremlin rally and the signing of a joint communique on the 10th.
Brezhnev's rally speech ingratiatingly lauded Rumanian successes and
repeatedly emphasized the need for unity and cohesion of all Communists
and revolutionary forces in the face of such dangers as U.S. aggression
in Vietnam, pressure for nuclear arms for the West German revenge-
seekers, and the India-Pak conflict, indirectly striking at the Chinese,
in connection with the latter, as "third forces" which "might appear'
and which "will be gladdened and will try to make capital out of the
aggravation of I-P relations, and sometimes add oil to the fires ....
It is not difficult to predict that the dragging of these two states
into a devastating internecine conflict and their mutual weakening could
suit only those who dream of subjugating these two large Asian powers to
their influence ...."" Ceausescu's reply goes along in supporting the
duty to "exert every effort to promote the uninterrupted strengthening
of unity and cohesion," -- but he devotes most of his time to strong
insistence on "the principles of independence, equal rights, non-
interference in internal affairs; respect of the right for each party
to make its own decisions, etc. His only reference to China is his call
for "the reinstitution of the lawful rights of the CPR in the UN." The
unusually long (5,000-word) communique, which, inter alia, announces
their decision to form a mixed intergovernmental economic commission and
the signing of a 5-year protocol on coordination of development plans
and economic cooperation, begins with a bow to their "strict observance"
of equality, mutual respect, etc., and stresses their "unbending resolve"
to struggle to strengthen unity. It endorses "the holding of a Second
Conference of the Afro-Asian countrie-.without mentioning Soviet par-
ticipation -,- and the lawful rights" of the CPR in the UNIT. It confirms
the might of every party to express its opinions on questions of the ICI,
2 (Chronology Cont.)
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but says that "differences arising ... ought _Zot to affect comradely
international relax icn n yarong countries of the socialist system." It
endorses "tours fo'~ d gat ohs- , official and unofficial visits" by
party leaders, and. "brcadcr use of such forms of interparty cooperation
as the holding of consultations," -- but says nothing about multiparty
meetings.
September 5: The first Chinese comment on Indo-Pak warfare, by People's
Daily Gbserrer, strongly su-worts Pakistan and denounces the "Indian
U.S. y al*.s?a, a.i5 the t"ii revisionistswho Piave
visa, with the U.73;_. _1n granting money and arras to India."
September 6-15: A top-level, Czech Party-State delegation, led by Presi-
dent Novotny, is given a red-carpet reception in Moscow on the 6th, de-
parts on a tour on the 8th (the Rumanian delegation departed on tour
just before the Czech arrival on the 6th, returned to Moscow on the 9th,
and went home on the llth),returns to Moscow on the 13th and meets again
with top Soviet leadership on the 14th before going home on the 15th.
After the first round of talks on the 7th, TASS reports that "a complete
identity of vier*s was recorded on all the questions discussed..` Drezhnev
and Novotny speeches at a Kremlin rally on the 14th are replete with
mutual praise and affirmations of solidarity and identity of views, with
Novotny adding that "all of us must strive toward the holding of an
international conference of C.cs at an appropriate time.'` (Text of com-
munique not yet available.)
September 6: Peking People's Daily Commentator, denouncing the "impos-
ing" of the "act of reconciliation" on the Dominican people, declares
that "Johnson and the modern revisionists have rejoiced too soon."
September 7: East German Party daily Neues Deutschland criticizes
Indonesian CP Chairman Aidit's 16 August press conference remarks in
favor of continuing public polemics (#61). It is essential to avoid
public polemics. Comrade Aidit himself has repeatedly voiced this view,
e.g., two years ago when he suggested to the CPSU and the CCP that they
discontinue public polemics."
An Albanian Zeri I Popullit editorial denouncing "Indian aggression
against Pakistan" also strikes at "the e-%rer closer cooperation between
the K revisionists and the Indian reactionaries to the detriment of the
independence of other Asian countries and international security. In
this way both the K revisionists and U.S. imperialism seek to make India
a pawnm in the anti-Chinese crusade."
September 8: A TASS statement in Pravda calling for a cease-fire be-
tween India and Pakistan and offering Soviet good offices includes the
assertion that the conflict only benefits "external forces" who are
encouraging further Indo-Pak bloodshed `for their own purposes."
3 (Chronology Cont.)
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September 9: A Soviet Life !?'road article on the 2nd Afro-Asian Confer-
ence scheduled for 5 W0;7e1:ber ir_ Algiers promotes Sovietparticipation:
"Now that the imperialist pressure on Afro-Asian countries is in-
creasing, the opinion of UAR President- Nasir that the Soviet Union should
take part in the Algiers conference becomes all the more significant.
This opinion is shared by all those who remember the great contribution
of the Soviet Union to the struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and
neocolonialism in Asia and Africa ...."
In a speech at the North Korean Embassy in Peking Chou En-lai con-
tinues the Chinese attack on the modern revisionists" for 'open encour-
agement of the Indian reactionaries.'
East German service ADN announces that SED boss Ulbricht will go to
the USSR on an official visit during the second half of September.
September 10: NCNAaccuses TASS of biased reporting of the India-Pak
conflict: it also reports that the Soviet attitude of keeping step with
the U.S. on India's aggression against Pakistan has won U.S. appreciation.
September 11: An Observer article in North Vietnamese Party daily Phan
Dan on the Indo-Pak conflict tries to balance between the Chinese and
Soviet lines: it is slightly weighted on the Pak side but tries to duck
the issue by placing the blame heavily on the U.S. and U.K.
September 11-12: CPSU boss Brezhnev visits Poland "as guest of" Polish
Party boss Gomulka and they "held friendly talks," according to TASS on
the 13th.
September 12: Peking distributes text of an interview granted 8 Septem-
ber by Premier Chou En-lai to Kamal Amir, chief editor of the UAR's
Middle East News Agency. One question asked his views on Soviet partici-
pation in the Algiers 2nd Afro-Asian Conference. Answer:
"The A-A Conference is a conference or Asian and African states.
The Soviet Union is not an Asian state, nor is it an African state.
Therefore, it is not qualified to take part in the A-A conference. The
reason is quite simple. ... The question of Soviet participation should
no longer exist.
But the actions of the Soviet Government belie its words. In re-
cent months, it suddenly went back on its declared position . . asking
some A-A countries to bring up again the question of Soviet participation....
This is actually an attempt to stir up differences anew among the A-A
countries, to disrupt A-A solidarity, and to confront the 2nd A-A Con-
ference with a serious crisis or even with the danger of failing to con-
vene.
4 (Chronology Cont.)
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The Chinese Government sternly condenms the Soviet Government for
its sabotaging activities. It is a question of principle that the Soviet
Union should not pa:ic: ,pate .... The Chinese Government will carry the
struggle to the end in upholding this princip'_a. 11
In Tirana, the 3 principal Albanian papers carry articles condemning
"Indian aggression against Pakistan" and denouncing the "Khrushchev
revisionists" for joining the "American imperialists" in "sending the
Indian reactionaries and encouraging their aggression."
September 13- TASS issues an" instructed!' statement of the Soviet Gov-
ernment's alarm at developments in the India-Pak conflict and its call
for measures to end the military actions. It includes a pointed refer-
ence to "forces which seek to profit by worsened I-P relations." By
their incendiary statements they push them toward further aggravation
of the military conflict." It returns to this theme in its conclusion:
"The whole world, all states, should warn those who facilitate the fan-
ning of the conflict by their incendiary statements and by their policy
that they thereby assume grave responsibility for such actions. No
government has any right to add fuel to the flames. One should stop the
dangerous development of events."
Bucharest Radio announces that a top-level Pam-State delegation,
including Ceausescu, Maurer and Draghici (who had just returned from
Moscow on the 11th), departed for Sofia on an "official visit."
September ll+: NCNA issues 3 releases related to the India-Pak conflict
critical of Soviet actions. One criticizes the 13 September TASS author-
ized statement, with its sham impartiality and its siding with India" --
"inexactly the same tone of official U.S. ror~agand" a -- which "arrogantly
called on all states to follow the Soviet leaders. Another criticizes
"recent" Kosygin messages offering "good offices" to Ayub Khan and Shastri,
"showing obvious partiality toward India," and "taking care not to men-
tion the fact that it was India which committed aggression." The third
reports that 'U.S. Government officials have more than once praised the
Soviet leaders for their position of pretending to be unbiased but really
siding with India," citing comments by Rusk, Ball and Mansfield.
5 (Chronology)
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947.
25X1 C 1 Ob CHINA ADVOCATES WORLD-WIDE WARS
a. countering ComChina's attempts to stir
up wars and armed insurrections (or to pro-
fit from existing conf icts) in all parts
of the "third world";
b. exposing ComChina's true intentions in
all Afro-Asian organizations and interna-
tional fronts, particu a~ in the context
of Bandung II (November 5, Algiers?) and of
Sukarno's plans for a "Conefo" ("Conference
of the New Emerging Forces");
c. opposing ComChina's admission to the UN
and other international bodies and protest-
ing diplomatic relations with Peking.
SITUATION: ComChina has proclaimed the "inevitability of wars in
the age of imperialism" ever since it first appeared on the international
scene. In the Sino-Soviet conflict, Peking's peremptory demand to stage
wars "of liberation" everywhere and Mao's contemptuous dictum that "all
imperialists are paper tigers," were major bones of contention. Chicom
support for insurrections in Laos, Vietnam, the Congo, Zanzibar and else-
where also dates back several years.
During the last year, Peking vetoed peremptorily any negotiations
to end the escalating war of Communist aggression in Vietnam, exploded
its first two nuclear devices, expanded its diplomatic contacts in Africa
and Asia preparatory to the Bandung II Afro-Asian Summit Conference (post-
poned at the last minute because of the 'fall of Ben Bella), while inten-
sifying its world-wide campaigns of subversive propaganda. ComChina is
encouraging Indonesia's aggression against Malaysia and champions Pakistan
in her conflict with India, while denouncing Moscow's attempts to concili-
ate the Indo-Pakistani fighting.
Under these circumstances, an authoritative article "Long Live the
Victory of the People's War," ostensibly pegged to the 20th anniversary
of the defeat of Japan at the end of World War II (but actually con-
cerned with entirely different and more timely issues) and attributed to
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~~nerT (947.Cont.)
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Marshal LIN Piao, Chicom Defense Minister, Vice Chairman of the Polit-
bureau of the Chinese CP and one of Mao Tse Tung's oldest associates,
has the significance of a major declaration of Chicom foreign policy.
Extensive excerpts from the text of Lin Piao's article, in the
English translation furnished by NCNA, the Chicom news agency, and re-
printed in The New York Times, are to be found in an unclassified at-
tachment. The text is accompanied by detailed notes, explanations and
critical comments. The following h i g h l i g h t s from the
lengthy document should be especially noted (underlinings added):
1. "The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of
the issues by war, is ... the highest form of revolution"
(p. 1 of attachment)
2. "The establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and
the encirclement of cities from the countryside is of out-
standing and universal practical importance ..." (p. 3)
3. "Since World War II, U.S. imperialism has stepped into the
shoes of German, Japanese and Italian F a s c i s m ...
It is the most rabid aggressor in human history and the
most ferocious common enemy of the people of the world."
(P. 7)
4. "When the U.S. aggressors are hard pressed in one place,
they have no alternative but to loosen their grip on
others.... Everything is divisible. And so is this co-
lossus of U.S. imperialism. It can be split up and
d e f e a t e d." (p. 9)
5. "U.S. imperialism relies solely on its nuclear weapons....
Even if (it) brazenly uses nuclear weapons, it cannot con-
quer the people who are indomitable." (p. 9)
6. "The spiritual atom bomb that the revolutionary people
possess is a far more powerful and useful weapon than the
physical atom bomb." (p. 10)
7. "As for revolutionary wars waged by the oppressed nations
and peoples, so far from opposing them, we invariably give
them firm support and active aid." (p. 15)
8. "Imperialism is w e a k e r than ever and U.S. imperi-
alism, the chieftain of world imperialism, is suffering
one defeat after another.... the people's wars can be won
and U.S. imperialism can be d e f e a t e d in all
countries." (p. 17)
2
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(947 Cont.)
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25X1C10b
9. "Since the Chinese people were able to destroy the
Japanese aggressors 20 years ago, they are certainly
still more capable of finishing off the U.S. aggressors
today." (p. 1
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94+8 EE,WE,e. ITALIAN CP (PCI) CONDEMNS
CZECHOSLOVAK PERFORMANCE, INDICTING COMMUNISM AT LARGE
25X1C10b
SITUATION: Giuseppe Boffa is a leading Italian Communist journalist
and author of the book, After Khrushchev. He has spent the last twelve
years in Moscow, Prague and other Communist capitals as permanent cor-
respondent of Unita, the PCI's daily newspaper. In August 1965 Unita
published a series of four articles by Boffa, datelined Prague. English
translations of these articles are appended to this BPG (unclassified).
Boffa proclaims at the outset that the Czechoslovak economy "suffered
incalculable losses as a consequence of rejecting the Marshall Plan aid
offered by the U.S. after the war, restricting trade with the West, and
directing nearly all of its industrial exports to the socialist countries."
He analyzes critically the deplorable results of the subordination of the
economy of Czechoslovakia and of Moscow's other satellites - since 19+7 -
to the interests of the Soviets. He reviews how Moscow forced upon them
its own economic and political models and forced them to implement the
unrealistic plans of the Council for Mutual Economic Aid ("CEMA" or
"COMECON"). In this typical Communist attempt to tie the inherent evils
of their system to the dead past or deceased comrades, Boffa does not
challenge whether the Novotny regime is seriously doing anything now to-
ward the much-heralded domestic "reforms" or lessening of its massive
"trade-aid" penetration of developing countries.
The postwar plundering of satellites by the Soviets, and the satel-
lites' descent into the morass of Communist mismanagement is scarcely
news, to wit:
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S ~ (948 Cont.)
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949 AF,WH.
BRITISH GUIANA
25X1 C10b MOVES TOWARD INDEPENDENCE
Ir
SITUATION: The British Government has called a conference in
London for 2 November 1965 to establish, with the chief political lead-
ers of British Guiana, procedures and date for granting final independ-
ence to that land. It is expected that this important event will be
fixed for some time in the Spring or Summer of 1966. It is equally ex-
pected that there will be strong opposition to granting independence
under the present circumstances by the largest political party in Brit-
ish Guiana, the People's Progressive Party (PPP), led and dominated by
Communists, most notably by Cheddi Jagan and his wife Janet. (It must be
noted that, while the leadership of the PPP is entirely Communist, the
rank & file is certainly not. It supports the leadership for strictly
racial reasons.)
Thanks to Jagan's policies during the past twenty years, the PPP
has gained the almost exclusive support of the East Indian part of the
nation's population, which comprises 48% of the total. The PPP has thus
managed to set the East Indians against the Negro -- or African as they
are called there -- part of the population which comprises 34% of the
total. This unfortunate racial division led to constant and bitter
strife during the many years in which Cheddi Jagan was Premier under the
tutelage of the British Colonial Office.
In the wake of elections held in December 1964, a coalition govern-
ment came to power, headed by Forbes Burnham, leader of the predominantly
African People's National Congress (PNC). The third ranking party, the
United Front (UF), received 3 out of the 13 cabinet posts with its leader,
Peter D'Aguiar, named Minister of Finance. This new government has al-
ready made significant progress in assuaging the wounds of racial strife
which were the legacy of Jagan's tenure. Equally important, the nation's
economy is rapidly recovering from Jagan's misguided and bungled manage-
ment -- which has become almost the hallmark of crypto-Communist as well
as avowedly Communist governments.
Jagan recognizes the great disadvantages of having Independence ar-
rive while his opposition is in office and he may be expected to try his
worst to disrupt the peace of the nation badly enough to force the post-
ponement of that event. And if Independence is attained in spite of him,
then his opposition tactics will be redoubled.
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(949 Cont.)
 5X1 C1 Ob
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 Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000300050001-4
THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1965.
Excerpts From Peking Declaration
Urging World `People's War'
to Destroy U.S.
CPYRGHT
PEKING, Sept. 3 (Reuters)-
Following are excerpts from an
article by the Chinese Commit-
itist Defense Minister, Marshal
Lin Piao, published in all,major
Chinese newspapers today and
made available in English by
Hsinhua, the official press
agency:
COMNENTATORtS NOTES :
1. Passages citing Mao The Tung are marked with
an asterisk t. *) ;
2. Passages attacking the Soviets are marked with
a vertical black line I
Marshal LIN Piao is Vice Chairman of the Politburo
and of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist
Party ( CCP ), Minister of National Defense and Vice
Chairman of the National Defense Council. L1n Piao
was born in Hupeh in 1908, son of a factory owner.
He went from a Middle School in Wuchang to the
Military Academy and graduated 15025. In the same year,
he joined the CC?. In 1y32, he was appointed connnander
of the First Red Army and made the "Long March" .-with
Mao to the North. Wounded when fighting the Japanese,
he spent four years, 1y38 - 15042, in the Soviet Union
for medical treatment. He has been a member of the
Central Committee, CCP, since 1yb5?
It was on the basis of the
lessons derived from the peo-
ple's wars in China that Com-
rade Mao Tse-tung, using the
simplest and the most vivid
language, advanced the fa-
mous thesis that "political
power grows out of the barrel
of a gun."
He clearly pointed out:
The seizure of power by
armed force, the settlement
of the issues by war, is the
central task and the highest
form of revolution. This
Marxist-Leninist principle of
revolution holds good univer-
sally, for r }~Chinar~ve 11 ed or
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 mppi
War is the product of im-
perialism and the system of
exploitation. of man by man.
Lenin said that "war is al-
ways and everywhere begun
by the exploiters themselves,
by the ruling and oppressing
classes."
So long as imperialism and
the system of exploitation of
ma' by man exist, the im-
perialists and reactionaries
will= invariably rely on armed
forge to maintain their reac-
tionary rule and Impose war
on the oppressed nations and
peoples. This is an objective
law independent of man's will,
Readiness to Go to War
Is Marxist `Touchstone'
In the last analysis, whether
one dares to wage a tit-for-
tat -struggle against armed
aggression and suppression
by the imperialists and their
lackeys, whether one dares to
fight a people's war against
therit means whether one
dares to embark on revolu-
tion. This is the most effective
touchstone for distinguishing
genuine from fake revolution-
aries and Marx.ist.Leninists.
In view of the fact that
some people were afflicted
with the fear of the imperial-
ists and reactionaries, Com-
rade Mao Tse-tung put for-
ward his famous thesis that
"the imperialists and all reac-
tionaries are paper tigers."
In appearance, the reac-
tionaries are terrifying but in
reality they are not so pow-
erful. From a long-term point
of view, it is not the reac-
tionaries but the people who
are really powerful.
The history of the people's
war in China and other coun-
tries provides conclusive evi-
dence that the growth of the
people's revolutionary forces
from weak and small begin-
nings into strong and large
forces is a universal law of de-
velopment of the class strug-
gle, a universal law of devel-
opment of the people's war.
A people's war inevitably
meets with many difficulties,
with ups and downs and set-
backs in the course of its de-
velopment, but no force can
alter its general trend toward
inevitable triumph.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung
points out that we must de-
spise the enemy strategically
and take full account of him
tactically.
To despise the enemy-stra-
tegically is an elementary re-
quirement for a revolution-
ary. Without the courage to
despise the enemy and with-
out daring to win, it will be
simply impossible to make a
revolution and wage a peo-
ple's war, let alone to achieve
CPYRGHT
This allegation that war is absolutely inevitable is
even more categorical than the formula to 'which the
CC? leaders agreed a few years earlier, when they
voted for the STATEMENT of the leaders of 81 Communist
Parties, convened in Moscow, November 1960 t hereafter
referred to as the Statement )i-ch declared :
tt The aggressive nature of imperialism has not
changed. But real forces have appeared that are
capable of foiling its plans of aggression. War
is not fatally inevitable. 11 t Underlining added )
MAO never faced a major power in war : the Japanese,
soon after invading the Chinese mainland, waged also
wars against the U.S. and Britain. Moreover, the
Japanese forces in China had to fight not only the
Communists but also the Nationalists.
'There is no such "universal law". Many revolutionary
uprisings in history failed . German Peasant War 1525s
Paris Commune 1871, Hungarian uprising 1956 ), either
because the opposition was too strong or the revolu-
tionaries were ill prepared and lacked unity. Other
uprisings succeeded temporarily but ended ultimately
in a tyranny as bad as ( if not worse than ) the regime
they had overthrown : the French revolution of 1789
led to Napoleon I, their revolution of 181.8 to Napoleon
III, the Russian revolution of 1917 to Stalin. Hardly
encouraging for anybody contemplating another "peoplets
war".
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Thesis of `Paper Tiger'
Called Light of Truth
The imperialists are ex-
tremely afraid of Comrade
Mao Tse-tung's thesis that
"imperialism and the reac-
tionaries are paper tigers"
and the revisionists are ex-
tremely hostile to it. They all
oppose and attack this thesis
and the Philistines follow suit
by ridiculing it. But all this
cannot in the least diminish
its importance. The light of
truth cannot be dimmed by
an body.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung's
theory of the peoples' war
solves not only the problem of
daring to fight a . people's
war, but also that of how to
wage it.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung is a
great statesman and military
scientist, proficient at direct-
ing war in accordance with
its laws. By the line and
policies, the strategy and tac-
tics he formulated for the
people's war, he led the Chi-
nese people in steering the
ship of the people's war past
all hidden reefs to the shores
of victory inmost complicated
and difficult conditions.
It must be emphasized that
Conirade Mao Tse-tung's
theory of the establishment
of rural revolutionary base
areas and the encirclement of
cities from the countryside is
of outstanding and universal
practical importance for the
present revolutionary strug-
gles of all the oppressed na-
tions and peoples, and partic-
ularly for the revolutionary
struggles of the oppressed na-
tions and peoples in Asia,
Africa and Latin America
against imperialism and its
lackeys.
Many countries and peoples
in Asia, Africa and Latin
America are now being sub-
jected to aggression and en-
slavement on a serious scale
by the imperialists headed by
the United States and their
lackeys. The basic political
and' economic conditions in
many of these countries have
many similarities to those
that prevailed in old China.
As in China, the peasant
question is extremely impor-
tant in these regions. The
peasants constitute the main
force of the national-demo-
1 ti t +],,&
ams
n
Mao's 11 PAPER TIGER 11 doctrine has never been put to
the acid test. Of course, the mere possession of
bigger and better military "hardware" alone has never
insured victory. The morale of the armed forces, the
political stability of the country, political and
military leadership etc. are also determining factors.
Some times regimes have collapsed or lost wars because
of such non-mrrtlitary shortcomings : this experience,
however, applies by no means only to "imperialists"
but to all kinds of political systems, including
Communist ores. Mao's slogan attempts to cause the
same type of dangerous delusion which made Hitler and
his Axis partners contemptuously describe the Western
powers as "decadent democracies" -- whereupon they
lost World War Two.
11 Establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and
the encirclement of cities from the countryside .... 11
contributed unquestionably to Mao's seizure of power
in China and is now standard doctrine for all Communist
guerrilla movements and insurrections, whether or not
directed by pupils of Peking. However, Mao might have
never won if the Japanese had not been defeated outside
China and if the Chirese Nationalists had received from
the free world the kind of material and political
support Mao received from, his "big brother" Stalin.
Moreover, it remains to be seen whether rural bases
remain safe and whether cities can be effecter. ely en-
circled if the guerrillas have to face modern t non-
nuclear ) weapons and a really determined foe, not
the obsolete equipment of the Chinese Nationalists or
the half-hearted effort of France against Ho Chi Minh's
guerrillas.
Armed support from the U.S. and other free countries
has been furnished only where either a Communist
insurrection was staged from the outside ( as in South
Vietnam ), where an originally non-Ccmzm nist upheaval
was '..being infiltrated by Communists ( as in Santo
Domingo ) or where a non-Communist rebellion assumed
dangerous proportions thanks to Communist arms shipment
training and other military support ( as in the Congo )
The comparison of basic political and economic
conditions in these countries with those that prevailed
in old China is entirely meaningless, as even a cursory
examination of the pertinent facts will show.
e revo u on ag
cra
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In ci >g rs n.
 Approved For Release 1999/09/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000300050001-4
against these countries, the
imperialists usually begin by
seizing the big cities and the
main lines of communication,
but they are unable to bring
the vast countryside com-
pletely under their control.
The countryside, and the
countryside alone, can provide
the broad areas in which the
revolutionaries can maneuver
freely.
The countryside, and the
countryside alone, can pro-
vide the revolutionary bases
from which the revolution-
aries can go forward to final
victory. Precisely for this
reason, Comrade Mao Tse-
tung's theory of establishing
revolutionary base areas in
the rural districts and en-
circling the cities from the
countryside 'is attracting
more and more attentio%
among the people in the
regions.
Taking the entire globe, if
North America and Western
Europe can be called "the
cities of the world," then
Asia, Africa and Latin Amer-
ica constitute "the rural areas
of the world."
Since World War II, the pro-
letarian revolutionary move-
ment has for various reasons
been temporarily held back
in the North American and
West European capitalist
countries, while., the -people's
revolutionary 'movement in
Asia, Africa and Latin Amer-
ica has been growing vigor-
ously. In a sense, the con-
temporary world revolution
also presents a picture of the
encirclement of cities by the
rural areas.
The October Revolution [in
Russia] opened up a new era
in the revolution of the op-
pressed nations. The victory
of the October Revolution
built a bridge between the
Socialist revolution of the
CPYRGHT
" The countryside, and the countryside alone, can
provide the revolutionary bases .... : This is an
implicit confession a the ommunists :
( Chinese or
otherwise ) have been unable to follow the teachings of
MARX and LENIN who taught that the proletariat -- i.e.
the industrial workers in capitalist enterprises -- are
the hard core and the true leaders of the Communist
revolution.
Calling Western Europe and North America "the cities
of the world", while Asia, Africa and Latin America
constitute "the rural areas of the world", is a grossly
misleading comparison, again demonstrating Peking's
inability of recognizing the realities of the world.
The comparison means that,''just as the rural areas of
China I. allegedly conquered the cities of China,
the rural areas of the world will conquer the cities of
the world, thus completing world conquest by the
Communists. However, the cities of China depended
upon their agrarian hinterland for food and agrarian
raw materials, whereas Western Europe and North America
are not only self-supporting in food and agrarian
products, but are even exporting vast surpluses to the
socalled "rural areas of the world", including the
many millions of tons of grains, shipped from the West
to China, the Soviet Union and other Communist
countries, unable to feed their unhappy subjects.
The author's comparison of the rural areas and the
cities of the world is wrong for other reasons, too --
for instance, large parts of Africa, Asia and Latin
America can certainly not be compared with pre-Mao
China.
It The proletarian revolutionary movement has for
various reasons been temporarily held back in-fFie North
American and West European capitalist countries ....
Thus, evasively and reticently, does the Marshal avoid
two of the hardest blows under which the CCP keeps
suffering. First and foremost, the advanced capitalist
countries, where, according to MARX and LENIN, the
Communist world revolution ought to have started,
show very little revolutionary unrest -- the U.S.,
Britain, West Germany and Canada none at all. Second,
in the few advanced countries with sizeable Communist
Parties f however far still from revolution ), such as
France and Italy, Chinese influence is negligible.
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 Approvea or a ease
proletariat of the West and
the national-democratic revo-
lution of the colonial and
semi-colonial countries of the
East. The Chinese revolution
has successfully solved the
problem of how to link up the
national democratic with So-
cialist revolution in the colo-
nial and semi-colonial coun-
tries.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung has
pointed out that, in the
epoch since the October Rev-
olution, anti-imperialist revo-
lution in any colonial or semi-
colonial country is no longer
part of the old bourgeois, or
capitalist world revolution,
but is part of the new world
revolution, the proletarian-
Socialist world revolution.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung has
formulated a complete the-
ory of the new democratic
revolution. He indicated that
this revolution, which is dif-
ferent from all others, can only
be, nay must be, a revolution
against imperialism, feudalism
and bureaucrat capitalism
waged by the broad masses
of Lhe people unde the leader-
ship of the proletariat.
This means that the revo-
lution can only be, nay must
be, led by the proletariat and
the genuinely revolutionary
party armed with Marxism-
Leninism, and by no other
class or party.
This means that the revolu-
tion embraces in its ranks not
only the workers, peasants,
the urban petit bourgeoisie,
but also the national bour-
geoisie and other patriotic and
anti-imperialist democrats.
This means, finally, that the
revolutions directed against
imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat capitalism.
The new democratic revolu-
tion leads to Socialism, and
not to capitalism.
Comrade Mae Tse-tung's
theory of the new democratic
inist theory of uninterrupted
revolution.
Comrade Mao Tse - tung
made a correct distinction be-
tween the two revolutionary
stages, i.e., the national-dem-
ocratic and the Socialist revo-
lutions, and he correctly and
closely linked the two. The na-
tional - democratic revolution
is the necessary preparation
for the Socialist revolution,
and the Socialist revolution is
the inevitable sequel to the
.national - democratic revolu-
tion.
There is no great wall be-
tween the two revolutionary
stages. But the Socialist rev-
olution is only possible after
the completion of the nation-
al-democratic revolution. The
more thorough the national-
democratic revolution, the bet-
ter the conditions for the So-
cialist revolution.
A
CPYRGHT
" Under the leadership of the proletariat." : .46 A few paragraphs earlier, we had been told that "the
rural areas alone can provide the revolutionary bases.."
However, rural areas are not inhabited by proletarians,
i.e. by industrial workers " as defined by MARX ).
The CCe in particular had been lacking a proletarian
base from the beginning and neither Mao nor most of
the other CCP leaders came from a proletarian bacigm and
"Uninterrupted" -- that is, permanent -- revolution
was the doctrine proclaimed TROTSKY. He was
expelled from the CPSU and finally assassinated by
order of Mao's idol, Stalin, because he preached
permanent world revolution -- which conflicted with
Stalin's design to consolidate his dictatorship in the
Soviet Union first, before launching new international
adventures.
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Moscow `Revisionists'
Serve Imperialism
The experience of the Chi-
nese revolution shows that the
tasks of the national-demo-
cratic revolution can be ful-
filled only through long and
tortuous struggles. In this
stage of revolution, imperial-
ism and its lackeys are the
principal enemy.
In the struggle against im-
perialism and its lackeys, it
is necessary to ally all anti-
imperialist patriotic forces,
including the national bour-
geoisie and all patriotic per-
sonages.
All those patriotic person-
ages from among the bour-
geoise and other exploiting
classes who join the anti-im-
perialist struggle play a pro-
gressive historical role: they
are not tolerated by im-
perialism but welcomed by
the proletariat.
The Khrushchev revision-
ists are now actively preach-
ing that Socialism can be
built without the proletariat
and without a Communist
party. And they have cast the
fundamental tenets of Marx-
ism-Leninism to the four
winds, The revisionists pur-
pose is solely to divert the
oppressed nations from their
struggle against imperialism
and to sabotage their national-
democratic revolution, all in
the service of imperialism.
The'Chinese revolution pro-
vides a successful lesson for
making a thoroggh-going na-
tional-democratic revolution
CPYRGHT
newly independent nation in the interest of Communist
world conquest.
" IMPERIALISM " , as understood by everybody but a
doctrinaire Marxist-Leninist, denotes a regime which
conquers and subdues foreign lands and peoples, whether
to enhance its military might, its economic resources
or to create new settlements for its own population sur-
plus. This type of aggressive and war-like regime has
existed throughout history, since the early days of the
Sumerian, Egyptian, Persian and Roman empires. The
Soviet Union is imperialist -- holding vast areas against
the wishes of their inhabitants,from the Baltic states
and Bessarabia, through Central Asia, to the Far East.
So is Communist China, suppressing large minority
groups by force, as in Tibet, and coveting even larger
foreign lands, as shown by the maps in every Chieom
school textbook, depicting the vast colonial empire of
the Manchu Emperors as "Chinese". The imperialism of
Western Europe has almost reached its end, most
colonies having been granted independence since 1945.
U.S. imperialism was always merely "marginal", her
colonial possessions only a minor fraction of the size
and population of the mainland. Since 1945, the Philip-
pines have been voluntarily granted independence, Hawaii
voted by plebiscite to become the 5oth State of the U.S.
and Puerto Rico voted repeatedly in favor of its status
quo, having been offered free choice. -- Use of
"imperialism" in Communist propaganda is therefore
badly misleading : they hope to be able to use it as
a bogeyman with whom to manipulate the developing and
Throughout this article, the present Soviet leaders
are referred to as "Khrushchev revisionists" -- even
though Khrushchev was amatical removed from Moscow's
public scene and his successors, temporarily led by
First CPSU Secretary Brezhnev and Premier Kosygin, have
changed many of Khrushchev's policies. They also
attempted to arrive at a modus vivendi with Peking but
failed since Mao would accept nothing short of uncondi-
tional surrender.
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 under the leadership of the
proletariat: it likewise pro-
vides a successful lesson for
the timely transition from the
national democratic revolution
to the Socialist revolution uh-
der the leadership of the pro-
letariat.
Ours is the epoch in which
world capitalism and im-
perialism are heading for their
doom and Socialism and Com-
munism are marching to vic-
tory. Comrade Mao Tse-tung's
theory of people's war is not
only a product of the Chinese
revolution, but has also the
The new experience gained in
the people's revolutionary
struggles in various countries
since World War II has pro-
vided continuous evidence that
Mat Tse-tung's thought is a
common asset of the revolu-
tionary people of the whole
world. This is the great in-
ternational significance of the
thought of Mao Tse-tung.
Since World War II, United
States imperalism has stepped
into the shoes of German,
Japanese and Italian Fascism
and has been trying to build a
great American empire by
dominating and enslaving the
whole world. It is the most
rabid aggressor in human his-
tory and the most ferocious
common enemy of the people
NNOV of the world.
Every people or country in
the world that wants revolu-
tion, independence and peace
cannot but direct the spear-
head of its struggle against
U. S. imperialism.
The U. S. imperialists' pol-
icy of seeking world domina-
tion makes it possible for the
people throughout the world
to unite all the forces that can
be united and to form the
broadest possible united front
for a converging attack on
U. S. imperialism.
At present, the main bat-
tlefield of the fierce struggle
between the people of the
world on the one side and
U. S. imperialism and its
lackeys on the other is the
vast area of Asia, Africa and
Latin America. In the world
as a whole, this is the area
where the people suffer worst
from imperialist oppression
1i t 1 's
ue
CPYRGHT
" .... imperialism heading for their doom ... Communism
marching to victory. " Even though Marxist-Leninist
prophesies and forecasts have been repeatedly and often
disastrously wrong, Communist propaganda still tries
to impress less experienced audiences with its
apodictic prognostications. Long-range forecasts,
disproved by history, included the allegation that the
middle classes would disappear, that gigantic trusts
would swallow all smaller enterprises, that imperia-
list countries would be ruined when they lost their
colonies, and many others. Tactical prophesies,
seriously damaging the Communist cause by their
mistakes, were, for instance : Stalin's assumption,
Hitler and the West would fight to each other's
destruction, left the USSR unprepared for Hitler's
onslaught 1y41 ; a forecast by Soviet economists that
transition from war to peace economy would "inevitably
provoke a grave depression in the U.S., misdirected
Soviet foreign policy in the first years after the
war ; the Berlin blockade, the Korean war, the Cuban
missile crisis and many other Communist setbacks were
the results of other erroneous forecasts.
Equating the U.S. with German, Japanese and Italian
Fascism is more inept than.one would expect from a
crafty Chicom propagandist. German Communists helped
to undermine the Weimar Republic and thus facilitated
Hitler's rise to power. Stalin concluded the notorious
pact which gave Hitler a free hand to launch World
War Two. Without billions of dollars worrth of U.S.
lend-lease aid, of weapons, other military equipuent,
food and medical supplies, the Soviet Union might
have never recovered from the consequences of Stalin's
criminal folly. Generally, conditions in ComChina,
the Soviet Union and other Communist countries
resemble far more closely those which existed in
Hitler's Germany than those prevailing in the U.S.
and throughout most of the free world.
and where impera s r
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ionary storms have been ris- CPYRGHT
g in this area, and today
hey have become the most
portant force directly
ounding U. S. Imperialism. In the first of these two paragraphs, the author
The contradiction between speaks of a " ? .. force directly pounding U.S. imper-
e peoples of
sia, , Africa Africa and Latin tin Amer!- ialism whatever this force or that pounding may
a and the imperialists headed be ). In the second however he speaks more y the Tinited States is the ! generally
rincipal contradiction in the of the ii .. ? imperialists headed by the U.S. "? Both
ontemporary world. The de- statements are wildly dLstor"~',e generalizations!
elopment of this contradic-
ion is promoting the struggle artificially constructed to support the article' s main
f the people of the whole thesis i. e. that all O les must unite
orld against U. S. imperial- t p@ p age T18 fi the
i m and its lackeys. U.S.
Since World War II and the
cceeding years of revolu-
onary upsurge, there has
een a great rise In the level
f political consciousness and
e degree of organization of
e people in all countries,
nd the resources available to
em for mutual support and
id have greatly increased.
he whole capitalist-imperial-
i t system has become drasti-
]ly weaker and is in the
rocess of increasing convul-
on and disintegration.
U. S. imperialism Is strong-
, but also more vulnerable,
Man any imperialism of the
ast. It sets itself against the
eople of the whole world,
i cluding the people of the
nited States. Its human,
ilitary, material and finan-
al resources are far from a ? Far from sufficient for the realization of its
fficient for the realization ..?
its ambition of dominating ambition of dominating the whole world. A typical
e whole world.
When committing aggres- case of Communist propaganda technique : first, they
on in a foreign country, make a completely unproven I. and untrue ) assertion --
s. imperialism can only ploy part of its, forces, here., that the U.S. wants to dominate the world.
hich are sent to fight an un- Second,, they "conclude" that this is not possible --
j ist far from thane a low native
land and therefore have that U.S. resources do not suffice to dominate
orale, and so U. S. Imperial- the world t no proof offered, either ). Third.. this
i m is beset with great diffi- !
cities. "proves" that the enemy is a "paper tiger" -- here,
The people subjected to its that ti U.S. imperialism is ... more vulnerable than
strength are having a um with th U. S. s. . im- any imperialism in the past The facts are entirely
rialism neither in Washing- different : the outcome of World War Two, the, eclipse
Um nor New York, neither in
onolulu nor Florida. but are of Germany and Japan, the weakening of France and
f ghting for independence and
f eedom on their own soil. has made the U.S, the leading power of the
.
Once they are mobilized on free world -- a responsibility most reluctantly
broad scale, they will have
i exhaustible strength. Thus, accepted by the U.S. government and people. This
s periority will belong not to responsibility is an entirely defensive mission, to
t e United States but to the
p ople subjected to its ag- prevent new aggressions, to maintain peace, to promote
ession. The latter, though international cooperation. It depends upon the world
a parently weak and small,
a e really more powerful than at large how much of this mission can be fulfilled by
s. imperialism. the UN and other international bodies.
The struggles waged by the
d fferent peoples against U. S.
I perialism reinforce each
o her and merge into a world-
ide tide of opposition to
S. imperialism. The more
s ccessful the development of
p ople's war In a given re-
g
on, in, the larger the number
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of U. S. imperialist forces
that can be pinned down and
depleted there.
When the U. S. aggressors
are hard pressed in one place, In other words the ChicOms, in corder to fight the
they have no alternative but U.S. at the expense of other nations, will continue
to loosen their grip on others.
Therefore, the conditions be- and intensify their efforts to stir up subversive up-
come more favorable for the risings and even to help provoking conflicts which
people elsewhere to wage
struggles against U. S. im- have nothing to do with their "revolutionary" concepts,
perialism and its lackeys.
Everything is divisible. And like the current fighting between India and Pakistan.
so is this colossus of U.S. This, they hope and expect, will divide, divert and
o of f weaken U.S. military forces, thus protecting China her-
and defeated. It The he peoples can split up
Asia, Africa, Latin America self against the consequences of the world-wide chain
and other regions can destroy
it piece by piece, some strik- of wars and upheavals to which they are so eagerly
ing at its head and others at contributing.
e
For this reason, it WILL
meet with strong opposition
not only from the people
elsewhere but also inevitably
from the people in its own
country. Even if U.S. im-
perialism brazenly ituses nu-
Blear weapons,
conquer the people, who are
indomitable.
Fighting on Ground
Key to Victory
However highly developed
modern weapons and techni-
cal equipment may be and
however complicated the
methods of modern warfare,
in the final analysis the out-
come of a war will be decided
by the sustained fighting of
the ground forces, by the
fighting at close quarters on
battlefields, by the political
consciousness of the men, by
their courage and spirit of
sacrifice.
its feet. That is why
greatest fear of U.S. impe-
rialism is that people's wars
will be launched in different
parts of the world, and par-
ticularly in Asia, Africa and
Latin America, and why it re-
gards people's wars as a
mortal 'danger.
U.S. imperialism relies
solely on its nuclear weapons
to intimidate people, but these
weapons cannot save U.S.
imperialism from its doom.
Nuclear weapons cannot be
used lightly.
U.S. imperialism has been
condemned by the people
the whole world for its tower-
ing crime of dropping two
atomic bombs on Japan. If it
uses nuclear weapons again,
it will become isolated in the
extreme.
Moreover, the U.S. monop-
oly of nuclear weapons has
long been broken; U.S. im-
perialism has these weapons,
but others have them too. If
it threatens other countries
with nuclear weapons. U.S.
imperialism will expose its
own country to the same
threat.
+~ ? ... Relies solely on its nuclear weaponsS.s
This i s patently uz e. Thus far, the
frustrated all instances of actual or threatening
Communist aggression since 1y45 -- the Berlin blockade,
North Korean/Chioom aggression against South Korea,
North Vietnamese aggression against South Vietnam, and
the Cuban missile crisis 1962 -- without resorting to
nuclear arms. It depends upon the scope, intensity and
taotics of future Communist aggressions and
insurrections whether their use can be avoided in the
future, too.
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Here the weak points of
U.S. imperialism will be com-
pletely laid bare, while the
superiority of the revolu-
tionary people will be brought
into full play. The reactionary
troops of U.S. imperialism
cannot possibly be endowed
with the courage and the
spirit of sacrifice possessed
by the revolutionary people.
The spiritual atom bomb
that the revolutionary people
possess is a far more power-
ful and useful weapon than
the physical atom bomb.
Vietnam is the most con-
vincing example of, a, victim
of aggression defeating U. S.
imperialism by a people's war.
The United States has made
South Vietnam a testing
ground for the suppression of
people's war. It has carried
on this experiment for many
years, and everybody can now
see that the U. S. aggressors
are unable to find a way of
coping with a people's war.
On the other hand, the Viet-
namese people have brought
the power of people's war into
full play in their struggle
against the U. S. aggressors.
The U. S. aggressors are in
danger of being swamped in
the people's war in Vietnam.
They are deeply worried
that their defeat in Vietnam
will lead to a chain reaction.
They are expanding the war
in an attempt to save them-
selves from defeat. But the
more they expand the war,
the greater will be the chain
reaction. The more they es-
calate the war, the heavier
will be their fall and the more
disastrous their defeat.
The people in other parts
of the world will see still more
clearly that U. S. imperial-
ism can be defeated, and that
what the Vietnamese people
can do, they do too.
History has proved and will
go on proving that the peo-
ple's war is the most effective
weapon against U. S. impe-
rialism and its lackeys. All
revolutionary people will learn
to wage a people's war against
U. S. imperialism and its
lackeys. They, will take up
arms, learn to fight battles
and become skilled in waging
a people's. war, thought they
have not done so before.
U. S. imperialism, like a
mad bull dashing from place
to place, will finally be burned
to ashes in the blazing fire
of the people's wars it has
provoked by its own actions.
11 Spiritual Atom Bomb " : Another favorite slogan of
Chicom propaganda, revealing the abysmal ignorance of
the realities of the outside world in which Peking
rulers keep themselves and their subjects. As noted
above, weapons alone do not decide wars -- the morale
of the armed forces ( and of the civilian population ),
as well as other factors, contribute to the outcome of
every conflict. But is the Marshal's arrogant assump-
tion -- i.e. that the moral, political etc. factors are
all in favor of Peking or of Communism generally --
justified ? Not at all : during World War Two, the
morale of the Soviet forces, commalded by Mao's"big
brother" Stalin, was the worst of all major powers,
especially during the first two years. Hundreds of
thousands of Soviet soldiers and officers ( including
2U generals ) not only surrendered to Hitler's armies,
but volunteered to fight on Germany's side against
Stalin's hated tyranny. At the end of the Korean war,
more than 20,000 Chican and North Korean Communist
soldiers refused to return to their Communist homelands,
whereas only 23 Americans remained on the enemy's side
( most of whom, incidentally, reconsidered since ).
There have already been thousands of Vietcong defectors,
too. Where, then, is the "spiritual atom bomb" ?
It is just another deceptive propaganda trick, designed
to send millions of other peoples into war.
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 rRXRr
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The Khrushchev revision-
ists have come to the rescue
of U.S. imperialism just when
it is most panic-stricken and
helpless in its efforts to cope
with the people's war. Work-
ing hand in glove with the
U.S. imperialists, they are
doing their utmost to spread
all kinds of arguments against
the people's war, and where-
ever they can, they are
scheming to undermine it by
overt or covert means.
Russians Denounced
For Lack of Faith
The fundamental reason why
the Khrushchev revisionists
are opposed to the people's
war is that they have no faith
in the masses and are afraid
of U.S. imperialism, of war
and of revolution.
Like all other opportunists,
they are blind to the power
of the masses and do not be-
lieve that the revolutionary
people are capable of defeat-
ing imperialism.
They submit to the nuclear
blackmail of the U.S. Im-
perialists and are afraid that,
if the oppressed peoples and
nations rise up to fight the
people's wars or the people of
Socialist countries repulse
U.S. imperialist aggression,
U.S. Imperialism. will become
incensed' they themselves will
become involved and their
fond dream of Soviet-U.S. co-
operation to dominate the
world will be spoiled.
Ever since Lenin led the
Great October Revolution to
victory, the experience of in-
numerable revolutionary wars
has borne out the truth that
a revolutionary people who
rise up with only their bare
hinds at the outset finally
succeed in defeating the rul-
g classes who are armed to
teeth.
We leave it to the Soviet government and to the CPSU
leaders to respond to the numerous attacks, slanders
and distortions this article levels against them.
However, balanced analysis of this Chiaom document
requires some comments upon the facts involved. Here t
the present Moscow leadership, far from having come
"to the rescue ... of panic-stricken U.S. imperialism",
has hardened its attitude towards the U.S. in recent
months. Moscow has even stooped to personal insults
against the President of the U.S., to demagogic ex-
ploitation of the Los Angeles riots and to reducing
cultural exchanges with the U.S. -- risking new
tensions between the two big powers, primarily
because the rulers of the Kremlin seem to believe
k very much to their own disadvantage ) that they must
take the side of the Vietcong aggressors -- even though
the war in Vietnam helps only their Chinese rivals.
Unfortunately, the Soviet leadership continues to
cling to concepts of "world-wide Communist solidarity"
which the Soviet Union has actually long outgrown and
which have ceased to be a firm basis for Moscow's
foreign relations -- including relations with foreign
Communist Parties.
Moscow is hardly less reckless than China in stirring
up -- or supporting -- conflicts and insurrections, as
demonstrated in the Cuban missile crisis, in Soviet
arms shipments to the Congo rebels, to Cyprus and
other crisis areas. It is hard to see what Peking
means by accusing the Soviets of "opposing people's
wars". On the contrary, it is known that Soviet arms
shipments for Vietnam encountered major Chicom
obstacles and delays.
The October Revolution was by no means an uprising
"with bare hands" , but undertaken by a Bolshevik
paramilitary organization t led by unperson Trotsky ),
supported by major disaffected Army and Navy units --
and could never have won, if the Tsarist regime, its
armed forces and its police had not been fatally
weakened by four years of external warfare against a
superior enemy, imperial Germany, first.
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The poorly armed have de-
feated the better armed. Peo-
ple's armed forces, beginning
with only prirriitive swords,
spears, rifles and hand gre-
nades, have In the end de-
feated the imperialist forces
armed with modern airplanes,
tanks, heavy artillery and
atom bombs.
Guerrilla forces have ulti-
mately defeated regular
armies. "Amateurs" who were
never trained in any mili-
tary schools have eventually
defeated "professionals" grad-
uated from military acade-
mies, and so on and so forth.
Things stubbornly develop
In a way that runs counter
to the assertions of the re-
visionists, and facts are slap-
ping them in the face.
The Khrushchev revisionists
insist that a nation without
nuclear weapons is incapable
of defeating an enemy with
nuclear weapons, whatever
methods of fighting it may
adopt.
This is tantamount to say-
ing that anyone without nu-
clear weapons is destined to
come to grief, destined to be
bullied and annihilated, and
must either capitulate to the
enemy when confronted with
his nuclear weapons or come
under the "protection" of some
other, nuclear power and sub-
mit to its beck and call.
Isn't this the jungle law
of survival par excellence ?
Isn't this helping the impe-
rialists in their nuclear black-
mail? Isn't this openly for-
bidding people to make rev-
olution ?
The Khrushchev revisionists
assert that nuclear weapons
and strategic rocket units are
decisive while conventional
forces are insignificant, any
that a militia is just a heal
of human flesh.
For ridiculous reasons such
as these, they oppose the
mobilization of and reliance
on the masses in the Socialist
countries to get prepared to
Ise the people's war against
imperialist aggression.
They have staked the whole
future of their country on
nuclear weapons and are en-
aged in a nuclear gamble
with United States imperial-
sm, with which they are
rying to strike a political
teal. Their theory of mili-
ary strategy is the theory
hat nuclear weapons decide
verything.
Their line in army building
s the bourgeois line which
gnores the human factor and
ees only the material factor
nd which regards technique
s everything and politics
s nothing.
CPYRGHT
Referring to the Communists and their subversive allies
and followers as " Amateurs " is bitter irony -- even
though not intended by thee author. Actually, all
Communist parties -- by no means only the Chinese --
have developed subversion and guerrilla warfare to a
complex art and science, to which they have devoted
years of studies, innumerable books, pamphlets and
articles and which they are teaching in a vast complex
of training schools, covering the globe from Peking to
Zanzibar and from Moscow to Cuba.
" An. ne without nuclear weapons is destined to come
to grief .... " -- not at all, unless he follows
irresponsible advice and starts a war with a
nuclear power. Experience of 20 years of the nuclear
age has clearly shown that the "balance of terror"
between the big nuclear powers grants even smaller
nations a freedom of political and diplomatic action
which they may not have possessed prior to World War
Two. The conclusions the author pretends to derive
from Moscow's somewhat more realistic stand on nuclear
warfare are therefore unproven and irrelevant.
The masses of CasnChina are already mobilized in a huge
"Liberation Army'" and even more numerous militia units.
The true meaning of this passage is therefore a demand
that Moscow should commit its military forces to fight
China's wars.
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The Khrushchev revisionists
maintain that a single spark
in any part of the globe may
touch off a world nuclear
conflagration and bring
destruction to mankind. If
this were true, our planet
would have been destroyed
time and time again.
There have been wars of
national liberation through-
out the 20 years since World
War H. But has any single
one of them developed into
a World War? Isn't it true
that the United States im-
perialists' plans for a World
War have been upset pre-
cisely thanks to the wars of
national liberation in Asia,
Africa and Latin America?
By contrast, those who have
done their utmost to stamp
out the "sparks" of people's
war have in fact encouraged
U. S. imperialism in its ag-
gressions and wars.
The Khrushchev revision-
ists claim that if their gen-
eral line of "peaceful, co-
existence, peaceful transition
and peaceful competition" is
followed, the oppressed will.
be liberated and "a world
without weapons, without
armed forces and without
wars" will come into being.
But the inexorable fact is
that imperialism and reaction
headed by the United States
are zealously priming their
war machine and are daily
engaged in sanguinary sup-
pression of the revolutionary
peoples and in the threat and
use of armed force against
independent countries.
The kind of rubbish ped-
dled by the Khrushchev re-
visionists has "already taken
a great toll of lives in a
number of countries. Are
these painful lessons, paid
for in blood, still insuf-
ficient ?
The essence of. the general
line of the Khrushchev re-
vionists is nothing other
than the demand that all the
oppressed peoples and nations
and all the countries that
have won independence
should lay down their ar is
and place "themselves at the
mercy of he U. S. imperial-
ists and their lackeys who
are armed to the teeth.
The author scoffs at the thought that " ... a single
spark ... may touch off a world nuclear conflagration",
noting that none of the conflicts of the st 2U years
have led to nuclear war. This is certainly the most
criminally irresponsible gamble with the lives of
hundreds of millions of human beings. Invention of
the nuclear weapons dates back only 20 years and the
memories of World War Two are still too vivid in most
major nations i outside China ) to encourage a new
global conflict. But this offers no assurance whatso-
ever for the future, especially if madmen like the
Peking leaders circle the globe -- with or-:,without
nuclear devices of their own -- , looking for new
conflicts to provoke. Most wars of the past, including
the first two World wars and the Korean War, erupted
because of miscalculations, lack of information and
accidents on one or both sides. This holds true of
future conflicts as well.
" .... Already taken a great toll of lives in a number
of countries ". Whose lives is the Marshal charging
against Moscow ? Hardly the tens of thousands of
Hungarians, killed when the Soviet Army quelled the
Budapest uprising 1)56, or the hundreds of East Germans,
"pacified" by Soviet tanks 1953. Or does he refer to
Vietcong casualties which might have been avoided if
the Soviets had sent more military aid earlier ? i. But,
as noted above, China impeded such aid th ipments )
Apparently, this passage has no meaning at all : it is
"pure" Chicom propaganda, not blemished by any facts.
Far from having urged any nations to "lay down their
arms", it was Moscow rather than Peking which furnished
weapons, including submarines, jet bombers and guided
missiles to numerous countries unfriendly to the U.S.,
from Cuba via Egypt and Iraq to Peking's faithful ally,
Indonesia. What, then, does the Marshal want ?
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 w nue. magistrates are al-
lowed to burn down houses,
the common people are for-
bidden even to light lamps."
Such is the way of the im-
perialists and reactionaries.
Subscribing to this imperial-
ist philosophy, the Khrush-
chev revisionists shout that
the Chinese people standing
in the forefront of the fight
for world peace:
"You are bellicose!"
Gentlemen, your abuse
adds to our credit. It is this
very "bellicosity" of ours
that helps to prevent impe-
rialism from unleashing a
world war. The people are
"bellicose" because they have
to defend themselves and be-
cause the imperialists and re-
actionaries force them to be
so.
It is also the imperialists
and reactionaries who have
taught the people the arts
of war. We are simply us-
ing revolutionary "bellicosi-
ty" to cope with counter-
revolutionary bellicosity.
How can it be argued that
the imperialists and their
lackeys may kill people ev-
erywhere, while the people
must not strike back in self-
defense or help one another?
What kind of logic is this?
The Khrushchev revi-
sionists regard imperialists
like Kennedy and Johnson
as "sensible" and describe us
together with all those who
dare to carry out armed de-
fense against imperialist ag-
gression as "bellicose." This
has revealed.the Khrushchev
revisionists in their true col-
ors as the accomplices of im-
perialist gangsters.
War Is `Great School'
To Temper People
We know that war brings
destruction, sacrifice and suf-
fering on the people. But the
destruction, sacrifice and suf-
fering will be much greater
if no resistance is offered to
imperialist armed aggression
and the people become willing
slaves.
The sacrifice of a small
number of people in revolu-
tionary wars is repaid by se-
curity for. whole nations,
whole countries and even the
whole of mankind; temporary
suffering is repaid by lasting
or even perpetual peace and
happiness.
War can temper the people
and push history forward. In
this sense, war is a great
school.
In diametrical opposition to
the Khrushchev revisionists,
the Marxist-Leninists and
revolutionary people never
take a gloomy view of war.
CPYRGHT
" The People are bellicose ... " Which people 3 The
Chinese Communists have never given their own people,
let alone the foreign populations wham they want to
expend for their own benefit, a chance to decide in
free and secret votes. If given that chance, we are
certain that a large majority in both South and North
Vietnam would vote for the Vietcong, their Chinese
commissars and their Soviet weapons to leave, certain
that this would also result in a withdrawal of U.S.
forces. There are some regions in the world where
masses favor war -- but not for the reasons preferred
by Peking, rather for deep-seated racial/ethnic
enmities, as the conflict between Arabs and Israel, or
between India and Pakistan. Peking profits from all
conflicts at least indirectly, even if they spring
from causes alien to Chieom doctrine.
" Marxists-Leninists and revolutionary people never
take a gloomy view of war ". pacifists and responsible
statesmen should note this advocacy of war -- which
reminds us ominously of the statement by one of the
leading generals of Imperial Germany in the early stages
of World War One : " War agrees with me like a cure at
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 Approved or Release
Our attituae toward impe-
rialist wars of aggression has
always been clear-cut. First,
we are against them, and sec-
ondly, we are not afraid of
them. We will destroy who-
ever attacks us.
As for revolutionary wars
waged by the oppressed na-
tions and peoples, so far from
opposing them, we invariably
give them firm support and
active aid. It has been so in
the past, it remains so in the
present and, when we grow
in strength as time goes on,
we will give them still more
support and aid in the future.
It is sheer day-dreaming for
anyone to think that, since
our revolution has been vic-
torious, our national construe-
4ion is forging ahead, our na-
tional wealth $is increasing
e
diti
i
i
ons ar
ng con
v
and our l
improving, we too will lose
our revolutionary fighting
will, abandon the cause of
world revolution and discard
Marxism-Leninism and prole-
tarian internationalism.
Of course, every revolution
In a country stems from the
demands of its own people.
Only when the people in a
country are awakened, mobil-
ized, organized and armed
can they overthrow the reac-
tionary rule of imperialism
and its lackeys through
struggle; their role cannot be
replaced or taken over by any
people from outside.
In this sense, revolution
cannot be imported. But this
does not exclude mutual sym-
pathy and support on the part
of revolutionary peoples in
,their struggles against the
imperialists and their lackeys.
Our support and aid to other
revolutionary peoples serves
precisely to help their self-
reliant struggle.
The propaganda of the
Khrushchev revisionists
against people' war and the
publicity they give to de-
featism and capitulationism
tend to demoralize and
spiritually disarm revolution-
ary people everywhere.
These revisionists are do-
ing what the United States
imperialists are unable to do
themselves and are rendering
them great service; they have
greatly encouraged United
States imperialism in its war
adventures. They have com-
pletely betrayed the Marxist-
Leninist revolutionary theory
of war and have become be-
trayers of people's war.
CPYRGHT
it We invariably give firm support and active aid ....
for revolutions wars .. " ComChina unquestionably
encourages all forms of war, insurrection and other
bloodshed wherever it can, even in cases which have
nothing to do with a Coanmunist revolution, such as the
anti-Arab pogrom in Zanzibar, or the tribal rebellion
in the Congo. Guerrilla and insurgent leaders can
count on propaganda support, commissars and instructors,
training on the spot or in China, perhaps limited arms
shipments. Any large-scale military, economic or
technical aid is as yet beyond Peking's capabilities.
" It is sheer day-dreaming that ... we too, will lose
our revolutioa~a f3- ghti2g will abandon t eh cause of
world revolution .... " This assurance reflects
revealing old Mao's own painful doubts about China's
future. ComChina is 16 years old and the men who
seized power, i.e. the first generation of the
revolution, are still at the helm. The Soviet regime
is 48 years old and the men who seized power 1y17 are
virtually all dead : the second -- or in some instances
the third -- revolutionary generation rules now in the
Kremlin, The Soviet Union, in the eyes of Peking,
has already lost its revolutionary will and did abandon
world revolution. Will China walk this way, too ?
Revolution is never a permanent conditLon, but rather
a phase of ( violent ) transition. China's admirers in
other parts of the world may one day be disappointed
in their idol, just as Mae & Go were disappointed in
the Soviet Union. We cannot be sure when and how
China will reach the stage : but apprehension of such
"revisionist" trends is clearly implied here.
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To win the struggle against
United States imperialism and
carry the people's wars to
victory, the Marxist-Leninists
and revolutionary people
throughout the world must
resolutely oppose Khrushchev
revisionism.
Today, Khrushchev re-
visionism has a dwindling
audience among the revolu-
tionary people of the world.
Wherever there is armed
aggression and suppression by
imperialism and its lackeys,
there are bound to be people's
wars against aggression and
oppression. It is certain that
such wars will develop vigor-
ously. This is an objective law
independent of the will of
either the United States im-
perialists or the Khrushchev
revisionists.
The revolutionary people of
the world will sweep away
everything that stands in the
way of their advance. Khrush-
chev is finished. And the suc-
cessors to Khrushchev re-
visionism will fare no better.
The imperialists, the reac-
tionaries and the Khrushchev
revisionists, who have all set
themselves against people's
war, will be swept like dust
from the stage of history by
the mighty broom of the
revolutionary people.
Great changes have taken
place in China and the world
in the 20 years since the
victory of the war of resist-
ance against Japan, changes
that have made the situation
more favorable than ever for
the revolutionary people of
the world and more unfavor-
able than ever for Imperial-
ism and its lackeys.
When Japanese imperialism
launched its war of aggres-
sion against China, the Chi-
nese people had only a very
small people's army and a
very small revolutionary base.
And they were up against the
biggest military despot of the
East. Yet even then, Comrade
Mao Tse-tung said that the
Chinese people's war could
be won and that Japanese im-
perialism could be defeated.
CPYRGHT
" This is an objective law independent of the will
Note that the author --like other doctrinaire
Communists -- cites mysterious "objective laws", when-
ever he can't think of any better proof for an alle-
gation. If he were serious about such compulsive laws
of history, he would have to consider the turn of the
Soviet Union towards "Khrushchev revisionism" and other
developments distasteful to him, as equally imposed Alk
by "objective laws".
" The successors to Khrushchev revisionism ... will be
swept like dust from the stage of history it. We wonder
whether the present Kr n leaders turn the other
cheek to this insulting threat and continue to furnish
China's allies and vassals with arms and economic aid,
thus hastening the arrival of the "mighty broom" ?
As noted above, Mao & Co can take only a very minor
slice of the credit for the downfall of Japanese
militarism-3mperialiam in World War Two. The author
conveniently "forgets" the roles played by the U.S.,
Britain, resistance in other Japanese-occupied areas
such as the Philippines and the action of the Chinese
Nationalists.
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Today, Approved
revolutionary
base areas of the peoples of It Today, the revolutionary base areas ... of the
the world have grown to un-
precented proportions. their world have grown to unprecedented proportions ... ~'.
revolutionary movement is The author is careful enoug not to 1 ustra e this
surging as never before. Im-
perialism is weaker than ever, sweeping allegation by a map, or by facts and figures.
We must not underestimate the scope or seriousness of
Communist-sponsored subversion and insurrection, but
we note also the many instances where such efforts
have collapsed or never got properly started -- as,
for instance, in the Philippines, in Malaya, in Vene-
zuela, Guatemala, in the Congo, and elsewhere.
and U. S. imperialism the
chieftain of world imperial-
ism, is suffering one defeat
after another.
We can say with ever great-
er confidence that the peo-
ple's wars can be won and
U. S. imperialism can be de-
feated in all countries.
The peoples of the world
now have the lessons of the
October Revolution, the anti-
Fascist war, the Chinese peo-
ple's war of resistance and
war of liberation, the Korean
people's war of resistance to
U. S. aggression, the Vietnam-
ese people's war of libera-
tion and their war of resis-
tance to U. S. aggression, and
the people's revolutionary
armed struggles in many oth-
er countries.
Provided each people stud-
ies these lessons well and cre-
atively integrates them with
the concrete practice of revo-
lution in their own country,
there is no doubt that the
revolutionary peoples of the
world will stage still more
powerful and splendid dramas
in the theater of people's war
in their countries and that
they will wipe off the earth
once and for all the common
enemy of all the peoples, U. S.
imperialism, and its lackeys.
Peking Vows to Support
Vietcong Until Victory
The struggle of the Viet-
namese people against U.S.
aggression and for national
salvation is now the focus of
the struggle of the people of
the world against U.S. ag-
gression.
The determination of the
Chinese people to support and
aid the Vietnamese people in
their struggle against U.S.
aggression and for national
salvation is unshakable. No
matter what U.S. imperialism
may do to expand its war
adventure, the Chinese peo-
ple will do everything in their
power to support 'the Viet-
namese people until every
single one of the U.S. ag-
gressors is driven out of
Vietnam.
" U.S. imperialism ... is suffering one defeat after
another ' Where, comrade Marshal ? We are far from
desiring to paint an over-optimistic picture of free
world victories or to underestimate the threat of
Communist aggression. Nevertheless, we can hardly view
the collapse of Stalin's blockade of Berlin, the
frustration of Communist aggression in Korea, or
Khrushchev's forced withdrawal of his nuclear missiles
from Cuba as U.S. defeats. And the outcome of Vietnam
remains yet to be seen, even though we realize that
Mao & Co are determined to fight to the very last
Vietnamese.
Finally, this long-winded article reveals its true
purposes : first of all, it is to suppress any ideas
in North Vietnam or among the Vietcong in South Vietnam
that the conflict might be ended by negotiations ;
second, as additional insurance against possible
"weakening"of the Vietnamese t who have had centuries
of tragic experience under the overlordship of
Imperial China ), to stir up subversion and insurreetial
in as marry other countries as possible. The Chicoms
do not insist that Vietnamese alone the for the greater
glory of Mao : they are equally willing to accept the
sacrifices of other peoples, without regard to race,
nationality or geographic location.
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The U.S. imperialists are
now clamoring for another
trial of strength with the
Chinese people, for another
large-scale ground war on the
Asian mainland.
If they insist on following
in the footsteps of the Japa-
nese Fascists, well then, they
may do so, if they please. The
Chinese people definitely have
ways of their own for copin>r
with a U.S. imperialist war
of aggression.
Our methods are no secret.
The most important one is
still mobilization of the peo-
ple, reliance on the people,
making every one a soldier
and waging a people's war.
We want to tell the U6.
imperialists once again that
the vast ocean of several
hundred million Chinese
people in arms will be more
then enough to submerge your
few million aggressive troops.
If you dare to impose war
on us, we shall gain freedom
of action. It will then not be
up to you to decide how the
war will be fought. We shall
fight in the ways most ad-
vantageous to us to destroy
the enemy and wherever the
enemy can be most es. de-
stroyed.
Since the Chinese people
were able to destroy the Ja-
panese aggressors 20 years
ago, they are certainly still
more capable of finishing off
the U.S. aggressors today.
The naval and air superior-
ity you boast about cannot
intimidate the Chinese people
and neither can the atom bomb
you brandish at us.
If you want to send troops,
go ahead. The more the bet-
ter. We will annihilate as
many as you can send, and
can even give you receipts.
The Chinese people are a
great, valiant people. We have
the courage to shoulder the
heavy burden of combating
U. S. Imperialism and to con-
tribute our share in the strug-
gle for final victory over this
most ferocious enemy of the
people of the world.
It must be pointed out in
all seriousness that after the
victor of the war of resist-
ance, Taiwan was returned to
China. The occupation of
Taiwan by U.S. imperialism
is absolutely unjustified. Tai-
wan Province is an inalien.
able part of Chinese territory.
The U. S. imperialists must
get out of Taiwan. The
Chinese people are determined
to liberate Taiwan.
" The vast ocean of several hundred million Chinese
people in arms ... " The Korean war has shown that the
Chican leaders, after having exhausted their foreign
vassals k China intervened in Korea only after the
North Korean army had been decisively defeated ), are
sacrificing the lives of their own subjects just as
recklessly as the lives of others. However, what is Alk
the potential of such "human assault waves" against
naval or air power, not to mention nuclear weapons ?
In 1945P., when Mao's masses swept the China mainland,
they were unable to cross the narrow Formosa Straits
-- just as Hitler's tremendous land armies never
managed to cross the English Channel. The Marshal
discusses here types of warfare he has never experien-
ced : he is presumably too arrogant to learn from the
experiences of other nations, including the Soviet
Union.
" If you want to send troops, go ahead. The more the
better. We will annihilate as many as you can send,
and can even give you recei s. it This cynic in-
vi a on to mass slaughter reveals clearly what
"socialist humanism" truly is. If anybody should still
not understand what the U.S. mission in Vietnam is,
here is his answer : to protect the non-Communist
majority of the Vietnamese people against grisly "jokers"
like this. Note the sly reference to "receipts",
presumably the Chicoin way of alluding to capitalist
greed who treats even the dead bodies of soldiers as
merchandise to be receipted for.
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In commemorating the 20th
anniversary of victory in the
war of resistance against
Japan, we must also point out
in all solemnity that the Jap-
anese militarists fostered by
U. S. imperialism will certain-
ly receive still severer punish-
ment if they ignore the firm
opposition of the Japanese
people and the people of Asia,
again indulge in their pipe-
dreams.
U.S. imperialism is prepar-
ing a world war. But can this
save it from its doom? World
War I was followed by the
birth of the Socialist Soviet
Union. World War II was fol-
lowed by the emergence of a
series of Socialist. countries
and many nationally independ-
ent countries.
If the U.S. imperialists
should insist on launching a
third world war, it can be
stated categorically that
many more hundreds of mil-
lions of people will turn to
Socialism; the imperialists
will then have little room
left on the globe; and it is
possible that the whole struc-
lapse.
We are optimistic about the
future of the world. We are
confident that the people will
bring to an end the epoch
wars in human history.
Comrade Mao Tse-tung
pointed out long ago that
war, this monster, "will be
finally eliminated by the pro-
gress pf human society. And
in the not too distant future,
too. But there is only one
way to eliminate it and that
is to oppose war with war, to
oppose counter-revolutionary
war with revolutionary war."
All peoples suffering from
U.S. imperialist aggression,
oppression and plunder. unite!
Hold aloft the just banner
of people's war and fight for
the cause of world peace, na-
tional liberation. people's de.
Victory will certainly go to
the people of the world!
Long live the victory of
people's war!
This prophecy -- that, because World Wars I and II
led to establishment of Communist regimes, World War
III would mean the ultimate doom of imperialism and
world-wide Communist victory- is a boomerang : it
implies that Communism needs devastating wars to
seize and to expand its power ~ as indeed it does ).
The leaders of the 81 Communist Parties, including the
Chinese, in their already quoted Statement, were more
far-sighted than the Marshal when they rejected this
assumption :
It The imperialist reactionaries, who seek to arouse
distrust for the Communist movement and its
ideology, continue to intimidate the masses by
alleging that Communists need wars between states
to overthrow the capitalist system and establish
a socialist system.
If The Communist parties emphatically reject this
slander. The fact that both World Wars, which
were started by the imperialists, ended in
socialist revolutions by no means implies that the
way to social revolution goes necessarily through
world war, especially now that there exists a
powerful world system of socialism. Marxists-
Leninists have never considered that the way to
social revolution lies through wars between
states. 11
We don't have to "slander" Communism any more. The
Marshal has obliged us with any proof still needed.
He obviously has not as much confidence in the "world
system of socialism" k which, of course, includes the
"Khrushchev revisionists" ) as was professed by the
party leaders who drafted and accepted the above
statement.
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ITALIAN COMMUNIST JOURNALIST
CRITICALLY VIEWS CZECHOSLOVAK ECONOMY
CPYRGHT
[Following is a translation of a series of arti-
cles by Giuseppe Boffa appearing in four install-
ments in the Italian-language daily organ of the
Italian CP, L'Unita (Unity), Rome, 1 Aug 65,page
3; 4 Aug 65, page 3; 6 Aug 65, page 3 and 11 Aug
65, page 3.]
[First installment, issue of 1 Aug 65. Headline
and sub-caps: Planning, Prague's view of the re-
forms -- The Czechs have gone further than the
other Socialist countries in various respects --
New events in the struggle against dogmatism --
From our own correspondent, Prague, 30 Jul 65.]
After spending a month in Moscow studying up on the changes being
prepared for the Soviet economic system and the political repercussions
such changes may bring about, I came to Prague to study the same ques-
tions here And'I:have now been here for a week. Czechoslovakia stands
in the forefront in the discussions going on in almost all European
Socialist countries on the subject of new trends in the economy. As
seen from Moscow, happenings in Czechoslovakia are taking on what seems
to be the outlines of a deep, drastic reform, though none would go so
far as to call it a wild adventure. From Moscow's viewpoint these
changes may even be a bit too radical and should be looked upon with a
certain degree of caution and be judged accordingly. Seen from Prague,
though, these events take on a different perspective but without losing
any of their interest. In a certain way the impression one gets from
Moscow still remains true but at the same time it becomes more compli-
cated, takes on additional nuances and so becomes transformed into what
amounts to a deeper insight into an intricate process wherein different
trends and factors combine and conflict with one another in such a way
that nobody can safely predict any final, sure outcome.
Undoubtedly there are certain points where the Czechoslovaks have
gone further today than any of the other Socialist countries. This is
not just a matter of opinion but one of actual fact. And this is what
makes discussions among the Czechoslovaks and their own experiences of
so much interest. They have gone further than the other countries in
their theoretical formulation of their new trend, explicitly maintain-
ing that it is necessary to combine the principle of planning with the
mechanism of the market. They have also gone further in working out
a set of corresponding principles having a systematic nature of their
own; the putting of such principles into general practice would bring
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(Cont.)
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about a substantial modification of the way in which the Czechoslovak
economy operates. They have also gone further in defining these trends
in black and white because ever since January (1965) there has been a
resolution on the books approved by the Party's Central Committee in
plenary session, specifying how the new system is to go into operation
as of 1 Jan 66 after one year of experimentation on a pilot scale, but
involving a large enough sector of the economy (one hundred important
enterprises representing one fourth of the country's industrial output)
to be something more than just a pilot operation.
But when one starts to investigate just what will undergo any con-
crete change after 1 Jan 66, one finds that these general principles
are being applied in Czechoslovakia with a generous dose of caution.
First of all provision is made for a transitional period during which
both the old and the new methods of planning and administration will
continue to coexist side by side, though the older methods are to pro-
gressively lose ground while the newer ones gradually take over. It
is hard to say how long such a transitional period could last. It is
calculated that it will take three years but four years are not ruled
out and it could even take longer. This is particularly true of the
new price system (built around three categories of prices -- unre-
stricted prices, ceiling prices and fixed prices -- in all cases cal-
culated in such a way as to ensure that the producer will be remunerated
for his products since he is working to satisfy a real market (demand);
this price system is to some extent the mainspring of the new trend.
One can find the same caution being practiced with respect to every
other feature of the reform, There is no point in taking them all up
here one by one. The new system is already generally known in its broad
outline. It has been discussed again and again and in Italy, too, where
in particular Professor Sik, one of its originators, went to discuss it
in a series of conferences held this spring (1965). Its main features
are direct relations among enterprises, planning which outlines only the
more important features of national economic development, a heavy decen-
tralization of investments, broad autonomy of decision for groups of
enterprises and a rate of pay depending largely on the efficiency of
the enterprise in which one works, Added to this is a kind of contract
with the foreign market, including the markets of the capitalist West,
capable of subjecting Czech enterprises to the stimulation offered by
heightened competition.
All of this is a future goal, a long-range one, even though it is
all spelled out so clearly (and this is where Czechoslovakia has its
advantage). In the case of the more immediate, short-range future, the
new Five-Year Plan (1966-1970) has largely been already predetermined
in advance by a series of previous investments, by the work already done
on large construction jobs which have to be finished and by the need to
avoid upsetting overnight a giant productive apparatus which cannot be
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CPYRGHT
ground to a halt and made to stand still while changes are being decided
upon. Each one of the new principles, then, is only being put into
partial application. If one also bears in mind the fact that these prin-
ciples are in turn a watered-down version of proposals of an even more
radical nature, then one may better understand why it is legitimate to
speak of such changes as cautious at this point.
Nevertheless, taken as a whole, one cannot help but consider the
Czechoslovak reform to be anything else but a daring move. As original
and interesting as the intrinsic features of this move may be, there is
more to it than that. What also matters is the general atmosphere with-
in the country where such a reform has been brought to light. Even just
a few years ago -- four or five years ago, let's say -- Czechoslovakia
could have seemed to be a socialist country willing to tighten its belt
again and again, the good economic situation then existing being accom-
panied by a complete lack of interest in political and ideological dis-
cussion. Now the tables have turned. The economic situation is no
longer so bright. But discussion and debate on matters of culture and
politics have sprung up stronger than anywhere else and have gone deeper
to the root of matters than elsewhere too, perhaps.
The economic reform we are talking about is being presented as an
important event in the struggle against Stalinism or, to be more exact,
against the straight-jacketing of economic thought which was typical of
the "cult of personality" and one need only refer to the latest edition
of the international magazine, Problemi della pace e del Socialismo
(Problems of Peace and Socialism) to find an example of this. There
was a time covering several years after the 20th Congress of the CPSU
when it seemed as if the anti-Stalinist counteroffensive or as one more
often says here, the anti-dogmatic counteroffensive, would never have
any effect in Czechoslovakia other than of a very limited variety. Now
it has really started here later than it did elsewhere but it has made
up for its late arrival by making deeper inroads and by taking a more
original form.
The rehabilitation of the victims of the Stalinist period was later
doming in Czechoslovakia, but when it did it took the form of public
trials. The cultural discussions have started out more moderately and
cautiously but the spirit of free discussion has gradually gained a more
solid foothold. Nobody could be surprised nowadays at the fact that old
cubist paintings are being shown on exhibit in Prague. There are ex-
hibits following all the different trends, a thing one could not even
imagine as happening in Moscow at the present time. When Khrushchev and
Ilichov were publicly attacking the Soviet intelligentsia in 1963 there
was not even one official declaration in Prague supporting their state-
ments. In Czech theatre today the types of plays which predominate are
the satirical ones along with those of a more formal kind dealing with
serious subjects. None of all this means that the problems of cultural
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life have been solved once and for all for everybody. It does mean,
though, that where such problems have not been solved there is, in any
case, a spirit of struggle with the cultural disciplines coming to the
fore and asserting their role as vehicles of research and discovery.
The new Czechoslovak motion-picture art was born out of this atmosphere
and over the past two or three years their entries in film festivals
have been a welcome revelation and certainly represent one of the most
interesting artistic manifestations we have been able to glean in recent
years from the Socialist countries.
These Czechoslovak motion pictures really deserve to be given a
detailed analysis but that would be outside my field. Others have al-
ready discussed them and will continue to do so. I would only like to
note that one of the themes which gives them their strength is that of
individual responsibility, moral responsibility and civic duty, aside
and apart from any collective responsibility of any kind whatever.
This theme has struck a new chord. It would seem to me to be not at
all arbitrary to tie it in with the content of the economic reform
about to go into effect. This new reform not only aims at putting a
whole set of ideas and incentives into action again in the economy --
ideas and incentives that had previously been declared outmoded -- but
which now appear necessary to the economy's efficient operation; it
goes further in that it aims at reawakening the spirit of initiative
and responsibility of the individual producer and of groups of pro-
ducers, stimulating their direct interests. In order that it may be
applied with success there must first be a profound change in people's
ideas (an evolution of their spirits); it actually calls for that very
reawakening of individual dedication which the "cult" succeeded in suf-
focating in the past, the very spirit which was bound to turn out to be
more important and valuable to Socialism than ever in the final analysis.
[Second installment, issue of 4 August 65. Headline
and sub-caps: Czechoslovakia 1956-65, the route taken
by the "reform"; The political struggle in Prague; The
decision has already been made to adopt new criteria
of economic management starting next year but there is
still stubborn resistance; The long conflict between the
opposing tendencies - From our own correspondent, Prague,
3 August 1965.1
One of the most important points in the history of these recent
years and perhaps the most important for an understanding of the evolu-
tionary change taking place in the Socialist countries is how the new
reform to be introduced into the Czechoslovak economy starting 1 Jan 66
was arrived at. The decision to go through with it, made by the Party's
Central Committee in January, this year (1965), laying down the broad
outline of the reform, was not a hasty one. Nor was it the result of
any change in the country's top leadership, The reform is the outcome
instead of a long-term process which still cannot be said to have come
4 (Cont.)
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to an end. The process involved a struggle of ideas which had both its
high points and its low points, a pressure exerted by the fact that the
Czechoslovak economy is a unique one having few parallels and a certain
type of political infighting.
The first discussions go back to 1956 during the months immediately
following the 20th Congress of the CPSU and they are related t6 similar
discussions which took place in Poland on the subject of what should be
the "model" of economic development for the country. It was already felt
that the path of industrialization followed by the Soviet Union could not
be imitated for too long a time in a country already as far developed as
Czechoslovakia. It took some time, though, before any modifications were
worked out; these did not make any appearance until as late as 1958. For
the first time the concept of "effectiveness" was introduced into economic
policy, while there was an expansion of the profit motive at enterprise
level and an attempt was made to find more subtle criteria for evaluating
plan fulfillment other than mere quantitative ones and a start was made
towards regulating the activities of individual enterprises from above by
means of fixed standards leaving room for a certain margin of autonomy or
leeway instead of resorting to a series of administrative rules and.instruc-
tions to deal with each individual case.
This timid attempt had very little success because two years later in
the face of a combination of difficulties on both the international and
domestic scenes it was quietly buried in actual practice. This first epi-
sode explains the reason why there was no great amount of real enthusiasm
until the new reforms had actually gone into operation; it was necessary
to wait and see first of all what real consequences they would have in
actual practice.
Promptly afterwards there was a sharp brush with reality. The Czech-
oslovak economy went through what cannot be called anything else but a
crisis in the years 1962 and 1963. After a year of stagnation there was
a genuine recession in 1963; the national income dropped 2.4 per cent; in-
dustrial production decreased 0.6 per cent and investments by 11 per cent.
The third five-year plan, initiated in 1961, had to be given up. Ever
since then Czechoslovakia has been governed only by more moderate plans
worked out from one year to the next.
In the meanwhile discussions flared up again. The debate on Liber-
man's,proposals which started in Moscow in 1962 served to give these dis-
cussions impetus. But in Czechoslovakia things took a different turn and
followed a path independent of the Soviet. While the discussions in Moscow
became bogged down for some time, in Prague they developed, became more far-
reaching and quickly arrived at certain conclusions, gaining adherents in
top policy-making posts.
The debate took on an openly controversial character in the press. The
new points called for a change in the criteria used in the system of plan-
ning, itself, as well as in administration as practiced up to that time so
more leeway would be given to the interplay of the market-place. The op-
ponents of these ideas, rallying around Rozsipal, a former vice-president
of the Gosplan who editorialized on the subject in articles in Rude Pravo
(Red Right), daily organ of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak
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Communist Party, asserted instead that the most urgent task was to
correct the serious imbalances appearing in the Czechoslovak economy
and that these corrections had to be made using the traditional meth-
ods of strongly centralized administrative fiat. Professor Sik stated
on the contrary that the imbalances were the result of the system cur-
rently in force and that if the system were not changed the imbalances
would continue to occur over and over again. We in the West therefore
have a tendency to look upon Sik as the one who created the reform now
planned; here in Prague the matter is seen in a more complex light.
Sik, as a member of the Party's Central Committee and as director of
the Economics Institute of the Academy of Sciences, was the most out-
standing individual but he was only one of a number of economists who
had carried on the battle in the press. It is therefore only right
that a few others be named, for example, Komeda and Kozusnik who are
two research men belonging to the same team who with both their theo-
retical writing and their articles did much to contribute to the vic-
tory of the new principles,
When the discussion was taken up in a political context Sik was
appointed by the Party leadership to head up a commission of fifteen
theoretical and practical specialists who were supposed to draw up the
new proposals. During this second stage of the debate the ideas origi-
nally discussed in the press underwent some retouching and correction.
It thus became a plan which had already been made over and remade over
by many different architects when it was finally approved by the Cen-
tral Committee in January; before it has been completed in all its de-
tails it will also have to pass through additional hands and then it
will have to be put into practice.
The search for a new system in January was in any case one point
in the country's favor. The objective reasons were such as to out-
weigh every opposing opinion; the Czechoslovak economy needs new ad-
ministrative criteria. The characteristic features of this country
always have been and still are very different from those of all the
other Socialist countries. Its economy was highly industrialized from
the very start. Even though its natural resources and manpower re-
serves were poor, it had advanced traditions of technical progress.
The lion's share of industrial production went to the export trade.
The planning criteria followed for Socialist industrialization of the
USSR -- that is, of a country which had diametrically opposite charac-
teristics -- could not be long applied to Czechoslovakia without bring-
ing about unfavorable results. It is interesting to note how today's
Czech economists, when looking for some affinity with Soviet economic
thought, are more inclined to find it in the 20's when it was still
possible to compare all the possible alternatives in the USSR rather
than during the period of Stalinist planning when only one version was
imposed from the top down. If the Soviet model was imitated again
after 1948 it was only because none other was known of and because the
Stalinist policy did not make allowance for any other and also because
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as a first step right after the war it was able to offer a solution
to certain structural problems of the Czechoslovak economy, for ex-
ample, the industrialization of Slovakia, the alignment with the
developing economies in the other Socialist countries and guarantees
of a certain minimum standard of living and social security for all.
On being prolonged beyond its first few years, though, it created
a series of problems, imbalances, delays, etc. which gradually wors-
ened until they became obvious to all in the 1962-63 crisis which still
cannot be said to be completely overcome even today. The strength of
the new principles lies in the fact that they point to a way out of
these contradictions.
As reports from Moscow tell us the old model has also found itself
in trouble in the USSR, too, in the meanwhile and these difficulties be-
came increasingly clear as the USSR gradually succeeded in drawing away
from the stage of de-Stalinization. It would seem, then, that the ques-
tion has been settled for once and for all in Czechoslovakia. In re-
ality things are much more complicated. For many years this very type
of development has been identified with Socialism itself. There are
other less industrially developed countries where such a form of develop-
ment is even today performing the task of bringing about industrializa-
tion. For years and years the political leadership, social life and
both private and public thinking were formed and developed unformly in
keeping with such a viewpoint. All of this needs to be taken into ac-
count. Even today in defining the reforms there are those who speak of
a "new system" and those who speak only of "improvement" of the old;
both terms are met with sometimes in the same newspaper or in the same
circles. It is not just a question of words; it is a way of expressing
different ideas about what must be done from the first of the year on
afterwards. At first one could be led to believe that in such cases
one is dealing with theoreticians who want to bring about the reform on
one hand and practical men who are unwilling to accept it; but after a
while it became apparent that the demarcation line cut across those in
both camps; it is found among administrative personnel, in research in-
stitutes and among the technical and engineering leadership. The dis-
agreement which existed over the past years as to whether to accept or
reject the principles decided upon in January has now attached itself
merely to the field of their application.
Once again the objective thrust is directed against the real prob-
lems of the Czechoslovak economy; the resistance comes from the mental
attitude and the superstructure of administrative personnel built up
and trained during the period of the old type of planning. The most
important things at stake both here and in the USSR are both economic
and political at the same time.
(Cont.)
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 Approved FoPPLY19 71999/09/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000300050001-4
[Third installment, issue of 6 Aug 65. Headline
and sub-caps: Czechoslovakia, the hard battle for
foreign markets; Competition, first goal - Back
from Prague - August]
My Czechoslovak friends set great store by showing me the First In-
ternational Jewelry Fair at Jablonec. So one morning I started driving
towards the town located a short distance from the point where the Polish
and German Democratic Republic borders converge with those of Czechoslo-
vakia, in what was once called Sudetenland where in reality World War II
started with the betrayal of Munich. The beautiful, hilly countryside
of northern Bohemia, an open invitation to carry a tent in one's car,
served as a pleasant introduction to my visit. The fair which awaited
me at Jablonec is international only because of a limited participation
by twenty different countries, including Italy. The predominant part
of the fair remains Czech. Nevertheless, this alone made my trip worth-
while, One of the country's most celebrated architects, Svoboda, the
same who prepared the beautiful Czechoslovak exhibit at the 1958 World's
Fair in Burssels, was called upon to give his advice in outfitting the
exhibition. He and his coworkers have shown themselves to be capable of
unlimited imagination and good taste in showing the locally manufactured
jewelry. Necklaces, earrings and bracelets were exhibited in what were
deliberately chosen to be the most unrealistic settings possible, among
the fish in an aquarium, among the sparrows and nightingales in an im-
mense aviary, almost lost among the deposits of the roughest, crudest
ores of the earth, grouped together to make up figures which, by con-
trast, seemed to have stepped out of an expressionist painting. Play of
light and water, mathematically calculated movements and stereotype photo-
graphs contribute to make the show a successful hit.
Jablonec jewelry has one specific feature about it; it is fake. It
started three centuries ago as the manufacture of substitutes to replace
the most expensive and authentic precious gems on certain special occa-
sions. In short, it is the junk jewelry industry. Based essentially on
the use of glass, for which Bohemian glassmakers are famous, the work
ended up by taking on a value of its own, quite independent of the fea-
ture of imitating other gems. Jablonec glass became a rival of gems
rather than a substitute for them. At the turn of the century it was
well known and sought after throughout the world. After World War I
there was a downturn in the demand for this kind of work and the fall
off became steeper after World War II when it seemed as if the products
of Jablonec could find no place in a Socialist economy, It is only in
recent years with a return to favor of world fashions that the fortunes
of this industry have begun to turn. The products of Jablonec now make
up no small part of the Czechoslovak export trade, with 97 per cent of
the total output being exported to 65 different countries. In the dis-
trict of Jablonec alone more than 30,000 persons are employed in the
amnufacture of jewelry.
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This year's show, the attention given to setting it up and prepar-
ing it and the interest in showing it to me were all evidence of the
new battle in which Czechoslovakia is engaged to win a place for itself
on world markets, above all in the West. Czechoslovakia is hungry for
foreign currencies. This is also seen in the renewed attention being
given to the "invisible" items of export, for example, to the tourist
industry. Prague was relatively full of foreigners this year, swarming
around Charles Bridge and Hradcany Castle. Their coming is encouraging
for a thousand reasons. Nevertheless there are some serious obstacles
which inhibit any influx of greater proportions. In spite of the ab-
sence of any seacoast, Czechoslovakia is a country which lends itself
readily to summer vacationing; the countryside is attractive even if
not varying much from place to place. The cultural attractions are of
the highest level at Prague if not elsewhere as it is one of the most
beautiful cities in all Europe. The traditions and manners of the coun-
try are those of open-hearted hospitality. There is a shortage, though,
of the equipment needed for modern handling of tourists and that which
exists is inadequate because long neglected and this includes hotels,
restaurants, roads and service stations. Now when attempts are being
made to fill the gap one sees how far behind these services have fallen
in the past twenty years.
In any case the Czechoslovak battle for foreign trade cannot be won
by Jablonec glass and the tourists who visit Prague alone, no matter how
important both of these are. The decisive front is the sector of indus-
try and, in particular, Czechoslovak machinery; the rest only plays a
secondary and supporting role. Given the narrow limits imposed by the
domestic market, Czechoslovak industry has always worked for foreign
markets ever since the country has been independent. But this is the
very place where one finds the greatest difficulty today. It is here
that delays have taken place which threaten to be more costly than the
shortcomings in the tourist sector. Ever since 19+7 Czechoslovak exports
have experienced a sudden about face. They broke away from Western mar-
kets and were directed towards the countries of the Socialist camp which
was then undergoing development towards formation of a bloc. This politi-
cal decision has been and still is a matter of conflicting claims and de-
bate. I personally believe that it was largely unavoidable. The political
conditions accompanying the Marshall Plan, the splitting of Europe into
two blocs, the "cold war" and the economic blockade practiced by the West
left little or no alternative but to go over to the other side politically,
too. One can argue, too, about whether such a move was not pushed too
far beyond the limits of what was necessary; in my opinion if such a move
was already necessary, then it was not. But the question of the conse-
quences arising out of this move is another matter again.
The Eastern market needed immense quantities of equipment in order
to become industrialized. Czechoslovakia was able to supply this market.
This favored that unilateral and topheavy development of the economy which
is so harshly criticized by economists today. Everything was staked on
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heavy industry, on the production of producer goods, building new enter-
prises alongside the old ones, sometimes at too fast a rate and without
worrying about technological progress and this was the really unfavor-
able outcome, the one complained about so loudly today. This is how
the country got out of step with the advancing world technology. In
many cases Czechoslovak industry is no longer able to compete with the
industry in the West. This also begins to have unfavorable reverbera-
tions on the East's markets, above all ever since the countries of
Western Europe have recognized the fact that they could make a new come-
back in Eastern Europe by offering their own products on that market.
The Czechoslovak economy suffered a serious blow in 1960 when China, on
seeing its "great leap forwards" fall short, refused to accept large
quantities of materials already manufactured or on its way in fulfill-
ment of Chinese orders. This Chinese decision smacked more of politics
than of economics. But nowadays even countries like Romania, Bulgaria
and Poland are pointing out to the Czechs that their products are at
times inferior to those of the Western competition and one can hardly
contest the sound economic reasons behind their arguments. Czechoslovak
industry therefore finds itself obliged to regain a level of competitive-
ness with the West, not just to be able to sell to the West as it would
like to do, but also to sell to the East. This is one of the essential
goals which inspired the reform of planning on the agenda.
While these problems have been rearing their heads on the Social-
ist markets there has simultaneously come into being within the country
a situation wherein even the conditions necessary to any continuation
of the previous extensive development of the economy came to be lacking.
Manpower resources started to dry up; the countryside was no longer able
to supply new manpower for the new enterprises since all the young peo-
ple and women remained and most of the women are already employed in
Czechoslovakia. This combination of factors explains why the third Five-
Year Plan, drawn up in 1960 in line with the older criteria, could not be
fulfilled. The opening up of new markets in the underdeveloped countries
or uncommitted nations which desire in turn to industrialize themselves
was unable to offer any solution both because of the special aid terms
required for sale to such countries and because here, too, the same com-
petitive conditions had to be faced.
The absence of any long-term goals of development of the Socialist
community on a unified basis has hurt Czechoslovak industry in the past
as it still does today. This is the great problem of COMECON. For ob-
jective reasons the Czechs have been and still are among the most ardent
supporters of collaboration within this organization. But now they are
becoming aware that not even COMECON can solve the present-day problems
of Czechoslovakia. The solution cannot be expected to come from outside.
Czechoslovak economists prefer to look for a solution in the principles
they have laid down as a foundation for their system, even if they are
not entirely unaware of the fact that at least at the beginning some
people may well be hurt by it.
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[Fourth installment, issue of 11 Aug 65. Headline
and sub-caps: The economic reform demands democra-
tic Socialist solutions; The new labor code approved,
taking off the manpower freeze and making it easier
for workers to change their jobs; Czechoslovakia, the
"new system," - Back from Prague.]
The Czechoslovak National Assembly voted in the new Labor Code this
year. A long time had been spent in drawing it up and discussing it.
Its final approval underwent a, number of delays, the last one occasioned
by the need to make the new law fit the requirements of the new economic
system to go into effect at least partially as of Jan 1. Its chief new
feature consists in a gradual unfreezing of the manpower tie-up which
existed in Czechoslovakia ever since the time of the first five-year
plan. The officially proclaimed goal is that of making it easier for
workers to move from one job to another because otherwise the new cri-
teria of economic management tending to create a difference between the
more efficient and the less efficient enterprises and making the more
efficient ones more attractive to the workers would not be able to oper-
ate effectively.
There are two facets to the end of the manpower freeze. On one hand
a limitation is done away with in that the chances for a worker to quit
his job to take another one will no longer be subject to the system of
authorizations hitherto provided for and will thus become a real right of
the worker to exercise and not just a very circumscribed one fraught with
problems and difficulties as it was under the old law. In order to avoid
any abrupt changes provision has been made for a transitory period during
which it will still be necessary to give six months prior notice; later
this, too, will be reduced to but a few days. There is another side to
the picture, too, though, because at the same time restrictions will be
placed on the rights of the labor unions to oppose any kind of layoffs
and up to now the unions have used this right quite generously and almost
without any limit; this limitation of the trade unions' rights will also
be introduced gradually through a transitional period. Inevitably the
new rules allowing a worker to change his job will find popular favor,
but the permitting of layoffs will turn out to be much less popular.
Here we are touching on one of the broadest problems opened up by
the debate on the economic reform, that of its political consequences.
It is in fact impossible that there should be any coherent application
of the principles in the basis of the new system of planning and admin-
istration without there also being a corresponding affect upon the en-
tire political life of the country because up to now the country's po-
litical life has been strongly molded by the ideas on planning and
administration of economic matters held in the past.
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Just one example of this is the question of local autonomy. In
practice local control has been reduced to an insignificant level and
even the attempts made back around 1960 to further stimulate it have
been to little or no avail. The National Committees, which are the
organs of local power, have in fact a limited financial autonomy be-
cause the main part of their budgets comes from funds appropriated from
the national budget. Will it be possible for a relationship such as
this to continue between the central government and the local organs
even after greater financial autonomy and freedom of action has been
granted to individual enterprises and concerns? The answer would seem
to be no. Though such a relationship may be consistent within a system
wherein the whole of economic life was regulated by the detailed instruc-
tions emanating from a central source of control, such relationships are
no longer considtent when economic activity is organized in such a way
as to leave room for a borad decentralization of decision-malting.
The problem of local autonomy, an important one everywhere, is
particularly important in Czechoslovakia where in the last analysis it.
becomes a problem of the relations between Czechs and Slovaks, a problem
it would be wrong to speak of as being settled forever as has been shown
in recent years by the reappearance of a whole series of Slovak demands
at the very time when Slovakia, with its industrialization, had achieved
great progress.
But there is more to it than that. If applied, the reform would
bring about at least for a while at first a set of results which could
prove in some cases to be unpopular. Here we have a process which aims
at making the Czechoslovak economy more efficient and more productive.
Certain enterprises will be shut down and others will become stronger.
Others will cut down on their number of employees which today may be ex-
cessive and these workers may have to move to other plants which feel a
manpower shortage. Workers will therefore have to be displaced and some
will need to be retrained. There will also probably be a fight to re-
duce the level of wages which is very high in Czechoslovakia. All of
this is hard to do in a Socialist country without the conscious partici-
pation of at least a large part of the masses involved. How can their
cooperation be attained? The traditional system of mobilization through
campaigns and slogans of a political kind can no longer be effective.
But it is still not clear what can be used to replace it. There has been
talk of self-government at plant level and such talk is still going on.
It appears that this made up part of a first version of the proposed re-
form and that it was then discarded at least provisionally. Discussions
have been carried on at top level in conferences the proceedings of which
have not been made public on the questions of creating new organizations
to represent the workers in the factories; no decision has yet been ar-
rived at because there is resistance to such a suggestion. The proposal
has also been made that alternative forms of economic plans be suggested
and submitted to the people so they will know what is involved in each of
the choices that is to be made; the forms of discussion attempted to date
though have been quite far from anything of the kind.
12
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The entire theme of Socialist democracy thus ends up being only
a corollary or adjunct to economic reform. Here just as in the USSR
there is much less discussion of these problems than there is of the
technical aspects of the new system. Some are aware of the fact they
exist but they do not talk about them while others are perhaps not
even fully aware of them. There are those who think that once the re-
forms are put through everything else will come automatically while
others are convinced that nothing will change without a fight. Judg-
ing just from these brief contrasts of ideas one can readily see the
political as well as the economic importance of the discussions which
have grown up around the problems of the economy.
Something is stirring. Legislative activity has speeded up in
recent months. The National Assembly is working harder and longer.
Approval has been given the law guaranteeing to every citizen the right
to receive a passport to travel abroad with certain restrictions; among
the restrictions which appreciably limit the effect of the law itself
is one based on the availability of foreign currency which is very scare
at the present time. A law on the press is being made ready and is the
subject of an unfinished debate between the leadership and those who are
pressing for it. The new Code of Criminal Procedure calls for the pres-
ence of a lawyer at the side of the accused during every stage of the
investigation. I gained the impression after talking to various attor-
neys that the question of the day now arousing most interest among the
public and among those who are specially trained in the field is that
of the rights of the citizen. The gravest and most serious shortcomings
continue to persist in this field. But this is nothing more than just
one part, an essential and irrevocable part, of course, as experience
has shown, but not the only part of the full range of requirements that
need to be met to achieve a Socialist democracy.
In substance these problems are common to the entire Socialist camp.
They exist in the USSR. They exist more in some places and less in
others in all the countries of Socialist Europe. But they are felt in
Czechoslovakia today perhaps more so than anywhere else. The very state
of maturity and of development which have been attained by the country
explains this difference; it is no mere chance that this is the country
where not only a higher level of production had been attained, but also
where the working classes had a longer tradition of struggle and organize
tion behind them and where even before the Socialist forces gained power
the conquest of democratic freedoms had already taken root. We opened
up our investigation on this key and it is well that we close it in the
same way. The outcome of this pilot experiment in Czechoslovakia and of
the political struggle and debate going on there, good or bad though it
may be, can serve as a valuable experiment not only for Czechoslovakia
but for the whole Socialist community.
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Fact Sheet
27 September 1965
The small colony of British Guiana, located on the northeast coast
of South America, has a political importance immensely greater than its
size or economy could ever warrant. This importance derives from the
fact that, in a nation riven by racial strife, its largest political
party, composed almost exclusively of a single ethnic group, is entirely
dominated by a group of Communists.
The only British colony on the South American mainland, British
Guiana was acquired by Great Britian from the Dutch in 1811. It has an
area of only some 83,000 square miles. Its leading export products are
rice, sugar, and bauxite which produce an annual foreign trade of about
$117 million British West Indies dollars (B14I $1.00 = U.S. $.59). The
present population is estimated to be about 620,000 of whom some 1+8
percent are of East Indian origin and 31+ percent of African origin, the
remainder being Amerindian, Chinese, and European.
25X1C10b
British Guiana began moving toward independence when a new Consti-
tution was introduced in 1953, instituting universal suffrage, a bicameral
legislature, and a ministerial system. In April of that year elections
were held to establish the new legislature and the People's Progressive
Party (PPP) won a sweeping victory, capturing 51% of the vote, and 18 of
the 21+ seats in the assembly.
At that time the PPP was a leftist party led by Cheddi Jagan and
his wife Janet. Jagan, the eldest of 11 children, was born on March 22,
1918 on a sugar plantation in eastern British Guiana. His grandparents
had come to the colony as indentured sugarcane laborers from famine-
stricken India. His father was foreman of a plantation work gang.
Cheddi Jagan managed to get to the United States in 1936 where he
studied at Howard University in Washington and then at the Northwestern
University Dental School in Chicago, from which he graduated in 1912.
In Chicago he met his future wife, Janet, a student nurse and member of
the Young Communist League. The following year the Jagans returned to
British Guiana, where he set up business as a dentist and she started
in left-wing politics. Cheddi soon became equally involved in politics,
first as treasurer of the sugar cane workers trade union (he was a
dentist!) and then in 1917 he won a seat in the legislature as a repre-
sentative of the rural district of Central Demerara. Jagan had the very
active support of his wife and together they founded the Politial Affairs
Committee in 1917, which became the PPP in 1950.
As a result of the PPP's electoral victory in 1953, the party was
called upon to participate in the cabinet. Characteristically this pro-
duced a crisis in the party with the ultra-leftists arguing that they
(Cont. )
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should not hold office in the government because the Constitution was
rife with defects, according to their dogma. (These same purists had
vociferously advocated back in 1950, that the Party be a straightfor-
wardly Communist Party, not a "spineless leftist coalition.") A com-
promise was worked out, however; it provided for the PPP to enter the
government, but to use its position to frustrate the workings of the
government, thereby proving that the constitution was unsatisfactory
and providing an excellent platform for demanding far-reaching constitu-
tional reforms.
In October 1953, faced with demonstrations and strikes encouraged
by the PPP, the British Governor called upon the Colonial Office to
send troops and warships to forestall a suspected attempt "to set up a
Communist state." The constitution was suspended, Jagan and the other
PPP ministers were dismissed, a state of emergency was declared, and
the British Government issued a White Paper charging the PPP leaders
with efforts to turn British Guiana into a Communist state by means of
violence and conspiracy. An appointed government was then instituted
and it ruled the country for the next four years.
During the interim years a struggle for power developed in the PPP;
it was led by Forbes Burnham, a Negro (or African, in the local parlance)
who had been a Minister in the PPP government. Failing in his attempt
to oust Jagan, Brunham broke with the PPP and formed his own party, the
People's National Congress (PNC). Although many East Indians left the
PPP to join Burnham, and many Africans remained in the PPP, the overall
result was nevertheless to create a distinct racial split which has since
accentuated itself and the PPP is now almost entirely East Indian and the
PNC African. Ironically the three chief ultra-leftists of Jagan's party,
shaken by Khrushchev's Secret Speech and the Hungarian Revolution, re-
signed from the PPP, two of them leaving politics altogether while one,
Sydney King, joined Burnham and became a violent Negro nationalist.
New elections were held in 1957 and were characterized by a subtle
racist policy adopted by the PPP calculated to bring in East Indian
votes. It succeeded and the PPP received 4+8% of the popular vote.
Under the terms of a revised constitution promulgated in 1957, the
cabinet was presided over by the Governor who retained emergency powers,
to be invoked in the event of crisis. The PPP held five cabinet seats,
with Jagan Minister of Trade and Industry and his wife, Janet, Minister
of Labor, Health, and Housing. Jagan's conduct was quite different from
that of 1953 and his Party cooperated satisfactorily with the Governor
(in keeping, let it be noted, with the Soviet policy of consolidation
and peaceful coexistence after the Secret Speech and the repression in
Hungary). This moderation led the British Government to consider further
steps toward independence and a Constitutional Convention was held in
1961 to establish a new Constitution giving further autonomy to the
Guianese and to prepare the way for full independence, then contemplated
for 1962. This new law provided internal self-government with the British
government retaining control over national defense and foreign relations,
as well as a veto po:rer over legislation.
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The elections of Aug,
gast 1961 were marke^. by racial tensions and
charges of Communism. The PPP emerged from the campaign with 42.6 per-
cent of the vote and 20 of the 35 legislative seats. Forbes Burnhem's
PNC garnered 41% of the vote end 11 seats, and the United Force (UP), a
new party formed by conservative businessman Peter D`Aguiar, got 16.4%
of the vote and 4 seats. Jagan was thereupon installed as Premier.'
The new government announced its two main objectives as the estab-
lishment of a socialist economy and the achievement of independence.
This was sufficient to discourage further foreign investment in British
Guiana and Jagan's attempts to secure large-scale economic aid from the
United States were not successful. Under these circumstances Jagan an-
nounced a new austerity budget in February 1962, which was greeted by
protest demonstrations which soon degenerated into large-scale riots in
the course of which whole sections of Georgetown were burned down. Jagan
was compelled to call on British troops for help in restoring order.
In October of that year a conference on independence was held in
London to agree upon the procedure for granting independence and to fix
its date. The Guianese representatives, Jagan, Burnham and D'Aguiar
could not agree on the procedure and date, however, and the talks col-
lapsed. 1963 was marred by an 80 day general strike led by the Trades
Union Council and followed by the Civil Service Association, and the
workers in industry, transport and postal services.
A second conference on independence was held in London in October
1963. Again the conferees failed to agree and, in consequence, asked
Mr. Duncan Sandys, the British. Colonial Secretary, to impose a solution,
with which they promised to aide. Ther:?upon Sandys announced that new
elections would be held in 1964 under a new electoral system of Pro-
portional Representation (PR) and that after these elections a new con-
ference would be called to settle any further outstanding issues and to
fix a date for independence.
The crucial factor in this decision was the introduction of PR.
Until that time el._ctio:.zs had aaen h.~ld under the simple plurality ..
system in each electoral district (known in English and Guianese parlance
as " first-past-t .lc- poc ;'t) . Although the plurality system tends to en-
courage a two party system, it worked in British Guiana (a) to foster
party voting along strictly racial lines, (b) to favor the election of
East Indians, since they are more evenly spread through the country, the
Africans being heavily concentrated in the urban areas, and (c) to per-
petuate the PPP in office (witii only 42.6 percent of the vote they
obtained 57 percent of the seats). PR, on the other hand, would tend
to fragment the major parties, hopefully breaking the lines of racial
division, and to foster the formation of small groups representing
regional and occupational interests.
The PPP immediately realized its mistake in permitting Sandys to
decide upon the electoral system and, failing to honor Jagan's commit-
ment, emphatically declared that it would not accept Proportional Repre-
sentation. The PPP organ Thunder, in its issue of February-March 1964,
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declared: "The Sandys Plan must be stopped and party members and
supporters must understand that in order to stop the Sandys Plan they
will have to make sacrifices on a scale and to a degree never required
of them before. Whatever the effort and whatever the sacrifices, the
Sandys Plan MUST B STOPPED."
The strategy decided upon was to create sufficient chaos so that
an election would be impossible and at the same time to push a demand
for immediate independence so that either the British would give in and
grant independence, or a successful revolution could proclaim independence.
The campaign was launched with a strike by a government-sponsored scab
sugarcane workers' union. The union was not recognized by either the
British Guiana 'rades Union Council nor by the employers; it had been
created because the PPP had been entirely unsuccessful in its attempts
to gain control of the legitimate union. However, this strike was really
only an excuse for chaos. It led to some 200 deaths, hundreds of injured,
and millions of dollars of damage to cane fields, factories, houses,
stores. But the worst crime of all was that the PPP's campaign increased
and crystallized the racial conflict in British Guiana to the point that
in villages of mixed population, the Africans packed up and moved to
African-controlled areas for protection, and the East Indians left for
Indian-controlled villages. Thus the supreme accomplishment of Jagan
and his Communists had been the destruction of an inter-racial amity con-
structed during a period of some 200 years.
Finally, in May, the Governor declared a state of emergency and
British troops were called out to prevent sheer anarchy. Although the
struggle continued thereafter in sporadic outbursts throughout the coun-
try, peace was imposed sufficiently to permit the registration of voters
and the holding of elections on December 7, 1964.
As hoped, the PPP failed to gain a clear majority of votes; it re-
ceived only 45.8% and 24 seats versus 40.5% (22 seats) for the PNC, and
12.4% (7 seats) to the UF. The PNC and UF immediately agreed upon a
coalition government and on December 14, 1964 Forbes Burnham was installed
as Premier and Peter D'Aguiar as Minister of Finance. When the new Parlia-
ment convened on 31 December it was boycotted by the PPP; this boycott was
maintained until May 1965, when the PPP deputies were sworn in, but they
left again two days later when the speaker of the house refused to let
them debate endlessly the salary of the Attorney General.
The period since the installation of the Burnham government has been
marked by intermittent acts of sabotage and terrorism despite efforts to
solve the racial conflict by the Colonial Secretary Anthony Greenwood,
who visited British Guiana in February 1965, and the repeated attempts
at conciliation made by Forbes Burnham.
One of Cheddi Jagan's oft-repeated complaints, and a major excuse
for his opposition to independence, has been that the civil service, and
most particularly the police force, is controlled by Africans and that
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East Indians are discr!mins:1.ed against in the civil service employment
practices. To answer this accusation as impartially and objectively as
possible, Burnham invited the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ),
a highly respected organization composed of leading lawyers and judges
from practically all non-Communist countries, to conduct a special in-
vestigation in British Guiana. But when the investigators held hear-
ings in British Guiana in June 1965, Cheddi Jagan refused to testify!
It is interesting to note that the evidence presented to the investiga-
tors did indicate that a large majority of police officers are of African
origin ... for several not-so-obvious reasons: (a) The urban population,
from which most of the officers are recruited, is preponderantly African,
the East Indians being concentrated in the sugar-growing rural areas;
(b) Only a relatively small percent of the applicants for police posi-
tions, are East Indians; (c) Many East Indians don't pass the English
language requirement because they have been taught in Hindu in their com-
munal schools which they have attended in preference to the public schools
where instruction is in English; (d) many of the East Indians are simply
too small to meet the requirments of the police force. In any event, the
ICJ report is expected to be published early in October 1965; its find-
ings will be of interest, as is the fact that the Burnham government
solicited this impartial investigation.
The most notable achievement of the Burhnam government has been the
boost given to British Guiana's economy; this has been in good measure
due to renewed confidence in the country's future on the part of foreign
investors. An American aluminum company has announced an investment in
a new processing plant; Germany is providing technical assistance , the
United States Government is providing funds, equipment and advisors for
major construction projects;
the Guianese themselves have contributed L10 million to their country's
development. Unemployment is being tackled realistically. Perhaps
most important of all is not these concrete achievements but rather the
contrast in directions: the new government is moving forward, the pre-
vious government was leading the nation to ruin. Of course much remains
to be done. As the new Prime Minister says: "ode have not achieved the
millennium. Milk and honey are not our diet. But can anyone deny that
British Guiana is on the move, and has established its right to take its
place among the free nations of the world"?
And independence is indeed the next, and imminent, step. The
British Colonial Secretary, Anthony Greenwood, has called for a confer-
ence in London on 2 November to finally establish the procedure and set
the date for granting independence. It is generally expected that agree-
ment will be reached on a date sometime in the Spring or Summer of 1966.
There is little doubt that Jagan and the PPP will attempt to fore-
stall independence as long as they are out of power. Nor is there much
doubt that, failing to prevent independence, they will attempt to oust
Burnham before the next regular election, scheduled for 1968. However
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Jagan will have his problems. For one thing, although the controlling
directorate of the PPP is Communist, the constituents are not. And
there are already signs that the rank and file realize that the PPP's
policies are not entirely in the interests of the Indian community.
The quality of Prime Minister Burnham's statesmanship may well succeed
in posing an attractive alternative which could wean them away from
their extremist leaders.
Another problem for Jagan is the development of the current ultra-
leftist faction of his party, now led principally by Brindley Benn, the
PPP's former Chairman, and by Moses Bhagwan, head of the party's youth
branch,the Progressive. Youth Organization (PYO). It is the PYO which
has been sending youths to Cuba and Moscow for training in guerrilla
warfare and sabotage as well as in Communist theory and tactics. As
has been seen in other countries of Central and South America, these
are the "violence now, theory later" fanatical extremists who cannot
but alineate a large part of the East Indians.
Typical of the problem involved was the press conference held on
12 September 1965 by two Guianese students returning from study in Cuba
where they had scholarships awarded by the PPP. They said they had been
forced to undergo military training, including infantry, bombing and
sabotage tactics, as part of their "scholarship." According to the
Georgetown press, they exposed a Cuban-Jagan plot to foment rebellion
in British Guiana by pitting East Indians against Negroes. The two stu-
dents revealed that they had tried to leave Cuba for a whole year before
being finally released. They were warned by the Cubans and by the PPP
representative in Cuba, Lalbahadur Labachan that they and their families
would be killed if they tried to say anything against the PPP-
6 (Cont.)
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