RECEPTION OF AN AMBASSADOR, AND A TRAVELER BROUGHT US SOME THOUGHTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400020024-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 17
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 4, 1998
• Sequence Number: 24
• Publication Date: December 12, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

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Tasvir, Ankara
12 December 1968
(Excerpts)
"Reception of an Ambassador, and a Traveler
Brought us Some Thoughts"
A new anti-American move, whose origin is well known, began recently,
especially in the leftist press. This anti-American movement failed in its
attempt to spread to all Turkey, and instead it was submerged. Therefore
the soldiers of the left became anxious and unhappy. They took an initia-
tive which was not in keeping with the Turkish character or that of cultured
people, especially when on the day the American ambassador arrived they ...
acted shamefully. Such actions are nothing but disgraceful.
The reasons given for the leftists' actions were that the new American
ambassador worked for the CIA for 12 years and came here from Vietnam....
Naci Perkel, who was chief of the National Security Service of our Re-
public was sent as ambassador to Baghdad. Retired General Behcet Turkmen
was ambassador both in Baghdad and Stockholm. Celal Tevfik Karasapan, who
was ambassador in Bucharest, was appointed Chief of the National Security
Service. These facts were well known but attracted no unfavorable attention....
"There are many KGB elements in the Soviet Embassy. For example Aleksey
Voskoboy who will leave our country on 12 December, is one of them. Voskoboy
has been in our country in various periods since 1955? He is intelligent,
clever and a cultured person. He speaks Turkish like his mother tongue and
has the appearance of a diplomat. Voskoboy leads a two-f aced life. He is
a man of society and defender of the peace. He is a big friend of Turkey
who is studying world affairs objectively. That is Voskoboy the diplomat.
The other face of Voskoboy: he is chief representative of the KGB in Turkey
(spy Voskoboy).
"Aleksey Voskoboy, who is returning home, is being replaced by Igor
Lakomsky. Lakomsky was in our country in the past and he tried at that
time to distribute communist propaganda materials, and he is a member of
the KGB.
"The other person who has been appointed as counsellor, is Vladilen
Federov. It has been determined clearly that he engaged in secret activ-
ities in the years 1955 to 1960.
"It is a fact that all three are intelligence elements of the KGB.
Now, should we declare them personae non gratae or should we criticize the
government for accepting these people? Or should we make anti-Soviet
marches and smash the windows of the Soviet Embassy? Of course not. These
persons have been sent to Turkey to conduct intelligence activities, to
steal secret information and to conduct communist propaanda by every pos-
sible means. But we consider this as natural and we as a nation who stand
very firm for the unity of our country and for its independence will not
permit these people to accomplish their aims.
"In such a case we will say, 'welcome, diplomats Igor Lakomsky and
Vladilen Federov and goodbye to the future Ambassador Voskoboy.'"
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EUR,d
A UNITED EUROPE: WHENCE THE INIT9ATIVE?
1. Many hopes of transforming "the cold war atmosphere" into a more
cooperative relationship on the basis of which to build an integrated
(East-West) European community collapsed in August under the impact of
the Czechoslovak invasion by the USSR and four of her Warsaw Pact part-
ners. Clearly, to the present leaders of the Soviet Union "detente" is
completely divorced from resolving the central issue of a divided, antag-
onistic Europe. But even though this most recent revelation of Soviet
motives has caused proposals to be scrapped, Europe's restlessness with
the division imposed on it 20 years ago has not diminished ... and this
is especially true in Eastern Europeo In the aftermath of the invasion,
i~t is patently clear that the ties which have been expanding between East
and West Europe have led to a ferment of new ideas, of challenges to the
ultra-reactionary Soviet Communism, of demands for authentic freedom of
expression and other requisites of democracy. The violent Soviet reaction
to the developments in Czechoslovakia may for a while succeed in stilling
some of the ferment by brute force, but at the same time it will increase
the discontent and yearning for a return to the paths Czechoslovakia was
beginning to explore.
2. To prevent the Soviets from effectively quashing the voices of
Eastern Europe demanding change, we wish to seek and encourage new con-
cepts to transform the present climate of hostility -- in which Europe's
partition exists as both cause and symptom -- into a stable arrangement
designed to end that partition It is premature to forecast what tactics
the Soviets will now use to put forth their own proposals; however bar-
~?ing a revolution among the Kremlin elite, they will be unchanged on
either the economic or security fronts . 25X1 C10b
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xcerpts from CPYRGHT
BORBA, Yugoslavia
1 December 1868
PRESIDENT TITO'S PRESS CONFERENCE IN JAJCE
Spheres of interest end at our
borders - Tito: We built our
sovereignty during the struggle
from 19+1 to 19+5 and as a free,
independent and sovereign state
which is building socialism, we
want the best possible relations
not only with socialist but with
all other countries.
Jajce, November 30 (Tangjug) - In Jajce this morning the President
of the Republic Tito held his largest ever press conference in our country
and answered several tens of questions, in the presence of more than 200
correspondents, half of whom are fox?eign correspondents.
The first question read as follows:
"Mr. President, as is generally known, Stalin raised objections al-
ready about the First Session of AVNOJ [Anti-Fascist Council of National
Liberation of Yugoslavia]. No delegation from the Soviet Union attended
the Second Session of AVNOJ. After your visit to the Soviet Union, that
is, after your stay on the island of Vis, Stalin and the other leaders
called for the return of King Peter to Yugoslavia.. Can you tell us some-
thing about the reasons of the Soviet Union for this attitude?
"Do you think," the correspondent of the West German magazine Der
Spiegel continued his question, "that the new Soviet theory of limited
sovereignty applies to Yugoslavia as well, and that the Soviet Union in-
tends to use it towards Yugoslavia? Do you think that the Soviet Union
regards Yugoslavia as a member of the Socialist community, whose bound-
aries the Soviet Union has never so far defined precisely?"
President Tito: "The Second Session of AVNOJ was held here in 19+3,
at a time when the fiercest battles were going on on all fronts. Of
course, the Soviet Union could not send a delegation at that time, be-
cause it would have been impossible for it to arrive here, and we had not
invited any of our allies to come.
"I cannot interpret the meaning of the opinion of the Soviet Union
about who is involved in connection with conditional sovereignty. But it
is well known to the Soviet Union as well as to all others that we built
our sovereignty during the course of the struggle from 19+1 to 19+5. You
have seen the decisions of our AVNOJ which formulated in great detail and
in precise terms the question of our independence, sovereignty and integrity.
Yesterday you were also able to hear from my report about what our view
of sovereignty is."
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There is no reason for milita~?y action by the Soviet Union towards Yugo-
slavi
"Comrade President could you please tell us something about your
view of the evolution in the international Communist movement after the
eve?nts in Czechoslovakia?" Tlzis was the next question.
President Tito gave a brief answer to this question: "It is desir-
ab:Le that we should not dramatize things now, but that we should under-
take t;o calm down the situation, to make cooperation in the international
workers' movement as good as possible."
"Do you think that there is a possibility of the Soviet Union under-
takin~; any military action against Yugoslavia? And what attitude would
you like the United States_of America to adopt in that case?" an Ameri-
can correspondent asked:
Y.resident Tito: "As regards military action on the part of the So-
viet iJnion towards Yugoslavia, I think there is no reason for it, and I
do noi; believe in such a possibility.
"When I am talking about some aggression against Yugoslavia, I do
not think only of the Soviet TJnion, but I think of aggression generally,
from t~:ny side whatever. We have enough abilities and possibilities to
defend our independence and sovereignty by relying on our own forces.
This is already well known to everybody."
We are building socialism, not within the framework of a "Commonwealth,"
but a:~ a free, independent and sovereign state
t~uestion: "Recently the Soviet press has been writing more and more
f'requE=ntly that your policy of nonalignment is possible because there.
exists the Warsaw Pact. The Soviet Union, on the other hand, minimizes the importance of
this aspect of Marxist theolo@,y and emphasizes the "universally" appli-
cax~le? aspects of Marxism-Lenir.~ism, decrying the undue. emphasis on national
peculiarities as slogans behind which sinister "counterrevolutionaries"
anc~ "revisionists" hide, and extolling the virtues of .proletarian (or
'socialist'} internationalism" and duty to the international revolutionary
movement as supreme. (Yugoslavia, particularly, regards the development
of a socialist state in accordance with its national peculiarities as the
highest expression of "proletarian internationalism.")
~n?Yiatever the jargon may ~]e, the central issue remains whether indi-
vidual countries in Europe under Communist rule will be permitted to
develop according to their own views even if they are at variance with
those of the USSR, or whei;her they will be compelled to follow Soviet
dictates in all their essential domestic as well as foreign policies.
The case of Czechoslovakia seESms to point to the latter conclusion. But
this is surely a temporary phenomenon and the natural, not to say inevit-
ab1e, direction pointed out b;,r history is to the triumph of individuality
and freedom. The Soviet Union is surely swimming upstream against the
strong current of history, which sooner or later will. overcome the swimmer.
John C. Campbell. Tito's Separate Road: America and Yu oslavia in World
Politics, Harper and Row, New York, 19.7.
David Floyd. Rumania: Russia's Dissident Ally, Pall Mall Press, London,
1965.
William E. Griffith. Albania and the Sino-Soviet Rift, The M.l.T. Press,
Cambridge, Mass., 1963
Henry Hamm. Albania: China's Beachhead in Europe, Frederick A. Praeger,
New York, 1963.
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