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Approved For Release 2005/08/17: CIA-RDP78-03061AMM9010-5 Next 6 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 25X1A2G Approved For Release 2 Principal Developments in World Communist Affairs 20 September-18 October 1968 1. World Communist Conference Preparatory Commission Meets Delegates from 58 Communist and workers' parties gathered in Budapest during the week of 23 September with the shadow of the Soviet invasion clouding the proceedings. It was the second meeting of the World Commu- nist Conference (WCC) Preparatory Commission (PC) which first met in April 1968 with 54+ parties present. (These PC meetings were preceded by the Budapest Consultative Conference (67 parties) in February-March 1968). The Soviets were much more successful this time in preventing news leaks on the more vital parts of the proceedings, but it is generally acknowl- edged that the early part of the week passed in caucuses with the Czech issue at the forefront of the discussion: whether to hold the WCC as scheduled, postpone it, or call it off altogether. A communique was issued after the formal proceedings 27 September- 1 October (text attached -- it also lists all parties present). Briefly, it unanimously affirmed "the necessity" of holding a Conference (a Soviet victory, unless it was only a face-saving device for the Soviets), agreed to hold a third meeting of the PC in Budapest on 17 November to decide on a date for the WCC (originally scheduled for 25 November, it remains to be seen what the Soviets will succeed in arranging), with the delegates tak- ing the issue back to their respective Central Committees for decision (en- ergetic Soviet lobbying can be expected in the various parties on their home ground). While most experts are confident that the WCC will not adhere to its original schedule, and that it will be postponed to early 1969 or possibly indefinitely, they differ as to whether the Soviets suffered further dam- age to their claim to leadership of the Communist world by having to dis- rupt their schedule, or whether they were satisfied -- in light of the disunity and disaffection caused by the Czech invasion -- to keep the is- sue of convoking a Conference open at all. Perhaps the best view is that they reckon a relatively short post- ponement as part of the calculated cost of the invasion, Keeping open the possibility of a meeting and avoiding a public discussion of the Czech issue are a measure of their continuing power over the world movement. Perhaps a clearer measure of this power will be possible after 17 November. 2. The Czech Experiment being Extinguished Despite the presence of vast numbers of Soviet and Satellite troops in Czechoslovakia, a dogged popular resistance to Soviet demands for "normalization" continued during the past month. Against the constant complaining and admonishments from her neighbors, particularly East Ger- many, Poland and the Soviet Union, Czechoslovak news media spoke up from Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 time to time refuting the more blatant lies. Nevertheless, the resisting voice of the Czech media is progressively growing weaker, and the once forth- right; voices of the Czech leadership are tiring and are more and more keyed to the Soviet-called tune. The Soviet colossus is gradually, patiently, but inexorably grinding down the Czech Communist and popular ability to resist. Somehow, the accounts of Dubcek's faltering voice as he addresses his countrymen, his outbreaks of weeping, and his appearance of physical exhaustion seem to symbolize the vanquished spirit of Czech independence and individuality. In the Moscow meeting between Soviet and Czech leaders which finally took place 3-4 October after many postponements, the Czech side was forced to accept the principle of the "temporary" stationing of troops in Czecho- slovakia (the "temporary" stationing of troops in Hungary after the So- viet repression of the Revolution has lasted for 12 years). Prime Minister Cernik has been the leading Czech negotiator. Details of the agreement are not known as of this writing. Observers believe that sufficient troops will be left indefinitely to insure "normalization," but that the bulk of the troops will be withdrawn, perhaps by 28 October, the 50th anniversary of the birth of Czechoslovakia as a state. Such a move would be calculated by the Soviets for its maximum. psychological impact, particularly to im- prove the possibilities of convoking the World Communist Conference in the near future. 3. Protest in the Soviet Bloc For the most part, the widespread revulsion against the Soviet inva- sion among the ordinary people in the Soviet Bloc does not break into pub- lic view and is conveyed privately by word of mouth. The handful of ex- amples of protest that have become known is truly representative of the sentiments of countless other private citizens. Five Soviets who briefly demonstrated in Red Square against the inva- sion were sentenced on 11 October after a short trial that was closed to all but an official claque and a few very close relatives of the accused. They were charged with "slandering the Soviet state" and disturbing the peace. Three -- Pavel Litvinov, 30-year old physicist and grandson of the prewar Soviet Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov; Mrs. Larisa Bogaras-Daniel, wife of Yuli Daniel, the writer who was sentenced in 1966 to five years in a forced labor camp for criticizing the Soviet Union in his writings which were published abroad; and Konstantin Babitsky, a literary critic -- were sentenced to exile in an undesignated remote area of the Soviet Union for five, four and three years respectively. The "lenient" exile sent- ences, in lieu of forced labor camp servitude, were requested by the state prosecutor, purportedly on the grounds that these three were first offenders, more probably, however, because of the prominence of the accused and Krem- lin sensitivity to world opinion over its invasion role. The other two defendants -- a young university student-poet and a Leningrad worker -- received forced labor camp sentences of about three years because they had Approved For Release 2005/08/172: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 committed prior offenses. When the young poet, Mr. Delone, was informed by court of his sentence, he said, "for three minutes on Red Square I felt free, I am glad to take your three years for that." His words seemed to represent the sentiments of all five unrepentant defendants. The noted Soviet poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko reportedly sent a strong telegram to Premier Kosygin and CPSU leader Brezhnev on 21 August protest- ing the invasion "as a tragic mistake and a bitter blow to ... the world Communist movement." When queried by the press about his protest he claimed he had not sent it ... possibly to avoid prosecution for "anti- state propaganda." Jerzy Andrzejewski, prominent Polish novelist wrote to Czech writers, expressing his feeling of shame at the invasion and his solidarity with his Czech confreres. Similar expressions are being privately circulated by Hungarian intellectuals. The 30th anniversary of the Munich Pact of 30 September 1968 -- which opened Czechoslovakia to occupation by Nazi Germany -- was the occasion for thousands of East German citizens to protest the regime's participation in the invasion. Many accused the regime of having "trod in Hitler's foot- steps," and many of them have since been arrested. Similar demonstrations, involving lesser numbers of demonstrators have been reported in Poland and Hungary. 4+. Soviet Diplomatic Relations At the United Nations foreign ministers from Albania, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Finland, France, Japan, the Netherlands, Pakistan, Salvador, Sweden and Venezuela, as well as U.S. Secretary of State Rusk, excoriated the Soviet Union for violating the spirit and letter of the UN Charter and international law and called for removal of Soviet bloc troops as a requirement for an improved political climate. U.S. Secretary of State Rusk forcefully warned Moscow again that any military action against West Germany would bring immediate military reac- tion by the NATO powers and pointedly told Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko that any new chances of detente depend upon the Soviets' application of the UN Charter to Czechoslovakia. As a result of the Czech crisis French officials began an important review of France's military strategy, as well as economic and diplomatic policies, to be conducted under the direction of Premier Couve de Murville. Foreign Minister Michel Debre's UN address strongly condemned the Soviet Union and supported the Czechoslovaks. Debre also called the Soviet Union's violent anti-West German campaign a diversionary maneuver to obscure the consequences of its military invasion of Czechoslovakia, and he added that it would be "supremely unjust" not to recognize the peaceful intentions of the present West German leaders. Like Secretary of State Rusk and other foreign ministers, Debre made detente with Moscow contingent on the Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Soviet Union's willingness to recognize the sovereignty and personality of her neighbors. Soviet reaction has been to restore matters to a "business-as-usual" basis as soon as possible. Thus, Foreign Minister Gromyko told the UN General Assembly that the Soviet Union was prepared to start a "serious exchange of views" with the U.S. on mutual limitation and reduction of strategic nuclear weapons, including antiballistic missiles, but warned that Moscow would "not allow infringements upon the vital interests of so- cialism" or upon "the inviolability of the boundaries of the Socialist Commonwealth." A conference between Rusk and Gromyko on 6 October regarding Vietnam, the Middle East, disarmament, and European security, reached no agreements, and Rusk characterized the talks as "a scouting expedition." "Soviet pol- icy damaged a good many efforts that were being made to resolve problems in the general field of East-West relations," said Secretary Rusk on his return to Washington from New York. Foreign Minister Gromyko also talked with West German Foreign Minister Willy Brandt, on 8 October 1968. While Brandt declined to discuss the details, he did say their talk had been "very useful," adding significantly that now West Germany would be even more cautious in its policy of bridge- building with East European countries. As part of efforts to recover from these diplomatic setbacks, the Soviets welcomed an unusual number of foreign visitors to Moscow. They included the Shah of Iran and his queen, the Yemeni Foreign Minister, the Governor of West Pakistan, the Syrian Minister for Culture, National Guid- ance and Tourism, and the Deputy Chairman of India's Planning Commission. The Chief of the General Staff of the Iraqi Army also visited the USSR during this period, heading a military delegation. They were guests of Soviet Defense Minister Andrei Grechko. Kosygin's Sudden Visit to Finland. Soviet Premier Kosygin's sudden, unannounced, "unofficial" visit with Finland's President Kekkonen, 6-9 October, caused widespread uneasiness in Finland, which has tried to maintain a precarious neutrality with the Russian bear next door. The bland communique (why a communique after an "unofficial" visit?) and the deadpan assertions by officials that Kosygin came for a fishing trip vaca- tion did not obscure the real reason: the effect of the Czech crisis on Finland. After the Chairman of the Finnish Communist Party (FCP), Aarne Saarinen, condemned the Soviet invasion in very strong terms, after Finnish Foreign Minister Ahti Karjalainen joined the general condemnation of the invasion in the United Nations, and after the Finnish Communists suffered heavy losses in the communal elections of 6-7 October, the Soviets dispatched Kosygin to remind Finland that there are limits to how far "friendly neu- trality" can be stretched before the Soviets take more formal action to bring Finland back into line. The communique's invocation of the military Approved For Release 2005/08/174: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 clause in the Finnish-Soviet treaty of 19+8 was the slight baring of the teeth that passes for a Soviet smile of friendship with neutral Finland. Kosygin also took time to confer with Finnish Communist leaders, presum- ably to rebuke them for the party's criticism of the invasion. Soviet Posture on Germany. The sudden concession reportedly made to Secretary Dean Rusk by Foreign Minister Gromyko in their meeting on 6 October that West Berlin was a legitimate sphere of security concern for the U.S. and her allies, coupled with assurances that the Soviets will not threaten the status quo, may be explained as a tactical move, to allay the concern of the Western allies over Soviet intentions on the eve of a ministerial-level meeting of NATO and thus to forestall the expected West- ern effort to strengthen NATO. But the Soviets' position on Berlin would also serve a second purpose: to lead the world to believe that western interest in Berlin is equatable with Soviet interest in Czechoslovakia, 5. Soviet Military Aggressiveness As part of the Soviet return to "business-as-usual," side by side with a new Middle East "peace plan" which contained nothing new, the So- viets are continuing their strengthening of the Egyptian armed forces. The program allegedly calls for military supplies and equipment sufficient to help Egypt retrieve, within two to five years, all territory lost to Israel in June 1967. While the editor of the authoritative Jane's Fighting Ships warned about the increasing size of the Soviet navy and its penetration of the Mediterranean and the Far East, the Soviets sailed their new helicopter carrier Moskva into the Mediterranean, ominously strengthening Soviet naval potential in this sensitive area. In the Christian Science Monitor (Boston) writer Paul Wohl warned: "The Soviets have also sailed deeply into the North Atlantic, and their planes are on patrol beyond Iceland and the British Isles. Whether their motivation is fear of NATO, as they contend, or whether Soviet admirals -- like their counter- parts, the marshals of the Soviet Army -- have begun to influ- ence the political deliberations of the Kremlin in the sense of a more active and aggressive naval policy, no one can say." Finally, the Paris newspaper L'Aurore reports that for months Soviet military instructors, technical advisers and specialists of all kinds' have been arriving in Algeria. 6. Two Significant Western CP Reactions The French Communist Party (PCF) is evidencing the effects of deep division on the Czech crisis, so much so that L'Humanite published on 5 October an article by Central Committee member Lucien Mathey bitterly attacking Politburo member Roger Garaudy, who is also a leading PCF Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : C~4-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 theoretician, for "breaking party discipline" by writing a favorable pre- face to a collection in book form of pre-invasion statements and doctrines of the Czechoslovak leaders. Garaudy wrote: the "Czechoslovak positions as defined between Janua and August this year were the 'model' of So- cialism that came closest to our conditions." The Humanite article as- serted that Garaudy exceeded PCF policy which, while condemning use of armed force by the Soviet Union, nevertheless chided the Czechoslovak com- rades for not having acted with sufficient vigor against 'anti-socialist' tendencies. Garaudy was accused of "propagating 'new' definitions of so- cialism in the economic field.," implying that such socialism would rely unduly on intellectuals instead of on the working class: Mathey's article possibly foreshadows disciplinary action and even expulsions from the party. Garaudy's position appears to have much in common with that of Andre Berteloot, Secretary of the CGT (Confederation Generale de Travail -- Communist-led labor federation), thus indicating possible widespread sup- port for such a thesis within the large and powerful labor union as well as within the PCF. This would. help explain why L'Humanite is so concerned. Berteloot was interviewed by _Prace (Czech trade union newspaper) in Prague on 28 September while there as part of a CGT delegation meeting with re- presentatives of the Central Council of Czechoslovak Trade Unions and the powerful and Communist-led Italian CGIL (labor federation). Said Prace: Berteloot "resolutely rejected assertions that the stand of French trade unions on the military intervention in Czecho- slovakia was only a tactical maneuver carried out with members and voters in mind. He said the CGT position was absolutely one of principle. He said the post-January (1968) road of the Czechoslovak working class 'represented an attempt to find a form of socialism which would be in accord with the economic, social and other traditions of the country. The reason we are interested in it is that once we have established the conditions for building socialism in France, we shall be confronted by the same problems!" (Emphasis added) The Austrian Communist Parma announced on 3 October that the western Communist Parties would probably hold a regional conference to discuss their disagreements with Moscow over Czechoslovakia and to make a "posi- tive contribution to the peaceful political solution of this problem, including the speedy withdrawal of Soviet Bloc troops from CSSR." The party has accepted an invitation from the CPSU Central Committee to send a delegation to Moscow for bilateral talks, during which they will prob- ably be subjected to heavy pressure to drop the idea of a regional confer- ence. The likely degree of pressure may be judged from the vicious attack made by Pravda on 5 October on Austrian Communist Party theoretician Ernst Fischer, who has played a key role in proposing such a regional conference, which included such remarks as: "It would be hard to find among the ranks of Communist party members anywhere a person who stood. so close to the crudest inventions of imperialist propaganda concerning the occupation of Czechoslovakia." Approved For Release 2005/08/176: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 T. Ill-Timed Debut for a New West German Communist Party Thirty-one men and women issued a manifesto in Frankfurt on 29 September announcing the founding of a new West German Communist Party (DKP) as a variant of the outlawed Communist Party of West Germany (KPD). Though tiny, the new DKP is backed by Walter Ulbricht's East Germany and is presumed to be acting on Ulbricht's orders in a move to challenge Bonn's 12-year ban on the KPD. Leader of the new DKP is 59-year old Kurt Bachmann, an old-time Communist, Nazi-era emigre who returned in 1945 to help re- establish the KPD, and former editor of the Cologne Communist newspaper Volksstimme. To protect itself domestically, the Bachmann group made two statements. It called for lifting the ban on the KPD, thereby avoiding the taint of being a substitute for, or successor to, the outlawed party and automati- cally subject to the same ban, Simultaneously, the new DKP declared its respect for the Constitution and Bill of Rights of the Federal Republic. The Bachmann group foreign policy platform echoes that of East Germany; it reaffirms that the intervention in Czechoslovakia was a defensive measure, favors the recognition of existing de facto European boundaries, and calls for East-West German relations on a "basis of equality." Whether the new party will foreswear typical Communist subversive tactics remains to be seen. Will the leopard change his spots? Whatever the reason for founding the DKP, the timing is inauspicious. Events in Prague have alienated many left-wing elements who might other- wise have been sympathetic. And, as the Frankfurter Rundschau commented editorially, "the legal acceptance of the DKP will improve the image of the FRG abroad since the legality of the neo-Fascist NPD, contrasted with the ban on the KPD, has only facilitated Soviet propaganda efforts." 8. New Left Groupings Reviving in France Pro-Chicom Grouping The contents of the new journal, Drapeau Rouge (discussed in "Principal Developments in Communist World Affairs" of September 1968) confirm not only its Maoist orientation, but also the fact that it will be used as the nucleus of a new Communist party to the left of the French Communist Party and dedicated to Maoist doctrines of violence. The French have deduced from the awkward language that some of the edi- torial material is provided directly by the Chinese Communist Embassy in Paris. One of the strains animating the French New Left finds its inspi- ration in Chinese communism and the "thoughts of Mao Tse-tung." Though direct evidence is lacking, one should not be surprised to find not only inspiration and editorial support from the Chinese Embassy, but also financial support (the new magazine is a luxury edition and is distributed gratis). New Extreme Left Journal. Another extreme left journal is reported to be ready to make its first appearance in France. Known simply as Rouge, Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 it is said to represent student militants from the former Jeunesse Commu- niste Revolutionnaire (Revolutionary Communist Youth) which was dissolved by decree as the result of its participation in the May riots in Paris. However, it now seeks to unite radicals from universities, secondary schools, trade schools, etc., and also like-minded adults. Frankly revolutionary in its intentions, it will emphasize the international scope of the revo- lutionary movement and establish liaison with equivalent group in other countries, such as the S.D.S. in Germany, the "Jeune Garde Socialiste" (Young Socialist Guard) in Belgium, student movements in Italy and South America, and the Zengakuren in Japan. Approved For Release 2005/08/17: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 NEW YORK TIMES CPYRGH 20 October 1968 T A Balance Sheet on the Soviet Occupation PRAGUE Alexander Dub"'4, views within the party would gain expression. This was an- cek, first secretary of the Com.: other Soviet demand to make munist party, is trying to sal'!, 'the Czechoslovak Communist vage what he can of liberalize. party monolithic and strength tion In Czechoslovakia, His pro en the party discipline. There gram 'has been battered since' are further Soviet pressures to the Soviet-led invasion Aug. 20 slice off liberal elements within 21. There is a spirit of defeat- ism and dejection, especially, among younger-people here, as Dubcck Is forced to make one' concession after another to the, Russians"to achieve what Is termed "normalization"' In rela- tions between the two countries. Though ', he still 'retains' the confidence and trust of> most Czechoslovaks, there is the feat among liberals that he may be pushc too far and that Czecho-' slovaka will again become a police state. Well before this stage is reached, however, it is almost certain Dubcck and his* liberal colleagues on the party Presidium would resign, Drspite the pessimism pre-; vailing; now, it is probably too; 'early to write an epitaph el-- t her fp'r Dubcck or his program. DespltF the crowding by the Soviets leadership, he still main. tains Ma certain flexibility. Here is what the balance sheet' looks like two months aft er th? invasion: Thq Press. Gone is the free- dom to criticize, to engage in' polemics,. to express diverse views, which provided such ex--' hilaration and excitement in the spring and early, summer months. The new controls have, probably hit the press the hard- est, but even today occasional liberties are taken in stretch- ing the censorship rules. The Party. Dubcek Eai s been forced to tighten the controls and end the democratic ex- periment under which minority the party such as organizations of Communists and academic in- stitutions. Dubcek is resisting, these pressures. Economic Management. The Russians want an end to eco- nomic refroms aimed at increas- ing industrial efficiency by veer- ing Czechoslovakia's commerce' toward the West. They want Czechoslovakia to continue play-i ing her key role as heavy indus trial supplier and munitions; maker for COMECON, the Com munist bloc's economic network) Dubcek has made some con-' cessions. The leadership now; talks about'how much they love, ',COMECON. But he insists. that, the process or decentralization of industrial decision-making will continue, with workers par.' ticipating in the management of enterprises, as they do in Yu- goslavia: This is a key element in the economic reform pro- gram. The Law. Dubcek and the liberal leadership have repeat ediy' stressed that - citizens'. rights are guaranteed under Czechoslovak laws and that they need not fear midnight ar rests and violations of personal liberties. But there are stronb pressures by the Russians for the authorities here. to arrest those whom Moscow regards as leading the counter-revolution. aries and stage show trials. Most observers feel that if there is -any point on which Dubcek, Will. not yield, it Is this: The Military. Soviet Premier AIPS"PI lencygin awd Cztohoslo- wvak Premier Oldrik Cernik signed a treaty in Prague last week, pro- viding for the gradual with- drawal of most of the Warsaw Pact invasion forces. Contingents of Soviet forces will remain. The stationing of Soviet forces here has been denounced by the liberal .Intellectuals as "another Mu. nich" but there was ? little the leadership could do about it. That Dubcck has not given Lup despite the intense Soviet pressures is Indicated by the commission he formed to deter- mine the "tasks of the party in the present period. This Is aimed at preserving as much of Dubcek's "action program" 'as possible. The pressures come. on many fronts. Soviet political officers In Pilzen, for example, went to the district committee of 'the' party last week and demanded that the editor of the Skoda .Works newspaper be fired be- cause he published certain na- tionalistic poems. Gen. Ivan Pavolsky, supreme commander of the invasion forc- es, threatened in a letter to the Minister of Education to oc- cupy the nation's schools which he termed a "nest of .counter-revolution!' - unless teachers adopted a more favor- able attitude toward the - Rus- sians. in the final tallying of the `balance sheet, Dubcek Is seen as' a man who Is trying to hold on to power to prevent the com- plete erosion of his liberaliza- tion program. And he retains an ultimate trump card--a threat of resignation. This would probably produce demonstrations In the streets, general strikes and the :rekindling of a potential expla' sive situation. Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 TIDE TELEGIH/tNApproved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 12 October 1.9U CPYRGH T By PETER WORTHINGTON Telegram Staff Reporter attention in Canada has recently focused on the possibilities of France deliberate. ly practising and encouraging agitation and disruption in Can- ada,. another instrument of poten- tial . subversion has largely - es- caped notice up to now. Prime Minister' Trudeau 'has lifted the- lid on the French ques- tion, ? mnd the steam that has es- caped may both ease the pres- sure= and fog the eyes. ' But as yet the whistle hasn't been 'blown on another matter which, though it isn't directly re? lated. to the problems with Paris, does , embody another, possibly moresignificant, development with, greater international remifi- cations. , This is the so-called Hemi- spheric Peace Conference, orig- inally scheduled for Montreal, ,Oct. 12, 13 and 14. It has now been ,postponed to November. Ostensi- bly it will be devoted to opposing the war in Vietnam. But.almost will become a forum fon .?Anti-Americanism in. Latin America. Originally it was stated that about 2,000 delegates from Can- ada, the U.S. and various Latin American countries would at- tend., . B a t balancing expectations with probabilities,,, it now seems that about 600 will actually show up. This,is still a large number', considering who and what the participants will represent. IAXDORI NPiUFIAUCA 10SS I/DDAESIA zt COUNTRIES WORLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UAIDRI INTERNATIONAL UNION OF STUDENTS WORLD PEACE COUNCIL WORLD FEDERATION OF DEMOCRATIC YOUTH WOMEN'S INTERNATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION AFRO-ASIAA?LATIN AMERICAN PEOPLES' SOLIDARITY ORCAAIIATIIN AALAPS0 AAVAXA tIS 12 COUNTRIES LATIN AMERICAN SOLIDARITY OROARIIATIIN LAs# RAVARA 1417 27 COUNTRIES ASIAN SOLIDARITY COMI HITS[ A SC 11 154 1ST AF, RD-ASIAN 34UDAXITY CONFERENCE CAIRS 1007.5$ AS OOIIATRILI TRIC41 MENTAL OOA1'ERENCE NAYhRA SHE f2 CI UNTAIEI TRICONTIXENTAL IAFOAMATIOI CENTRE NEW YORK THIRD WORLD 1NFCEOTREO TORONTO In, ions are that the Hemis j reefed towards anti-American is- periq Peace Conference , (HPC) sues in Latin America. will become an extension of the Communist-sponsored, revolution- oriented . 'i'ricontinental Confer-' ence that was held in Havana in January, 1966. - - I The first indication that there would even be a "hemispheric" peace conference, was when the question was raised at the Buda pest conference of Communist artie i th i t f 1966 i p s n e w n er o . Th s War ~G in itself is ominious. P Y Since then the idea has steadily expanded and matured.- The. Vietnam .war issue seems It ..'seems likely that: Latin mainly a ploy to get potential .Americans, led by 50 to 80 Cu., radicals and activists and bans,. will -dominate the Montreal "peace-lovers" together so that meeting.. ",Some ?.150 -Chileans - r~ Communists and- radicals are Lthe ZUU 9/17: atj Ae15P78-03061A0004000300,10-5 ' WORLD PEACE 'COUNCIL AFFILIATES A100-ASIAN FEOPLES' SOLIDARITY OAOAIIEATION AAPSO IUINEA4 1H1 7' 1 PERMANENT SECRETARIAT CAIRO- SOLIDARITY FUND EUINLA COMMURIOT PARTY OF CUBA POP. ACTION FRONT OF CHILE RECEL ARMED FORCES FRONT OF CUATEMAU RATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT OF MEXICO RATIORAL LIBERATION FRONT OF VENEZUELA LEFT LIBERATION FRONT OF URACUAY LIBERATION COMMITTEE OPYRCH T ' Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 listed as perhaps coming, and from the Argentine there are 24 pages of sponsors. How many will actually turn up 'la another.- matter. Logic boggles at supposing such a gathering would be con, tent with merely discussing Viet- nam. and .lamenting over Ameri. can's Asian policies, many members of 'the Soviet- backed World Peace Council, wds held in Cairo in 1957-58. A second such conference was held in 1960 in Conakry, Guinea, and out of this was created the Afro-Asian - Peoples' Solidarity Organization (AAPSO), which in-, eluded the earlier Asian. Solidari- ty Committee.. , . " The Soviet Union itself was ev Locked doors - press that has lavished most at- tention on the upcoming confer- ence..The Canadian Tribune has given it frontpage headlines. - The roots of this conference go, .deep into the past. The Latin. Americans see It as an extension .of the 1966 Tricontinental Confer- ence, and last year's, First Conference of the Latin-Ameri- can' S o l I'd a r i t y Organization The :Havana conference was held Jan. 3 to 15, 19(36. A total of. 728 accredited participants from 38 countries and three continents attended. Canada was represent- ed by Francis and Libbie Park of the Canadian Tribune.. . 'eatually admitted as an "Asian" f _ Fidel Castro was especially country, by dint of its territories: anxious to make a big thing of east of the Ural mountains. The the conference .- ' so ' much so? Russians began competing with that in order 'to ensure that no the Chinese for control, and both' delegates left early, he closed the Soviet and Chinese money kept' airports for the duration. the organization solvent and paid, By this lime the once-modest for delegates to attend confer-' Asian Solidarity Committee was ences, a robust, cocky and rambunc- tious creature that embraced d .......1,...:,. three Mnfiri+ an Volatile The mixture of these types, with Quebec separatists, well it's interesting, and disturbing to contemplate. Already there is it difference of ideas as to what the hemispheric Conference is to be all about. Canadians' insist it is to be about Vietnam the Latin Americans see it as an, aid to their own "revolutionary" movements. The Americans, as stated by Peter Oris of the militant Stu- dents for a Democratic Society (SDS) and one of the U.S. organ isers of the conference, see it as. a chance . to co-ordinate future activities among radical groups ' in different countries. .The Canadian " version seems. the most unrealistic. A look at the earlier Triconti-' nental Conference and the LASO gang might be useful to indicate the intentions and composition of the upcoming Hemispheric Conference It all began back in 1954 when the Soviets sponsored the Asian' Solidarity Committee through the auspices of their front group, the World Peace Council (WPC) After the Bandung Conference of 1955, held in Indonesia, and which brought the heads of state of some 29 countries together, the Soviets began to horn-in in ear- vi. "" ' 'b`u"". The Tric4ntinental Conferences Further "solidarity" . confer-' again deeply involving the World ences were held in Tanganyika in ;'peace Council, listed among its 1963, and in Ghana in 1965. rime objectives: p Throughout there was bickering and back-biting feuding-and-fuss- "To unite, co-ordinate and en- ing over the appropriate tactics courage the struggle of the pee to use (Soviet or Chinese) in or- pies of Asia, Africa and Latin" der to fight the common foe - America against imperialism. ,Imperialism,, capitalism, colo- "To support. the revolutionary' nialism, all euphuisms for the struggle as an inalienable and 'U.S. and its allies. imprescriptible right of the peo- AAPSO was composed of 75 ples before imperialism, colonial- "National Committees" from 75' ism land neo-colonialism. . countries, and Its first objective, "To organize the solidarity of as published in its manual, was `the 'peoples of the three conti- to: "Utdte and' co-ordinate the. nents and serve as a permanent: struggle of Afro-Asian peoples link among the different move- against imperialism and colonial-. ments which are members of the ism, to accelerate the liberation organization. of the peoples and to ensure their ."To give effective support to' economic, social and cultural de-.- the national liberation move- velopment." - ? ' ..I ments in the three continents, Curiously, to this' day, there using all the means 'within its has been no machinery set pp to reach:" achieve ? "economic, social ?. and The message was clear. cultural development..". All stress, .has : been 'given to "liberation,In Toronto the Third World In ;which simply means replacing formation Service, headed by "the existing order with a more William Spira and Heather Dean, Marxist one. -late' of the Students Union for At x the fourth AAPSO confer-. Peace Action (SUPA), became. an active echo of the Tricontinen ence in Ghana, now - deposed tal Conference, President Nk r u in, a h formally From this conference the AAP moved , that a Tricontinental SO was transformed into the AA- Conference be held in Havana. LAPSO '-, the Afro-Asian-Latin The Russians, now feuding fu- American People's Solidarity Or- riously and openly with . the ganization. ' Chinese, actively sided with Cuba gases were also laid for. the. In order to ;prevent the next "so- Latin American Solidarity. .Or-, lidarity"'-conference from being nest. held in Peking. ganrzatron (LASO), which held A "non - governmental" Afro- r ,.. its first. conference in Havana in Asian confers pKfle4b6d vc elease 2005/0$/17: CIA-RDP78-0306!Ft18bA 0060titM Oo5iposed, of Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010'-5 representatives from 27 coun- tries. ' In general,' the . objectives of LASO were to "use all means" within its reach to' support and encourage "liberation" move- ments and to "link its action ... to the activities of the -Triconti- nental organization." ,Among its proclamations was one that "principles,of Marxism- Leninism guide the revolutionary movement of Latin America." 4. Also that "guerrillas are the embryo of liberation armies and. constitute the most effective way of initiating and carrying out the' revolutionary struggle,", ? The slogan of. LASO Is: "The duty of every revolutionary Is to. make revolution." - , Too fast At. the conference in Havana once in Montreal. Exactly what last year, attended by 281 partlci- 'form it will take should be clear- pants from 38 countries, the So- er next month. viets attempted to, cool" the rove- Such ' a gathering,`' dominated' lutionary ardor. by some of the most radical and, Pravda, that organ of Soviet revolutionary elements in North enlightenment, noted that "ex- 'and South America would be of porting" revolution was a touchy obvious Interest to Quebec'and if done indiscreetly, atists. It would also interest what Cuban-style insurgence might agitators and subversives there "seriously damage" Communist may be in that province -- be parties and movements in these they Paris-sponsored, S o?v i c t. countries. - ? 1 e a n i n g, Maoist-inspired, jut It was almost as If Pravda was plain ' hooligans or Borne-grown anticipating the 'rather ludicrous activists, All brands arc avail., and dismal demise of Che Gueva , able in this country. ra, who is now being transformed ----~ into something of a revolutionar y , icon. r Confusion , nlutionn; partly because he. chose, . How many of the,, Canadian, the wrong country, for revolution;_ sponsors of the . Hemispheric and partly because of simple Conference are aware of what, ineptness, they are endorsing? . Those, who ' have lent their names to it," Which brings us to the present . A year ago last March, LASO The tentacle; of revolutionary' for might themsel well to attend and 18SLIed -a call is all ovements 'with gu rrill as in Boliviad(heayd ttoowards Canada, be spreading about, 'and if it is compatible ed by Che Guevara) -- before the' SUPA, which became the New with their beliefs.- Bolivian government had even ac Left .Committee, which" became Possibly some do know what is knowledged that there were guer the Canadians' for the National` happening. Possibly the. Phyllis rillas active in that country! Liberation Front, which has" de.' Clarkes, the Raymond Boyers, Other guerrilla movements in=veloped . such offshoots as" the Rabbi Feinbergs, Lukin Robin volving LASO are In Colombia, ` 'Planned Action Committee; now` sons,. George Harris', Helen' Peru and Venezuela. 'stresses 'A "liberation" move- Weirs, Chandler Davis', Ron' In a way, the Latin Americans . ment, -in. -Canada to - forcibly Maynes and Dr. James Endieotts' have one too fast for the So- "'free" ' the country, know exactly what they ars g ..from the doing. , . t . ,, viots,'even though LASO involved 'shackles of U.S. imperialism, such Soviet-favored groups as the ?? Quebec's, separatist' movemettt But others may not, or may be World Fed oration of Trade' fits `into this spectrum. ' confused - the June Callwoods, Unions, the World Peace Council,' What began in 1954 as the So Laurier Lapierres, Andrew Bre> D the International Union of Stu- viet-sponsored A&ian Solidarity' Gerussis-vid Gauthiers and Bruno dents, the Women's International Committee, and then "seeped Those who think that the' Viet Democratic 'Federation, the In- through the Middle East into Af-' ternational Organization of Jour- rica, and then on,.to Latin Ameri-' nam War is the prime reason, nalists and ' the Tricontinental cais now about to reach Can ;why the . conference Is being Committee to Support Vietnam. ada, t called ,may be disillussioned., bans, ~CLASO tried' toY become a ll new acn ,ot , "sohcoming.' for the anti-American get will pr probablybly be forthcoming; -third forcel"between the pro-So-.. from the Hemispheric Co fer. er -not the "reason." Approved For Release 2005/08/17 CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 25X1C1OB L Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 25X1A2G Approved For Release 005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061 A000400030010-5 November 1968 SOVIET RELATIONS WITH THE COMMUNIST WORLD For several years now the Soviets have been attempting to arrange a world conference of Communist parties. It has become clear that their basic aim in convening such a conference is to attempt to get back in hand the world Communist movement -- or at least whatever part of it can be brought back together. They clearly recognize that the movement is rapidly losing its cohesiveness and that this trend must be stopped before it is too late. It has now become obvious that there is no hope of re- integrating the Chinese Communists, nor is there much hope of herding Castro into the same fold as Ulbricht. But, they are intent on gathering together whatever remaining part of the world movement they can, or re- asserting the primacy of the Soviet Union in this movement and, if pos- sible, on preparing a document which will embody the basic Communist doc- trine to which all members of the movement will subscribe. Despite considerable foot-dragging by such parties as the Italian and Rumanian, two Preparatory Commission meetings had been held and the date of 25 November set for the World Communist Conference. Then came the invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia and the entire proceedings were thrown into doubt. The issue, as it was developed in the Communist world, was clear: is the Communist movement a unified whole, dominated by the Soviet Union, or is it a sort of federation of separate, equal, autonomous elements? The Soviet stand was set forth bluntly on 26 September when a leading Soviet ideologist, Sergei Kovalev, writing in Pravda , enunciated a prin- ciple which not only attempted to justify the Soviet armed incursion into Czechoslovakia, but which would also henceforth provide a priori justifi- cation for the Soviet Union to intervene in any manner it sees fit in the domestic affairs of any Satellite country whose leaders were pursuing pol- icies contrary to Soviet interests. The key passage reads: "The peoples of the socialist countries and Communist parties certainly do have and should have freedom for deter- mining the ways of advance of their respective countries, How- ever, none of their decisions should damage either socialism in their country or the fundamental interests of other social- ist countries and the whole working class movement, which is working for socialism. This means that each Communist Party is responsible not only to its own people, but also to all the socialist countries, to the entire Communist movement.,.. The sovereignty of each socialist country cannot be opposed to the interests of the world of socialism, or the world revolutionary movement." -.The article is entitled "Sovereignty and International Duties of Social- ist Countries." Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 While this principle is advanced with the primary intention of defin- ing relations between the Soviet Union and its European Satellites, its implications for any Communist party outside the Soviet Bloc which iden- tifies its interests with those of the "fatherland of socialism" are clear: the Soviet Union arrogates to itself the authority to control such a party's policies, whether before or after its accession to power. The Kovalev thesis may be regarded either as a new doctrine or as a more forceful, unambiguous re-formulation in neo-Stalinist terms of the old Communist tenet known as "proletarian internationalism." Stalin's classic definition in 1927 read: "A revolutionary is he who without arguments, uncondi- tionally, openly and honestly ... is ready to defend and strengthen the USSR, since the USSR is the first proletarian, revolutionary state in the world ... an internationalist is he who, unreserv- edly, without hesitation, without conditions, is ready to de- fend the USSR because the USSR is the base of the world revolu- tionary movement, and to defend, to advance this revolutionary movement is impossible without defending the USSR." Stalin's former Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky stated the propo- sition even more bluntly in the Soviet journal Voprosy Filosofii (Prob- lems of Philosophy) No. 2, 1948: "At present the only determining criterion of revolutionary proletarian internationalism is: are you for or against the USSR, the motherland of the world proletariat? An internation- alist is not one who verbally recognizes international solidarity or sympathizes with it. A real internationalist is one who brings his sympathy and recognition up to the point of practical and maximal help to the USSR in support and defense of the USSR by every means and every possible form. Actual cooperation with the USSR, the readiness of the workers of any country to subject all their aims to the basic problem of strengthening the USSR in its struggle -- this is the manifestation of revolutionary proletarian internationalism on the part of workers in foreign countries.... The defense of the USSR, as of the socialist motherland of the world proletariat, is the holy duty of every honest man everywhere and not only of the citizens of the USSR." The Kovalev formulation of proletarian internationalism has met with either silence or disapproval among Communists. But one leaders (not un- expectedly an East German) has harmonized his voice with Kovalev's. A speech by Eric Honecker, Politburo member of the East German Communist party (known as the SED -- Socialist Unity Party), and heir apparent of Walter Ulbricht, reprinted (significantly enough) in Pravda on 7 October, contained the following passage: Approved For Release 2005/08/172 CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 "Now, when proletarian internationalism is again being tested for strength, the SED and all democratic parties and mass organi- zations of the German Democratic Republic, all our people feel closely tied to the great Soviet people, to their glorious Lenin- ist party, the CPSU, and its Central Committee. Relations with the USSR, relations with the CPSU, are for us, as for all Lenin- ists, the most important criterion by which a party pretending to the right to call itself Marxist-Leninist is judged. In our time, it is impossible to be a Communist without love for the land of Lenin, without supporting its policy...." The Kovalev thesis was immediately recognized by western journalists for what is was: a blunt statement of the Soviet demand that the "social- ist" countries, indeed all Communist parties around the world, are to sub- ordinate their individual interests to Soviet requirements, euphemistically expressed as those of the "world revolutionary movement." The Yugoslav, British and Austrian Communists attacked the revival of this thesis di- rectly and the Rumanians indirectly (by invoking the phrase -- in vogue since Khrushchev's reconciliation with Tito in 1955-56 -- of "mutual ref- spect for the independence and sovereignty of the socialist countries"). Perhaps because of its bluntness, Soviet propagandists have subsequently been reluctant to reiterate the Kovalev formulation, and have taken refuge in less obtrusive and less blatant terminology, such as the necessity for "unity," "cohesion," "solidarity," etc. in the international Communist movement, counterposing its "international tasks" and "common interests" to "national tasks" and "individual interests." However the thesis is phrased -- obscurely, politely, euphemistically -- the meaning of "prole- tarian internationalism" remains the same: Soviet interests take prece- dence over those of any Communist party within or outside the Communist camp. As in other times of crisis and strain within the Soviet Bloc, invo- cation of proletarian internationalism takes precedence over another (and conflicting) thesis, though the two are usually stated side by side. One authoritative expression of the contrary thesis is found in the 1957 Mos- cow Declaration subscribed to by 12 of the 13 parties in power at that time, including Communist China but not Yugoslavia: "The socialist coun- tries base their relations on principles of complete equality, respect for territorial integrity, state independence and sovereignty and non- interference in one another's affairs." Now Kovalev has explicitly rejected the absolute validity of the sovereignty concept, and posited the "higher good" of proletarian internationalism. The World Communist Conference (WCC) Preparatory Commission (PC) meeting in Budapest 27 September-1 October can be regarded as a practical application of the Kovalev doctrine. The adverse repercussions which the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia had on all non-Bloc Communist parties, had, in the general view, thrown the issue of proceeding with the WCC, and even preparations for it, in doubt. Yet the Soviets succeeded in Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : C A-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 mobilizing 58 parties (versus 54 and 67 in two previous preparatory meet- ings), succeeded also in keeping the Czech issue from erupting into public polemics, in getting a unanimous decision on the "necessity" of holding a World Communist Conference, and in gaining assent to reconvene yet another preparatory meeting on 17 November (which is to decide finally on a date for the full WCC). It seems evident that the Soviets persuaded the parti- cipants to subordinate their individual interest to those of proletarian internationalism. In sum, it was a fair example of the servility to which Communists are reduced in the service of this doctrine. This does not mean, however, that the Soviets achieved a clear-cut victory in their struggle to convene a world conference. Although the 25 November date originally designated for convening the full conference was not cancelled outright (perhaps to save face for the Soviets), most observers believe that the 17 November meeting will postpone the WCC to some time in 1969 or to the indefinite future. And though discussion of the Czech crisis did not break into public view, there can be no question that the dissidence aroused by the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia was the root cause for making uncertain the future of this pet project of the Soviet Union. (Attachment A is the English translation, made by Novosti, of the Kovalev article appearing in the New York Times of 27 September. Attach- ment B is a translation of a 25 September Izvestiya article entitled "The Sacred Principles of Internationalism," which represents the more usual approach to the subject, Attachment C is the text of the official com- munique issued at the conclusion of the PC; it includes a complete list- ing of parties participating.) Approved For Release 2005/08/174: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 "' I I "" I CPYRGL I II -qy N j j Yo' Aovr Release 2005/08/17 :CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030P10-5 27 c1,_r:, ~777i Pravda .The -Yim Article Intervention Quoted ll 1' G in Czethoslovakia i~"utiia' UTAYC4t1 .' t/i 'Sovereignty and Interns- U.O V ? S It t 1posed to one-sideness. The la t ? Duties vi oc ona s I demand that each phenom ountries," published today .f b d co et 1 lice arty' newspaper, and trans- , ated by Novosti, Soviet press gency: In connection with the vents in Czechoslovakia, the question of the correlation and Interdependence of the national interests of the so- ticular topical nd ac.tte Importance. shun a caaminI y in general connection with other phenomena, with other cannot but take Into account'' t.;omrauc W.uolnulK'1, rose such a decisive fact of our; -Secretary of the Central Coma time as the struggle between] mittee of the Polish Unitcfd This is an objective struggle..; when he said: -J ill of the people, and slip comrades of ours in the other lit Into two opposite social ' upholding the righteous cause.: stems Lenin said! "Each' of socialism and the rover- Just as, In Lenin's words a man living in a' societ system of other states comb nity, cannot be free from th .common interests of the . The sovereignty of?. eaclj The measures taken by the Soviet Union, jointly with defending the socialist gains of the Czechoslovak people! are of great significance for .et-..nnthnning the cnelalict an must choose between eighnty of the , peoples by our or the -... . , ..-?o -?-- de. Any attempt to avoid , against the enti)r of our a ust end in fiasco." When the enemy mines-our'; zed that when a socialist tsarist states, with dynamite. non-affiliated" stand, it re- and International duty to ob- ause of the might o the People who disapprove of the world revolutions !'i movement. Lenin demande 4 that all Communists filth d communit ,which is the main against smau?nauon narrow i, seclusion an mindedness e , nt of the interns- achievem donor working class. Isolation,. Consider the who! sections, held in some places, ,the Particular to the general socialist countries run coup _? The socialist states respect ,;determination. in practice, by coming ou The groundlessness of such 1 'violate the sovereignty an reasoning consists primarily; inde endence of nations. atrnct nonclnss approach to ,sromese sams t It i f the pu in that it is based on an ab- tions that they reject th sovereigntyi the question of ti to leftist, adventurist conce f o s ra o se social-t 'tlon," of "bringing happ f th h l e es o e peop T 1st countries and Communist,'?ness" to other peoples. parties certainly do have and, However. from a Marxi should have freedom for de-i ,point of view, the norms _ J 1 ! aw. including the norms i.vance R their' respective' mutual relations of the s s' # tsarist countries, cannot i t coun r e However, none of their de-' interpreted narrowly, forma e either ly, and In Isolation from th 6-1.4 d m s a ag ! thefun"' "' """ - strugso le in the modern wort fundament fl interests of The socialist countries res ' other socialist countries, and th, !.the whole working class 1 lutely come out against d,,,,nvement_ which is working # exporting and importing f I Thi .,means that each Corm Opposing Systems Stresec~ not only to its vvvii vc1alalis free to apply the basic prf but also to all the the socialist ` ci Ies of Marxism-LenInis countries, to the entire Com- p , n,nnist movement. Whoever and of socialism in its cou -, I the i maguLn fills. "' of tnly orn these riots ies assum1n i endence of the r~m. ~ p _ A ti the inde p :a 3 omu h each Communist party Bove all the Socict Union as Icialist states are ignoring the ? i n orce h isi I -- ; tla. ce , A. c also -' - eludes the might of its ;countries are defending the rmed forces. The weakening t interests of all of world so- lectly affects all the l The system of socialism exists In concrete form ln,nilifferently upon, this. -ountries, which cannot look some countries: which - have NATO Threat Seen their own definite state The antisoclalist elements in boundaries; this system Is de- zechoslovakia actually cov- veloping according to the -red. up the demand for so- specific conditions of each ailed neutrality and Czecho? country. Furthermore, nobody I lovakia's withdrawal from interferes in the concrete. he socialist community with j measures taken to improve .; asking about the right of the socialist system In the dif. rations to self-determination. ferent socialist countries However, the implementa- However. the picture on of such "self-determina- AL. changes fundamentally when's on," In other words, Czech-a danger arises to socialism". slovakia's detachment from itself in a particular country. be socialist community,' As a social system, world so- would have come into con-,. cialism is the common gain':: lict with its own vital in-,}of the working people of all crests and would have been, lands; It is indivisible and Its etrimental to the other so-' k, is the common cause ialist states. i of all Communists and nit Such "self-dete;rnina'.inn,"I' progressives in the world, in?; s a result of wh'. h NATO the first place, the working roops would have ueen able folk of the socialist Countries., o come up to the Soviet !order, while the community, s "Rightist' Alm Described f European socialist coun?~ The Bratislava statements ries would have been split,,. of the Communist and Work-,' n effect encroaches upon the i err' parties says of socialist rital interests of the peoples'; gains the "support, consoli- if these countries and con- ; dation an1l defense of these licts, as the very root of it. gains, won at the price of with the right of these people'; {heroic effr?rt and t,ir self-'' o socialist self-determination. ` sacril' a of hpe p':,, rep- Discharging' their interne- resent a nor it,, !1y2. ,ionalist duty toward the' ,ional uty :d obliz,ation for raternal peoples of Czecho- all the socialist countries." lovakia and defending their, What the right-wing anti-' wn socialist gains, the,' socialist forces set out to J.S.S.R. and the other social achieve in recent months in st states had to act deci-' Czechoslovakia did not refer, ivel and the didacta ainst G 19QC 1$ _ c _ ?r3 site! _.tlu,wL mm~nt n. .1.~ Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 ,application or the principle The 'help to the working of Marxism-Leninism to the people ,of Czechoslovakia by d ,concrete con itions obtaining. in that country, but consti-" tuted ehtn th ncroacmen oe foundations of socialism, on ,.the basic principles of Manx-, ism-Leninism. 1:? This is the nuance that` '.people who have fallen for! the hypocritical nonsense of the antisocialist and revision-' ,ist elements still cannot un- derstand. Under the guise of "democraLiza tion" these ele-. oments were little by little ;shaking the socialist state, `seeking to demoralize the. Communist party and befog- the minds of the masses,; } stealthily hatching a counter-' revolutionary coup, and they* were not duly rebuffed inside,' !#e country. Could Not Stand Aside 'Naturally the Communists of the fraternal countries; could not allow the socialist; states to be inactive in the,; name of an abstractly under- stood sovereign',, when they; saw that the country stood;; In peril of antisocialist de- generation. The actions in Czechoslo?j vakia of the five allied so- cialist countries accords also, with the vital interests.of the,. people of the country them Socialism, by delivering at nation from the shackles of an exploiting regime, Insures: the solution of the funda-, mental problems of the na tional developments of any, country that has embarked upon the socialist road. On: the other hand, by encroach-i, Ing upon the main stays of socialism, the counterrevolu tionary elements in Czecho. Slovakia undermined thevery, foundations of the country's; independence and covet-.,: eignty. Formal observance of the', freedom of self-determination of a nation in the concrete situation that arose in Czech-; oslovakia would mean free-} dom of "self-determination"t, not of the popular masses, ;the working people, but ofa their enemies. The antisocialist path, "neu-'- trality", to which the Czech-: onlovak people were pushed' would bring it to the loss, of its national independence., World imperialism, on its' part,, supported the anti. socialist forces In Czechoslo vakia, tried to export coun terrevolution to that country, In this way. which prevented the export of cognterrevolution from abroad ;constitutes the actual aoverefgnty of the Czecho- slovak' socialist republic against those who ,would like to deprive It from its sover-? eigntyrand give up the coun-. try t9 imperialism. Politipal Means Exhausted The fraternal Communist partie~.of the socialist coup-. tries Were for a long time ?takine'measures, with maxi-, mum ,elf-restraint and pats-, ence?!o help the Czechoslo yak `people with political. ~meanp to stop the onslaught. of antisocialist forces in! . Czechoslovakia. And - only;, ,wh n all such measures were, exh Lusted did they bringl armed forces into the coun-i try. Tile soldiers of the alliedt socialist countries now, inj Czechoslovakia proved by their actions indeed that theyi have no other tasks than the } tasks of defending socialists gain In that country. Thpy do not Interfere in; the internal affairs ,of the country, are fighting for the. principle of self-determina. tion oi~ the peoples of Czecho-, .slavakia not in words but in' deeds, tIare fighting for thein Inalienable-.right to think outs profoundly and decide their fate themselves, without in- timldation on the part 'of counterrevolutionaries, with out revisionists and national..,. 'Ist demagogy. Class Approach to Law ' Those who speak about they f"illegal actions" of the allied socialist countries in Czecho-, Slovakia forget that in a !class society there Is not,, and there cannot be non-F class laws. Laws and legal norms are4 3I subjected to the laws cti the. class struggle, the laws of social ddvclopment. These. laws are clearly formulated in Marxist-Leninist teaching,. In the documents jointly. 'adopted by the Communist; and Workers' parties.' Formally Juridical reason- ing must not overshadow ai class approach to the matter.', One who. does it, thus losing' the only correct class crite. rion in assessing legal norms. begins to measure events- with a yardstick of bourgeois law. Such an approach to the question of sovereignty means that. for example, the pro. gressive forces of the world would not be able to come out against the revival of neo-Nazism In the Federal Republic of Germany, against the actions of butchers ;Franco and Salazar, against 'reactionary arbitrary actions" of "black colonels" in Greece, because this is "the internal affair" of "sovereign" states. Vietnam Example Cited It is characteristic that both the Saigon puppets and their American protectors also regard the notion of sovereignty as prohibiting support for the struggle of progressive forces. i They proclaim at every crossroads that the socialist countries, which are render. Ing help to the Vietnamese, people in their struggle for 'Independence and freedom, are violating the sovereignty of Vietnam. Genuine revolu tionaries, being internation 'allsts, cannot but support progressive forces In all, countries In their just strug. F for national and social liberation, J The interests of the social-, Ist community and of the whole revolutionary move-? ment, the Interests of social-, ism in Czechoslovakia de- mand complete exposure and political isolation of the re-. actionary forces In that coun-. Z , consolidation of the, rkin people and con-. sistent implementation of the Moscow agreement between' the Soviet and Czechoslovak leaders. There Is no doubt that the ' actions of the five allied so- cialist countries in Czecho Slovakia directed to the de- fense of the vital interests of the socialist community, and . the sovereignty of socialist Czechoslovakia first and foremost, will be Increasingly supported by all those who have the interest of the present revolutionary move-' ment, of peace and security of peoples, of democracy and socialism at heart , , . Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78=03061A000400030010-5 2 Appproved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 IZVESTIYA, Moscow 25 September 1968 "Scared Principles of Internatibnalism" . Life has convincingly proved that socialism,, in its forward movement, overcomes all barriers. Such is the objective law of the new world which is coming, through turbulent class battles, to replace the old world of capitalism. Whereas not so long ago it was hoped in the camp of our enemies that it would be possible to halt historical progress, such hopes have been finally dashed to the ground by recent events. Al,]. those who hold dear the cause of socialism and the peaceful future of the people are reading the dispatches coming from Czechoslovakia today with a feeling of confidence which is growing stronger. Even the most frantic anticommunists are now compelled to admit the invincibility of socialist gains in that country and the fact that counter- revolution found'itself powerless against them. ? Among the people of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic there has noticeably been an increasing understanding of the necessity of bringing the allied forces into the country. Nationalist intoxication aroused by antisoeialist propaganda is being gradually dissipated. Genuine Czechoslovak patriots are realizing more and'more clearly the vital importance of a consistent and honest implementation of the discussions taken at the Soviet-Czechoslovak talks in Moscow. At the same time one cannot fail to be legitimately alarmed at the fact that antisocialist sentiments are still making themselves felt in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The process of normalizing the state of affairs which has begun in the Czechoslovak Socialist republic is clearly not to the taste of the imperialist circles which are not using their propaganda services to give any support they can to the antisocialist forces in Czechoslovakia. The present international situation, notable for an aggravation of class warfare in the world arena and a step up of aggressive activity on the part of imperialism, demands that the builders of socialism make even more effective use of the mighty arsenal of Marxist-Leninist ideas. An exceptionally important role in this connection was played by the conference of representatives of communist and workers parties of Bulgaria, Hungary, the.GDR, Poland, the Soviet Union, and Czechoslovakia which took place in Bratislava on 3 August this year. The declaration approved by the participants in the Bratislava conference contained a formulation of the major principles of strengthening the unity and oahesion of the socialist countries, principles of struggle,at the present stage for consolidating the positions of socialism, for the peace and security of people, and against the aggressive policy of imperialism. Not much time has elapsed since the conference in Bratislava, but it has been a period filled with great events which have fully confirmed the correc'tnes's of the deductions made by participants of the conference and set forth in their declaration. And today one can state with confidence that, acting unflinchingly in the spirit of that declaration, the socialist countries have already made a considerable contribution to the strengthening of the cause of socialism. Can people who have come to know the triumph of free labor and life with the establishment of socialism wish .to depart from the road they have chosen? Of course not. Expressing their firm will, the participants in the Bratislava conference unanimously declared their unflinching determination to develop and defend the socialist gains. .in their countries and to strive for new successes in building socialism. The~Bratislava declaration'contains a vitally important principle, dictated by the,nepessity for further united action by the socialist states. The support, strengthening, and defense of these gains, which were achieved at the.price of,the. heroic efforts aid selfless labor of every people, is the common international duty ofp r69eiR MWt'065/08/17: CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061AO00400030010-5 This is all the more important in view of the fact that the foes-or socialism are quite prepared to make use of the well-known tactics-of the old colonialists: divide and rule. Not risking a frontal attack, they are especially active in making use of these tactics in ideological struggle against the socialist countries. The policy of building bridges and other political diversions of the West pursue the aim of achieving erosion of Marxist-Leninist ideology as the ideological foundation of a socialist society, impairing its political organization, and thereby clearing the field for antisocialist activity in one country or another. The fraternal parties, as was stated in the Bratislava declaration, firmly and resolutely oppose their unshakable solidarity and high degree of vigilance to any attempts by imperialism, as well as by any of the other anticommunist forces, to weaken the leading role of the working class and the communist parties. They will never allow anyone to drive a wedge between the socialist states or undermine the foundation of the socialist social system. The significance of this principle, recorded in the Bratislava declaration, cannot be overestimated. The document approved by the participants in the Bratislava conference has developed the principles collectively formulated by the fraternal parties at their conferences in Moscow in 1957 and 1960--applying these principles to new conditions. This docu- ment expresses positions and views which accord with the interests of all fraternal countries and parties, with the cause of the unshakable friendship of the peoples of socialist states, and with the interests of peace, democracy, national independence, and socialism. It was by fidelity to the principles. fixed in the. Bratislava deola.ra- r:i"n, Oust i 19Y deiiy;y iA Uhi-4r 1~~+e6ntii*Asia ~ duty and obligations as allies, that the Soviet Un:?n and the other allied states were guided when a real threat was hang- ing over the socialist gains in?Czechoslovakia. These lofty Marxist-Leninist princi- ples are inspiring our soldiers, who came to the fraternal soil of Czechoslovakia for the sole purpose of guarding the freedom and independence of that country as a socialist state. The builders of the new world would be Utopians and not the revolutionary realists which Lenin taught them to be if they considered that complex problems did not arise in the development of'socialism. These problems exist, and united efforts by the fraternal countries and peoples are necessary for their solution. The significance of the Bratislava declaration is all the greater because it contains a clear and constructive program for strengthening all-round cooperation of the socialist countries. Since the signing of that document a number of bilateral and multila.teralfl etings of leading figures of the fraternal countries and parties have taken place. In Moscow,. for instance, Soviet-Czechoslovak talks were carried out in the course of which the conviction was expressed by both sides that one of the main ta:?:;in.the present condi- tionn in Czechoslovakia was implementation of theses and principles formulated at the Bra.iL lava conference. The socialist states coordinate their actions in the international arena. How neces- sary this is especially convincingly proved by the'present development of the inter- national situation. The NATO bosses have recently e:,ibarked on a,.n open course for a mii..tary-political compnet against the Warsaw Pact countries. Especially active in funning an atmosphere of hysteria znd tension in Europe are the ruling circles of the German Federal Republic; supported by American imperialism. The criminal aggres- s"on of the United States against the heroic Vit':namese people is continuing. The e: hers of the unquencnRdd fire ..f war which was l~?t by Israeli extremists in the Near Dist are being intensive3.y fanx-ed. ' Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061AO00400030010-5 4 B) Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 The communist parties and go ve- nm~nts of the fratern?~1 countries are taking up a c:ummon attitude toward all these burning problems-of international life, prrceeding from the interests of the struggle for peace and against the aggressive pt:"cy of imperialism. The CPSU and the USSR Go--,ernment have proved by their actioza that they fu1::y adhere, and wil]. continue to adhere, to the collectively formulat'd prin- ciples. The international unity of communists is tempered in strruggle against imper..? alism a;W all variants of opportuni,m and sectarianism. Practice shows that dev~at.i from Marxism-Leninism becomes especially dangerous whenconbinsd with manifestations of bourgeois nationalism. UnreconcI1able struggle again !. all deviations from Leninist principles, and against their nationalist, dogmatic, and revisionist dis- tortions, is the condition and pledr,,, of a successful rebuff to imperialist schemes. ,the condition and pledge of the triumph-of the cause of peace, democracy, nationaj independence and sooialism. Moscow TASS 1 October 1968 (C) Text of Communique (Communique on meetings of the working group and commission for the preparation of an international meeting of communist and workers parties] -A meeting of the working group and commission for the preparation of an international meeting of communist and workers parties took'place in Budapest from 27 September to 1 October 1968. Taking part in the meetings were representatives of the following communist parties: The Socialist Vanguard Party of Algeria, the U.S. Communist Party, the Communist Party of Argentina, the Communist Party of Australia, the Communist Party of Austria, the Communist Party of Belgium, the Bulgarian Communist Party, the Communist Party of Bolivia, the Brazilian Communist Party, the Communist Party of Chile, the Progressive Party of the Cyprus Working People, the People's Vanguard Party of Costa Rica, the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the Communist Party of Denmark, the South African Communist Party, the Communist Party of Ecuador, the Communist Party of Northern Ireland, the Communist Party of Finland; The French Communist Party, the 'Communist Party of Greece, the Guadeloupe Communist Party, the Guatemalan Party of Labor, the Haiti Party of People's Unity, the Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Communist Party of Honduras, the Communist Party of India, the Irish Workers Party. the Iraqi Communist Party, the People's Party of Iran, the Communist Party of Israel, the Communist Party of Colombia, the PZPR, the Lebanese Communist Party, the Communist Party of Luxembourg, the MSZMP, the Party of Liberation and Socialism of Morocco, the Martinique Communist Party, the Mexican Communist Party, the MPRP, the Communist Party of.Great Britain, the SED, theSED of West Berlin, the KPD, the Italian Communist Party, the Paraguayan Communist Party, the Peruvian Communist Party, the Communist Party of Reunion, the Rumanian, Communist;.Par" y, the Communist Party of Salvador, the San Marino Communist Party,;'the : Communist, Party of Spain;" the Swiss Labor Party, the Syrian Communist. Party., the,.CPSU,-the Sttdafiese.Communist :Party,.the Communist. Party o.f Turkey, tha,Tun9aiann:.Communizt Party, the Communist.?arty of Uruguay, and the Communist Party of Venezuela. Several parties, whose representatives could not arrive for the meeting due to different reasons, addressed appropriate letters to the preparatory commission. The preparatory commission heard and approved information on the work to prepare a meeting of communist and workers parties. Questions connected with the international meeting of communist and workers parties were discussed. The participants in the preparatory commission unanimously confirmed the need for an international meeting to consider the tasks-of struggle against imperialism at the contemporary stage, and for the united actions of communist and workers parties, and all the anti-imperialist forces. The participants in the preparatory commission deem it expedient to consider again ,the question of the date when the international meeting should be held. They decided 'to consult the central committees of their corresponding parties on this question. The members of the preparatory commission agreed to convene a regular session of the preparatory commission in Budapest on 17 November to discuss the date for the meeting's convocation and the procedure of_its further preparation. The meeting of the working group and preparatory commission proceeded in an atmosphere of free, comradely exchange o views and demonstrated once more the uesdre of the fraternal. parties to further develop cooperation on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. NEW YORK TIMES (D) 3 October 1968 Excerpts ? CPYRGHT CPYRGH T IkITE"'o efoi "Yellerar, C ens D.Z. 5y'clal to'rha N* ~or 'I'1mr, UNITED';NATiONS, N. Y.,- Oct. 2-Foll0wing are ex 'cerpts from addresses made before the General Assembly. today by Secretary of State.. Dean Rush and by Torstein By Mr. Rusk Czechoslovakia today is an occupied country. Six weeks ai;o, in the middle of the night, suddenly and without warning, that small .inde- .pendent state was invaded by a massive army led by the Soviet Union. Thus a world which had begun to speak of a thaw in the cold war feels once aAfDproov16d F4 ,..,.,,...,.,............ ..., vict.purpose. plot but simply from the na in recent months the 111;w, Nor was there an invita- ileaders of Czechoslovakia. ,.__ t from any or e tes d t uc mumst system, to con r armed forces of the Warsaw their country's internal at- ,,,,, to enter the rnnntrvand rains in CCeucuancc wnu ucw render so-called "fraternal policies, more responsive to f the assistance." " I doubt that any' -_ --- o ,=i nt: ouvIe. h,vua,vn Wua. Yet today, six weeks later, mounted ins order to'reverse a~ ern rnnnix ks la bj ct d t i i e o su es an these pol c Czechoslovakia once again to the occupying forces remain . ... . in Czechnclnvalda. We arc _.1.,,r.. were signs of e desire malization. ovie n :the job of reimposing censor- -ship. on the press, the radio and the television of Czecho- slovaltia; to abolish this or that organization not con-, genial with Soviet ideas; to get rid of this or that leader' of whom Moscow disapproves. Despite Soviet assurances that their occupying forces will not intervene in internal matters, Soviet military com- manders have forcibly oc- cupied and closed certain newspapers; and that same "fraternal assistance" is now being furnished to ministries of the Czechoslovak Govern ment. These acts against Czecho- slovakia, so repugnant in themselves and so dangerous little e .v. u - - e of the United Na 'ais~l$(~0fad4glcsii~lA-SO~aAQQ04i{ZOOfs~ 9 hZi overnments of the Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A0004Q0030010-5 great majority or, the nations of the world; artists and in- tellectuals with a long record of friendship for the Soviet Union; even the, leaders of. sonic of the world's largest Communist parties- all have condemned the invasion and called on the invading powers' promptly to withdraw. Twenty-three years ago when the United Nations came into existence, it was hailed as the hope of the world. One main reason for. this hope was. the restraint which the Charter placed upon the historical tendency of great powers to abuse the rights of smaller states. This central restraint of the Char- ter has been brushed aside by the U.S:S.R. The United, would be an impossible task.' whenever the Soviet Union r gctically, the road to on But last week this task was; finds It in conflict with the `honorable peace. ti l i ' " To this end, last March President .Tnhnsnn excluded from air and naval bombard- ment all of North Vietnam north of the 20th parallel an area containing 7h per cent o? the land and 00 per cent of the population of North Vietnam. Ile took this step despito the fact that even today not one square mile or Smith Vietnam is immune from attack. This major in- itiative led to the opening of Nations has been told, in a singularly 'crude phrase, not , affairs of any of its members' I Finally, in the same article,' The road to detente is the that happen to lie in Eastern', we read that "the . sover-; ..road of the Charter. Europe within reach of So- ,eignty of each socialist `;,.Strife In Southeast Asia viet armies. `country cannot be opposed n' I turn now to the strife in True, In recent years, espe to the interests of the world Southeast Asia, where our. ciaily in the Nineteen Sixties,", of socialism, of the world 'duty-our fervent desire-is signs slowly appeared that`, revolutionary movement." to seek an end to the violence Moscow was beg inning.,And as if to make sure that, with Its 'tragic suffering and permit its neighbors in East `this instruction from the larg- its risks of larger war. We ern Europe to enjoy soma ;-est Communist country is must do all we can ' to turn measure of Independence.-,,,, fully understood by citizens 'from 'war to the works of The idea of "different roads I of smaller Communist coun-` peace. T T socialism" became re- tries, the writer adds this. . In Vietnam the purposes of reminder: "Lenin demanded' the United States and its al In on and against all Communists fight lies 'are very simple. against small-nation. on. oar its Warsaw Pact allies. Even. rowmindedness." We want no ~ permanent as late as Aug. 3, they joined' Such are some highlights military bases' in Vietnam., in a communique at Bratis-; of this new contribution from. We are not trying to take lava declaring that coopera- Moscow to the discussion of, over any. part of Vietnam, tion among them would be international law--a contri nor do we threaten any legit based on "equality, respect bution which does :not once imate interests of any nation for sovereignty and national mention the Charter of the' in Asia. We want no Ameri independence, [and) terra United Nations, In 'the' light can empire In Asia, tonal integrity." of recent, events, this As What we do want is a po Alon with this trend were sembly is entitled to know, litical solution on honorable other developments equally what the Soviet leaders }'terms--a solution consistent' hopeful for the cause of anean ? by-this doctrine of with the safety and national peace. These Included notable theirs. existence of all of the smaller We have proposed that the' demilitarized zone be re- stored. We have proposed that all parties comply fully with the Geneva agreements of 19G2 on Laos. We have proposed that all, concerned respect the ter- ritorial integrity and neutral- ity of Cambodia. We have stated our belief. that all the South Vietnamese people should be allowed to participate peacefully in their country's future, and have reaffirmed our belief in self. determination on the basis of "one man, one vote." Hanoi's Rejections Noted We have restated our inten- tion to withdraw our forces' from Vietnam as the other side withdraws, as infiltra- tion stops and the level of violence thus subsides. And we have proposed a number of ways in which the level of violence in Vietnam could W, reduced and ultimately new willingness by the So-; the states allied with the 'the people of South , Viet-'endcd." vict Union to allow its people- Soviet Union, the "nonclass nant can decide their' own: But Iranoi has rejected all a degree of contact with the' laws of the United Nations destiny,free of force. these and many other pro- outside world. ...Charter are mere abstract We believe the question of easels. , We look to the 'Doubt and Discouragement Now the subjugation of Czechoslovakia has raised- doubt and discouragement' about many a hopeful ven- ture. President Johnson's diligent---efforts to ''build brides of common .Interest' and contact between, Fast, and West have been attacked: and misrepresented. Policies initiated by the Federal Re-. public of. Germany to Im-. prove its relations with'East- ern Europe have likewise' been condemned. One might think that to devise a justification for such, gross violations of the first principles ? of the Charter' ,,to be the laws of the "class` .free choice by the peoples struggle"? Of North and South Viet? A Mere 'Abstraction'? :ram without outside 3ntcr--' Does it mean ' that the Terence. . We want a settlement on,: Charter's laws -Of sovereign, 'the basis of. the 1054 and: equality of states, and of na-; 1062 Geneva, agreements. tional self-determination, arel : These peaceful purposes powerless to shield smaller, continue to guide us. Let no states within the Communist, one mistakenly suppose'that. bloc from invasion and dom-.: military. pressure or any, ination by.the Sovlet..Unioa other kind of pressure can-, in the name of the "class; make us abandon struggle"? .. ? .a} mitment to help' the llepab~.' Does it mean that` the. jic.of Vietnam defeat aggres-', Charter's law prohibiting the. sion f l'otn 'the North and threat or use of 'force against detcrnhinc its own future. But other states will be dismissed', in carrying out that commit- as a mere - -"abstraction",. merit we shall pursue ener- c e attempted. in. an ar n. i class struggle laws of the Moscow's most authoritative' Does it mean that the So-: organ, Pravda, Met Union's doctrine of Therein we read that, "con-', ' "Peace fuh-coexistence" does Crary, to the, general impres-. not apply to its own allies or sion, the foreign occupying, those with the same social armies in, Czechoslovakia are, system? actually "fighting for the. ? Finally: when will the So- principle of self-determina viet Union, whose interna- .tion of the'peoples of Czechs 'tional relations are subject oslovakia,": We read further, to the United Nations Char- that to condemn the lnva ter, make good on' its 'own sion as a violation of sover- ' repeated promise on its own i ng.its occupy orces f rom ng " i f eignty and national self-i determination betrays ? "an` Czechoslovakia? abstract and nonclass ap-. The nations of the world preach" to the subject, be will look to the Soviet Union cause "in a -class society, for answers to tthese ques- there is-not and there cannot. .lions, and for assurance that be nonclass laws." And still it is not seeking to place it further we read that "laws, self. above the Jaw of the negotiations May. the United in Paris last tatives have rrrnrnrl I r,,,,,_ and legal norms are 'sub' rrnarEer, her of spe.cifir. proposals for iected to the Laws of the' Let us say very plainly and de-escalation and a political Vietnam to indicate now trey propose that the fighting be scaled down. For our part, we arc prepared to stop the bombing the minute we can be confident that this would lead toward peace. But it takes two sides to make peace. The will to peace in the Ur.ited States--- both among its leaders and people-is deep and abiding. An honorable settlement is possible. What remains Is for l anoi to get down to the serious business of malting peace in par!,,;. They will find the United States receptive and willing to negotiate in . good faith. Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 7 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 :. CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5 Perhaps the United Na- tions, as some have sug- gested, has fallen short of the high hopes. that were entertained for It at its births But , we can remember. the; `revered statesmen `' who' launched this organization' .upon its course. We can re. .'call major agreements which `represent giant steps toward'. peace. We can take deep; satisfaction from the,histor-' ical process of decoloniza tion, which is reflected in the rise, of our membership.froniv .51 to 125. And we can be grateful for, the dedicated service which? the world has received fromv the representatives of this, organization as they havo' toiled tirelessly and patient-' ly, often in danger and with., out thanks or praise to bring reason to bear in the affairs' of. mankind. This ? organiza-' tion was not created to pre-+ side over an earthly paradise;' ,it was created to enable frail :human beings to find a way to resolve their disputes by peaceful means and to ioin )lands in conquering their, difficulties, animosities, pas-+ 'dons and fears-all in the .fidelity, to the Charter, Approved For Release 2P05/0$/t : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030010-5