PRINCIPAL DEVELOPMENTS IN WORLD COMMUNIST AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 34
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 14, 2000
• Sequence Number: 35
• Publication Date: July 18, 1968
• Content Type: REPORT

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Principal Developments in World Communist Affairs
(20 June to 18 July 1968)
1. New Apex in Czech/Soviet Bloc Tensions
a. Czech Leadership vs. Hard-Line Soviet Blocl
After a period of relative calm in relations between Czechoslovakia
and the Soviet Bloc during May and June, tensions suddenly escalated to
the porportions of a major crisis as evidenced by the Bloc summit meeting
in Warsaw 14-15 July to discuss developments in Czechoslovakia. The im-
portance attached to the meeting was underlined by the fact that it was
attended by the highest level leaders of the Bloc, including Party boss
Brezhnev, Premier Kosygin, and President Podgorny from the Soviet Union,
and the Party Chiefs, Premiers (or Deputy Premiers), and others from the
hard-line Bloc countries. The Czechs had apparently been urged by letters
from the individual Bloc countries to attend the meeting, but they refused
and proposed instead that bilateral meetings be held in Prague. In the
meantime, Soviet troops ominously remained in Czechoslovakia long after
conclusion of the Warsaw Pact military exercises, finding one pretext after
another for delaying their departure. And though some movement out of
the country seems underway, their complete departure is far from assured
at this point. The Soviet Bloc, especially the Soviet Union, Poland, and
East Germany as the most deeply concerned of the group, have made it a
point to get on record for their own public, for Czechoslovakia, and for
the rest of the world, that they regard certain developments in Czechoslo-
vakia as constituting potential counterrevolution with connections to "ag-
gressive imperialist forces." This allegation is evoked not only to warn
the Czech leaders and people of how gravely their allies view developments
there, but provides the Bloc with the excuse to take whatever measures
they view as necessary to restore Czechoslovakia to orthodox Communism,
once more obeying Moscow's orders. As of this writing, western news sources
claim that the Czechs have won their point of asking for bilateral talks
with Bloc members, but have conceded the Bloc point that joint talks should
follow. Rumania, Yugoslavia, and the Communist Parties of Italy and France
have reacted strongly against pressure on Czechoslovakia and are acting,
by official statements, propaganda, and talks with leaders, to persuade
the Soviets to moderate their pressure. (Free World parties, especially,
recognize that their prestige and the success of their policies within
their own countries may be gravely jeopardized by Soviet actions in Czecho-
slovakia.) The further course of the fast-breaking situation is a matter
of speculation, but a selection of what could have been the key events
that so rapidly escalated the uneasy truce of recent weeks into a major
confrontation may be useful in understanding the fundamental issues sepa-
rating the protagonists.
1The "Soviet Bloc" for present purposes will be considered to include the
regimes of East Germany, Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria, in addition to the
Soviet Union, but to exclude Rumania and Czechoslovakia.
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b. Steps to Crisis
The main object of Bloc propaganda hostile to Czechoslovakia has been
the free-swinging, uncensored Czech press and other news media, which are
more liberal and more insistent on and impatient for implementing the prom-
ises of democratization in the Czech Action Program than the Czech CP
leadership is (or can be). The news media have not only subjected domestic
political phenomena to critical scrutiny, but have also responded with
asperity and speed to criticism of various kinds from the controlled press
of East Germany, Poland, and the USSR. The Soviets seem to have been will-
ing to adopt a "wait-and-see" attitude for a time (as during and after
Kosygin's stay in Czechoslovakia for several days in May) and undoubtedly
were satisfied with the repeated avowals by the Czechs that adherence to
the Warsaw Pact was a key element in their Bloc relationships and that the
Czechoslovak Communist Party (CzCP) would under no circumstances relinquish
its leading role (and as an earnest of this intention, the Czechs took
steps to eliminate the possibility of establishing independent political
parties).
However, at the end of June, two events were publicized in the Czech
press: the results of a devastating public opinion poll exposing the lack
of popular support of the CzCP (thus exploding another carefully nurtured
Communist myth) was published in no less a newspaper than Rude Pravo, of-
ficial organ of the CzCP, on 26 and 27 June 1968; and a "2000-Word Mani-
festo," signed by 70 prominent Czechoslovaks from many fields of endeavor
(both Party and non-Party) and sent to the CzCP Presidium (Politburo) was
published simultaneously in four Prague newspapers on 27 June, demanding a
purge of anti-Dubcek conservative forces in the CzCP, vowing resistance to
any outside interference, with weapons if necessary, and urging the forma-
lation of free citizens' associations to become, in effect, pressure groups
(if not political parties) to support and advance all liberalization mea-
sures. The CzCP Presidium immediately disavowed the manifesto. The East
Germans, Poles, and Bulgarians denounced the "2000-Words" first, but the
definitive word came in prestigious Soviet media. Waiting until 10 July,
Literaturnaya Gazeta denounced it in elaborately sarcastic language, termed
it a call to counterrevolution, and went to the extraordinary length of
denouncing a prominent Communist leader, Frantisek Kriegel, head of the
National Front, for expressing solidarity with it. More important, Pravda.
on 11 July, in an article under the name of I. Aleksandrov, made reference
to the action of "right-wing and actually counterrevolutionary forces" in
Czechoslovakia, "evidently associated with imperialist reaction" and omi-
nously drew a parallel between the current situation in Czechoslovakia and
that preceding Soviet military intervention in Hungary in 1956. Finally
Sovetskaya Rossiya, an organ of the RSFSR Party Federation, linked these
counterrevolutionary forces to western intelligence services.
However the Soviets may actually have sized up the radical activity
of the Czech press or individual liberals on the scene, they could hardly
have been reassured by the reaction of the top Czech leadership to the
"2000-Words." Though all the highest official party and government organs
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had denounced the document in more or less strong terms, Dubcek and
Smrkovsky, as perhaps the two most prominent Czech leaders, publicly stated
(long before the Soviets had taken a stand on it) that they personally
viewed the 70 signers of the document as honorable and decent citizens,
but condemned the text as "irresponsible" and a piece of "political romanti-
cism" which in its extremeness would play into the hands of conservative
party elements. (They were proved even more correct than they may have
intended, as the subsequent events showed: Soviet reaction found expres-
sion in the press articles referred to above and ultimately in the Warsaw
summit meeting, letters to the Czech leadership, communiques, etc.) The
poll, the "2000-Words," the Dubcek/Smrkovsky reaction, plus Smrkovsky's
statement that the "conservatives" (i.e., Novotny & Co.) now represented
the greatest danger to the Czech experiment, coupled with pushing through
an amendment to the press law officially abolishing censorship, apparently
brought the Soviets to a parting of the ways with the Czech leadership,
convincing them that the leadership was unable or unwilling to bring under
control these actually, or potentially, subversive elements on the Czech
scene.
c. Long-term Considerations
Viewed in the longer term, the Soviets surveying their position in
the international Communist movement and faced with a constellation of in-
dependent Communist regimes, (Yugoslavia, Communist China, Albania, Ru-
mania) pursuing foreign policies independent of or contrary to Soviet re-
quirements, each with its own way of running its internal affairs, finally
became convinced that the Dubcek regime in turn is formulating yet another
unique and independent Communist dictatorship, a dictatorship that wants
to permit freedom of public expression as well as other innovations that
taken together would make Czechoslovakia a new type of socialist state.
If Czechoslovakia were to be permitted to develop unchallenged along its
own unique lines, the popular pressure in East Germany and Poland to emu-
late the free spirit manifesting itself in neighboring Czechoslovakia might
become well nigh unbearable, and it would undoubtedly have untold repre-
cussions in the Soviet Union itself.
2. Another Step toward the World Communist Conference
Most other events normally of some interest on the international Com-
munist scene were overshadowed by the drama of Czechoslovakia confronting
the Soviet Bloc, but brief note may be taken of a few. It should be duly
recorded that the Working Group of the World Communist Conference Prepara-
tory Commission announced completion of its task of drafting an agenda for
the full scale conference, to be held in Moscow on 25 November 1968. A
brief, uninformative announcement dated 21 June, the text of which was
shorter than the space needed to list the 38 participating parties (Rumania
attended as an observer), offered no clue to the resolution of the funda-
mental difference of opinion which persists among Communists the world
over: what is the role of the CPSU among the world's Communist parties?
According to some news reports, the Italian Communist Party, typifying
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those many parties that want a loose form of international organization
and ideology, seeks international unity "around the CPSU" rather than
"under the leadership of the CPSU" (this latter formulation being one way
to indicate Moscow's desire to force unity). The difference was suffi-
ciently crucial to warrant Moscow's sending a top delegation (led by Andrei
Kirilenko, Secretary of the Presidium of the CPSU Central Committee) to
Rome in late June to discuss the matter with Italian CP leaders. The cur-
rent trend in Czech/Soviet relations can only highlight this conflict in
international Communism.
One more preparatory meeting was scheduled for September, though the
last official communique made no mention of such a meeting.
3. Cuba Rebuffs World Youth Festival
The much-beleaguered and twice-aborted 9th World Youth Festival (WYF)
has sustained another setback at its 11th hour. Cuba announced its boy-
cott of this event on Radio Havana on 28 June. The Festival is to take
place in Sofia, Bulgaria, 28 July-6 August 1968 after two false starts:
one in Algeria in 1965 when the toppling of the Ben Bella regime forced
its postponement, and the other in Ghana in 1966 when Nkrumahs fall
from power necessitated further rescheduling and relocating.
According to the 28 June Havana Radio broadcast, the Young Communist
League of Cuba (YCL) had already cabled the festival organizers their de-
cision not to attend this event and had stated that Cuban youth "follow-
ing the spirit, teachings and example of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, sup-
port the principle of armed struggle" implying that this strategy was
rejected by the festival's organizers (the World Federation of Democratic
Youth (WFDY) and the International Union of Students (IUS), both Soviet-
dominated international fronts).
The Cuban boycott constitutes an embarrassing and serious setback to
the Soviet Union, the chief backer and guiding spirit of the festival, and
its co-sponsoring fronts since widely distributed festival literature has
announced that "a special day of solidarity with Cuba" would be part of
the program of this event and since it implies Cuban-Soviet party differ-
ences, which could in turn affect future Cuban party participation in
Soviet-organized international events such as the Moscow World Communist
Conference in November.
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LITERARM LIST(, Prague
27 June 1968
MLADA FRONTA TEXT OP '2,000 WORDS' STATEMENT
,The life of our nation was first threatened by the war. Then followed another
bad time with events which threatened the nation's spiritual health and character.
The majority of the nation hopefully accepted the program of socialism. Its direction
got into the hands of the wrong people, hewever. It would not have mattered so much
that ..hey did not have sufficient statesmanlike experience, practical knowledge, or
philosophical education, if they had at least possessed more Commonsense and decency,
It they had been able to listen to the opinion of others, and if they had allowed
themselves to be gradually replaced by more capable peOple.
The Communist Party, which after the war possessed the great trust of the people,
gradually exchanged this trust for offices, until it had all offices and nothing
else. We must put it this way, and those communists among us know it to be so and
their disappointment over the results is as great as the disappointment of the others.
The incorrect line of the leadership changed the party from a political party and an
ideological alliance into a power organization which became very attractive also to
egotists avid for rule, calculating cowards, and unprincipled people. Their influx
into the party affected the nature and the conduct of the party. Its internal
organization was not such that honest people could gain influence in it without shameful
incidents, that such people could change it to bring it continuously into line with
the modern world. Many communists fought this decline, but they did not succeed in
preventing what happened.
The situation in the Communist Party was the pattern and cause of a similar situation
in the state. The party's linking with the state led to the party's becoming
accustomed to remaining aloof from the executive power. There was no criticism of
the activity of the state and economic organizations. Parliament forgot how to
proceed, the government forgot how to rule, and the directors how to direct.
Elections had no significance and the laws lost their weight. We could not confide in
our representatives in any committee, and if we could trust them we could not ask them
to do anything because they could change nothing. It was still worse that we could no
trust even one another. Personal and collective honor declined. Honesty lead nowhere
and it was useless to speak of any appreciation for ability. Therefore, most people
lost interest in public affairs; they were concerned only with themselves and with
money. These bad cenditions also brought the result that now one cannot even rely
on the money, :Relations amang people were sPiled, joy work was lost; to sum up,
the country reached a point where its spiritual health and character were threatened.
.ee are all responsible for the present state of affairs. The greater responsibility
rests with the communists among us. The main responsibility, however, rests with those
who were component parts or instruments of uncontrolled power. It was the power of an
opinionated group placed, with the help of the party apparatus, everywhere from Prague
to each district and community.
The apparatus decided what one might or might not do, and the apparatus directed
the cooperatives for the cooperative members, the factories for the workers, and
the national committees for the citizens. No organization actually belonged to
its members, not even the communist organization.
The main guilt of and the greatest deception peipetrated by these rulers was that
they presented their arbitrariness as the will of the workers. If we wanted to
believe this deception we would now have to blame the workers for the decline of .
our economy, for the crimes against innocent people, for the introduction of cen-
sorship which made it impossible for all this to be written about. The workers
were to blame for the mistaken inveltments, for the losses in trade, for the shortage
of apartments. Naturally, no sensible person believes in such guilt on the part of
the workers. We all know and, in particular, each worker knows that in practice the
workers didnet deaide anything. It was someone else who controlled the workers'
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representatives' vote. While many workers thought that they ruled, the rule Was
executed inth?4191'98VekrFbesM6WeV2t/193401 fr.t4AADisfisittot.a96ba ? ? ? itiRV-8
state apparatus. In effect, they took the place of the overt rown c.ass an. emselveS
became the new authority.
Per the sake of justice, we will say that some of them long ago realized this bad
game of history. We know them now by the fact that they are redressing wrongs,
correcting mistakes, returning decision-making power to the membership and the
citizens, and limiting the authority and the numbers of the apparatus of officials.
-hey are with us against the obsolete views in the party membership. But many
lt,-Sicials arc still opposing changes and they still carry weight! They still
imld instruments of power, especially in the districts and in the communities,
where they may use these instruments secretly and unimpeachably.
em the beginning of the current year we have been in the revival process of
lemocratlzation. It began in the Communist Party. We must say this, and the
eeople among us outside the party also know it who, until recently, expected no
eood to come from us. We must edd,however, that this peocess could not begin
elsewhere. After a full 20 years only the communists could live something like
a political life; only communist criticism was in a position to basically assess
things; only the opposition within the Communist Party had the privilege of being
In contact with the enemy. The initiative and efforts of the democratic communists
therefore is only an installment in the repayment of the debt the entire party
Incurred with the people outside the party, whom it kept in a position in which
they did not have equal rights. Therefore, no gratitude is due the Communist
Party, although it should probably be acknowledged that it is honestly striving
to use the last opportunity to save its own and the nation's honor.
The revival process is not bringing any very new things. It is producing ideas
and suggestions many of which are older than the errors of our socialism and othOIS*
of which emerged under the surface of visible events. They shoUld have been expressed
long ago however, they were suppressed. tet us not cherish the illuSiehthatIliSe
ideas are now victorious through the force of truth. Their victory was decided 4.ither
by the weakness of the old leadership which, obviously, first had to be weakened by
a rule of 20 years in which no one hampered it. Obviously, all the wrong elements
hidden in the foundations and the ideology of this system had to mature until .they
gained their full form.
Therefore, let us nOt overestimate the significance of the criticism from the ranks
of writers and'students. The source of social change is the economy. The right
word carries significance only if it is spoken under conditions which have already
been duly prepared. Duly prepared conditions--in our country, unfortunately, We ,
must understand this term to mean our general poverty.and the complete disintegration'
of the old system of rule in which politicians of a certain type calmly and peacefully
compromised themselves at our expense.
Thus, truth is not victorious; truth simply remains when everything else goo to
waste! There is no cause for a national celebration of victory, there is Mere34:
cause for new hope.
We turn to you in this moment of hope, which, however, is still threatened. It
took several months for many of us to believe that they could speak out, and Many
still do not yet believe it. Nevertheless, we have spoken up, and so many things
have been revealed that somehow we must complete our aim of humanizing this regime.
Otherwise, the revenge of the old forces would be cruel. We turn mainly to those
who have so far only waited. The time which is coming will be decisive for many
years.
The time Which is coming is summer, with its vacations and holidays, when, according
to old habit, we will want to leave everything. We can be certain', however, that
our dear adversaries will not indulge in summer recreation, that they will mobilise
those who aresobliged to them, and that even now they are trying to arrange for
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un ei,STaAa-it and respond to it. Let us renounce the impossible demand
that someone higher up must always give us the only possible interpretation of
'things and one simple conclusion. Each of us will have to be responsible for
drawing his own conclusions. Commonly agreed-upon conclusions can be reached
jonly by discussion, and this requires the freedom of expression which actually
i is our only democratic achievement of the current year.
;In the coming days we will have to display our initiative and determination.
Primarily we will oppose viewS, should they arise, that it is possible to conduct
sonia sort of democratic revival without the ooMMunists or possibly against them.
;This would be both unjust and unreasonable. The communists have the developed
organizations and we should support the progressive wing within them. They have
experienced officials and, last but not least, they also have in their hands the
decisive levers and buttons. Their action program has been submitted to the public;
:it is a program for the initial adjustment of the greatest inequality and no one
else has any similarly specific program. We must demand that local action
:programs be submitted in each district and each community. Here, we shall have
.suddenly taken very ordinary and long expected correct steps. The Czechoslovak
. Communist Party is preparing for the congress which will elect a new Central
:Committee. Let us demand that it be better than the current one. If the Communist
:Party now says that in the future it wants to base its leading position on the
citizens' confidence and not on force, let us believe this as long as we can
:believe in the people whom it is now sending as delegates to the district and
;regional conferences.
Years have recently been expressed that the process of democratization has stopped-
'This feeling is partly a. manifestation of fatigue caused by troubled times and it
is partly due to the fact that the seasonior surprising revelations, resignations
from high places, and intoxicating speeches of unprecedented verbal boldness is
-past. However, the struggle of forces has merely become less evident to a certain
.extent. The fight is now being waged over the content and implementation of
laws, over the scope of practical steps (to be taken). In addition, we must give
the new people, the ministers, prosecutors, chairmen, and secretaries time to
'work. They have the right to this time so that they can either make good or prove
;impossible. Apart from this, one cannot presently expect more of the central
;political organs,
The practical quality of the future democracy depends on what becomes of the
.enterprises and what will happen in them. In all our discussions it is the
economicsts who control things. One must seek out good managers and see to it
that they get good positions. It is true that, compared to the mature countries,
we are badly paid, and some are even worse off.
We can demand more money--it can be printed, but at the same time its value
'diminishes. Let us rather demand that directors and ctairmen explain to us the
nature and extent of expenditures they want in order to produce, to whom they
want to sell their products and at what price, the profit from this, what part
of it is invested in the modernization of production, and what can be distributed..
Under apparently boring headlines, a very hard struggle is going on in the press'
relating to democracy and the manager. As producers, the workers can intervene
in this struggle through their choice of the people whom they elect to the
;enterprise management and enterprise councils. .As employees they will do what
is best for themselves when they elect as their representatives in the trade.
Hunion organs their natural leaders, capable and honest people, regardless of the
,latters' party affiliation,
If at this time we cannot expect more, from the present central political organs,
we must achieve more in tte districts and with regard to the communists. Let us
0.emnnt the resignntion of poop]. who have misused their power, who have harmed
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resolutions, demonstrations, demonstrative work brigades, collection drives for
gifts to them when they withdraw, strikes, and boycotts of their doors. However,
;we must reject methods which are illegitimate, indecent, or gross since they
night use them to influence Alexander Dubeek.
We must so generally decry the writing or insulting letters that anyletter of
this kind which they may yet receive could be considered a letter they had sent
;to themselves. Let us revive the activity of the National Front. Let us demand '
public meetings of the national committees. On questions which no one rofficialj..
wants to know anything about let us Set up speoial cittaenal connattoma and
commissions. It is simple: a few people convene, they elect a chairman, keep
.regular minutes, publish their finding, demand a solutions and do not let them-
selves be intimidated,.
Let us change the district and local press, which has degenerated to a mouthpiece.
of official views1 into a platform of all the positive political forces. Let us
demand the establishment of editorial councils composed of representatives of the
national front, or let us found new papers. Let u establish .ommittees for the
defense of the freedom of expression. Let us organize a special order service
(poradkovou sluzbu) in our meetings. If we hear strange news let us check on it,
let us send delegations to the people concerned and let us publish their replies
1
'pons4bly nailed to trees. Let us support the security organs when they persecute
genuine criminal nativity. We da not mean to cause anarchy and a state of general
insecurity. Let us avoid disputes among neighbors. Let us renounce spitefulness
in political affairs. Let us reveal informers.
,The heavy vacation traffic throughout the republic will arouse interest in the
'constitution:11 arrangement of the Czechs and Slovaks. We consider the federation.
;c1. method of solving the nationality question; aside from this,- it is one of the ,
important measures aimed at democratizing conditions. This measure alone cannot
,by itself insure better living conditions for the Slovaks. The problem of the
regime--in the Czech regions and in Slovakia individually--is not solved by
;The rule of the party-state bureaucracy may still survive-in Slovakia even More
so, because it has "insured greater freedom."
apprension results from the possibility that foreign forces may
w1C;.1 nur ?internal development.
Being faced with all these superior forces the only thing we can do is decently to
hold our own and not to start. We can assure the government that we will back it,
if necessary, even with weapons, as long as the government does what we gave it the
mandate to do, and we can assure our allies that we will observe our alliance,
friendship, and trade agreements. Excited reproaches and undergrounded suspicions
V, must necessarily make the position of our government more difficult, without being
of any help. At any rate, we can insure equal relations only by improving our
internal conditions and by carrying the process of revival so far that one day at
:elections we will elect statesmen who will have sufficient courage, honor, and
'political wisdom to establish and maintain such relations. This, by the way, is
:the problem of absolutely all governments of all small countries of the world.
;This spring, like after the war, a great chance has been given us again. Again
, we have the possibility of taking into our hands our common cause, which.fer all
practical purposes we call socialism, and giving it 2 shape which will. better.
;correspond with our once good reputation and with the relatively good opinion which
we once had of ourselves. This spring has just ended and will never 60120 back
In the winter we will know everything.
With this we conclude our statement to the workers, farmers, officials, artists,
'scientists, technicians, and everybody. It was written at the suggestion of the
scientists;
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The following signatures are not a complete collection of all of the people who
,agree with us, but merely a selection from the various groups of citizens whom we
'reached at home: National artist Beno Blachut, member of the National theater Opera
in Prague; Dr Of Medicine and Science Jan Brod, professor and director of the Prague
'Institute for Diseases of the Blood Circulation; Marie Buzkova, sow breeder,
!Chotebuz; Academician Bohumil Bydzovsky, mathematician; Assistant Prof Dr Jiri
!philosopher; Vera Caslavska, Olympic prizewinner; Zdenek Cechrak, MD worker;
'Zdenek Fiala, CED technician; Milan Hanus, CED worker; Engineer Jiri Hanzelka,
writer; Dr of Medicine Miroslav Holub, scientific worker of the Microbiological
Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science; Dzenek Holec, CED worker; Rudolf
Hrusinaky, actor and state manegor, Dusan Brume, 'CO worker; Jon (Modena, private
:farmer, Chotebuz; Jaromil Jires, film producer; Dr of Mediciene and Science Vile
HIurkovic, Professor and Chief of the Second Internal Polyclinic of the Medical
Faculty of Charles University in Hradec Kralove; Dr of Science Vera Kawecova,
chief of the Ophthalmic Clinic of the Faculty Hospital of Charles University in
Prague; Asst Prof A. Knop of the Pedagogical Institute in Ostrava; Karel Kosik,
philosopher; Academician Jaromir Koutek, geologists; Otmar Krejca, stage manager;
Dr of Medicine and Science Jiri Kral, professor and chief of the Prague Institute for
Sports Medicine; engineer and candidate of science Miroslav Kral of the Higher
Political School of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee; Karel
Krautgartner, conductor of the Czechoslovak Radio Dance Orchestra; Dr of Medicine
and Science Vladislav Kruta, professor and chief of the Physiological institute
of J.E. Purkyne University in Brno; Academician Vilem Laufberger, chief of the
Laboratory for Graphic Research Methods in Prague; Dr of Medicine Pavel Lukl,
professor, chief of the Internal Clinic of Palacky University of Olomouc, chairman
of the Cardiological Sodiety, and vice president of the European Cardiological Society;
Zuzana Marysova, Chotebuz state farm; Jiri Menzel, stage. manager.
Vladimir Mostecky, CKD tecnician; Josef Neversil, CKD worker; Jaroslav Nemec;
CKD worker; Dr of Law Bozena Patkova, lawyer in Prague; Engineer Emil Petyrek,.
corresponding member of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science and director of the
,Minning Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science; Prof Dr of Medicine and.
Science Otakar Poupa, corresponding member and chief of the third department of '
,the Physiological Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science in PraRuer
Dr of Medicine and Science Jaros3av Prochazka; professor anCchief'of the!tUrgioal --
of the faculty hospital in Hradec Kralove; Yvonna Prenosilova, singer; National
Artist Alfred Radok, stage manager; Emil Rtc.uk, film producer; Jiri Raska,
,Olympic prizewinner; national artist Jaroslav Seifett; Dr of Medicine B. Sekla,
.professor and chief Of the Biological 'Institute of Charles University in Prague; ,
Academician and Dr of Medicine and Science Zdenek Servit, direotor of the Physiological
:Institute of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science in Prague; Assistant Prof
Engineer Jiri Slama, candidate of science, Economic Research Institute of Indusry
and Building in Prague; Dr of Medicine and science Oldrich Stary, corresponding
'member of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science, prefessor'and rector of Charles .
,University in Prague; Jiri Snizek, CKD technician; Jiri Suchy, poet, Dr of Medicine
.Vojmir Sevcik, assistant professor and traumatologist in the North Moravian region,.
'Ostrava; Jiri Slitr, composer;
:Karel Silha, CKD worker; Vaclav Sroub, CKD worker; Jan Svankmajer, film producer;
Marie Tomasova, actress; Dr of Philosophy and Science Ladislav Tondl, professor,',
!department of Scientific Theory and Methodology of the Czechoslovak Academy of
IScience in Prague; Josef Topol, writer; National Artist Jiri Trnka, stage
'manager and figurative artist; Jan Triska, actor; Ludvik Vaculik, journalist--
'the author of this text; Karel Vojir, CKD worker; Dr of Medicine and Science
Jan Vanysek, professor and vice rector of Purkyne University in Drno; Asst
:prof Dr of Medicine Jiri Veleminsky, regional internist of the North Moravian
Region, Ostrava; Dr of Mediaine and Science V. Vejdovsky, professor arid chief
of the Ophthalmic Clinic of Palacky University in Olomouc; Viktor Voroa, CKD,
worker; Academician Otto Vichterle, director of the institute for Maoromolecular.
'Chemistry of the Czechoslovak Academy of Science in Prague; National Artist
Jaroslav VOjte, member of the National theater; National Artist Jan Wrich;-
Col Emil Zatopek, Olympic prizewinner; Dana ZatopkOva Olympic prizewinner;
and engineeApOiNgd/F8PER4IleaSia61006108/17hoelAaRDP7p.70306. 1 A000400030035.
5
I
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LITERARNI LISTY , Prague
27 June 1968
CPYRGH
NOON ohrozila tIVot nageho nd-
roda valka. Pak ptigly dalif gpatnet'
easy s uddlostml, ktere ohrozily jeho
dugovni zdravl a charakter. S
nad-
jomi pttjala vetgIna naroda program
sbcialismu. 'Joh() rIzenf se vgak do
stab do rukou nepravym Mem. Ne-
vadan by tofu', to nemell dost slat-
nickych zkugenostf, vgcnych znalostl
ant 'fIlasofIckeho vzdeltInf, kdyby
aspoe'bylf melt vfq obyeenid
rasa a slugnostl, aby ambit vyslech-
%out mtntinf druhych a prIpust111 sve
pOstupng vystrfdtinf schopngjgfml.
KomunistIckii strana, kterd mgla po
vAlco velikou devgru lidf, postupng
ji vymonovala za dradyi. at le dosta?-?
la' vgochny a Jac jineho ut nemela.:
Muslin? to 'Mk Nei a vgdf to I ti ?kod
muntste m?ndmi, jeacht zklamdn1/
nad vysledky jelak venire jako zkla-
mAnf ostatnich.Ohybnft Jinn) Veden1
zmenlla .stranu, z pollticke .strany a
ideoveho ? svazku v mocenskou orga-
nIzact, jet nabyla volltd, PrttatIlvostl
, pro ylAdyehtive .sobce, Nyeftavg zba-
belbe a lidi ,se gpatnftn eveclonam.
Jejtch pralv zapesoba na povahu
choviinf ,strany, kterd 'nobyla uvnat
zatIzena tak,. aby v ni boz ostudnych
prfhod mobil nabyvat vlIvu portldnf
ltde, ktetf by ji plynulo promeilovalt,
tak aby so stale hodlla do modernfho
sveta. Mnozf komuntst6 protl tomu-
to Opadku bojovalt, alo nepodatilo
se am zabrdnit nleemu z tobo, co se
stab.
Pomery v komunisticke strano byly
=detain I prtemou stejnych pomgre
vu ? state. jejf swimi se stilt= vedlo
k tornu, to ztratila vyhodu odstupu
Od vykonne mod. CInnost statu a
hospodatskych organtzad nemgla krt.
tiku. Parlament so Woollen rokovat,
vtada vlftdnout a teditold tIdlt. Volby
namely vyznam, zdkony ztrattly VA-
hu. Nemohli Ism devgtovat svym
zdstupcinn v tAdnem vyboru, a ltdyt
Ism? mobil, nedalo se po nIch zas
nie Hort., prot,,y0 nemoblt do-
,./timout, 1de In, nym,
Jita 11 trAni,r menohIt deverovat
:ant eden druhemu. Osobni I kolektiv-
:nt east upadla. S poctIvostf se ntkarn ?
nodoglo a o ngjakem ocaftovent po-
dia danno mluva. Proto
vgtglna lid( ztrattla zdJem o ?bend
vect a starala so Jon o sab0 a 0 pe-
?nIze, prleemt ko gpatnostt pomere
petit I to, to ant na ty penfze non!
dnes spOlohnutf. Pokazily so vztahy
mut 114ml, ztratila se radost z poke,
zkrtitka prigly no ntirod easy, Word
ohrozlly lobo dudevni zdravi a cha-
raktor.
Zn dnani stay odpoviddmo ? vgl-
chnl, vice viak konaunIstd....niezt nd-.
Approved For Kelease 2
?mi, ale hInvol.odpovednost malt ti,
kdo bylt souttistf 111 nastrojam no-
kontrolovane mod. Hyla to mac umf-
ngue skupiny rozprostrend pontocl
stranIckelto aparAtu z Prahy do .kat-
deho okresu a obce. Tento apardt
rozhodoval, co kdo snit a nesnif de-
:fat, on tfdll drutstevnIkem drutstva,
delnikem zdvody a obeanem ndrodef
ivybory. Zddna organtzace nopatrtla
vu skuteenosti svym elonetn, ant Ito-
munistIcke..111avnf vInou a nejvgtglin?
klamem techto vlfidce Jo, to svou
zv011 vydAvalt za v611 delnletva. Kdy-,
bychom tomu klamu chtell
vAI4it, mu-
sell bychom dnes ddvat za Witt del-
nikftm apadek nageho hospodarstvl,
zloetny no nevInnych Ildech,.zavede-
ra cenzury, kterd zabrAnila, aby se
o tom vgem psalo, detract by byli
vtnni chybnymi InvestIceml, ztratamt
obchadu..- nudostatkem byte. Nlkdo
rozumny samoztejme v takovou vinu
! delnictva neuverf. Vgtchnt vfme, ze-
jmena,(to? vf, katdy delnlk, to del-
nictvo` praktICky nerozhodovalo v ni-
eem..Delnicke funkciondro. ddval:od-
hlasoVat 'nekdO any..ZatImco se mno-
z1 detract,domnIvalt, to vlddnou, vlAd-
la jejiCh jmeriem zvIdge vychoviivand'
vrstva funkclondre stranIckeho- ;a
statnlho aparatu. Ti fakticky,zaujalt
mist() .svrtene trfdy a saml se stall
novou vrchnostf. Spravedltvg vgak
tekneme, le- nekton z nIch sl tuto
gpatnou hrti dean ddvno uvedomIll. ?
Pozntime, je dries podia toho, to ?del-
hug kriydy, napravujf .chyby, vracejf ?
rozhodovanf elenstvu a -.obeanstvu,
omezujf pravomoc I potetta statteted-
nickeho opardtu.. Jsou s ndna prod!
zaostalym nazorem v elenstvu stra-
ny. Ale vellott eAst funkcIonarstve se
brAnf girt6nam a mit dosud vdhul MA
pored . jegtg ?v ruce Inocenske pro-
stfedky, zvIdgte na okresech a v ?b-
otch, kdo Vett' mete utIvat skrytg a
notalovatelne.
? Od zaedtku letognfho roku jsme
V obrodnem procczu domokratiza00.
Local v komunistickg strong. Musfmo
to tict a vedl to I ti nekomunIstd
mezt nAral, ktet1 odsud ut lac dob-
reho neeoltall. je ovgem treba dodat,
to tento proces ani nemohl and? za-
tit. VIclyt Jen= komuntst6 mobil po
colYch dvacet let Alt jakfmst poll-
tickyni fivotem, Jen kpirtunisticka
krItika bYla i vecf, kde so dglaly,
Jen opozIce v komunistick6 striino
meta tu vysadu, to byla v doteku
s prottvalkem. InIciativa a Calif de-
mokratIckych komunIste Jo proto Jon
splatkou na dluh, ktery cola strana
Ind u nekomuraste, Jet udrtovala v no-
rovnoprilvnem postavenf. Komuntsttc-
05/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A0
kg strand nepatri tedy Mint
1
KIR PATAI
DELNIKOM,
ZEMgDELCOM;
CirtEDNIKOM,
VEOCUM,' -
1.11AgLCON
VgEIVI
pattl JI snad prIznat, to so poctivg
snot! vytaft poslednI ptilettostl k ze-
: chrang sve I ndrodnf cti. Obrodny
proces neptIchdzi s niefrn ptIlIg no-
vym. Ptindgf myglenky a namety,
z nicht matte jsou stargf net ontyly
nageho soelalismu a ane vznikaly
pod povrchem yldltelneho dent, me-
by byt devil? vysloveny, byly vak
pottaeoveny. Nemepno Iluzi, to tyto
myMenky vfatzf ted sllou pravdy.
o jejlch vagzstvl rozhodla sin? sin-
host starCho vodent, ktore se zrejme
napred musolo unavit dvacetiletym
vlednuttm, v WSW, mu ntkdo nebre-
ntl. Mime musely do pin() funny do-
zrat veecky vadne prvky skryt6 ut
v zekledech a ideologit toboto syste-
m. Neprecertultne proto vyznain krt..
ttky z tad splsovatele a studente.
ZdroJem spolueonskych men Jo hos-
puderstvt, Sprevito slovo me svfi vy-
zoom, Jell kdyt Jo reeeno za pomore,
Mere jsou ut, sprevne opracoveny.
Sprevne opracovand pomery ? tim
so u nes, boltutel, must rozumot nate
celkove chudoba a epinY rozpad sta-
reit? ,systemu v1tdnuti, kdy se v
kit-
du a mint na nag fleet zkompromi-
? tovali politikove lista? typu. Prav-
da tody nevItezt, pravda prosto zby=
vd, lolyt se vgecko ostatnl progustrud"
Jet Neat tudft dfivodu k narodnf vi-
tgzoshlve, jo pouzo devod k nove
nadga.
Obracfme se na vds v, tomto oka-
rottku nadeje, kteru Jo vSak pored
, ehrotena. Trvalo nekolIk mesice, net
mnozt z' nes uverill, to mohou pro-
, mluvit, mnozi vgak never! ant ted. AI
promluvill ism() ut tak a ton a
odkryll,t`te svej etnysl zlidgat tento:
rettm muslrno jetting dokonta. Jinak
by odplata starych ell byta krutd:'
Obrachne se hlavng an ty, kdo za-.
Um Jen Utah. 'Cos, ktery nastavd,'
? bude rozhoduacl pro mnoho let. '
Cas, kterY nestdvd, Jo leto s prAzd-
ranaml a dovolenyna, kdy se ndm
pi) starem zvyku bude chat vgeho.
nechat. Vsadrne so vgak, to nagt mill.
odperct si nedoprejl letnlho oodde-'
o41:1136tibu36u-tilizovat svg zavazang'
CPYRGHT
Approvod F
RoIoao 2005/08/17 ? CIA RDP78 03061A000100030035 8
licit a budou si ut tad clitft zattd_lt.
hi iiini svitiky vanol"nil Davenne iedY
imzor, l'?) NI! blIthl II it, 5110.1110 so tit-
imi porozumOt ii odporttlat. VY.II o OM!
Nil 11(1111);Ali1111 1)(0.1141tiVliti, lihy lama
vhlycky nOkdo podal k vOcem
jediny vyklad a Jediny Myer.
Malty Si blitie? NVii za-
viTy. nit svoa Spolene
sIzoOne je 11,1 III lea
CPYRGH
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nab* 'Oats's' ? Praze; intenyr MIrosle? Kr a I, CSe.", Vysoka like's poilticka CV KSC; Karol Kr ? o / ig. i t 1 n ? r, dirlitoot TOM
prattler blUDr. Viedislav Kr ii I e, DrSc? prodnosta fyziologle keilb' dottovu university J. E. Porkpie ? Droll; okadamik Vilant
La rt f b o r g a r, prednosta faboraInto grafIckfch vyialtovectch 'Tidied i Promo; profeeor MUDr. Pavel I. a hi. ptednosta lateral
klialky Palatka? university ? Olomonci, pfecisedn kordielogicka 'pole/Most' '41 vicepresideni 'evropiki kardfologickli opolifindsti"
JUDr. Milano Pd 1 ho V a, edvokfifko, prithe; dian korespondent CSAV, dipl. Int Emil Po I y r a It, feditel llornickilho aslant
CSAV; Zuzana M a r y love, Wing stook MMus; Ill.t Man in lo Wiser; ViadIntle M o s I e c It y, lecholk CEO; Josef Noe -
v or I II, Moll( CEO; Jarosio? Na m a c. dainlk Co; Yvonne Pt a n o s i I o ? a; spitvodica; tien 'corespondent CSAV prof. MUbr.
Otakar Pot, pa, DrSc., "'edam! Ifefiko ockidieng lytiologlekaho asinvo CSAV ? Pram profesor MUDit Wallow P r o c It dike
DrSc, Oedemas ehlrurgick6 kliniky fekultnt nemocnice. ? Model Ktutuva; natodni male? Alfrad R o do It, renter; Emil *A -
di a k, filmovf retisar; JIM It a I kit, olymplisky vitas; narodnt Outline Washy So I f e r I; protector MUD,. V. S. It I., tirSO,
p/ednosto biologickaho atilavu KU ? Prate; okedemik Zdenbh Sir st I I. MSc., feditel Pystoloalckaho astave CSAV ? Proz4;
doc. "at. lief S c n In a cod, Vstkontoy tinto? itkonatrilky pramy olu .it slavebnicivi a Prate; diem korospondent CSAV prafasei
TIUDr. Oldtloh S tar y DrSe,, rektor KU v Prow OH d It I It 0 h, Intihnin .01011 ON II It I It Y, baulk; doe. MI1Dr. IMMO
6 ll It fit it, kraltilit tratItnal0108 SentrOntorovOkaho "vole, OMNI vat .M1 8 I I t r, hodebnl ,skiodelal,t Karol $ II It o,'" daloili
, NM: Vdelev S r n u b, df!inlic CI(D; Jan c ? a n It in a i a r, filmes/ 'tensor; profesar PhD,. Leftists, To n a I. DrSc Kabinet Mo.
rie a mote/Wonky vady CSAV ? Prom narodnI urnalec Jilt T r nk e, rezis6r a ?yttratto(k; Marie To m i I it ?41 Tweaks:- 'fat
' set Top o 1, 'plummet; Jan y I g a Ito, borne; Lodyik Van till k, novinall looter, 'photo testa); Korai V co l I P. ..ailitilc CKO;
prof. MUDr. Jan Van y a e It DrSc, prorekloi Porkyllovy tint versify. ? Broil': ptof. MUDr. V. Vat do Its lc y DrSc, ptednesta
cant kliniky Peter:Icahn only/H.01y ? Oinmonni; doe. MUnr. Jill y ii I ? in In a k Y. krelsby inimMiste Severomorankaho lcraltb
. Ostrava; Viktor Vii r II n, (Minn( CEO; ectrodnt manioc len W e r lob; okedemik ,Otto WI eh I n r I a. ,Pedilei astern makroraM
lekularnt chernle CSAV ? Prase; ntirodnI melee lornsle? V et i In, thin blenbrv ilictrodnato divedlot. plaintrollt Stall 8 ole.
p ? ic, olymplJakt IMO; Dane I I t e p It a a I, elympipiki, 51111ka; linOtloh.., ro. co.'? _ las. airOnant Karlilli. t
..,-
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25X1C1OB
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Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt
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Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
FOR BACKGROUND USE ONLY August 1968
Latin America: Recent Advances
in Economic Cooperation
Recent developments indicate a modest amount of progress toward closer
economic cooperation in Latin America, particularly on the sub-regional
level. Modest as this progress may be, it is nevertheless encouraging in
view of the many and varied problems of development confronting the Latin
American countries.
Collapse of the Post-War Boom
The great growth period which Latin America experienced in the years
following World War II ended after 1957. Exchange balances were exhausted,
and the threat of Communism, highlighted by Castro's revolution in Cuba,
marked the beginning of a heavy exodus of capital. Unemployment, excessive
inflation and the decline of export earnings brought the region to a criti-
cal point between 1958 and 1960. A number of the dictatorships which had
been sustained by the boom period were overthrown, and the liberal, demo-
cratic governments which replaced them were faced with almost insurmountable
problems, often with little understanding of the principles of economic
development or realistic economic plans to build on. Although some prog-
ress was made toward recovery and the control of inflation, and the Alli-
ance for Progress was set in motion, the early 1960s brought a deteriora-
tion in the situation and considerable pessimism was generated regarding
Latin America's economic future.
Incentives to Economic Cooperation
Since World War II, new influences in the economic field have nudged
Latin America into giving more serious consideration to economic coopera-
tion. All of the countries of the area attempted, at first separately, to
diversify and industrialize their economies which brought to light numer-
ous disadvantages and inadequacies in terms of population, natural resources
and skilled manpower. Out of obvious necessity, a leaning towards economic
cooperation began to develop among Latin American neighbors. This tend-
ency has received strong stimulus from the United Nations Economic Commis-
sion for Latin America (ECLA) which has made extensive studies of the nature
and problems of the individual economies of the Latin American countries,
and conducted simultaneously a campaigh for closer relations among the
Latin American nations with the ultimate aim of their formation into a
single economic unit.
The European Common Market has also influenced the move toward greater
economic unity. It has served to demonstrate tat it is possible for sev-
eral different nations with a tradition of conflicting interests ,to merge
their economies. At the same time the European tommon Market has given
preference to the produce of former European ailonies in Africa, and these
products compete directly with some of the major Latin American exports.
This has aroused fear among Latin American countries of being shut out
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from the Western European markets and has thus served as an impetus for
them to look to one another as potential markets.
The United States has been another strong influence for economic co-
operation. It has demonstrated its support by the original agreements
establishing the Alliance for Progress in 1961 and by its participation
in the Conference of Presidents in Punta del Este in April 1967. This
conference was particularly noteworthy in that the idea of a cooperative,
inter-dependent Latin America moved from the level of technical discus-
sion to the level of political consideration, and from that conference
emerged a new emphasis on self-help and cooperation as the ultimate, deter-
mining factor in solving the economic and social problems of the region.
Most recently, the July, 1968 meeting of the five Central American
presidents at San Salvador to discuss means of strengthening the Central
American Common Market (CACM) -- with President Johnson attending as an-
other demonstration of United States support and encouragement -- hopefully
served as an incentive to the leaders of these countries to renew their
efforts to break through some of the many barriers that stand in the way
of further cooperation and integration between their nations.
Progress on the Sub-Regional Level: The Central American Common Market
The aAcm comprises a much smaller area and involves a smaller volume
of trade than the larger Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA);
it made notable progress between 1960 and 1966. It started by establish-
ing free trade for all products of the member countries except where exemp-
tion was claimed on the basis of harm to producers or to government price-
support programs. In this six-year period, the value of intra-regional
trade increased more than five-fold and accounted for one-fifth of the
total trade of member countries with all countries of the world. With the
trend toward industrialization, trade in manufactured goods markedly in-
creased. In 1967, however, there was about a 5% drop in extra-regional
export earnings and the per capita GNP growth for the region was only .8
percent. Under the CACM, institutions have been set up to deal with over-
all regional development, but the success of these, and of future plans
for the area, will depend on the long-range success of the CACM itself. A
Central American bank, clearing house and various financial councils are
already in existence, and future plans include a full monetary union, with
consideration being given to such joint projects as a road system, an
electric power grid and a telecommunications net.
The Andean Common Market
An organizational meeting of another sub-regional group was held in
June 1967, following the conference of the Inter-American Economic and
Social Council at Vina del Mar, Chile. At the organizational meeting,
delegates from Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela constituted
themselves as the Mixed Commission to set up the Andean Common Market, a
sub-regional trade association within the LAFTA structure.
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Bolivia became a member in August 1967. The idea of such a group had been
conceived the previous August in Bogota, at a meeting of the heads of
state (or their representatives) of the countries concerned. The Mixed
Commission has met several times since June 1967, and has appointed and
supervised technical working groups involved with planning and drafting
the charter of the group, as well as with studies and preliminary agree-
ments on various aspects of Andean integration. Such controversial issues
as the removal of trade barriers within this region, the establishment of a
common external tariff -- such as the CACM now has on almost all items --
relations of the Andean group with LAFTA, etc. have also been discussed.
Although the intial momentum of the group has slowed somewhat because of
differences arising from national interests, in February of this year the
Mixed Commission adopted the charter of an Andean Development Corporation.
After it is ratified by the member governments and the group is in opera-
tion, its headquarters will be located in Caracas. (Venezuela will con-
tribute approximately 22% of the initial public capital of $25 million.)
The group has also been negotiating an agreement that would foster the
development of a new petrochemical industry within the sub-region.
Other Multi-national Efforts at Cooperation
Some of the Latin American nations have made other moves toward coop-
erative development, although outside the framework of any formal struc-
ture. At a meeting in May in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, the foreign ministers
of Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay drew up a cooperative
economic plan for the development of the rich and fertile basin of the Rio
de la Plata for flood control, hydroelectric and dredging projects on
various tributaries of the Plata, and for modernization of port facilities
in Buenos Aires and Montevideo. The entire plan, originally conceived some
twenty-five years ago, would require more thah thirty years to complete
and would need extensive financing through various international agencies.
The draft treaty institutionalizing the River Plata organization is to be
submitted to the governments by mid-September 1968. The foreign ministers
are then scheduled to meet by mid-November 1968 to sign the agreement.
Shortly after the Santa Cruz meeting the foreign ministers of Peru,
Bolivia, Argentina and Paraguay met in Lima to expedite planning and work
on a proposed 3,000-mile road stretching from Caracas through Venezuela,
Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay and Argentina to Buenos Aires.
It would run mainly east of the Andes, the traditional barrier dividing
the eastern and western regions of South America. President Belaunde of
Peru has provided the major impetus for this road, and Peru, in spite of
her economic problems, has made studies and started actual construction
on her portion of the highway.
At about the same time, the governments of Peru and Argentina announc-
ed their agreement to promote closer cooperation on economic and other com-
mon problems through the establishment of a special commission. The an-
nouncement was made following a meeting of the Peruvian and Argentinian
foreign ministers in Lima.
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The foregoing are modest stirrings towards meaningful economic cooper-
ation. However, a very positive factor which favors continued forward mo-
tion is the number of Latin American leaders who recognize the economic
imperatives of her present situation. These men have been making honest
efforts to build individually viable economies in her many states; the
ultimate aim of many of these leaders is the eventual combining of selected
segments of the individual economies into a successfully cooperating and
infinitely stronger whole.
4
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eatructural?Ormal.:_ En una reunidn celebrada en mayo en Santa Cruz,
Bolivia, los Cancilleres de Argentina, Brasil, Bolivia, Paraguay y Uruguay
redactaron un plan de cooperacidn econdmica para el desarrollo de la rica
y fdrtil cuenca del Rfo de la Plata, obras de defensa contra inundaciones,
hidroeldctricas y de dragado en varios tributarios del Plata y modernizacidn
portuaria en Buenos Aires y Montevideo. El plan global, originado por
primera vez hace unos 25 atos, tomarfa ms de 30 efts para completer y
extenso financiamiento a travds de diversas entidades internacionales.
El acuerdo para el plan de desarrollo tiene que ser incorporado en on
tratade para mediados de septiembre de 1968, despues de lo coal se espera
que se creard on organism? internacional para poner en prictlea el programa.
Poco despuds de is. reunidn de Santa Cruz los Cancilleres de Perd,
Bolivia, Argentina y Paraguay se reunieron en Lima para apresurar is.
planifieacidn y obra de una propuesta carretera de tres mil millas desde
Caracas pasando por Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Perd, Bolivia, Paraguay
y Argentina hasta Buenos Aires. Sc supone correr principalmente al este
de los Andes, la barrera tradicional que divide las regiones oriental
y occidental de Amdrica del Sur. El Presidente peruano, Beladnde, ha
provisto el empuje principal para is. carretera y, no obstante sus problemas
econdmicos, Perd ha llevado a cabo estudios y ha iniciado is. construccidn
de so tramo de carretera.
Nds o menos al mismo tiempo los gobiernos de Argentina y Perd dieron
a conocer su acuerdo de promover una cooperacidn mdt estrecha sobre
problemas econdmicos y de otras categorfas mediante is. creacidn de una
comisiOn especial. La noticia de dio despuds de una reunidn en Lima de
los Cancilleres de ambas naciones.
Los aquf citados son pasos diminutos hacia is. cooperacidn economics.
significativa. Sin embargo, on factor muy,positivo que favorece el
permanente movimiento adelante es el ndmero de dirigentes latinoamericanos
que reconocen los imperativos econdmicos de su actual situacidn. ,Dichos
hombres han estado esforzdndose honradamente por construir economfas
individuales viables en sus numerosos estados; is. meta final de muchos
de estos dirigentes es is. combinacidn de segmentos de las economfas
individuales en on conjunto que coopere con dxito y sea infinitamente
mds vigoroso.
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7 June 1960i .
^.?
a rn g nvers
7 ? ?
a in 1.:* Mialries
A South American rarely thinks\ of him-
self as one; he is a Brazilian or an Argen-
tine or whatever. Ile is also not used to
attacking basic: problems on a regional
rather than a narrow national basis. *Un-
til recently, the most notable regional ac-
tivities were boundary disputes, some-
times punctuated by gunfire.
It is heartening, then, to be able to cheer
on a regional development plan that; a)
was Worked out by the South Americans
tlienisclves, b) promises benefits to a num-
ber of countries, large and small, c) was
not designed so that it could float only on
a tide of American dollars.
Broad agreement to develop the sprawl-
ing basin of the River Plata has now lx -n
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
17 June 1968
'highwa
reached, after 30 years of indecision,
the foreign ministers of the five countries
which. own portions of the tract?Argen-
tina, Bolivia, 13razil, Paraguay and Urn-
gamy. The basin is huge?five times the
size of France? awlpotentially rich but
now undeveloped.
The Plata project will include opening
up the, Paraguay lik ,er to afford land':
locked Bolivia a deepwater port; the con-
struction of flood control, irrigation and
hydroelectric dams on the tributaries of
the Plata; the Modernization of the ports
of Buenos Aires and Montevideo.
Washington is delighted in a muted sort
of way.' Some skepticism is bound to re-
main until it becomes clear that the pro- .
ject is not predicated on aid dollars alone.
The men behind the development plan are
aware of the budget realities in Washing-
ton. The fact that they chose to push alicitd
now is the best indication that they are
ready to tackle their own problems.
encans c art joi
By James Nelson Goodsell
Latin America correspondent of '
The Christian Science Monitor .
water rojects
motion the,river plan?one that was ad-
vanced at least 25 years ago and given a
significant boost at the Western Hemi-
?
sphere presidential summit session' at
?
Quito, Ecuador Punta del Este, Uruguay, in April, 1967.
? The time is not far off when' a motorist
'will be able to drive through the tropical
rain forests, east of the Andes, and cut
hundreds of miles and many days from
a north-south journey.. in South ,America.
That it one of the prospects opened by.
the signing in Lima of an agreement
,integrating the highway networks of
Argentina, Bolivia, Paraguay, and Peru._
That agreement, the Act of Lima, is an
outgrowth of hemisphere efforts to work
out multinational projects to improve the
economic and social well-being of millions
of Latin Americans. It comes quickly
after the signing of an agreement by five
South American nations to work coopera-
tively in the economic development of the
vast area drained by the River Plate. .
? At a meeting in Santa Cruz, Bolivia,' the
Foreign Ministers of Argentina, ?Brazil,
Bolivia, Paraguay, and Uruguay set in
% ?
Goals aligned t" ?
Both the River Plate Basin and the
highway-integration projects are in line,
with the goals outlined by the Presidents
at the meeting:
The highway-integration plan should be
easier to implement than the River Plate
Basin project since it involves, in part,
the linking of highways already under'
construction or already completed. But
the step is an important one in the physi-
cal integration of a continent which for
centuries has remained divided politi-
cally, economically, and geographically.'
In some measure, the highway-integra-
tion program is the direct result of the
'planning and direction of one man ?
Peru's Fernando BelaUnde Terry, who
before becoming President of this nation
was a spokesman for building a north-,
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CPYRGHT
south highwayektarketweGhRbr Releassill,05/08/1
of the rugged and high Andean mountain
chain. .
Known in 'Spanish as the "carretera
marginal de la selva" this highway on
the edge of the rain forest is already
under construction, opening up -vast
regions of Peru . to colonization from the
populated and often arid .regions west
.4 the Andes.
Plans reemphasized
The Act of Lima; signed by the Foreign
Ministers of the four countries involved,
also gives new emphasis to the plans of
many. Latin Americans to speed construc-
tion of ,a !highway route through the in,'
tenor of the Continent from Caracas, fol-
lowing the eastern lowlands at the foot of
the Andes through Colombia, Peru, Bo-
livia, Paraguay,. and .terminating n Ar-
gentikla. ? '
When Completed, the, highway, will open
,up vast land expanses that now are reach-
able only by rugged overland !foot trails
or by occasional air flights.
On the other side of the continent, some
of the same nations, to.gether with Brazil
and Uruguay, are, setting up plans to de-'
velop the vast watershed of one of the
great river systems in, South America..
The Rio de la Plata or as it has be-
come generally known in English, and
sometimes even in Spanish, the Aiver
Plate, is a 'short but wide estuary into
which flow the waters Of the Bermejo,
WASHINGTON POST
29 May 1968
Joseph R. Slevin
Fgia452tapaboarrQuiltopUzi
hydroelectric potential of the system date
back at least 25 years. But. not until the
presidential summit: session last year
did the countries through-which the rivers
flow begin to seriously consider imple-
mentation of the plans. .
The decision of the five nations to in-
tegrate the system focuses considerable
attention on what is generally a back-.
ward region of 2 million square miles.'
Part of the national territory of each
Country is involved, ranging from 19 per-
cent of Bolivia to all of Paraguay. ? ,
treaty :required ,
Known as the !Act of Santa Cruz after'
the oil-rich eastern Bolivian city ; the de;.
eision, was more than a year in the mak-
ing,? and the hard part has just begun..
The five nations must now adopt an
official treaty establishing the rules for
joint development. Brazilian Foreign
Minister Jose Magalhies Pinto told his
colleagues at Santa Cruz: "The, integra-
? tion of the itiver. Plate Basin is already a
; spiritual .reality." But-the hard task of
converting this "spiritual reality" into a-
, practical reality is ahead. .
? The five recommended 13 projects --dt
seven multinational and six national
consideration., bir. an intergovernmental,
coordinating committee Which is to begin
Work soon. '? '
I South Americans Strive
For Own Common arket
BOGOTA ?A little-no-
ticed, South American drivc
for economic integration is,
heading toward a climactic
me.tin
Colombia is spearheading
the integration push, with a
strong assist from Chile. A
half-dozen nations are talc-
ing part. Their goal is a
thriving new common mar-
ket that will stretch 4,750
miles from the Caribbean at
the north, down South
America's long Pacific Coast
to Chile's Cape Horn at the
south.
The common market court-
tries call themselves the An-
dean Group. They are sub-
merging their rivalries and
are starting their historic
move toward unification
partly because they are im-
patient with the slow prog-
ress of the bigger, seven-
year old Latin Airgrle^rt
Vree Trade Association and
partly because they want to
be able to stand up against
relatively powerful Brazil
Dnd Mexico when LAFTA Li-
tany becomes A reality.
In addition to Colombia
And Chile, the Andean
Group includes Venezuela to
ihe east and Ecuador, Peru,
and Bolivia to the south.
The six have a potential
narket of 60 million people,
ncluding Colombia's 20 mil-
ion, and account for almost
ne-fourth of Latin Ameri-
lation of 250 million. Thr*
produce 26 per cent of Lath
America's energy, almo1
one-third of its cement, more
than two-fifths of its lead
half th- +tun-thirds r
the iron, 86 per cent of th
petroleum, and 90 per cer
of the copper and zinc.
BUT THE SIX are bitterl
poor. They have depencle ?
on their raw materials an
now have to turn out muc
larger quantities of mant..
faetured goods while they s?-
roultaneously boost their
grossly neglected agricu v
tural production.
The Andean Group';
model is the Central Amer,-
can Common Market., that
ATrpr3 ba RW'Releftgl'2005Y08/1rneK-AtFliantlitnnnennninnigLR
1960, not the more sophisti-
cated European Economic
Community of heavily indus-
trialized nations.
"Central American ex-
ports grew from $10 million
in 1953 to $200 million last
year and this year could go
up to $250 million," Roder-
Igo Botero, the brilliant Eco-
nomic Adviser to Colombian
President Carlos Lleras Res-
trepo declares enthusiastic-
ally. "In ten years, they have
h a d industrialization
through Integration."
'rho A nin armin
CPYRGHT
CPYRGHT
CPYRGHT
cently agreed to establish a
$100 million development
bank in Caracas that will
help finance new or growing
Industries and that will be
charged particularly with
fostering large, complex in-
dustries that the six cannot
support separately hut can
develop jointly.
COLUMBIA is the
Group's industrial leader. It
has a top-notch cadre of ex-
ecutives and a capable,
widely respected labor force.
SENA, Its crack training or-
2
CPYRGHT
?
ganization, graduates 20,0
Approveergytilicastsel2mwo
anot er 0,000 establish
workers improve their skill
Colasmbian manufacturers
are supremely confident
that they will be able to
compote successfully in the
new common market. They
predict that their textiles,
glass, and cement will do
well and they are prepared
to fight for steel and paper
customers. Establishment of
the Andean Group will lead
to a steady reduction of
tiade barriers among the
six, which means they no
longer will be protected
from the competition of each
other's industries.
The big,Immediate threat
to the common market is a
Venezuelan fear of Golnm-
bia's competitive ability.
Venezuelan wage scales are
relatively high, thanks to the
country's oil riches; and
Venezuelan industrialists
00
are urgin
8117 : ClAttRIDR7atp
g_ igGouer
baltyin030035-8
cd trade arrangement.
s. The Venezuelan answe 1
expected when the Andean
Group holds it next meeting,
In June. There are wide-
spread fears the the Vene-
zuelans will choose to re-
main aloof, at least tempo-
rarily; but the other five
countries are prepared to go
ahead on their own.
"in 10 years, we will be
able to develop industry that
will be so compctive, so effi-
cient that it will have the ca-
pacity to compete on equal
terms with the Mexicans,
with the Brazilians and the
rest." Joaquin Vallejo, A for-
mer finance minister and
key Colombian negotiator,
declares. "Any delay on the
part of Venezuelan industry
in joining the Andean Group
will be fatal for them. With-
out integration, It is impossi-
ble to have great Indus-.
tries."
NE,I YORK 'PTI?laS
8 July 1968
'After the Meeting Is Over
Realities of Central America Balk
The Progress Its Leaders Extolled
By HENRY GINIGER
spechi to The New York Times
SAN SALVADOR, July 7 --r- 1;:s colleagues got annoyed
:President Johnson will take' .with President Anastasio; So-
leave of President Fidel San- mcza Debayle of Nicaragua for
1
!chez Hernandez of Salvador to- .keeping them up until 3 A.M.
'morrow and, in his big Air while he argued over words in
Force jet, give lifts home to the! their joint declaration and
four other Central American, /chewed a hamburger. But in
Presklen ts who have been here I the end the leaders were glad
for the last three days.
. i they came and thought some
.
... he rally over, each chief of
- ? - - state will be again
,,, ? . faced with the po-
. A;cwr'' ' litical and -eco-
.., An,iysig- . ?nomic realities Of
his own ..Country.
. These 'realities_ are
'the harriers that keep the lead-
Crs from 'carrying out the ,high-
!sounding pledges that have
/hr.:co uttered here .in. this first
Central American leaders meet-
ing since l9(33. '. . . . .
IEveryone on an official level
was obliged to,. agree that the
imeeting ? had been useful and.
that . all the - trouble and ?ex-
,pense- were worthwhile. The
Salvadoran. First- Lady had to
1...1.int around for. extra table-
more. Cooks and, food
,v?-?ei- brought : in post , haste
1.-orl outside Salvador.... ?
boo might come out of it all.
Mostly Intangibles.
_ The good was mostly intan-
gible, with the major exception
lof $65-million President John-
jsun brought with him for Cen-
tral America. But $35-million
of that was loans that had been
in the works and had been
saved up so that the President's
package looked a little bigger.
Another tangible was settle-
ment of a border dispute that
had been poisoning relations
hetween Honduras and. Salva-
dor.'
?The intangibles might be
. .
IIlisted as follows:
Little Central America,. whose
five. countries?Guatemala, Sal-
vador, Honduras, Nicaragua and
Costa Rica?cont in only about
? ?
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3 million people
3
the map and its Common Mar-
ket integration effort was given
the best publicity in years.
There was also Central Amer-
ican morale from the show of
interest by the United States.
Mr. Johnson's Administration
has been trying to push Latin-
American economic integration,
and this small corner of Latin
America has become a working
model. ,
The Presidents of ' Central
America made a show of faith
in their efforts despite the fi-
nancial trouble they are all in.
The faith was accompanied by
realistic recognition of all that
has to, be done. ?
i Back at home tomorrow each
leader will again face a difficult
situation.
COSTA RICA?President Jos?
Joaquin Trejos Fernandez must,
continue to wrestle with se-
rious budgetary and trade defi-
cits that are largely the result
of economic and social appe-
tites that have outstripped in-
come.
His country; generally .con-
sidered the most socially 'ad-
vanced in Central America, has
to find an adequate economic
base to pay for the educational
and health programs that the
people want. The President,
must , also struggle with a!
_ balky Congress whose major-
ity is controlled by the, oppo-
sition party.
, 'NICARAGUA?President So-
moza is'-anxiously awaiting the
results of this year's cotton
crop while trying to keep a
tight rein on Government: ex-
penditure. With foreign reserves_
IA-RDP741-01081A00a4,011103A0ab-8
another yea.: of low export the most dynamic economy in
levels.
The Pres4PrrNisIMIFPcreleasicA*Ptefglic."tIcth-q#1gr
tend with a political Oppositioni with drops in coffee and cotton
export income.
Restlessness is evident in this
overcrowded country in the
striking advances scored by the
Christian Democrats. in legisla-
tive and municipal elections, in
March. Strikes have plagued
the year-old Administration and
there has been crticism within
Mr: Sdnchez's official family
that he has not been aggressive
enough in dealing with the eco-
nomic oligarchy, which is wary
of social change and reluctant
?to pay needed taxes.
GUATEMALA?President' Ju-
lio Cdsar McInclez Montenegro
;must continue to wage a double
;.war, one on a Communist-led
'terrorist movement, the other
on an highly conservative busi-
ness and landowning class that
'fears social change and is un-
twilling to pay for. it.
I, Eetween these extremes, M.
iMdndez seeks to hold onto pow.
that ? resents three decades of
economic and political control
by the 'Somoza family ,and is
not convinced that this current
scion is sincerely interested in
improving social and econotniC
conditions.
accord at zero:,
HONDURAS ?President Os-
wald? LopOX Arollan? lilUbt dont
with what is probably the most
inept Administration in Central
America and bring the coun-
try's growth record, largely
through better performance in
public works, up from the zerol
level where it was lost year. He
must also contend with political
resentments that have accumu-
lated in Honduras ever since
his military coup in 1963. They
were aggravated in March. by
widespread irregularities in the
voting for municipal offices.
SALVADOR?President Sdn-
chez must spur what had been
INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
27 May 1968
Or until his term ends in 1910.
I
-(:) TttiVribitrgrAltil3t7
avoiding alienation of the con-
servatives. ?
? --Youths Are Impatient
In ? all these countries, the
youths. being ,educated in the
high schools and universities
have progressive ideas, are im-
patient with the 'slow pace of
change, resent the United States'
Ipredominanc0 and aro willing
to listen to ? various wings of
the Communist movement. As
President Johnson 'discovered
they are willing to go into the
street and throw eggs and paint
to make their feelings known.
. The incidents on the Presi-
dent's arrival were not serious.
What is serious is that none
of the governments in Central
America are capturing youth-
ful support, firing youthful im-
agination or convincing young
people that they are pushing
for, the progress all the chiefs
of state have 'once again said
they are seeking. .
ARGENTINE-PERUVIAN JOINT COMMUNIQUE ISSUED
Lima--On 25 May the governments of Peru and Argentina agreed to create a special
mixed commission to promote economic and commercial relations between the two countries
and to discuss various problems of common interest. They also decided to cooperate
more closely in international organizations such as the United Nations and the OAS in
order to defend their legal bases, and to cooperate in the reorganization of the Latin
American Free Trade Association (LAFTA). The two countries also agreed to defend the
sovereignty of their 200-mile territorial waters limits, while Peru promised that all
ational and official publications would use the name of Malvinas in referring to the
islands over which Argentina claims ownership.
These agreements appear in a joint Peruvian-Argentine communique signed by the foreign
ministers of the two countries, Raul Ferrero and Nicanor Costa Mendez, following their
discussions. The communique, consisting of 15 points, is accompanied by a note in
which Argentina proposes the creation of the special Argentine-Peruvian commission.
The points of the document are as follows:
1--The two foreign ministers agree that relations between the two countries reflect
their fraternal and cordial friendship [words indistinct] under the ideals of San Martin.
2--Taking into consideration the cooperation of the
they agree to intensify their efforts to defend the
maintain permanent contact so that this cooperation
3--They reaffirm their adherence to the OAS charter
the progress of the American organization.
two countries in the United Nations,
U.N. postulates for peace and to
will increase.
[words indistinct] to accelerate
4--They reaffirm the desire of both countries to continue regional economic integration,
taking into consideration national interests and having it serve as a harmonious
factor among Latin American countries.
5--They consider that the jungle highway and its links with national communications
systems are of prime importance for the integration of the Andean region.
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xper n e ga ned in o years since ,,he gontev,aeo ...reaty created
LAFTA, they consider it advisable to reexamine that document with the aim of its
eventual modification.
7--They declare that both governments intend to strengthen their economic relations by
promoting trade in traditional products and by the inclusion of others. The Argentine
foreign minister received with great interest Peru's expression of its wish to increase
its exports to Argentina, especially industrial products. .
.0--To attain these .objectives, the foreign ministers signed a note creating a special
Argentine-Peruvian coordinating commission.
9--They declare the commission's intention to study the possibility of establishing
branches of both countries' state banks in Lima and Buenos Aires, and to consider
a line of credit from the Argentine Central Bank for the purchase or capital
goods [words indistinct] amended by Peruvian organizations.
10--They satisfactorily confirmed the common goal of the legal positions adopted by
the two countries in regard to maritime sovereignty and the protection and defense
of their marine wealth. They reaffirmed as a norm of their maritime policy the.
principle of sovereignty over the continental shelf and the sea adjacent to their
coasts up to a distance of 200 miles.
11--Within the framework of Latin American solidarity, they considered the situation
of the Malvinas Islands, The Peruvian foreign Minister accepted with satisfaction
the request of his Argentine colleague for that name to appear in all Peruvian
national publications [several words indistinct] and also in material published by
the OAS.
12--Agreeing that scientific and technological advances must necessarily be taken'
advantage of to insure continued social and economic development, they agreed to
draw up a pact on the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
13--To promote their cultural relations, they will create the mi.xed commission contem-
plated in the Peruvian-Argentine cultural agreement as soon as possible to study,
in conjunction with international organizations, the-validity of the diplomas [word
indistinct] for the exercise of liberal professions.
14?Cons1dering that the friendship of nations should be strengthened by a knowledge
of their true values, and taking into account the fact that tourism contributes to
this, they agreed to promote tourism between the two countries.
15--Pinally, they resolved to continue consultations to satisfy their common interests,
and pointed out that the visit of Dr Costa Mendez was a highly significant event in
the fraternal friendship between the two countries.
A special note proposed by Argentina emphasized the need to create a special Peruvian-
-Argentine commission to promote economic relations between the two countries. This
commission will also examine the development of commercial ties and analyze various
peripheral problems of common interest in order to overcome them in a spirit of full
cooperation. Since both parties had said this commission should begin work as soon
as possible, they agreed, according to the note, to hold immediate consultations',
to call a meeting of representatives of both governments to create the commission
and prepare the rules that will govern its functioning..
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27 May 1968 Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
MINISTERS IN LIMA DISCUSS JUNGLE HIGHWAY
Lima, 26 May--President Fernando Belaunde tonight opened the conference
of the foreign ministers or Argentina, BoliVia? Paraguay, and Peru or the continent-
spanning jungle highway..
After thanking the foreign delegations for coming, Belaunde said that the meeting
did not detract from continental goals, inasmuch as it was necessary to stir regional
groups toward solving their problems.
"Belaude then explained the importance of the jungle highway, which will faoilitate
the exploitation of tropical oil resources, the uniting of the South American '
watershed aith a view toward integration, and the surmounting of past disagreements
among the countries of the area, since it will merge them in.a struggle to conquer
a zone where the surplus Andean populations could be settled. The Peruvian Chief
Executive'said that the highway is added to the integration projects and others being
4 carried out by the countries in the field of hydroelectric power, the uniting of
river basins, and possibly the opening of an interoceanio canal in Colombia.
'Argentine Foreign Minister Costa Mendez replied in the; name of the visiting.countrieS.
He said that the jungle highway will promote the economic development of the peoples
from Venezuela to Argentina and permit them to know each other better.' Costa Mendez
said that he was confident that resolutions of major importance would be adopted.
The Argentine minister pointed to the need for these republics to make a sustained
effort to attain their objectives, for the population explosion could thwart all
population-absorbing programs.
"The four ministers will continue their work tomorrow, when the meeting ends, and
issue a communique concerning links in the four republics' road systems and
the economic development projects the highway will make possible.
INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
:31 May 1968
FOUR FOREIGN MINISTERS SIGN ACT OF LIMA
Lima--The foreign ministers of Argentina, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Peru at
dawn today signed the Act of Lima, following two days of discussion of the need to
strengthen efforts to link the communications systems of the four countries The
act was signed by Argentine Foreign Minister Nicandor Costa Mendez, Bolivian
Foreign Minister Tomas Guillermo Elio, Paraguayan Foreign Minister Raul Scpena
Pastor, and Peruvian Premier Raul Ferrero Rebagliatti.
The first point of the document stated that the jungle highway is the lf.nls between
the eastern Andrean slope and the Plata Basin through its interconections with
the national communications networks. The document recommended among other things
that, in order to achieve the results and as long as it is considered necessary,
Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) resources should be used.
During the course of the meetings of the four foreign ministers, which lasted 2
days, the formation of a quadripartite' communications commission was approved to
carry out financial and technical studies for the interconnection of the jungle
highway through a coordinating committee. Approval was also given for financing
the linking of Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, and Argentina with the Plata Basin through
the trans-Chaco route with IDB loans. Although the amount of the loans was not
specified, unofficial figures estimated that at least 40 million dollars will be
required from each country.
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There was some disagreement over Bolivian Foreign Minister Tomas Guillermo Eliols
proposal to give priority not only to linking the jungle highway in each of the
countries through which it passes, but also to the secondary roads that will
branch off from the main highway and be under its economic influence. In this
respect, Paraguayan Foreign Minister Sapena Pastor felt that to tie the issue of
the Jungle highway to' the secondary roads would impede financing of the project:
This point remained to be discussed and dealt with by the working committee set up
at the meetingi which Will operate from its permanent headquarters in Lima.
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CPYRGH
PA-1/43PrairKRfiliii4PEZP08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A0004001411085-8968
Amdrica Latina: Adelantos Recientes
en la Cooperacidn Econ&Ica
Los sucesos recientes dan indicio de cierto grado de progreso hacia
una cooperaciOn econdmica mds estrecha en Amdrica Latina, especialmente
a nivel subregional. NO obstante lo poco intenso del progreso, no deja
de ser alentador en vista de los numerosos y variados problemas de desa-
rrollo que enfrentan los parses de Amdrica Latina.
Cafda del Apogeo Posb61ico
El gran perfodo de crecimiento que Arica Latina experiment6 en los
altos subaiguientes a la II Guerra Mundial lleg6 a su fin en 1957. Se
agotaron los balances de divisas, y la amenaza del conmnismo, ejemplari-
zada por la revoluciOn de Fidel Castro en Cuba, dio lugar al comienzo de
un intenso dxodo de los capitales. El desempleo, la inflaciOn excesiva
y eldescenso en los beneficios del comercio de exportacion llevaron a la
region a un punto critic? entre 1958 y 1960. Varias de las dictaduras
que se habfan tantenido debido al apogeo economic? fueron depuestas y
los gobiernos democrdticos liberales que las reemplazaron se abocaron a
problemas casi insalvables, a menudo con poca comprension de los prin-
cipios del desarrollo econOrico o planes econdmicos realistas sobre
los cuales construir. No obstante haberse progresado algo en direccion a
la recuperaciOn y el controlde la inflac56n y haberse puesto en movimiento
la Alianza para el Progreso, el principio de la ddcada del 60 trajo un
deterioro en la situaciOn y se produjo bastante pesimismo con respect? al
futuro econ6mico de Amdrica Latina.
Incentivos a La CooperacidnEcondmica
Despuds de la II Guerra Mundial, nuevaslxfluencias en 16 esfera
econdmica ban inpulsado a Andrica Latina a prestar atenciOn ms seria a
la cooperaciOn econdmica. Todos los pafses de la zona intentaron, al
principio por separado, diversificar e industrializar sus economfas, lo
cual dio a conocer numerosas desventajas e insuficiencias en cuanto a
poblacidn, recursos naturales y mano de obra idOnea. Bajo el imperio de
la patente necesidad comenz6 a producirse entre las vecinas naciones una
tendencia hacia la cooperaciOn econOtica. Dicha tendencia ha recibido
fuerte estfmulo de la Comisidn Econsimica para Amdrica Latina (CEPAL), la
que ha hecho extensos estudios sobre la naturaleza y los problemas de las
economfas individuales de los parses latinomericanos y al propio tiempo
ha llevado adelante una campaEa por el estrechamiento de las relaciones
entre las naciones de Amdrica Latina con el fin 61timo de que se fundan
en una sola unload econOnica.
El Mercado Com6n Europeo tambidn ha influido en la movilizaciOn
hacia una msunidad econdmica. Ha venido a evidenciar que es
posible que varias naciones diferentes con tradicion de intereses en
conflict? unifiquen sus economfas. Al mismo tiempo el Mercado Com6n
Europe() ha dado preferencia a los productos de las excolonias europeas
en Africa, cuyos productos estdn en competencia direct& con algunas de
las principales exportaciones de Amdrica Latina. Ello ha suscitado el
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Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
temor entre los parses latinomericanos de que se les cerraran los mercados
europeos y ha servido de Tmpetu pare que se busquen entre sf como mercados
potenciales.
Estados Unidos tambidn ha ejercido fuerte influjo por la cooperacidn
econdmica. Ha demostrado su apoyo mediante los acuerdos originales que
crearon la Alianza para el Progreso en 1961 y su participacion en la
Conferencia de Presidentes en Punta del Este en abril de 1967. Dicht
conferencia fue especialmente notable porque en ella la idea de una
Amdrica Latina cooperative e interdependiente pas6 del nivel de discusion
tedniea al. de la consideracion polltica, y de dicha conferencia salid
un nuevo dnfasis en la autoayuda y cooperaciOn como factor definitivo y
determinante en la solucift de los problemas econdmicos y sociales de
la regi6n.
La Corporecift de Fomento Andino
La asamblea de organizacion de otra agrupaciOn subregional se llev6
a cabo en junio de 1967, despuds de la Conferencia del Consejo EcOndmico
y Social Interamericano en Vine del liar. En dicha asamblea de organizacift
los delegados de Chile, Colombi , Ecuador, Perd y Venezuela se constituyeron
en Comisicin Nixta pare crear la Corporacidn de Fomento Andino, asociacift
comercial subregional dentro de la estructura de AIALC. Bolivia 1ngres6
en agosto de 1967. La idea de una agrupaciOn tel habfa sido concebida
el anterior agosto en Bogotd, en una reunift de los Presidentes de los
parses encuestt6n (0 sus representantes). La ComisiOn Nixta se ha reunido
varias veces desde junio de 1967 y ha designado y supervised? grupos tdcnicos
de trabajo que se ocupen de planificar y elaborar la carte fundamental de
la agrupacift as como estudios y acuerdos preliminares sobre varios aspectos
de la integraciOn andina. Se hara tratado tambidn cuestiones de controversia
tales como la eliminaciOn de las barreras arancelarias dentro de la region,
la creaci6n de un arancel exterior comdn--como el que tiene el NCC en
casi todos los renglones--, relaciones del Grup Andino con ALAI, etc.
El fmpetu inicial de la agrupacift ha disminuido algo por diferencias
que surgen de intereses nacionales, pero en febrero de este alio la Comisidn
Mixta adopt6 la carte., conocida como el pacto Andino. Luego de ser
ratificado el acuerdo por las naciones asociadas y entrar en vigencia le
agrupaciOn, la sede de 6sta se constituird en Caracas. (Venezuela
aportard como un 40 por ciento del capital pdblico inicial de 50 millones
de dOlares.) En una asamblea del grupo Andino a fines de mayo en
Quito se trat6 el tema de la creacift de una nueva Industrie petroqufnica
con respaldo de AIAIC. (AIAIC estaba entonces celebrando reuniones
tdcnicas en Montevideo.)
Otros Esfuerzos Nnitinacionales de Cooperacion
Algunas de las naciones Latinomericanas han tomado otras medidas
tendientes al desarrollo cooperativo, aunque fuera del memo de una
-2-
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CPYRGH
PRAVDA , Moscow
11 JukpplOod For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
C2ECH '2000 WORDS' SEEN AS OPEN ANTICOMMUNISM
Aleksandrov in PRAVDA
The Czechoslovak Communist Party is engaged in solving intricate and
crucial tasks of building socialism. It is known that at the January and
subsequent plenums of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee, mistakes
and shortcomings in leading the development of the. national economy and in the
activities of party and government organs in regard to the violation of Leninist
prinoiplos of socialist construction were subjected to oritioism. The
Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee stressed the necessity of
eliminating these mistakes and shortcomings in the interests of the consolidation
and further development of the socialist society of the .Czechoslovak Socialist
Republic. Measures designed to strengthen the economy, to develop socialist
democracy, enhance the leading role of the Communist Party in the life of the
society, and further develop the friendship between Czechoslovakia on one hand and
the Soviet Union and other socialist countries on the other were adopted.
The time that has elapsed since the January plenum of the Czechoslovak Communist
Party Central Committee has shown that the solution of problems facing the party
and the nation is impeded by difficulties caused primarily by the reactivization
and increasing subversion of rightwing, antisocialist forces. Forces in
Czechoslovakia hostile to socialism are striving to denigrate and discredit the
working class and the leading force in society; to undermine the foundations of the
-socialist state for the ultimate purpose of turninE Czechoslovakia back onto the
road of the restoration of capitalism. The enemies are trying to undermine the
friendship of Czechoslovakia with the Soviet Union and other fraternal countries.
The May plenum of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee emphasized that
in present circumstances the party considers it of the greatest importance not to
'tolerate any threat to the socialist character of power and social 'order on the part
of antisocialist and openly anticommunist forces. The plenum demanded that the
party's political leadership of the society be insured and all attempts to discredit
the party as a whole, to spread nonconfidence in the party and deny its moral and
political right to lead society and be the decisive political factor of socialist
state power be refuted.
The course of events in Czechoslovakia following the May plenum of the Czechoslovak
Communist Party Central Committee shows that the plenum's warnings were fully
justified. Rightwing antisocialist forces are continuing to increase malicious,
intensive attacks against the Communist Party and the socialist system. Many
of the undermining actions are, moreover, being made openlythrough the use of the
Czechoslovak press, radio, and television. Thum recently a so-called open letter was
published simultaneously in four Czechoslovak newspapers--LITERANI LIST?, PRACE,
ZEMEDELSKE NOVINY, and MLADA FRONTA--by a group of persons, entitled "2,000 Words"
and addressed to workers, peasants, employees, scientists, scientific workers, to
all citizens. This document constitutes a kind of platform of those forces in
Czechoslovakia and outside who, under cover of talk about liberalization,
democratization, and such, are trying to cancel out the entire history of
Czechoslovakia since 1948, and the socialist achievements of Czechoslovak workers,
to discredit the Czechoslovak Communist Party, and its leading role, to undermine
the Czechoslovak people's friendship with the peoples of fraternal socialist
states, to prepare the way for counterrevolution.
The authors of the document slander the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the 'socialist
system, alleging that a mistaken line by the leadership has turned the party-.froma,_
political party and ideological union into a great-power organization, that parliament"
N.-
is supposed to have lost its ability to debate problems, the government to rule,
direct, or to manage; that allegedly not a single organization has belonged to its
members, even the Communist Party, and that the Communist Party deserves no gratitude
at all. The statement in effect _praises bourgeoisOzaohoslovakia; sympathies,t,oward:"''.
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1
tee eapitaliet system are not concealed. Moreover, endeavoring to encourage the
eetivit4 of a nAlioe60.610 B.Wk Wbelei (beitffilSig,4004411 11511-e8m.'"fq
,inounce that tho ooming period will r be the eelsg ve one for .n .
Tey demand the adoption of their own decisions; they demand the use of such means
'es CT 3jf
AS demonstrations, strteos, and boycott to get rid of party cadres and leaders
dedicated to the cause of socialism who do not suit them. They demand the .theti:tutiii93L'
of their own clvilian committees and commissions locally, that is the seizure of
power. They promise to act by force of arms to promote that leadership to which ,
they will give their mandate,
ne "2,000 Words" statement, in spite of its hypocritical phrases about the defense
the interests of the Czechoslovak people, leaves no doubt about the real aims of
its authors. They speak in the name of those rightwing, antisocialist forces in
country which are waging an attack against the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the
working class. Every day brings fresh facts confirming that these forces are by
mewls concerned about the correation of any mistakes, about the further development,
.e
of Czechoslovakia along the road of socialism, but have embarked on the course of
overthrowing the existing system, and restoring capitalist ways. They do not say
this openly; most'freenently they conceal their real aims with phrases about demo-
cratization and declare their dedication to socialism. But in fact they are seeking
to undermine the very foundations of the socialist state.
Such tealties are not new. They were used at one time by counterrevolutionary elements,
in Hungary who attempted tn undermine the Hungarian people's socialist achieve-
merits in 1956. Now, 20 years later, the tactics of those who would like to under-
mine the foundations of socialism in Czechoslovakia have become even more sophistioate'd
and perfidious, and the Czechoslovak working people, all those who cherish the
aehievemenes of soeSalism, cannot but see the danger of the inciting Rnd provocative ,
eatiyaty urged by the document "2,000 Words." . eeim
Healthy forces in the party and the country regard this document as an neeneittack,..,e,
against the socialist system, against the loading role of the Czechoslovak Communist
Party, against Czeohoelovakia's friendship with the Soviet Union and other socialist..:,
eountrics. 'e?,e;
eeS,
The Presidium of the Czechesloyak Communist Party Central Committee, having discuseed
the statement, has reached the conclusion that this political platform opened up
path to anticommunist tendencies, that it was an attack against the present leader-'
Ahip of the Czechesiovais Communist PartY and of the state, which compels them to
reaerS to the struggle against the offensive of the disorganizing antisocialforces...,
JG
On the oceaeion of the appearance of "2,000 Words" the Central Committee of the :lee.e
Slcvak Communist Party stated: Our people do not conceal their anxiety about the
fate of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic.- They want to have political and. legal,
guarantees. The appeal has not found support and a social:basis in Slovakia.
.1.:
It was described as an attack and incitement against the republic since it
demanded that new organs of power be set up and illegal levers of government be
used. It calls for the taking over of power by such means and such people, whose
interests and aims remain unknown.
The publication of "2000 Words" has provoked many comments in the country. The
majority of party organizations of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, communists who
spoke at district conferences held recently, have condemned this counterrevolutionary
platform. The response to it by the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist
'Republic and of the National Front was negative. At the National Assembly session
Deputy Kodaj justly said that the "2000 Words" was a call for counterrevolution.
Sharp criticism is being leveled at the statement by public organizations,
collectives, enterprises, and offices.
At the time when party conferences and workers collectives, proceeding from the
interests of strengthening socialism in the country and fraternal friendship of
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2
C FArRG H
the Czechoslovak people with the peoples of the Soviet Union and other socialist
countrietpprevetrFbreReleaEtea2M5g18/nla : sGtAREW7MAIMAPSALIMPAS1444akia ,
some organs of the press and information in Czechoslovakia have assumed a special
position. The newspapers PRACE, ZEMEDELSKE NOVINY, MLADA FRONTA, and Prague radio
and television are striving to influence public opinion to support the "2000 Words"
statement. At the same time they attempt to create the impression that they are
speaking on behalf of the people.
'Judging by what the Czechoslovak press says, certain reactionary-minded journalists
and writers are coming out in support of this position. They are the very same
people who on a number of occasions have urged putting an end to the leading role
or the Czechoslovak COmmUnist Party. Reverting to such A demooreoy in effect
would have meant restoring capitalism. It is precisely these people who are
coming out in defense of the statement "2000 Wards" and are trying to present it
as the last word of some wondrous socialist democracy; they are in a hurry to
attach a conservative label to all those who oppose this counterrevolutionary
document.
Regrettably, certain leading figures in Czechoslovakia have made ambiguous'state-
ments in which they try to minimize the danger inherent in the counterrevolutionary
"2000 Words" by insisting that the fact of its publication should not be
overdramatized.
The rightwinFr forces hostile to socialism were quick to exploit the fact that
certain people deem it aecessary to gloss over the inflamatory nature of the
document and to blunt the edge of the criticism of it leveled by the Czechoslovak
working people. Lately these forces with the assistance of certain press organs,
have mounted an offensive and extensive propaganda concerning "2000 Words."
It is now more obvious than ever that the statement "2,000 Words" is by no means
an isolated phenomenon, but evidence of the activization of the rightWing and
actually counterrevolutionary forces in Czechoslovakia which are evidently
associated with imperialist reaction. They have shifted to fierce attacks against
the Czechoslovak Communist Party as such, against the foundations of socialist
statehood. The forces hostile to the Czechoslovak people seem to be in a hurry
to exploit the unstable situation which has arisen in the country in order to
reach their counterrevolutionary objectives.
No small role is played in this by the support such forces find among the imperialists
in the West, and this is clearly seen in the publication of "2,000 Words."
And if there still are some people in Czechoslovakia who have any illusions about the
real meaning of this statement, the utterances in the bourgeois American press, as well
as in the bourgeois press of Western Europe, dispel these illusions. The enemies of
socialism regard this document as yet another welcome step along the road which might
lead to the softening of the socialist regime in Czechoslovakia and to the restoration
of capitalism. One must say bluntly that it would be difficult to find simpletons that
would believe that the New York TIMES, DIE WELT, LE FIGARO, and the DAILY TELEGRAPH are
anxious over the process of liberalization in Czechoslovakia because they want its
socialist system to be strengthened.
C PYR
The Soviet people are bound to the Czechoslovak people by firm ties of friendship and
brotherhood sealed in the blood of the joint struggle against the Hitlerite invaders.
Ws are united by common aims in the struggle for the triumph of socialism and communism,
for the strengthening of peace and security in Europe and throughout the world. It is
no wonder that the letter from members of the national aktiv of the People's Militia
of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic addressed to the Soviet people found such wide
response in the Soviet Union. Workers of our country savvin that letter an expression
of the Czechoslovak workers' serious concern for the destiny of their socialist homeland,
an unshakable resolve to defend the people's achievements against all attemnts, to Fr,ive
a firm rebuff to antisonialiSt and anti-Soviet intrigues;; to strengthen the fraternal
union ..of the Soviet-and Czechoslovak peoples:. Workers-of Moscow, Leningrad, Kievand:
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3
3 H
CPYRGH
Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
many other cities ofoUr country, understanding and sharing the concern.of Czechoslovak:
communists and the working class' of the Czechoslovak Socialiet.Republio, are.responding
to the letter of the Czechoslovak.comrades with sincere friendship and proletarian
solidarity.
The peoples of other socialist countries are closely following the events in Czechoslovak
Commenting on the "2,000 Words: statement, the paper RABOTNICHESKO DELO, organ of the
Bulgarian Communist Party Central Committee, states: Today in Czechoslovakia attempts
to undermine the party's authority and to liquidate its leading role, to destroy the
people's unity embodied in the National Pront,,have become faehiondble and widespread.
However, theme attempts are in fast aimed at dealing a blow to the existing Social
system, driving the country onto a dangerous, reckless course. Our society cannot
remain indifferent at a time when the foundations of socialism in a friendly; fraternal
country are being subjected to attack: when reactionary forces are engaged in incitement
and when calls are heard for anarchy and for making short shrift of sons and daughters
true to socialism.
The paper NEPSZABADSA0, organ of the MSZMP Central Committee, says: We have also
experienced in many senses similar periods, and well know from our own experience
what thought and intent are concealed behind the wording of the "2,000 Words.", Those
who come forth against the people's rule, the socialist system, and its lawful order
must be fought by the means that are most effective, which are essential in the given
situation. The people of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are aware that
the actions of certain antisocialist forces can seriously upset the further successful
development of fraternal Czechoslovakia. They regard the "2,000 Words" statement as
an open attack against the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the socialist state, against
the socialist achievements of the Czechoslovak people.
They express confidence that Czechoslovak communists and all workers of
Czechoslovakia, profoundly interested in strengthening the socialist foundations
in the country, will know how to give a decisive rebuff to the reactionary
'antisocialist forces, to defend the achievements of the republic won by the ,great
effort of millions of people, and insure the further development of their homeland
along the road of socialise', friendship, and fraternal collaboration with all
social states.
' In the struggle to strengthen socialism in their country and for the friendship
of the peoples of socialist states, the working class and all workers of Czechoslo-'
vakia can always rely on the understanding and full support of the people of the
ISoviet country.
r,
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Mar
CPYRGH
the Czechoslovak people with the peoples of the Soviet Union and other socialist
countriAPIVAVIZtli Rim Relpamtano*PAA7 ictIMI.PF7/419M1414109409/14MMakia,
some organs of the press and information in Czechoslovakia have assumed a special
position. The newspapers MACE, ZEMEDELSKE NOVINY, MLADA FRONTA, and Prague radio
and television are striving to influence public opinion to support the "2000 Words"
statement. At the same time they attempt to create the impression that they are
speaking on behalf of the people.
Judging by what the Czechoslovak press says, certain reactionary-minded journalists
and writers are coming out in support of this position. They are the very same
people who on a number of occasions have urged putting an end to the leading role
of the Czeohoslovak Communist Party. Reverting to such a democracy in effect
would have meant restoring capitalism. It is precisely these people who are
coming out in defense of the statement "2000 Words" and are trying to present it
as the last word of some wondrous socialist democracy; they are in a hurry to
attach a conservative label to all those who oppose this counterrevolutionary
document.
Regrettably, certain leading figures in Czechoslovakia have made ambiguous'state-
ments in which they try to minimize the danger inherent in the counterrevolutionary
"2000 Words" by insisting that the fact of its publication should not be
overdramatized.
The rightwing forces hostile to socialism were quick to exploit the fact that
certain people deem it necessary to gloss over the inflamatory nature of the
document and to blunt the edge of the criticism of it leveled by the Czechoslovak
working people. Lately these forces with the assistance of certain press organs,
have mounted an offensive and extensive propaganda concerning "2000 Words."
It is now more obvious than ever that the statement "2,000 Words" is by no means
an isolated phenomenon, but evidence of the activization of the rightWing and
actually counterrevolutionary forces in Czechoslovakia which are evidently
associated with imperialist reaction. They have shifted to fierce attacks against
the Czechoslovak Communist Party as such, against the foundations of socialist
statehood. The forces hostile to the Czechoslovak people seem to be in a hurry
to exploit the unstable situation which has arisen in the country in order to
reach their counterrevolutionary objectives.
No small role is played in this by the support such forces find among the imperialists
in the West, and this is clearly seen in the publication of "2,000 Words."
And if there still are some people in Czechoslovakia who have any illusions about the
real meaning of this statement, the utterances in the bourgeois American press, as well
as in the bourgeois press of Western Europe, dispel theSe illusions. The enemies of
socialism regard this document as yet another welcome step along the road which might
lead to the softening of the socialist: regime in Czechoslovakia and to the restoration
of capitalism. One must say bluntly that it would be difficult to find simpletons that.
would believe that the New York TIMES, DIE WELT, LE FIGARO, and the DAILY TELEGRAPH are
anxious over the process of liberalization in Czechoslovakia because they want its
socialist system to be strengthened.
The Soviet people are bound to the Czechoslovak people by firm ties of friendship and .
brotherhood sealed in the blood of the joint struggle against the Hitlerite invaders..
We are united by common aims in the struggle for thetriumph of socialism and communism,
for the strengthening of peace and security in Europe and throughout the world.. It is
no wonder that the letter from members of the national aktiv of. the . People's Militia.
of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic addressed to the Soviet people found such wide .
response in the Soviet Union. Workers of our country saw' In that letter an expression
of the CzechoslOvak workers' serious concern for the destiny of their socialist homeland,
an unshakable resolve to defend the people's achievements. against all attempts, to give
a firm rebuff to antisonialiat and anti-Soviet intrigueSi...to. strengthen.the.fraternal .
union of the Soviet:and Czechoslovak peopIds4. Workers .tlf Moscow,.Leningrad,:Kievand
Approved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
CPYRGHT
PRAVDA, Mos cow
U. July 1 roved For Release 2005/08/17 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400030035-8
;
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