BI-WEEKLY PROPAGANDA GUIDANCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 55
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 12, 2000
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: May 22, 1967
• Content Type: PERRPT

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? Output should not follow too closely the language or style of these
guidances, lest it appear to have a common origin.
Significant Dates
Media Lines*
Briefly Noted*
Advertisement
25X1 C
? NUMBERING: Items with numbers alone are sent to all stations;
items with area letters and small letters are given selected distribution;
small letters indicate the following content-a, revisionism; b. agricul-
ture; c. religion; d. intelligentsia; e. labor; f. youth and students; g.
nationalism, neutralism; and h. black propaganda.
22 May 1967
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Significant Dates
JUL
[ASTERISK DENOTES ANNIVERSARIES. All others are CURRENT EVENTS]
21*
Armistice ends Vietnamese war between French and Viet Minh forces.
1954.
23
Soviet Navy Day.
23*
Geneva Agreements guaranteeing independence and neutrality of Laos signed by
14 nations. 1962. FIFTH ANNIVERSARY.
28
(+o August 5) First conference of Latin American Solidarity Organization
(LASO: Communist front growing out of Tri-Continental Conference, Havana,
January 1966).
AUG
1*
Warsaw Uprising begins; later crushed by Germans while Red Army refuses and
blocks assistance. 1944.
2-9
World Confederation of Organizations of the Teaching Profession, 16th Assembly,
Vancouver, Canada. (Non-Communist.)
6*
U.S. drops atomb bomb on Hiroshima. 1945.
8*
Soviet Union declares war on Japan. 1945.
14*
Japan surrenders to Allies. 1945.
15*
Republic of Indonesia proclaimed. (After four years of intermittent warfare,
Netherlands transferred sovereignty to interim Indonesian government 2 Novem-
ber 1949.) 1950.
20*
Leon Trotsky murdered in Mexico City. 1940.
23*
Soviet Union and Nazi Germany conclude non-aggression pact, opening way for
German attack on Poland,. and its partition between Germany and the USSR.
1939.
25*
Paris liberated by Free French forces with U.S. Army. 1944.
27*
Kellogg-Briand Pact (Treaty of Paris) signed, renouncing war as instrument
of policy.
28 Aug-Sept 2. 10th International Congress of Linguists, Bucharest. (Includes
non-Communist participants.)
SEP
I* Germany invades Poland; World War II begins. 1939.
3-8 17th Pugwash Conference on "Scientists and World Affairs," Ronneby, Sweden.
8 Summit meeting of Organization of African Unity, Kinshasa, Congo.
II* Constituent Assembly election, South Vietnam. Despite Viet Cong threats,
80.8% of voters turn out. 1966.
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M edict Lines
22 May 1967
Swedish Communists Stop Publishing WORLD MARXIST REVIEW. As of the
beginning of this year, the Swedish Communist Party (SKP) ceased publica-
tion of INTERNATIONELL REVY (International Review), the Swedish edition
of the Soviet-sponsored international monthly, WORLD MARXIST REVIEW/PROB-
LEMS OF PEACE AND SOCIALISM. Declining circulation was given as the rea-
son, and indeed the magazine had only an average monthly circulation of
approximately 1,000. Some copies were distributed in Finland, Norway and
Denmark. According to other reports, the magazine was considered too
"orthodox" by the present "revisionist" leaders of the Swedish Communist
Party (SKP). Whatever the reason, (and it was probably a combination of
the two cited above), Communist publications in Europe have steadily dec-
lined in circulation and influence during the past twenty years, -- a
fact which has been underscored by numerous items in this column during
the past several months.
IZVESTIYA Begins a Comic Strip. The Soviet Government's leading
daily, IZVESTIYA (News), has recently inaugurated a comic strip, which to
date has been used chiefly to draw attention to shortcomings in Soviet
services by the use of heavy-handed humor. One strip showed a pipe-smok-
ing engineer with a Dagwood haircut, naturally named Ivan Ivanich, buy-
ing a pair of roller skates so he could hitch a ride on the back of one
of Moscow's overcrowded buses. Another showed him treating 18 families
to drinks at an outdoor fruit stand because restaurants were too full.
"Ivan Ivanich" is believed to be the first comic strip in any of the more
authoritative Soviet newspapers. (Sample attached) (Unclassified)
Castro Government Building Vast Radio Network. Communist Cuba is
well on the road to possessing one of the world's more powerful inter-
national broadcasting complexes. In February 1967, at Holguin in Oriente
Province, the Cubans opened a 150,000 watt medium wave facility, which
is three times as powerful as the most powerful U.S. commercial stations.
(The power of U.S. domestic stations is restricted by the FCC to 50,000
watts) Now a 50,000 watt Cuban station has been opened at Cocucum,
only 15 miles from the Holguin facility, These are only two of six
powerful transmitters ordered from Czechoslovakia. To date nothing is
known of Cuban plans for the other four. The two stations already on
the air are so powerful as to interfere seriously with domestic broad-
casts in the U.S.A., and in neighboring countries in the Caribbean and
Central America. As Cuba is a signatory to the North American Regional
Broadcast Agreement on the use of broadcasting frequencies, there may be
formal protests over the interference caused by the Cuban stations.
Observers speculate that Cuba is hastening the development of Communist
propaganda facilities in connection with the "Solidarity Conference of
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(MEDIA LINES CONT.)
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the Latin American Peoples", scheduled to open in Havana on 28 July.
Cuban broadcasts to date proclaim that "revolution" will be the central
theme of this conference. (UNCLASSIFIED)
On this conference, see also Briefly Noted in this issue.
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" (MEDIA LINES.)
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CPYRGHT
HBAH JIBAHbILI COBETYET-
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TOM B 4acb1 ?nHH*. HaAeeuc,. NTO ropoACHNe COBeTbI HaRAyT H APYrMe Cno-
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(SPORTING
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IZVESTIYA
April 23, 1967
At the request of Yu. M. Aksenov of the city Hiepaya, Ivan Ivanych
today solves the problem of "peak-hour" transportation for our city
dwellers. We hope that city Soviets (councils) will find still other
means. Perhaps less original, but no less radical.
NN
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22 May 1967
Briefly Noted 0000"
Czechs and Six Spies Tried in Two
East Germans Days.
Run Agents Two espionage cases,
in France involving six per-
sons, were recently
tried behind closed doors in the Cour
de la Surete de 1'Etat in Paris. On
26 April, two men who had spied for
Czechoslovakia were condemned to eight
and four year sentences. Stephan Kri-
govsky, who received the longer sen-
tence, had once been a General Secre-
tary of Communist Youth in Bratislava
- showing again, as in the cases of
Shelepin and Semichastny of the Kom-
somol and theKGB, that there is.a
close affinity between Communist youth
work and Communist intelligence acti-
vity. Jean Sarady, who was condemned
along with Krigovsky, had been a pro-
fessor at a religious institution in
Toulouse and, as Krigovsky had done,
had wornreligious garb and had passed
himself off as a priest. The two men,
who had sought to gather information
.on Czech emigres in France and on the
French "Concorde" aircraft, had been
arrested in Toulouse in January 1966.
The other case, tried on 27 April,
concerned, two married couples who had
spied for East Germany, Hans and
Marianne Bammler and Peter and Renee
Kranick. Each of them had been paid
60,000 francs a year (about $12,000),
and this had contributed to their
downfall; Mme. Bammler worked as a
housekeeper and rode in an expensive
car, a discrepancy which attracted
attention. Her husband had been re-
cruited in 1960 while working in East
Berlin, and had later assumed a new
identity in Egypt, had acquired Swiss
citizenship, and had moved to Paris in
1963. Peter Kranick had been enlisted
by the East Germans when involved in
an East Berlin traffic accident while
he was working for the French Mili-
tary Government in West Berlin; he
met his wife while she was working
for the same organization. She
later was employed in the West Ger-
man Embassy in Paris and then by
NATO. French counter-espionage
agents surprised the couples in bed
one morning, and found in their
lodgings a hollow statue concealing
a miniature camera and codes. They
had sent postcards with pictures of
flowers, but the flowers were sprin-
kled with microdots. The two couples
had sought information on NATO. Sen-
tences given were: Peter Kranick -
20 years; Hans Bammler - 18 years;
Renee Kranick - 14 years; Marianne
Bammler - 12 years. (A French ver-
sion of the story, from which the
above is taken, appeared in PRESS
COMMENT on 9 May 1967.) 25X1 C10b
Castro p Zans Conference of Latin
More Mischief American Solidarity
Organization.
(Full
background and guidance on this
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BRIEFLY NOTED CONT.)
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important conference will follow well
in advance of the conference.) The
first conference of the Latin American
Solidarity Orgainzation (LASO) will
meet in Havana from July 28 to August 5
under the slogan, "The duty of every
revolutionary is to make revolution."
Delegations from 27 Latin American
countries and territories are expected
to attend.
LASO is an outgrowth of the Tri
Continental Conference (TRICON) of
the Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples
Solidarity Organization, which met in
Havana in January 1966. TRICON issued
a resolution supported by the Soviet
delegation, calling for armed struggle
for "national liberation." Castro
has since criticized the Soviet Union
for insufficient support to guerrilla
groups. At the LASO conference Castro
will attempt to strengthen his contro:'_
over the Latin American guerrilla
movement and will seek to emerge as
the leader of Latin American Commu-
nists.
The agenda for the conference
concentrates on revolutionary strug-
gle and armed insurrection for "na-
tional liberation" by workers, pea-
sants, students, and intellectuals;
the danger to the "national libera-
tion" movement presented by reforms
that alleviate conditions that cause
people to struggle for "national
liberation"; unifying opposition to
"imperialist" actions in the politi-
cal-military, economic, ideological,
and cultural fields; defense of the
Cuban Revolution and opposition to
"imperialist" economic and political
isolation of Cuba. The Inter-American
Peace Force, the OAS, the Central
American Defense Council, military
bases and pacts, "imperialist" finan-
cial resources and foreign trade, and
"imperialist" influence on society
and culture, are all scheduled for
discussion.
The conference is also to dis-
cuss a "sociological survey" conducted
by LASO on the political, economic,
cultural, racial, and religious
structure of each Latin American
country. The declared purpose of the
survey is to provide detailed know-
ledge for the development of a com-
mon revolutionary strategy and of
means of support for revolutionary
grouses.
The composition of delegates
to the conference is disputed among
Latin American Communists. In several
countries the "fidelistas" -- the
extreme revolutionary splinter groups,
some being semi-isolated bands of
guer:^illas .-- are in conflict with
the officiaL pro-Soviet Communist
Parties of their countries. Castro
wants a conference in which most
delegations will represent the ex-
treme revolutionary groups, and which
will provide him with a base for
gaining greater control over Commu-
nist groups throughout Latin America.
The organizers hope that LASO
will emerge from the conference as
a fully structured organization.
Plans for a LASO Bulletin, for in-
stance, are underway. LASO's emphasis,
however, is on armed revolutionary
struggle, and the Conference is
expected to aim mainly at estab-
lishing unity among the various revo-
lutionary groups.
Why Do They The Refugee: Symbol
Still Leave? of 50 Years of Commu-
nism
A 31 March
LONDON TIMES dispatch from Vienna
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reported that approximately 100 East
Europeans who were attending the world
ice hockey championships had requested
political asylum in Austria. In
Austria alone 3,850 persons were
granted asylum in 1966.
Flights from the communist world
have become quite common. Yet the
refugee's decision to leave his home-
land is an experience filled with
pathos. Although escape from some
countries may be easier, the refugee
is often separated from his family
and friends, possibly for life. Still
the exodus continues away from commu-
nist states -- rarely the other way.
An unclassified background paper
gives data on the number of people who
have "voted with their feet."
REF: USIA Study 66-SM-132:
"The Refugee: Symbol of the 1917-
1967 Era."
ADVERTISEMENT
# # # # # # # # # # # #
#
# You can't tell the Fronts with-
out a Scorecard We try to help you know
#
# the score with our guidances on
the international and popular
#
# fronts. Now we have received an
outstanding report on the most
#
# dangerous front group now in
operation: USIA's survey
#
# P-13-67 of April 20, 1967: "THE
VIET CONG: THE FRONT TECHNIQUE."
#
It uses careful analysis and
documentation to show how tech-
#
# niques perfected through 50
years of Communism are now being
#
# adapted to the uses of the Viet-
namese "War of Liberation."
We urge you to get copies
#
# from your local USIA represent a-
tive.*
#C10b
*NOTE: USIA circulated this re-
port to all its Far East posts and to
Beirut, Bonn, Geneva, Lagos, London,
Mexico City, Nairobi, New Delhi,
Rio de Janerio, and Rome. If you
cannot obtain locally, request copies
from Headquarters.
3
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1 A00040006OW041967
1125. VIETNAM: "NON-ALIGNED" CONFERENCE IN STOCKHOLM
WPC Prepares to Manipulate Pacifists
25X1C10b
SITUATION: (UNCLASSIFIED) On the initiative of some Swedish
pacifists, a World Conference on Vietnam will be held in Stockholm,
Sweden from 6 to9 July. The initial promoters of the Conference are the
prominent leftist pacifist, Bertil Svahnstr8m, a Swedish council member
of the Britain-headquartered, non-Communist International Confederation
for Disarmament and Peace (ICDP) and the Communist-influenced Swedish
Peace and Arbitration Society (SPAS), a,Swedish peace organization formed
in 1883 of which Svahnstr8m is a leading member. The Conference will take
place under the SPAS' titular auspices.
At least eight international peace organizations', including the
World Peace Council (WPC), have promised to take part in the Stockholm
Conference, and there is increasing evidence that the WPC is seizing the
initiative from the non-aligned, leftist/pacifist sponsors and supporters.
At the WPC's Presidential Committee meeting in Prague (February
215-27,,,1967), Vietnam and European security were the main topics and
considerable importance was attached to the Stockholm conference. In
March, Romesh Chandra, the Indian secretary general of the WPC, stated
that Vietnam would be virtually the sole focus of attention for the WPC
over the next few months, In his report at Prague on the work, program,
and organizational problems of the WPC, Chandra underlined the need for
cooperation among various social and, political groupings (i.e. united
fronts); and said that every effort should be made to isolate the USA
and by these tactics force her to agree to talks about Vietnam.
WPC, ICDP, International Fellowship for Reconciliation, Internation-
al Peace Bureau (Geneva), Women's International League for Peace and
Freedom, War Resisters' International, Amnesty International, Inter-
national Committee of Conscience on Vietnam; and the National Co-
ordinating Committee to End the War, in Vietnam, the American
Friends Service Committee, and the Swedish Peace and Arbitration
Society.
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About 350 to 400 delegates are expected to participate in the Confer-
ence, including representatives of North Vietnam and of the National Front
for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NFLSV)., Many national committees,
especially in Europe, but also in such countries as I.-,he UAR and India,
have been formed to prepare for the meeting. A spec:.al effort is being
made to obtain impressive representation from countries 'which support the
American war effort in Vietnam. The organizing comrn::.ttee drew up a list
of the appropriate numbers of delegates from each country, e.g.,25 from
Sweden, 20 from the great powers. down to one from Luxembourg and New
Zealand. Svahnstr8m, chairman of the organizing committee (Address:
Jungfrugatan 30, Stockholm c.), wrote a lengthy article on the forthcom-
ing Conference which appeared in the March issue of the WPC's publication,
PERSPECTIVES. f= Note: Information contained in the article as
to the purpose of the meeting and the procedures to be followed is borne
out in classified reporting. Svahnstr8m says inter alia:
"The idea behind the initiative is to coordinate a worldwide
public opinion for the common aim to stop the Vietnam war, to ex-
plore the ways and means most likely to lead to results, and to pre-
sent the case of the Vietnamese people in a way strong enough to
make the 'war lords in Washington' listen."
Svahnstr8m also related that after informal preliminary talks of represen-
tatives of peace groups in Stockholm (29-30 October),, the meeting released
a press communique, which said in part:
"...consideration was given to the proposal... for... a conference
to initiate efforts to end the war in Vietnam and to ensure indepen-
dence for the Vietnamese pecple in accordance with the Geneva agree-
ments of 1954. The meeting decided to bring together representatives...
from parliaments, trade unicns, religious bodies, universities and
other groups from all continents. Experts in various fields are
being invited to join in the preparation of documents to be distribu-
ted in advance of the conference..."
Organizing and editorial committees (the ICDP is in charge of the editor-
ial committee; address: Gerry Hunnius, general secretary, ICDP, 3 Handon
Ave., London N.3)* were formed at the October meeting;. The two committees
met in Stockholm on 16-17 December and issued a communique which stated in
part
It is interesting to note that the WPC has tried to play
down Hunnius's ICDP identification, apparently not wanting to adver-
tise unnecessarily its tactical collaboration with the ICDP. (END
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(.1125 Cont.)
11 P~
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by the conference participants...(END UNCLASSIFIED)
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"...national organizations affiliated with the sponsoring inter-
national organizations are being asked to join together to obtain
broad [Ed: i.e. united front] support for the conference and ensure
effective reresentation.in it from their respective countries. It
was decided that the conference would carry out its work principally
in working groups in each of which people with similar special train-
ing or interests would work together. They will include working
groups of international lawyers, scientists, trade unionists, religious
organizations, women and youth movements. A commission will be formed
to study the means of influencing the policies of governments now
allied with the U.S. in NATO and other military pacts. Another commission
will examine, the ways in which non-aligned countries may be able to
help end the war in Vietnam and secure Vietnamese independence."
',',..Experts in various fields will prepare authoritative reports.
It,is planned that among them will-be papers on Vietnam's struggle for
freedom, and independence; escalation of the war in Vietnam; international
law and the war in Vietnam; use of. -napalm, poison as and other weapons
.of mass annihilation in Vietnam; peace initiatives -- real and decep-
tivea growing g isolation of the USA in the world, resulting from the
war in.Viet},am.* These reports will be circulated in advance for study
25X1C10b
Amnesty International is preparing reports on arbitrary
arrest, political imprisonment, treatment of prisoners and torture in
Vietnam; ICDP on peace initiatives: WPC and ICDP jointly on the growing
isolation of. the U.S.; and WPC on material assistance for Vietnam by
non-governmental organizations. (E_
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(1125 Ccnt.)
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25X1C10b
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mmmafidwbdmp~ (1125)
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1126 INTERNATIONAL O,RGANIZATIQN Q.F J,OURNA,iJS~S
CAI M' Y Y Tr 1 R~ "
~"~
A
A Front for Molding Public Opinion 25X1C1Ob
SITUATION: (UNCLASSIFIED) The Communist-front International
Organization of Journalists (IOJ) is much smaller, more specialized and
less,in evidence than the mass.membershp fronts with which it cooperates
closely, and it is particularly important to the Communist propaganda
structure because of these very characteristics. It seeks to influence
those who report, analyze and disseminate news, and, equally important,
it serves to reinforce the campaigns of the larger fronts by publiciz-
ing and participating in their activities. Thus, it is not surprising
that the IOJ has announced it will be represented at the World Conference
for Peace in Vietnam to be held in Stoclcholm, 6-9 July1967. (See
Item #11255, this BPG. For IOJ positions on the Vietnam problem, see
unclassified attachment.) IOJ President Jean-Maurice Hermann (who is
also Secretary General of the French Journalists' Union, an affiliate
of the Communist-controlled Confederatipn Generale du Travail) frankly
admits that the IOJ is a political as well as a trade union organization.
This was not always so.
I. .:
The IOJ was founded in Copenhagen in June 1946 as a world-wide
successor to the International Federation of Journalists of Allied and
Free Countries which., in turn, had been formed in London in 1941 to re-
place the International Federation of.Journalists (IFJ)., paralyzed by
the Axis occupation of most of continental Europe. The IOJ, initially
headquartered in London, was a bona fide journalists' organization only
during the first year of its existence., At the Second Congress (Prague,
June 1947), the Soviet Bloc delegations although not in a majority,
'achieved voting control, moved the IOJ headquarters to Prague, and
installed a Czech Communist in the key position of Secretary General-
Treasurer, By the eve of the Third Congress, finally held in Helsinki
in 1950, the exodus of non-Communist affiliates had left the IOJ composed
entirely of Communists and fellow-travelers. When its first President,
Archibald Kenyon,, a distinguished British journalist, resigned in late
1949, he labeled the IOJ a Party puppet and a Cominform tool. It has
continued under Soviet control and manipulation ever since, initially
treating its rivals (the non-Communist IFJ was reconstituted in 1952;
its headquarters are in Brussels)with scorn and abuse; but since the mid-
50's it has more relied on united front tactics, urging Western and
neutralist journalists to cooperate and collaborate with the IOJ on
common objectives.
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The IOJ's unity campaign oJDened in Helsinki in June 1956 with the
first International Meeting of Journalists (IMJ),"a great gathering
irrespective of political or other distinctions from all parts of the
world." The IFJ refused to participate, pointing out that its affiliates
had helped to found the IOJ, had withdrawn because of the "persistent
use of its forum for virulent political propaganda," and added: "It is
not possible for us to consider a reunification until a radical change
is effected in the conditions of the press in those countries which are
represented by national organizations in tae IOJ." The IFJ has also
declined all subsequent overtures. A number of Afro-Asian and Latin
American journalists were, however, drawn into the planning for the
meeting, and an even larger number attended. Among the neutralist dele-
gates, enthusiasm for international journalists' unity waxed so strong
that the IOJ found itself in danger of losing control. President
Heimann even declared IOJ's willingness to dissolve -- if the IFJ would
follow suit. The final outcome was the establishment of a Committee
"representing the East and the West, as well as neutral countries,"
which subsequently assumed the name of the "International Corm-nittee for
Cooperation of Journalists" (ICCJ). This body, a still ill-disguised
IOJ subsidiary -- a front for the front, so to speak -- is now head-
quartered in Rome.
In the intervening years, the ICCJ has held a not very successful
2nd IMJ in Baden, Austria, in October 1960 and a 3rd meeting in September-
October 1963. This last conference was somewhat more successful;, partic-
ularly among Africans and Arabs because it was convened aboard the
Russian liner "Litva", cruising the Mediterranean. (The Chinese boy-
cotted the meeting because of its Soviet control.) At each port of
call -- Naples, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Port Said and Beirut -- meetings
were held with local leaders and journalists. A 4th IMJ, suggested for
Summer 1967 in Latin America, now appears unlikely :before 1.968, and the
site is still undetermined.
Meanwhile, the parent IOJ finally held its IVtl1 Congress after a
lapse of 8 years in May 1958 (Bucharest) , its Vth in August =.962 (Buda-
pest), and its VIth in October 1.966 (East Berlin). The VIIth is sched-
uled to be held in Havana in 1970.
During this period, the IO_-, although not ignoring the rather diffi-
cult target represented by the Journalists of the developed) non-Communist
world, has gradually intensified its interest in the developing areas
with the primary objective of influencing the growing numbers of jour-
nalists of Africa, Asia and Latin America. In those areas, IOJ offi-
cials have traveled regularly, initiating and. maintaining contacts; IOJ
has enlarged its membership, both organizational and individual, and has
elected officials from those areas.
In 1961, the IOJ announced its "Three Year Plan for the Development
of the Press, Radio and Television in Africa, Asia and Latin America"
with the intent of "a more rapid elimination of the remnants of
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colonialism", The Plan (which ends this year but will presumably be
extended by the Executive Committee at its next meeting in Ulan Bator,
6-9 September 1967) covers gifts of equipment, limited financial aid
through the IOJ's International Solidarity Fund, and -- above all --
training.
In the field of journalistic training, the IOJ and its Czechoslovak
and East German national affiliates operated informally for a number of
years, offering individuals opportunities for travel and observation.
In late 1963 and early 196)4, however, training activities were formalized.
The ?OJ opened its International Center for the Training of Journalists
from the Developing Countries, offeringe3-month courses, in Budapest.
mWWWWO The IOJ is also reported to be considering the establishment
of an Institute of Press Study and Communications Media sometime in
1967. END } The Union of (East) German Journalists operates the
"School of Solidarity" near Berlin, offering 6-12 months courses for
African, Asian and Latin American GOPFRFFA''Its Director
recently claimed to have graduated 60 journalists so far, and to have 20
students from 9 African and Asian countries in the current (5th) course.
END The Union of Czechoslovak Tournal_ists and the Czech News
Agency (CTK) jointly operate the International School for News Agency
Journalism and Techniques, where instruction includes practical on-the-
job training in CTK's bureaus. In addition, the USSR's educational
activities must not be overlooked. Fu_l scholarships, including those
offered to journalism students, play a significant role in the Soviet
plan for long-range influence on the molding of public opinion in the
developing areas.
Among other activities, both the Czech and East German affiliates
will assist the host Union of Journalis s of Cuba in organizing a
Seminar for Latin American Journalists .n Havana sometJme during Summer
1967. Both, as'well as the IOJ, are publishing journalism text books.
All, with some CTK participation, have assisted variously in a few local
courses and seminars -- in Mali, Guinea, Algeria and Afghanistan.
CTK has cooperative agreements with, among others,
Tanzania and Afghanistan; the 10J has offered assistance to the Kenya
News Agency. END
IOJ activities in ,the, developing areas appear to have had success
in Africa, where the front is operating in its own name, through the
development of personal and sometimes inconspicuous relationships, and 11 also through the Pan-African Union of Journalists (PAUJ) which'it helped
to establish in 1961. The PAUJ, headed, by IOJ Vice President Jean-
Baptiste Deen of Guineas is analogous in the journalists' field to the
All-African Trade Union Federation and bras also controlled by Nkrumah
until hisfall, Following the February 1966 coup in
Ghana, Deen caused a slight ripple of doubt by sandwiching a trip to
Peking "between two visits to Prague, but showed no evidence of being
other than pro-Soviet at the VIth Congress. END __-
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In Asia, the IOJ has followed the "travel and personal contact"
route with some minor success. For example, Secretary General Jiri
Meisner visited India in the summer of 1966 and was able to arrange a
liaison committee for Indian re-presentatio.ra at the VIth Congress. The
All-China Journalists Association and the Union of Albanian Journalists
are still listed as IOJ affilia-:es, but neither was represented at the
VIth Congress or the Executive Committee meeting which preceded. it in
September. The Sino-Soviet split is a fact of life in the IOJ. The
split was already widening when the IOJ-?supported Afro-Asian Journalists'
Conference was held in Bandung in April 1963. The :;hinese and Indones-
ians gained control of the meeting and of the Afro-Asian Journalists'
Association (AAJA) which was formed there. The AAJA, though, is not the
rival it once was. It was never able to garner more than hard pro-
Peking support in Africa, its Center in Djakarta has disintegrated, and
it now has apparently no real strength in Asia.
In Latin America, the IOJ claims "an affiliated organization in
every country, and one in three journalists as a member". The published
roster (See unclassified attachment) lists groups in 13 countries,
excluding Cuba, 9 of which were admitted at the VItha Congress. The IOJ
has long hoped to establish a controlled federation to oppose the non-
Communist Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen.: Such a
federation will undoubtedly be discussed again at the Summer 1967 Havana
Seminar. The IOJ did help to establish, in 1962, a Commission for Infor-
mation and Cooperation Among Latin American Journal: :sts (CICPLA) which
maintains an office in Montevide'c, and publishes an occasicnal bulletin.
An IOJ Executive Committee meeting was held in Santago, Chile, in
September 1963 -- the last at which Communist China was represented.
The sessions were closed, probably in well-founded anti-
cipation of some disruption by the Chinese, and outside, the excluded
press was loudly disapproving., In the resulting unfriendly atmosphere,
the IOJ abandoned the planned establishment of a Regional Bureau in
Santiago in which it had already invested large sum of money. END
At the time,disintere,;ted observers called the meeting a fiasco.
But a year later, Secretary General Meisner,report:ing to the VIth
Congress, recalled it as "an important event for strengthening our
contacts... a great manifestation of friendship among democratic jour-
nalists of the whole world with their Latin American colleagues...."
(ENID UNCLASSIFIED)
25X1C10b
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25X1C10b
IRD Publication (Unattributed, Unclassified): "Facts About Soviet
International Front Organizations",, October 1964, pp 83-89.
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(1126.)
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1127 EUR,FE,WH.
CHEN Y1 AVOWS CHINESE AIM~
25X1C10b
SITUATION:. On 26 August 1966, Chicom Foreign Minister Chen Yi
received goup of Swedish visitors belonging to the Swedish Clarte 11
organization and gave them answers to various questions about Chicom
aims and policies. The text of the interview has now been published in
the Swedish organization's bimonthly magazine, CLARTTE, in a special
issue (1967, No. 1) devoted.to China ad the experiences of the group
which went. to China. (Translation and,original of the CLARTE report of
the interview are attached to this guidance.)
"Clarte" is an organization of intellectuals originally founded
in Paris in 1919; the organ of the Swedish branch began publication
in 1924. Once a left-Socialist student-professorial organization,
the Swedish branch came under Communist influence; and is now pro-
Chicom. The group is a rallying point for Swedish radical youth.
According to NCNA reports of last summer, the Clarte tourists
travelled in China with French mezgbers of the "Un~ve.rsi,ty Students'
`section of the Franco-Chinese Frigndship Society." On the way back
to Sweden through the Soviet Union, the Swedish travellers had the
experience of having the Chicom publications they were carrying
seized by Soviet authorities; NCNA published their letter of pro-
test.
Since Chen Yi was addressing what for all intents and purposes was
a Chicom-controlled group, he spoke very frankly. One notable feature
of his remarks was his endorsement of the "dQminotheory" of Southeast
Asian politics -- i.e., the belief that if South Vietnp,m falls, other
Southeast Asian countries will fall to,Coxpmunism as wei.l, as a row of
standing dominoes falls. (Chen Yi wrongly attributed this theory to
President Johnson; actually it was originated by President Eisenhower.
It should also be noted that Chen Yi sqmewhat distorted the American
elsAmerican ewhere,d but that ife would
wAmericann defeat that
entail
~ falls into
o
the hands of the Communists through a failure of the United States to
assist the South, the other Southeast Asian countries would then --
again, if not assisted by the U.S. -- fall successively under Communist
control.)
Other points of interest (with comment in italicb):
1. Chen Yi says: "We can't export the revolution." He also denies
that China is carrying on any subversive work. But he states:
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"Our present foreign policy is concentrated on resisting the
American aggression and helping Vietnam. We use every possi-
bility to support the Vietnamese people in the battle against
the U.S.A. imperialists."
And Chen Yi says further:
"Therefore our foreign policy all over the world is to encour-
age the nations to display the broadest', most genuine and
efficient united front that includes the nations from all
aspects. The united front must be the broadest possible, but
it won't include the new Soviet revisionists."
He also predicts that "after the U.S.A. imperialism has been con-
quered in Vietnam, the national revolution in Latin America and
Africa will experience a new tidal wave."
With a policy which resists "U.S.A. aggression" and which pro-
poses a united front excluding the Soviets, it is not hard to see
what country is to assume the leadership. Latin Americans and
Africans may be interested to know that their tidal wave is due
after a U.S. defeat in Vietnam.
2. Chen Yi strongly endorses Lin Piao's doctrine that the rural
areas should rise in rebellion against the cities -- i.e., that
Asian, African, and Latin American nations should rise against
Europe and the United States and "devour" them. He denies, however,
that China opposes the "revolutionary movement" in Europe and the
United States. Chen says:
"... We must mobilize young people who will unite with the
farmers and workers. This is the basic strategy of Marxism-
Leninism; here the implication is to change the conditions of
exploitation and the difference between ccuntry and city."
One wonders if the plan is not to reduce the city dwellers to
peasants, rather than raise the level of the peasants.
3. Castro becomes a subject of discussion during the interview,
in connection with anti-Chinese statements by the Cuban leader.
After a long statement in which Castro is bracketed with other
critics of China, including the Pope, Chen Yi says, "I don't want
Castro to steal more of our precious time," and adds that while he
is not in a position to say whether Castro is turning against China
on Soviet orders:
"We all know that the U.S.A. imperialists hate China above
everything. They explain that China is the U.S.A.'s enemy
Number One. The fact that Castro now appears and shows himself
to be,in opposition to China, denotes a gesture to the U.S.A."
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2
(1127 Cont.)
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Chen's statements about Castro seam designed to show contempt.
4. On the Cultural Revolution, Chen Yi says:
"Each [Chinese] private person has to clarify his attitude
toward this revolution: whetl?er he is for it,. and marching on-
'ward or whether he will be irk the way and be conquered."
He claims that the Cultural Revoll4tion gives the workers and stu-
dents a chance "to practice a comprehensive democracy with the right
to participate directly in the governmental rule." There have
been some recent reports that Chen is in danger of being ousted;
While no one can predict the course of events in today's China,
his statements on in Piao's ideas and on the Cultural Revolution
make us wonder why the Maoists should want Chen's removal.
5. Chen Yi thinks. that the Soviets follow a policy of cooperation
with the U.S. "in order to dominate the whole world." He suspects
that Moscow and Washington use the "hot line" to concert their
plans. He says it is known "to all the nations in the world" that
New York and Washington have grown wealthy by exploiting the rural
areas of the worlds including the rural U.S.; the wealth, is used to
train urban workers to become aristocrats. Hebelieves the American
people have "risen in rebellion to fight their own country's
imperialism,' and -- although he_speaks of democracy in China --
he does not think the American people have the right to dismiss
President Johnson. Chen Yi's state of doctrinaire ignorance --
assuming, as is probable, that he expressed his true opinions -
is not only, deplorable, but also dangerous. 25X1 C1 Ob
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??
w r A h C T
(1127 Cont.)
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(1127.)
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A A" (1128.)
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1128. THAI GOVERNMENT'S FORMAL INDICTMENT OF
THE USSR AND NORTH VIETNAM GOVERNMENTS
25X1C10b
SITUATION: On 22 April 1967' the Thai Ambassador to Moscow was
summoned to the Soviet Ministry of -Foreign Affairs and handed a stiff
protest note upbraiding the Royal Thai Government (RTG) for permitting
the U.S. to mount air strikes from Thailand against North Vietnam. The
Soviet note was replete with the usual accusations of "U.S. aggression",
"bandit war in Vietnam", and the like, and was probably triggered by the
RTG's March 1967 public sanction of U.S. fighter-bomber bases in Thailand
and the RTG's simultaneous decision to send a 2,100 man battalion to
assist South Vietnam in the war against the north. On 4 May the Soviet
Ambassador to Bangkok was, in his turn, summoned to the Thai Ministry of
Foreign Affairs where an Under Secretary handed him a Note Verbale. The
Thai Note sharply rejected the Soviet protests and charges, attacked
the USSR in its role as co-chairman of the Geneva Conference, and made
scathing references to North Vietnamese and Soviet violations of the
international laws by which civilized nations govern. themselves (see
texts of notes in unclassified section). 25X1C10b
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(1128 Cont.)
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1129 EUR, d. WRITERS' PROBLEMS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA
25X1C10b
SITUATION: With an unresolved conflict between the regime and the
country's most successful Communist author, and with a writers congress
in the offing, Czechoslovakia appears toobe entering another round in
the continuing struggle between top Communist authorities and Czech and
Slovak intellectuals. Ladislav Mnacko , a veteran Communist with a
partisan record and a long-time friend of top CF leaders, wrote a book,
THE TA$TE,OF POWER,, in which he bitterly criticized Stalinism and, im-
plicitly, the present system in Czechoslovakia. The West German and
Austrian press reports that Mnacko gained written-permission from CP
authorities to publish his book both in Czechoslovakia and in Austria.
Subsequently, however, top Czech leaders, probably on orders from CP
boss Novotny himself, halted the serial publication of THE TASTE OF
POWER in Czech and tried unsuccessfully to retrieve the manuscript from
the Austrian publishers with whom Mnacko, had dealt. Meanwhile, in the
April 1967 issue of PLAMEN ( TORCH; the literary monthly of the Writers'
Union) indicates that a writers' congress will be scheduled in the near
future. Past regime-versus-writers quarrels can be expected to rise to
the surface if the congress is held.
The Mnacko stoxy differs, from the usual regime-writer conflict in
that Mnacko is writing as a member of the inner circle of the party,
and also in that he goes ruthlessly to the heart of the( matter: the
corruption, inadequacies, and injustices of the system (rather than
merely treating segments of the problem,. as liberal writers in the Bloc
are apt to do, in the hope of fostering gradual changes in the system).
I
After the regime changed its mind and decided against publication,
Mnacko was given the opportunity to cooperate by allowing the censors to
trim his book before publishing it at home and by requesting the Austrian
publisher'-- Verlag Fritz Molden -- to return his manuscript. Mnacko
evidently opposed censorship and is reported to have urged Molden to go
ahead and publish his book.
The next move is W ,to the Czech CP leadership. They can opt to
continue to suppress THE TASTF OF POWER or to release the book for
publication. Both alternatives are unattractive, for the regime knows
pronounced MNYACHko
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R,~ (1129 Cont.)
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it will lose either way. Perhaps Novotny will decide for release, since
the appearance of the book in German (March 1967) and its forthcoming
publication in Groat Britain and the U.S. (around June 1967) will increase
pressures at home for a Czech edition; the country's intellectuals may
well add to this pressure by voicing their objections to Czechoslovakia's
growing reputation for banning books. The forthcoming writers' congress
may coincide with the announcement of the regime's decision on Mnacko's
book, and in any case should serve to amplify discussion of the case.
For the writers as a group have a stake in the Mnacko conflict, inasmuch
as a favorable o unfavorable decision would indicate the trend of the
regime's publication policies for some time to come. Czech writers visit-
ing Western Europe have remarked, in the context of discussions of the
intellectual climate in their country, that the forthcoming writers con-
gress will be "a hot one."
The struggle between the regime and the writers has considerable
significance in and of itself. At issue, basically, is the right of
authors to write and have published books that criticize the reality of
life in Czechoslovakia. Secondary disputes revolve around the regime's
methods of keeping the writers under control. The regime, to strengthen
its hand, has sought to enlist the support of the workers by continually
fanning their animosity towards the intellectuals. ;Novotny has been
particularly active in this effort. In their relationships with the out-
side world of creative intellectuals, the Czechoslovak writers have been
particularly frustrated. In ear--y 1966, for example, a delegation of
Czechoslovak writers went to Moscow to try to find out first-hand about
the condemned fellow-writers, Sinyavskiy and Daniel. Shortly thereafter
two well-known authors, Josef Grossman and Vaclav Havel, had their pass-
ports taken away. Subsequently, only a small delega'~:ion of Czechs* was
permitted to attend the significant International PEN Congress in New
York in June 1966.
Addendum: FYI, reports
describe the bitter struggle between Mnacko and the regime as an extension
of the struggle between Czech and Slovak factions of the CP of Czechoslov-
akia. They state explicitly that Novotny, the head of the Czech faction,
gave his oral approval to the publication of Mnacko's'book but later,
after the impact of the initial installment was known, reacted by ordering
the publication stopped and by firing Pavel Auersperg, Chief' of the Depart-
ment of Ideology of the CP of Czechoslovakia. 25X1 C1 Ob
The Czechs took umbrage at the fact that the Ceylonese delegation
was larger than theirs.
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25X1C1Ob
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(1129)
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May 1967
Those Who Voted With Their Feet
Since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, more than 16,000,000 have
fled from communism and have chosen the uncertainties of settling in a
foreign country rather than live (or die) under a Communist state.
It began when, between 1917-1921 1,500,000 persons escaped from the
Soviet Union. The Russian borders were virtually sealed in 1921 and
the flow was reduced to a mere trickle.
The next mass exodus occurred after the communist takeovers in
Eastern Europe. Altogether, more than 15,000,000 who have fled communism
in the last twenty years. More than 1.6 million displaced persons refused
to return to their homelands in Eastern Europe at the end of World War II.
Their ranks were swollen by 6Q,000 Czechoslovaks who fled after the
19+8 Communistcoup. Some 200,000 Hungarians fled their country in 1956
after their anti-communist coup was crushed by Soviet tanks and troops.
Before East Germany erected the Berlin wall in August 1961, she had
lost 3.7 million citizens which constituted a severe drain of her labor
force. Even since that date, an additional 25,000 have evaded armed
guards, barbed wire and mine fields to reach West Germany to escape the
hated Ulbricht regime.
Communism in the Far East and Cuba also brought its waves of refu-
gees. 8.3 million refugees escaped to free Asian countries. North
Korea alone has lost 5 million citizens to the South and more than two
million have left Mainland China for freedom. Tibet lost more than
80,000 citizens to Nepal and India when the Chinese suppressed a major
revolt in 1959.
One of the most dramatic refugee movements is taking place in Viet-
nam. Whenthe Communists took control of the northern section of the
country in 195+ more than 900,000 refugees moved south in a period of
10 months. And when the Viet Cong launched its full scale war in the
south more than one million South Vietnamese fled Communist-controlled
areas from 1960-1967. These refugees are a grim reminder of what commu-
nists do to their own countrymen.
Since Castro established his regime in 1959, more than 350,000
Cubans have fled their country. Most have found sanctuary in the United
States. A US sponsored airlift brought more than 40,000 refugees in
one year and hundreds of thousands have signed up to leave. Many still
hazard their lives by leaving the island in small boats where they risk
death by drowning or by Communist gunfire.
Despite all obstacles and hazards, 50 years after the establishment
of the first Communist government, the exodus from the Communist world
continues at the rate of more than 25,000 individual border crossings
per year.
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May 1967
The International Organization of
Journalists (IOJ) on Vietnam
The IOJ adopted a "Resolution on the Vietnam Problem" at the VIth Congress in
East Berlin in October 1966, which states:
"In pursuance of its policy of armed intervention U.S. imperialism,
in July 1954, invaded South Vietnam, installing a puppet regime,
and aimed at the transformation of South Vietnam into a neo-colony
and a military basis for attacks on the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam and countries of Asia, and to perpetuate the division of
Vietnam...
"Since the beginning of 1965 the imperialists of the U.S.A. (have)
disembarked their expeditionary corps in South Vietnam and at the
same time brought in tens of thousands of soldiers from satellite
countries: South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, the
Philippines. It should be brought to the special attention of
world opinion that the West German Government is supporting both
in a direct and indirect manner, the dirty war against the people
of Vietnam...
"The 6th Congress of the IOJ has decided that the member organiza-
tions of IOJ shall hold weeks of solidarity with journalists and
the people of Vietnam from December 15th to 20th 1966 and July 20th
to 27th 1967 (and) shall celebrate September 20th 1967 as the first
anniversary of the death of Vu Tung, the President of the Associa-
tion of Patriotic and Democratic Journalists of South Vietnam
(IOJ), who was murdered by the American aggressors by toxic as
on September 20th 1966..."
Observance of the December 1966 "Week" in Prague was reported by the Czech News
Service On December 15th:
"'The week of journalists' solidarity with fighting Vietnam is to
stimulate the journalists to mobilize their nations in support of
the Vietnamese people's struggle against the U.S. war and to help
end the aggression,' declared Secretary of the IOJ Sepp Fischer
(East Germany) when he opened a photographic exhibition concerning
Vietnam in the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists in Prague today.
"The photographs by reported Vladimir Lammer, who visited Vietnam
in July as a member of the IOJ delegation, mainly show the life and
work of the Vietnamese people under war conditions.
"The opening of the exhibition was attended by secretaries of the
General Secretariat of the IOJ, M.T. Rodriguez (Colombia) and
Pavel Yerofeyev (USSR), General Secretary of the Union of
Czechoslovak Journalists Adolf Hradecky, Pham Van Su, DRV
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Ambassador in Prague, and Ha Thanh Lam, representative of the
NF`LSV.
"Fischer presented the IOJ protest; against the U.S. aggression
in Vietnam, which was delivered at the sixth congress held
in Berlin in October. He expressed the conviction that an end
to the aggression would enable the people of Vietnam to solve
their problem without foreign intervention. Rodriguez stressed
the Latin American journalists' admiration for the Vietnamese
people as representatives of the national liberation struggle
which is preventing the aggression from escalating into a
world war.
"The Vietnamese representatives informed the Journalists
about the recent bombardment of Hanoi and the increased
danger which the attack on the heart of the country repre-
sents. They reminded the listeners that the Vietnamese
people are determined to fight to a victorious end regard-
less of sacrifice."
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May 1967
I.O.J. Member Organizations
(As listed in the Democratic Journalist, Nov.-Dec. 1966)
ALBANIA: Union of Albanian Journalists.
ALGERIA: Union of Algerian Journalists.
ARGENTINA: Argentinian Federation of Press Workers.
BISSAO (Portuguese Guinea): Journalists' Group of the African Party of Indepen-
dence of Portuguese Guinea and Capverd Islands.
BOLIVIA: National Grouping of Journalists.
BULGARIA: Union of Bulgarian Journalists.
CAMEROUN: National Union of Cameroun Journalists.
CEYLON: Ceylon Journalists' Association, Press Association of Ceylon.
CHILE: Chilean Committee for the International Relations of Journalists.
COLOMBIA: National Colegio of Journalists.
CUBA: Union of Journalists of Cuba.
CZECHOSLOVAKIA: Union of Czechoslovak Journalists.
DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA: Korean Journalists' Union.
DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM: Association of Vietnamese Journalists.
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: Dominican Committee of the I.O.J.
ECUADOR: Democratic Journalists' Association of Ecuador.
FINLAND: General Union of Journalists.
FRANCE: National Syndicate of Journalists (C.G.T.).
GAMBIA: Association of Gambian Journalists.
GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC: Union of German Journalists.
GUINEA: National Press Syndicate of Guinea.
GUYANA: I.O.J. Members' Group in Guyana.
HUNGARY: Association of Hungarian Journalists.
INDIA: Indian Committee for Co-operation with the I.O.J.
INDONESIA: Indonesian National Group of the I.O.J.
IRAQ: Iraqi Journalists' Association.
JAPAN: Association of Korean Journalists in Japan.
MADAGASCAR: National Union of Malagasy Journalists.
MALI: National Union of Journalists of Mali.
MEXICO: Mexican Association of Journalists.
MONGOLIA: Union of Mongolian Journalists.
MOZAMBIQUE: Journalists' Group of FRELIMO (Liberation Front of Mozambique).
NICARAGUA: Journalists' Union of Nicaragua.
PANAMA: Panamanian Committee of the I.O.J.
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA: All-China Journalists' Association.
PERU: Peruvian Committee of the I.O.J.
POLAND: Association of Polish Journalists.
RUMANIA: Journalists' Union of the S.R.R.
SOUTH-AFRICAN REPUBLIC: South African Journalists' Circle.
SOUTH VIETNAM: South Vietnam Patriotic and Democratic Journalists' Association.
SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: Journalists' Group of the South-West African National Union
(SWANU).
Journalists Branch of the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO).
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SOVIET UNION: Journalists' Union of the U.S.S.R.
SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC: Association of Syrian Journalists.
UGANDA: Association of Uganda Journalists.
UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC: Press Syndicate of the U.A.R.
URUGUAY: Association of the Uruguayan Press.
VENEZUELA: Venezuelan Committee of I.O.J. Members.
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ranslation from Clartt may 1967
1967, No. 1, pagesL8ff
The Clart interviews the Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs
CHEN YI
The day when the White House in the U.S.A., Whitehall in Great Britain,
and the Kremlin no longer try to destroy us but give us medals and Nobel
prizes will be a tragedy for China. It would mean that we were no longer
revolutionary... (Chen Yi, 26 August 1966.)
QUESTION: We'd like to ask about the main line of the Chinese foreign
policy, especially concerning the Chinese attitude and policy toward
countries which have a national, bourgeois government along with a
revolutionary movement within the country, for instance: Burma, Egypt,
Iraq. What is the difference between the Chinese foreign policy and
party policy?
The revolution can't be exported
ANSWER: The Chinese foreign policy is adapted to protect the socialistic
build-up of the country, prevent imperialistic attacks, beat off imperial-
istic attacks, strengthen the anti-imperialistic, anti-colonialistic unity
among the nations, guard the existing world peace and prevent a possible
World War III.
In relation to the nationally independent countries in Africa, Asia, and
Latin America we apply the five principles for peaceful coexistence be-
tween countries with different social systems. This means that we don't
meddle in each other's domestic affairs, that we respect each other's
integrity and sovereignty, that we support the anti-imperialistic, anti-
colonialistic battle of the nations, that we don't betray them but ex-
press deep sympathy while we support them. But the revolution is their
domestic affair, we can't export the revolution. The nations must choose
their road themselves; we are not carrying on any subversive work. We
d'on't carry through the revolution by pleading for a world war - the
revolution among the nations of the world can't be monopolized by the
Chinese people.
Our comrade from Sweden mentioned Burma: that's an interesting example.
Our relations with the Burmese government are friendly. But you under-
stand, in Burma there is the Burmese Communist party and there is a civil
war between the two - and, in addition, the civil war continues. Negotia-
tions were held with the Burmese Communist party but fell through. Of
course, we can't meddle in the Burmese affairs.
Our present foreign policy is concentrated on resisting the American
aggression and helping Vietnam. We use every opportunity to support the
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(Cont.)
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Vietnamese people in the battle against the U.S.A. imperialists. To
conquer the U.S.A. imperialists in. Vietnam is one of our main tasks.
After the U.S.A.'s imperialism has been conquered in Vietnam, the
national revolution in Latin America and Africa will experience a new
tidal wave. At that time the world revolution will develop yet another
step - there will be a basic change in the world situation.
The domino theory is correct
The Johnson administration says that they act as if they were playing
a game of Dominoes. If they are conquered. in Vietnam they will auto-
matically be conquered on all other battle-fields. Therefore they must
maintain their positions. He (Lyndon Johnson) is indeed right here.
You understand, you mustn't think that Johnson is always wrong - some-
times he is quite right. Even he sees this problem rather clearly;, this
is shown by his desperation. He is aftraid that when U.S.A. imperialism
is once conquered on the battle-fields in Vietnam, it will automatically
be conquered on all the other battlefields where it is engaged. I
appreciate very much this opinion of his. Certainly, U.S.A. imperialism
will be conquered. U.S.A. imperialism has military bases all over the
world - how can the nations of the world live on if they don't beat them
off? The U.S.A. imperialists have military bases in Japan, South Korea,
the Philippines, on China's Taiwan; and they are carrying on an aggressive
war in South Vietnam. In addition, they also have military bases in Thai-
land, they attack in the Congo, Leopoldville, in Africa. In Africa the
Belgian, Dutch and Portuguese imperialists are also carrying on aggrepsion.
The U.S.A. imperialists also have military bases in Latin America. If
these bases are not discontinued, how can there be any lasting peace?
Therefore they must be abolished.
The "'hot" line
Therefore our foreign policy all over the world is to encourage the
nations to form the broadest, most genuine and efficient united front that
includes the nations from all aspects. The united front must be the broad-
est possible, but it won't include the new Soviet revisionists. It en-
compasses the masses of the Soviet nation, their participation in the anti-
imperialistic battle, but not the Soviet revisionist leading stratum in the
Kremlin. As the Soviet revisionists have their foreign policy clearly out-
lined -- that is, cooperation between the U.S.A. and the Soviets in order
to dominate the whole world -- they use a policy in which they ally them-
selves with the United States in order to oppose China. This is quite
clear, we can't expect them to join the anti-imperialistic battle. Between
the Kremlin and Washington there is a "hot lihe"; each day connections are
made across this hot line. Who knows what's discussed? They have already
betrayed Marxism-Leninism, they have betrayed the October revolution, they
have become U.S.A. imperialist accomplices. We can't; include them. in
the anti-imperialistic united front. My conrades from France 'and Sweden
surely can understand my feelings. We had contacts with Lenin, with Stalin,
with Khrushchev, and with Brezhnev and Kosygin. Maybe we are more experienced
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2 (Cont.)
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than you in this respect. We had contact with Lenin, of course; this
was very good; with Stalin too. These men fought imperialism, they
were rebels. Of course, we didn't agree on everything in the contacts
with Stalin. But anyway there were no big problems with Stalin; you
understand, he was an anti-imperialist. But with Khrushchev and Brezhnev
it was very difficult - they were unreliable. Everything we told them,
they told the Americans. They were going to betray us. We can't trust
them, surely you realize that.
I end this answer by saying: the present problem is to fight U.S.A.-
imperialistic aggression all over the world. At present we have, to an
increasing extent, to battle against their aggression in Vietnam and also
to battle against the cooperation between the U.S.A. and the Soviets for
world dominance. Our point of view in this matter is extraordinarily firm.
Even if the U.S.A. imperialists invade China, even if they start "special
warfare", "local warfare", or a great war, or step up the war to still
larger extent, we won't change this firm, revolutionary standpoint of ours.
Long live the victory......
QUESTION: Comrade Lin Piao, in his work "Long Live Victory in the People's
War", has pointed out the new course of the world revolution, from the
rural areas in the world, that is the less developed countries, towards
the cities of the world, that is West Europe and the U.S.A. We would like
you to explain the consequences of this new course for the situation of the
Western European proletariats and the United States, also the consequences
for the revolutionary movement in these parts of the world.
ANSWER: We see Western Europe and the United States as the world's big
cities. The Asian, African, and Latin American states resemble the vast
rural area which devours the large cities.
It is known to all the nations of the world that the riches in New York
and Washington have been accumulated by exploitation of the rural areas
of the world, that is, Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Money and property
have been accumulated from the Asian, African, and Latin American nations
and the rural area in the United States has also been exploited. This is
unreasonable. Therefore, the nations ought to rise in rebellion to surround
the city. This is comrade Lin Piao's opinion. It implies a development
of Chairman Mao Tse-tung's Marxistic-Leninist.ic view and also the view of
Lenin. Lenin once said that the European capitalism has been developed by
exploitation of the millions of masses of people of the Asiatic, African,
and Latin American nations. This is the reason why the capitalists in
Western Europe and the United States can train workers to become aristo-
cratic. It is in connection with this viewpoint that we build our strategy,
which is completely correct. But the imperialists are trying to create
discord, they pretend that comrade Lin Piao wants to oppose the labour
movement, the revolutionary movement in Europe and the United States - this
is a venomous attack.
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The U.S.A. imperialists mobilized the [American] people during the two
last wars to fight the imperialists in Europe. The American nation
fought in this matter. But this time, the third time, we notice an ex-
ception: the people have now risen in rebellion to fight their own
country's imperialism this is a very important world event. That the
U.S.A. imperialists now realize that it is impossible to mobilize their
own people in the Vietnam war like they did during World War I and World
War II and the Korean war.. .this is a new, very important phase in the
development.
Today we have the power in China and there is real unity between the
Government and the people. But yet, to fight imperialism, build up
socialism and eliminate the left-overs from capitalism we must still
mobilize young people who will unite with the farmers and workers. This
is the basic strategy of Marxism-Leninism:; here the implication is to
change the conditions of exploitation and the difference between country
and city. In order to be able to seize governmental power, the revolu-
tionaries must, during the revolutionary period, rely on the majority of
the population. Once this problem is solved we must still rely on the
broad masses of workers, farmers, and soldiers.
QUESTION: What is your attitude in regard to Castro's anti-Chinese
statements?
ANSWER: When Castro had finished his statement, he expressed deep dis-
satisfaction with the fact that he received our answer through a lower-
grade official in the Department of Commerce. We chose to do so after
several discussions; Castro's attack was extremely unreasonable and in-
sulting - it would have been inappropriate for the Prime Minister, and
also for me as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to answer his slander.
We will arrays support the great revolution of the Cuban people against
the Batista domination. In the same way we also support the Cuban people
in the battle against the U.S.A.'s imperialism - irrespective of whatever
mistakes the Cuban leaders will make, irrespective of however anti-Chinese
they will be. The Cuban leaders will never succeed in establishing discord
between the Chinese and Cuban nations.
What kind of technical, military, political and industrial aid has China
given to Cuba? Plenty of aid and it is free of charge. Castro knows this
very well. I also know it but won't discuss it here. If necessary, we
will in the future publish certain documents in order to get a fair Judge-
ment. The time has not yet come for publication.
Concerning the Pope....
Let the Cuban leaders participate in the anti-Chinese activity! Let
them make all kinds of anti-Chinese statements - the more violent, the
oftener, the more exaggerated - the better! Now the U.S.A. imperialists
and the Soviet revisionists cooperate in the great campaign against new
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4 (Cont. )
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China, against Mao Tse-tung. It is good that there is large participation.
The addition of a Castro doesn't frighten us, we welcome it. Let them
unite and devote themselves to anti-Chinese activity - we will leave them
alone, we won't answer, we will leave them alone! Today Johnson, Rusk,
McNamara, Wilson, Kosygin, Malinowsky, even my former friend, "His Ex-
cellency" Tito, also Mrs. Gandhi in India, are making a violent attack
against China. China is attacked every day by the Voice of America. Con-
cerning the Pope in the Vatican, I don't know whether he makes anti-
Chinese statements; I feel and hope, however, that the Pope will also join
the anti-Chinese activities and willingly lead them. Let him lead with
his cross. As a matter of fact it is true that the more engagement there
is in anti-Chinese activity, the more the workers, farmers and revolution-
ary intellectuals all over the world will sympathize with China. The day
when the White House in the U.S.A., Whitehall in Great Britain, and the
Kremlin no longer try to destroy us but give us medals and Nobel prizes will
be a tragedy for China. It would mean that we were no longer revolutionary.
Who then would like to come to Peking? Who then would be interested in
China? Therefore, we think it would be better to be destroyed by these
people than to reach such a result.
According to what your hosts have said our friends from Sweden are not so
much interested in sightseeing as in political studies and discussions -
that is, really to find out something about China. Personally, I very much
admire your revolutionary spirit and that's why I talk with you now. If
at some time ih the future you were to find that the Chinese Minister of
Foreign Affairs no longer is prepared to talk with regular revolutionary
visitors but prefers to spend his time in clubs, bars, and earning money,
I am sure you would be very disappointed.
I don't want Castro to steal more of our precious time. Therefore, I can
only say this: we can'see that the foreign press says that Castro is
turning against China because he is acting on orders from Moscow. I am
pot in a position to decide whether this is correct or not, for Castro has
not authorized me to serve as his spokesman. But I want to pose the
following question: is this problem concerned with taking orders from
Moscow? Is it only a problem of whether Castro is willing to choose the
road of socialism, of Marxism-Leninism? No, there is also another problem
to which I want to direct my friends' attention. We all know that the
U.S.A. imperialists hate China above everything. They explain that China
is the U.S.A.'s enemy Number One. The fact that Castro now appears and
shows himself to be in opposition to China denotes a gesture to the U.S.A.
The cultural revolution
QUESTION: What does the Cultural Revolution imply?
ANSWER: Our friends have posed the question of the Cultural Revolution
and I will be very happy to answer it. As the Cultural Revolution started
in the cultural field, we call it the Cultural Revolution. As a matter of
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fact it touches upon all aspects of life in the new China. It is a
political revolution, not only a cultural one. We destroy four old things
and build up four new ones. We are destroying old ideology, old culture,
old tradition and the old style of life. This, however, is not sufficient
to express what we imply with the Cultural Revolution. The goal of the
Cultural Revolution is to destroy the capitalistic system to the foundation,
to build up the socialistic system from the foundation. This is a simple,
yet comprehensive answer. The Chinese Communist party and the Chinese
working class seized the government in 1949; shortly after that the first
five-year-plan began. Successively the capitalistic system has been re-
placed by the socialistic one. According to our view we must, after hav-
ing established socialism, that is after the Communist party and the work-
ing class have seized the government, continue to develop the socialistic
system. Even though we have reached a certain success we must force the
development further on, establish the socialistic system on a yet"higher
level. We must never-permit a return to capitalism.
We have learnt from the Soviet Union example. We have learnt what is best
from the Soviet Union, not only from the positive aspects but also from
the negative ones. In the Soviet Union they have carried out more than
40 years of socialistic build-up, but: now the revisionists are introducing
a capitalistic system instead of continuing forward toward communism. By
the great Cultural Revolution, workers, farmers, young students and sub-
ordinate cadres in various positions get the opportunity to practice a
comprehensive democracy with the right to participate directly in the
governmental rule. At the universities we combine the broad masses of
revolutionary professors, students, members of the staff' and workers, to
manage the universities. We don't send any secretaries from any party
committee to work there. The method used at the universities will also
be used within the many departments. The masses of members of the personnel
within the institutions mentioned will have the right to demand that any
one of their chiefs, even ministers, be dismissed, and can demand that the
central government send a minister of the people's own choice.
Why should I in particular be a minister?
Johnson ought to be dismissed as the president of the United States. The
American people don't have this right. To judge from the Great Cultural
Revolution in China it seems as if a group of ministers ought to be re-
moved. Concerning me myself, whether I will be moved or not, that news
you will hear when you get home. I can continue to serve the people as
a member of a people's commune or as a factory worker. Why should I in
particular be a minister? Why not a farmer, or a regular worker? Why is
it that I can only be an officer but not a common soldier? Why can I only
lead others but not be led by others? It is inside and outside a bourgeois
philosophy which must be destroyed to the foundation. If you come :here
in a few years and I have been transferred and am a regular member of the
commune, then you can ask your hosts to see me and I will receive you.
This cultural revolution is a revolution which touches upon all aspects
of life. A political, industrial, economic, military and agricultural
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revolution. The Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Agriculture will
be moved away from Peking and the same thing will happen to several other
Ministries. To let these ministries remain in Peking will only serve the
development of bureaucracy. All these thousands and again thousands of
functionaries wbo work within the government departments - what they
ought to do is to devote themselves to the real practical knowledge of
how to build the front lines. What they ought to do is to travel directly
to the factories, to the villages, to the real battle fronts.
But then I have still an unsolved problem, namely, where should this
Foreign Ministry be placed? In the factories? There is no diplomatic
work there. In the villages? There is no diplomatic work there either.
Should we then drive out all the ministries from Peking and only let the
Foreign Ministry remain? Is this quite fair? ...I have considered and
will tell my friends what my thoughts are deep down. The Foreign Ministry
can't be in a village, nor at a place like Sinkiang. It can only be in
Peking, otherwise the foreigners couldn't find us. But I have discovered
another possibility: let the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vice Minister
of Foreign Affairs, and all the civil servants spend at least four months
a year in a factory. Socialistic and capitalistic countries have one
thing in common namely that the people often prefer to live in the cities
instead of the rural areas. People also prefer intellectual work to manual
work - manual work is also harder than intellectual work. This creates a
small number of people in the society who are living a rather pleasant
life while the great majority are living a comparatively hard life. The
aim and goal of the Great Cultural Revolution is to reduce the difference
between the city and the country, to reduce the difference between workers
and farmers on one side, intellectuals on the other. Its purpose is to
give the governmental power as well as the cultural power to the masses
of workers, farmers and soldiers.
So-called authorities and experts
In this connection some people fear that the level of our science and
technique will be lowered, but such a fear is without foundation. We
must try to see clearly; in a capitalistic country or in a revisionistic
one like the Soviet Union, a small number of people have a monopoly on
science and technique. They consist of some thousands or tens of thousands.
Here we give science and technique to hundreds of millions of people. In
this way the development of science and technique must proceed much faster,
the level won't be lowered.
Chinese cultural life has been characterized by the different branches of
science having been monopolized by a smaller group of so-called authorities
and experts. Articles and documents written within their branch of science
are not permitted to be published without being approved by them. These
people nowadays produce nothing themselves, they don't teach, they only sit
at home and fetch their high salaries. If they have to write some article,
they ask the third or fourth-year students to write in their place. But
they publish the article in their own name and keep the money themselves.
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This is altogether a capitalistic exploitation within the cultural life.
Now we tell these people: "You have already earned a sufficient amount
of money, now the time has come to rest a while. Let the young people who
really teach, really write and do research, let them take over." This is
something we are all happy about. Now there are dozens of ministries and
committees in Peking. Some of its ministers don't write any petitions
or documents any more, don't any longer give any directives. That is,
such work is done by their subordinates, all the ministers do is to sign.
To such ministers we say: "Now the time has come to rest for a while."
Let these return to the back lines, and let those who now work in the
back lines move up to the front lines. This can save a great deal of
money for the government and the working efficiency will be much higher.
The problem is posed already in this room. The future foreign ministers
will be young people, they will speak to you,-directly in English or French,
then there will be no need for interpreters. A four-hour-discussion now
will mean an eight-hour-discussion then. The young people are more competent
than we who are older. We older people ought to create developmental
possibilities for the young to develop, we mustn't stand in their way.
Chairman Mao Tse-tung has said: "This is a great revolution which touches
the people's souls." These words are true. Each private person has to
clarify his attitude toward this revolution: whether he is for it and march-
ing onward or whether he will be in the way and be conquered. As the Chinese
population represents one fourth of humanity, this revolution certainly
will have a great influence on world progress. The movement how has been in
progress for a couple of months and will continue. It is probable that various
errors and shortcomings will ensue during the course of the movement - it is
unreasonable to demand that everything will proceed properly in the beginning.
Nor is it anything to be afraid of. During a revolutionary course the errors
will by degrees be self-corrective.
Interest in relics
Tourists from the West, diplomatic envoys from various Asiatic and African
countries and various Western 'diplomats are always very interested in
things which have to do with the old China. They are very interested in
antique culture, in antique social structure, in old relics, in jade
products, old pictures and paintings. Such things they esteem highly.
They are not especially interested in anything modern in China, They
h,Pq deep down that the old China will remain as it is, that China will
be a conservative China. They are very afraid that China will be modern-
ized, that China will surpass the European countries, surpass the capital-
ist countries, surpass the revisionist Soviet Union, carry through real
socialistic modernization on the way toward communism. This is the China
they fear most of all, and they are very unhappy about the situation of
today. For us ourselves the fact is that we are not so interested in the
old things in China. Without hesitation we walk the road of the revolution,
the road of social modernization. The Chinese feudal culture, irrespective
of however splendid and beautiful it may seem, was a culture used to oppress
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and lead the people astry. Therefore, it must be removed to its core.
Famous poets during the Tang and Sung dynasties really were great poets,
their works are among the best in the world as to beauty. But yet,
however we twist and turn, these poets are only running errands for kings
and emperors, generals and so-called heros. They don't sing the praise
of the workers and the soldiers. As a matter of fact they often laugh
derisively at workers and soldiers. Therefore, we can't encourage the
development of such poetry. We can only use this poetry as reference
material. We, the Chinese people, are certain that we will create great
lyrical poetry for ourselves and the people of the nations in the world,
epoch-making poems which will contribute to the development of the world.
The history of humanity progresses. We ought to rise to a new level,
hig13er than that of our ancestors. It is a common task for this generation,
for our young friends present as well as for me. If we only live within
the old frame, refer to the slogans of the old culture, then we are in
a bad way. People like us are useless if we don't surpass our ancestors.
We'ought,to avow this heroic striving to surpass our ancestors and bring
world culture to a new and higher level. This is yet another interpreta-
tion of the Cultural Revolution now in progress.
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CLARTE
26 August 1966
Clarte intervjuar Minas utrikesminister
ChenYi
Dot dc1 en du I'ila lltut:l i USA, While hail i S1urbriIannien vch Krciril hilt'
libigre fursiiker krossa oss, utan gt'r oss ruedaljer och sLanker uss nubclpris kurnnner
all zPara ent iraggcdi fur Kina. Del skulls tnncNira all vi role langre yore revolu-
lioniira ...
(Chen Yi, 26 augusli 1966)
CPYRGHT
FRAGA: Vi skulle vilja fraga our huvudlinjen i Kinas Lilt. Dirfor maste de ltalla sina stallningar. Ilan (Lyndon
utrikespolitik, sarskilt betraffande Kinas attityd och poll- Johnson) liar t5wligeu ratt i detta. Ni fi;rstar, ni far lute
tik mot kinder sour liar en nationcll, borgerlig regeritig tro alt Johnson alltid liar fel - ibland liar han licit riitt.
med en revolutioniir rorelse room landet, till exempcl: Aver han scr denna fraga ganska klart, detta visas av bans
Burura, Egypticn, Irak. Vad it skillnaden rncllan Kinas desperation. Ilan it ridd att nir USA-imperialismrcr en
utrikespolitik och partipoiitik? gang bescgrats pa slagfilten i Vietnam, komnrer den auto-
rnatiskt att bli besegrad pa ally andra slagfilt dar dell ca-
0 gagerar sig. Jug uppskattar ruycket denna hams asikt.
Revolutionen kan inte exporteras I orvisso konmrer USA-irnperialismen att bcsegras. USA-
SVAR: Kinas utrikespolitik it ignad att skydda landets imperialisuren liar militirbaser runt hcla viriden - bur
socialistiska uppbyggnad, forlrindra imperialistiska an- ska varldens folk kunna leva vidarc oin do inte slar rat
grepp, ska tilibaka imperialistiska angrepp, starka den dem? USA-imperialisterna liar milifiirbaser i Japan, Syd-
anti-imperialistiska, anti-kolonialistiska enlretcn bland fol- korea, Filippinerna, pa Kinas Taiwan; och de driver ett
ken, ska vakt om den best5endc virldsfreden och forhindra angreppskrig i Sydvietnam. Yttcrligare liar dc ocksa mili-
mojligheterna till ett trcdje varldskrig. tarbaser i Thailand, de angriper i Kongo, Leopoldville i
Genteinot de nationeilt oberoende lindcrna i Afrika, Afrika. I Afrika utfor Sven de belgiska, hollindska och
Asien och Latinamerika tillamrpar vi de fear principerna portugisiska imperialisterna aggression. USA.-imperialis-
for fredlig samexistens rncllan kinder med skilda sam- terna liar liven militarbaser i Latinamrerika. Om dessa ba-
hallssystein. Delta innebar, att vi inte lagger oss i varand- ser lute dras bort, slopas, bur kan det da bli nagon var-
ras inre angeligenhetcr, alt vi respckterar varandra in- aktig fred? Darfur maste de bort.
tegritet och suverinitet, att vi stoder folkens anti-irnperlia-
listiska, anti-kolonialistiska kamp, att vi intc bedrar derv Den Aeta linjcna,,
utan uttrycker djup sympati i stodet till dem. Men revo-
lutioneta Ur dcras inre angelagenhet, vi kan inte exportera Darfur Ur var utrikespolitik i hela varlden att upprnana
revolutionen. Folken maste sjalva vilja sin vig, vi be- folken att stalla upp den bredaste, genuinaste och effekti-
driver inget subversivt arbetc. Vi genontfor inte revolu- vaste tankbara enhctsfrontcn mot USA-irnperialismen, en
tionen genom alt plidera for ctt varldskrig - revolutionen enhetsfront sour ur alla synvinklar innefattar folket. En-
bland varldens folk kan inte monopoliscras av det kine- Itetsfronten masts vara den bredaste tankbara, men den
siska folket. innefattar inte de nya Sovjetrevisionisterna. Den inne-
Var kamrat fran Sverige n5mnde Burma, det it ctt in- fattar massorna av Sovictfolket, deras deltagande i den
tressant exempcl. Till den burmcsiska rcgeringen Ur vara anti-unperialistiska kampen, men into Sovjctrevisionister-
relationer vanskapliga. Men ni furstar, i Burma [inns del nas ledande skikt i Krentl. Eftcrsom Sovjetrevisionisterna
burniesiska konununistpartiet och det ar inbordeskrig mel- har sin utrikespolitik klart utformad, d.v.s. samarbete
Ian de bada - och ytterligare, inbordeskriget bestir. For- USA-Soviet for att domincra hela varlden, antar de en
handlingar bolls med Burmas konmrunistparti, men de politik i vilken de allierar sig med Foreuta Staterna for
brut samman. Naturligtvis kan vi inte lagga oss i Burmas att motsatta sig Kina. Detta star belt kiart, vi kin lute
inre angelagenheter. vanta oss att de gar med i den anti-imperialistiska kam-
Var nuvarande utrikespolitik it koncentrerad pa att mot- pen. Mellan Kreml och Washington firms en > hct linje>>,
sta den amerikanska aggressionen oclr hjilpa Vietnam. varje dag har man fiirbindclser over denna hcta linje. Vein
Vi anvinder vane mojlighet att stodja det vietnamesiska vet vad soon dar diskuteras? Dc liar redan forratt ntarx-
folket i kampen mot USA-imperialisterna. Att besegra ismen-leninismen, de har forratt oktobcrrevolutioncn, de
USA-imperialisterna i Vietnam ar en av vara huvudupp- har blivit mcdbrottslingar till USA-imperialisterna. Vi kan
gifter. Sedan USA-irnperialismen besegrats i Vietnam inte innesluta dem i den anti-imperialistiska enhctsfrontcn.
kommcr den nationella rcvolutionen i Latinamerika, Asien Mina kamrater fran Frankrike och Sverige kan sikert for-
och Afrika alt uppleva en ny flodvag. Vid denna tid rat- st.a mina kinslor. Vi bade kontaktcr med Lenin, mtcd Sta-
vecklas varldsrevolutionen ytterligare ett steg - det blir lin, med Chrustjov, Bresjnev och Kosygin. Kanske har vi
en grundliggande forindring i varldsliget. fler erfarenheter in er i detta hanseende. Vi hade kon-
takt med Lenin, givetvis var den mycket bra, med Stalin
ocksa. Dessa bekampade intperialisnren, de var revolutio-
Dominoteorin it korrekt nirer. Naturligtvis var vi into ense om alit i kontaktcrna
med Stalin. Men i vilket fall sour heist vat det lute holler
Johnson-adurinistrationen sager alt de handlar sum otn de nagra stone problem med Stalin, ni furstar han var anti-
spelade ctt Domino-spcl. Om de b~segras,i~}V~~,ietnam kom imperialist. Men med Chrustjov och Bresjnev var del ntye-
A~~r ti tt~~~ VV/d / a CIA P78 3O64>AG04Ob0600049cm
 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 ~"
vi.ittade de fiir atucrik-anarna. De skulls foriada ass. Vi
kan inte lita pa dctn. iii ],an s it erg insc detta.
Jag avslutar delta svar aced act saga: (let tntva.tatide pro-
b'.einet at act bekiiinpa USA-imperialisteinas aggression
iivcrallt i varlden. For narvarande har vi i alit storrc ut-
str:ickning kampcn deras aggression i Victnarn, och
iven kampcn mot samarbctct USA-Soviet for v rhlsherra-
v:ilde. Var st5ndpunkt i denna frhga iir utornordentligt
f< t. "Wen om USA-imperialisterna invaderar Kina, liven
om de biirjar uspecicll krigf6ringx, x1okal krigfv:rings slier
rit storkrig. oiler ti?appar upp kriget till amiu atiirre orn-
fattning, koinnrcr vi into act ardra donna v ,5r faster, rcva-
iutiouiira standptmkt.
Lange leve segern ...
FRAGA: Kamrat Lin Piao liar i slit arbctc Lt?ve Segez i
i Folkkriget, pekat ut den nya kursen i varldsrevolutionen,
fr:,n varldens landsbygd, dx.s. de mindre utveckladc Iiin-
derna, mot varldens stoder, d.v.s. Viisteuropa oc li USA.
Vi skulle vilja att ni belyste konsekvenserna av denna nya
tars for proletariatens situation i Viisteuropa otar Forenta
Slatcrna, liven fi ljderna for den revoiutiorrar?a ri relscn i
dess.L delay av viirldeu.
SVAR: Vi uppfattar Vastcm-opa sch Fiireuta Stitcrna soli
varldens storstddcr. Asicn, Afrikas och Latinanierikas sta-
ter liknar den stora landsbygden sour uppslukar stor.ti-
derna.
Dct at kilt for alla viirldcns folk . tt rikrdomarna i New
York och Washington liar ackmnulerats genom exploate-
r:ing av varldens landsbygdsotnr..dcn, d.v.s. Asicn, Afrika
och Latinamerika. A1au liar ackuniulerat I, I gar och
e,gendont friru do asiatiska, afrikanska och latinamcrikauska
fofken, och aver exploaterat landsbygden i F;3renta Sta-
terua. Detta air oriniligt. Diirf:ir biir folkcn reaa sig i en
revolution fiir att oniringa staden. Detta air kanrrat Lin
Piaos uppfattiiing. Den innebir en utvecklinr, av ordfi;-
rande Mao Tse-tungs marxist-ienini.stiska uppfaitrting, ocir
iven Lenins uppfattiiing. Lenin sade en giiig att kapi-
talisnren i Europa utvecklas genom utsugningen av de
asiatiska, afrikanska ocir latinatnerikan:;ka folkens miljon-
huvdade massor. Detta it skalet till act kaoitalisterna i
Vstcuropa och Forenta Statcrna kan lira upp arbetar-
aristokrater. Det iir i anslutnitrg till denna synpunkt vi
bygger upp var strategi, sots :i.r fullstaudigt koirckt. Men
iuiperialisterna forsokcr n5 splittring? de giir g:!Ilande att
kauu?at Lin Piao viii motsitta sig arbetarrbrelsen, den
revulutionira riirelsen i Europa ocir Fiircuta Staterna --
detta air ctt giftigt angrepp.
USA-iniperialisterna inobiliscrade folket under de tv5 sista
krigen for alt bckiinpa inrpcrialisterna i Europa. Det ante-
rikanska folket k:impade i denna friiga_ Mvrr denna gang,
den tredje ganger, sec vi etc undantag: lolket liar no rest
sig for att bekimpa det egna landets iruperialisur - delta
err en mycket'viktig virldslrandclsc. Att USA-imperialister-
na nu itiser act det it onrojligt act mobiliscra (let egna
folket i VietnanSkriget sons under (lei forsta ocir andra
virldskriget och Korcakriget ... dctta it en ny, mycket
viktig fas i utveckiingen.
I dig liar vi makten i Kina och deg rider verklig enigltet
mellan statsniakt och folk. Men 1il:viil. fur att bekimpa
inrperialisinen, bygga upp sucialisrtten och elin:.inera res-
terna av kapitalisnien, ruaste vi annu inobiliscra unga
ininniskor som forenar sig niva bonderna och arbetarna.
Det at den grundl iggande strategin i inarxistncn-Ierti-
nismen; har innebar den act forandra expioateringsfor-
hallandettoch skilinaden mellan land och stad. Revolutic-
nirerna Release 2000/08/27~a
Appr
niajoritcten av bcic,:i.uingcn fiir act kunna to statsinaktca.
Etter att delta proiotern ar lot: masts vi fortfarandc f5r-
lita ass p:i de bredat niassorna av arbetare, i onder och
soldater.
FRAGA: Vilken inst5fining liar ni till Castros anti-kine-
niska uttafanden? ?
SVAR- Etter att Castro gjort silt uttalande, uttrycktc han
djup otillfredsstai!clse over dct faktum act vi svarade lto-
norn genom en age tjansteman i handelsdepartementct.
Vi valde an gore sill efter Vera bverliiggttingar; Castros an-
grcpp var ytterst oruniigt och lid nkande - det skittle lia
v:arit okinipligt fiir premiarministern, avers for tnig som
nitikesntimster, act hesvara bans fortal.
Vi komIner alltid att stodja det kubanska folkets stora
revolution mot 1latistas hcrrava.lde. 1'S saunma salt stoder
vi ocksi de tva rcvolutionara Havanna.-deklarationerna.
Det at mojligt act de amerikanska imperialisterna kommer
act angripa Kuba. I s5 fall stoder vi ovillkorligt Kubas
folic a kampen mot USA-imperialismen - oavsett vilka
inisstag de kubanskai ledarna gor, oavsett hur antikinesiska
de konurter att vars. De kubanska ledarna lyckas aldrig
aitadkomtna splittring mellan de kinesiska och kubanska
foiken.
Vad lair slags teknisk, tnilitar, politisk och industricll hjilp
har Kina givit Kuba? Massor tried hjalp och den err kost-
nadsir:i. Detta vet Castro mycket val. Jag vet ocks5,
men ska inte diskutera det har. I fall deL blir nodvandigt
-a-miner vi i fratntide:n att obfentliggora handlingar for
qtr f5 en rattvis bediimning. Tidpunkten err annu inte inne
for offentliggorande.
Vad betraffar Pavers ...
1.5t de kubanska ledarna to deli i den anti-kinesiska vcrk-
samhcten! Lit dent komnta tried alla slags anti-kinesiska
p,istacnden - ju v5ldsamutarc., ju oftarc, ju mer over-
drivna -- desto battre! Nu samarbetar USA-iruperialis-
tcrna och Sovjetrevisionisterna i den stora kampa ijen
ntot nya Kina, mot Mao Tse-tung. Det 5r bra lied stort
dsltagandc. Till6kningen rued en Castro skrinuner oss
lute, vi valkoninar den. Lit dcm gig samutatn och hiitrge
sig at anti-kincsisk vcrksamhet --- vi larnnar deco, vi svarar
into, de far h5llas! I dag gar Johnson, Rusk, blcNarnara,
Wilson, Kosygin, Nlalinowski, liven min force van )Ohaus
exccllcnsb Tito, treks! Mrs Gandhi i Indicn, tilt vtid.saurt
angrepp root Kina. Kina attackeras varje deg av Voice
of America. Vad bctriiffar pavcn i Vatikanen k:inner jag
lute till huruvida hen avger anti-kinesiska uualarrdeu. Vi
hoppas einellertid act iven paven forenar sig i de anti-
kinesiska aktiviteterna, och garna leder dent. IIau kan
gi i spetsen med sid.kors.
I sjiilva verket err dot s5, att ju mer man engagerar sig i
anti-kinesisk verksanthet, desto hugre prestige kommcr
Kina att rona, destu mer kornmer arbetare, bonder och
rnvolutionira intellektuella i bola varlden att sympatiscra
tried Kina. Den dagen der Vita Iluset i USA, Whitehall i
Storbritannien och Krentl inte langre forsoker krossa oss,
utan get medaljer- txh, skiinker oss nobclpris, konuner att
vara en tragedi fair Kina. Detta. skulle innebira att vi irate
liingre vote revolutionira, Vern skulle d5 vilja kouuna till
Pekin? Vern yore der intresscrad av Kiria? Darfur (inner
vi det battre act bli krossade av dcssa personer in att upp-
n.a ett sadant resultat.
Enligt vad era virtiar meddelat it vara vanner fran Sve-
rige inte sa urycket intresserade av sightseeing sorn av
l.olitiska studier Deli diskussioner --- d.v.s. av att verkligcn
f:a vets nagot orn Kina. Person.ligen beundrar jag rnycket
DrIi y DP78-030161A0004d0060004-9d
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er, vin ni nagon gang j fratntiden firmer att Kinas utrike - Vt;rfi;r ska just jag vara minister?
minister irate hingre at bcccdd attt diskutera tired variiiga uln~tiotr bordt? avsltt?das soon Eiirenta Staternas presid