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November 17, 2016
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August 12, 2000
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May 22, 1967
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A roved For Release 2000/08/2lr?rrl -RDP78-03061A00046~ 6d 4=4 r - weekly n i d, a, n r P, ] )ro~azunda ? Output should not follow too closely the language or style of these guidances, lest it appear to have a common origin. Significant Dates Media Lines* Briefly Noted* Advertisement 25X1 C ? NUMBERING: Items with numbers alone are sent to all stations; items with area letters and small letters are given selected distribution; small letters indicate the following content-a, revisionism; b. agricul- ture; c. religion; d. intelligentsia; e. labor; f. youth and students; g. nationalism, neutralism; and h. black propaganda. 22 May 1967 Approved For Release 2000/08 P78-03061 A000400060004-9 B Approve S , t e l e a s e 2000/08/27 : I - P78-03061A000400060004-9 Significant Dates JUL [ASTERISK DENOTES ANNIVERSARIES. All others are CURRENT EVENTS] 21* Armistice ends Vietnamese war between French and Viet Minh forces. 1954. 23 Soviet Navy Day. 23* Geneva Agreements guaranteeing independence and neutrality of Laos signed by 14 nations. 1962. FIFTH ANNIVERSARY. 28 (+o August 5) First conference of Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO: Communist front growing out of Tri-Continental Conference, Havana, January 1966). AUG 1* Warsaw Uprising begins; later crushed by Germans while Red Army refuses and blocks assistance. 1944. 2-9 World Confederation of Organizations of the Teaching Profession, 16th Assembly, Vancouver, Canada. (Non-Communist.) 6* U.S. drops atomb bomb on Hiroshima. 1945. 8* Soviet Union declares war on Japan. 1945. 14* Japan surrenders to Allies. 1945. 15* Republic of Indonesia proclaimed. (After four years of intermittent warfare, Netherlands transferred sovereignty to interim Indonesian government 2 Novem- ber 1949.) 1950. 20* Leon Trotsky murdered in Mexico City. 1940. 23* Soviet Union and Nazi Germany conclude non-aggression pact, opening way for German attack on Poland,. and its partition between Germany and the USSR. 1939. 25* Paris liberated by Free French forces with U.S. Army. 1944. 27* Kellogg-Briand Pact (Treaty of Paris) signed, renouncing war as instrument of policy. 28 Aug-Sept 2. 10th International Congress of Linguists, Bucharest. (Includes non-Communist participants.) SEP I* Germany invades Poland; World War II begins. 1939. 3-8 17th Pugwash Conference on "Scientists and World Affairs," Ronneby, Sweden. 8 Summit meeting of Organization of African Unity, Kinshasa, Congo. II* Constituent Assembly election, South Vietnam. Despite Viet Cong threats, 80.8% of voters turn out. 1966. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000 (400060004-t9 Dates) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : A000400060004-9 M edict Lines 22 May 1967 Swedish Communists Stop Publishing WORLD MARXIST REVIEW. As of the beginning of this year, the Swedish Communist Party (SKP) ceased publica- tion of INTERNATIONELL REVY (International Review), the Swedish edition of the Soviet-sponsored international monthly, WORLD MARXIST REVIEW/PROB- LEMS OF PEACE AND SOCIALISM. Declining circulation was given as the rea- son, and indeed the magazine had only an average monthly circulation of approximately 1,000. Some copies were distributed in Finland, Norway and Denmark. According to other reports, the magazine was considered too "orthodox" by the present "revisionist" leaders of the Swedish Communist Party (SKP). Whatever the reason, (and it was probably a combination of the two cited above), Communist publications in Europe have steadily dec- lined in circulation and influence during the past twenty years, -- a fact which has been underscored by numerous items in this column during the past several months. IZVESTIYA Begins a Comic Strip. The Soviet Government's leading daily, IZVESTIYA (News), has recently inaugurated a comic strip, which to date has been used chiefly to draw attention to shortcomings in Soviet services by the use of heavy-handed humor. One strip showed a pipe-smok- ing engineer with a Dagwood haircut, naturally named Ivan Ivanich, buy- ing a pair of roller skates so he could hitch a ride on the back of one of Moscow's overcrowded buses. Another showed him treating 18 families to drinks at an outdoor fruit stand because restaurants were too full. "Ivan Ivanich" is believed to be the first comic strip in any of the more authoritative Soviet newspapers. (Sample attached) (Unclassified) Castro Government Building Vast Radio Network. Communist Cuba is well on the road to possessing one of the world's more powerful inter- national broadcasting complexes. In February 1967, at Holguin in Oriente Province, the Cubans opened a 150,000 watt medium wave facility, which is three times as powerful as the most powerful U.S. commercial stations. (The power of U.S. domestic stations is restricted by the FCC to 50,000 watts) Now a 50,000 watt Cuban station has been opened at Cocucum, only 15 miles from the Holguin facility, These are only two of six powerful transmitters ordered from Czechoslovakia. To date nothing is known of Cuban plans for the other four. The two stations already on the air are so powerful as to interfere seriously with domestic broad- casts in the U.S.A., and in neighboring countries in the Caribbean and Central America. As Cuba is a signatory to the North American Regional Broadcast Agreement on the use of broadcasting frequencies, there may be formal protests over the interference caused by the Cuban stations. Observers speculate that Cuba is hastening the development of Communist propaganda facilities in connection with the "Solidarity Conference of Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (MEDIA LINES CONT.) Approved For Release 200rp-RDP78-03061 A000400060004-9 the Latin American Peoples", scheduled to open in Havana on 28 July. Cuban broadcasts to date proclaim that "revolution" will be the central theme of this conference. (UNCLASSIFIED) On this conference, see also Briefly Noted in this issue. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 " (MEDIA LINES.) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 CPYRGHT HBAH JIBAHbILI COBETYET- n0 f1POCb6E 10. M. AHcel.osa Ha ropopa lluenaH Heath HaaHbly pewaeT ceroAHR npo6neMy o6ecneYeHHn WHTeneA Ha wHx ropoAo^ TpaHCnop- TOM B 4acb1 ?nHH*. HaAeeuc,. NTO ropoACHNe COBeTbI HaRAyT H APYrMe Cno- COObl. MoHCeT 6b+Tb, McHee opHrlHanbHble, HO He McKee paAHHanbHble. (SPORTING GOODS) Cno P"ObAPb1 5 El ngo& 1505 I!J Ex IZVESTIYA April 23, 1967 At the request of Yu. M. Aksenov of the city Hiepaya, Ivan Ivanych today solves the problem of "peak-hour" transportation for our city dwellers. We hope that city Soviets (councils) will find still other means. Perhaps less original, but no less radical. NN Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 PSVMlAO00400060004-9 22 May 1967 Briefly Noted 0000" Czechs and Six Spies Tried in Two East Germans Days. Run Agents Two espionage cases, in France involving six per- sons, were recently tried behind closed doors in the Cour de la Surete de 1'Etat in Paris. On 26 April, two men who had spied for Czechoslovakia were condemned to eight and four year sentences. Stephan Kri- govsky, who received the longer sen- tence, had once been a General Secre- tary of Communist Youth in Bratislava - showing again, as in the cases of Shelepin and Semichastny of the Kom- somol and theKGB, that there is.a close affinity between Communist youth work and Communist intelligence acti- vity. Jean Sarady, who was condemned along with Krigovsky, had been a pro- fessor at a religious institution in Toulouse and, as Krigovsky had done, had wornreligious garb and had passed himself off as a priest. The two men, who had sought to gather information .on Czech emigres in France and on the French "Concorde" aircraft, had been arrested in Toulouse in January 1966. The other case, tried on 27 April, concerned, two married couples who had spied for East Germany, Hans and Marianne Bammler and Peter and Renee Kranick. Each of them had been paid 60,000 francs a year (about $12,000), and this had contributed to their downfall; Mme. Bammler worked as a housekeeper and rode in an expensive car, a discrepancy which attracted attention. Her husband had been re- cruited in 1960 while working in East Berlin, and had later assumed a new identity in Egypt, had acquired Swiss citizenship, and had moved to Paris in 1963. Peter Kranick had been enlisted by the East Germans when involved in an East Berlin traffic accident while he was working for the French Mili- tary Government in West Berlin; he met his wife while she was working for the same organization. She later was employed in the West Ger- man Embassy in Paris and then by NATO. French counter-espionage agents surprised the couples in bed one morning, and found in their lodgings a hollow statue concealing a miniature camera and codes. They had sent postcards with pictures of flowers, but the flowers were sprin- kled with microdots. The two couples had sought information on NATO. Sen- tences given were: Peter Kranick - 20 years; Hans Bammler - 18 years; Renee Kranick - 14 years; Marianne Bammler - 12 years. (A French ver- sion of the story, from which the above is taken, appeared in PRESS COMMENT on 9 May 1967.) 25X1 C10b Castro p Zans Conference of Latin More Mischief American Solidarity Organization. (Full background and guidance on this Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 BRIEFLY NOTED CONT.) Approved For Release P78-03061 A000400060004-9 important conference will follow well in advance of the conference.) The first conference of the Latin American Solidarity Orgainzation (LASO) will meet in Havana from July 28 to August 5 under the slogan, "The duty of every revolutionary is to make revolution." Delegations from 27 Latin American countries and territories are expected to attend. LASO is an outgrowth of the Tri Continental Conference (TRICON) of the Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples Solidarity Organization, which met in Havana in January 1966. TRICON issued a resolution supported by the Soviet delegation, calling for armed struggle for "national liberation." Castro has since criticized the Soviet Union for insufficient support to guerrilla groups. At the LASO conference Castro will attempt to strengthen his contro:'_ over the Latin American guerrilla movement and will seek to emerge as the leader of Latin American Commu- nists. The agenda for the conference concentrates on revolutionary strug- gle and armed insurrection for "na- tional liberation" by workers, pea- sants, students, and intellectuals; the danger to the "national libera- tion" movement presented by reforms that alleviate conditions that cause people to struggle for "national liberation"; unifying opposition to "imperialist" actions in the politi- cal-military, economic, ideological, and cultural fields; defense of the Cuban Revolution and opposition to "imperialist" economic and political isolation of Cuba. The Inter-American Peace Force, the OAS, the Central American Defense Council, military bases and pacts, "imperialist" finan- cial resources and foreign trade, and "imperialist" influence on society and culture, are all scheduled for discussion. The conference is also to dis- cuss a "sociological survey" conducted by LASO on the political, economic, cultural, racial, and religious structure of each Latin American country. The declared purpose of the survey is to provide detailed know- ledge for the development of a com- mon revolutionary strategy and of means of support for revolutionary grouses. The composition of delegates to the conference is disputed among Latin American Communists. In several countries the "fidelistas" -- the extreme revolutionary splinter groups, some being semi-isolated bands of guer:^illas .-- are in conflict with the officiaL pro-Soviet Communist Parties of their countries. Castro wants a conference in which most delegations will represent the ex- treme revolutionary groups, and which will provide him with a base for gaining greater control over Commu- nist groups throughout Latin America. The organizers hope that LASO will emerge from the conference as a fully structured organization. Plans for a LASO Bulletin, for in- stance, are underway. LASO's emphasis, however, is on armed revolutionary struggle, and the Conference is expected to aim mainly at estab- lishing unity among the various revo- lutionary groups. Why Do They The Refugee: Symbol Still Leave? of 50 Years of Commu- nism A 31 March LONDON TIMES dispatch from Vienna Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIArRDP78-03061A000400060004-9 reported that approximately 100 East Europeans who were attending the world ice hockey championships had requested political asylum in Austria. In Austria alone 3,850 persons were granted asylum in 1966. Flights from the communist world have become quite common. Yet the refugee's decision to leave his home- land is an experience filled with pathos. Although escape from some countries may be easier, the refugee is often separated from his family and friends, possibly for life. Still the exodus continues away from commu- nist states -- rarely the other way. An unclassified background paper gives data on the number of people who have "voted with their feet." REF: USIA Study 66-SM-132: "The Refugee: Symbol of the 1917- 1967 Era." ADVERTISEMENT # # # # # # # # # # # # # # You can't tell the Fronts with- out a Scorecard We try to help you know # # the score with our guidances on the international and popular # # fronts. Now we have received an outstanding report on the most # # dangerous front group now in operation: USIA's survey # # P-13-67 of April 20, 1967: "THE VIET CONG: THE FRONT TECHNIQUE." # It uses careful analysis and documentation to show how tech- # # niques perfected through 50 years of Communism are now being # # adapted to the uses of the Viet- namese "War of Liberation." We urge you to get copies # # from your local USIA represent a- tive.* #C10b *NOTE: USIA circulated this re- port to all its Far East posts and to Beirut, Bonn, Geneva, Lagos, London, Mexico City, Nairobi, New Delhi, Rio de Janerio, and Rome. If you cannot obtain locally, request copies from Headquarters. 3 Approved For Release 2000/08/27. CI R 1P78-03061A000400 goef'4y9Noted) Approved For Release 2000/08/2 1 A00040006OW041967 1125. VIETNAM: "NON-ALIGNED" CONFERENCE IN STOCKHOLM WPC Prepares to Manipulate Pacifists 25X1C10b SITUATION: (UNCLASSIFIED) On the initiative of some Swedish pacifists, a World Conference on Vietnam will be held in Stockholm, Sweden from 6 to9 July. The initial promoters of the Conference are the prominent leftist pacifist, Bertil Svahnstr8m, a Swedish council member of the Britain-headquartered, non-Communist International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace (ICDP) and the Communist-influenced Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society (SPAS), a,Swedish peace organization formed in 1883 of which Svahnstr8m is a leading member. The Conference will take place under the SPAS' titular auspices. At least eight international peace organizations', including the World Peace Council (WPC), have promised to take part in the Stockholm Conference, and there is increasing evidence that the WPC is seizing the initiative from the non-aligned, leftist/pacifist sponsors and supporters. At the WPC's Presidential Committee meeting in Prague (February 215-27,,,1967), Vietnam and European security were the main topics and considerable importance was attached to the Stockholm conference. In March, Romesh Chandra, the Indian secretary general of the WPC, stated that Vietnam would be virtually the sole focus of attention for the WPC over the next few months, In his report at Prague on the work, program, and organizational problems of the WPC, Chandra underlined the need for cooperation among various social and, political groupings (i.e. united fronts); and said that every effort should be made to isolate the USA and by these tactics force her to agree to talks about Vietnam. WPC, ICDP, International Fellowship for Reconciliation, Internation- al Peace Bureau (Geneva), Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, War Resisters' International, Amnesty International, Inter- national Committee of Conscience on Vietnam; and the National Co- ordinating Committee to End the War, in Vietnam, the American Friends Service Committee, and the Swedish Peace and Arbitration Society. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (1125 Cont.) Approved For Release ~1?-RfP78-03061 A000400060004-9 About 350 to 400 delegates are expected to participate in the Confer- ence, including representatives of North Vietnam and of the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NFLSV)., Many national committees, especially in Europe, but also in such countries as I.-,he UAR and India, have been formed to prepare for the meeting. A effort is being made to obtain impressive representation from countries 'which support the American war effort in Vietnam. The organizing comrn::.ttee drew up a list of the appropriate numbers of delegates from each country, e.g.,25 from Sweden, 20 from the great powers. down to one from Luxembourg and New Zealand. Svahnstr8m, chairman of the organizing committee (Address: Jungfrugatan 30, Stockholm c.), wrote a lengthy article on the forthcom- ing Conference which appeared in the March issue of the WPC's publication, PERSPECTIVES. f= Note: Information contained in the article as to the purpose of the meeting and the procedures to be followed is borne out in classified reporting. Svahnstr8m says inter alia: "The idea behind the initiative is to coordinate a worldwide public opinion for the common aim to stop the Vietnam war, to ex- plore the ways and means most likely to lead to results, and to pre- sent the case of the Vietnamese people in a way strong enough to make the 'war lords in Washington' listen." Svahnstr8m also related that after informal preliminary talks of represen- tatives of peace groups in Stockholm (29-30 October),, the meeting released a press communique, which said in part: "...consideration was given to the proposal... for... a conference to initiate efforts to end the war in Vietnam and to ensure indepen- dence for the Vietnamese pecple in accordance with the Geneva agree- ments of 1954. The meeting decided to bring together representatives... from parliaments, trade unicns, religious bodies, universities and other groups from all continents. Experts in various fields are being invited to join in the preparation of documents to be distribu- ted in advance of the conference..." Organizing and editorial committees (the ICDP is in charge of the editor- ial committee; address: Gerry Hunnius, general secretary, ICDP, 3 Handon Ave., London N.3)* were formed at the October meeting;. The two committees met in Stockholm on 16-17 December and issued a communique which stated in part It is interesting to note that the WPC has tried to play down Hunnius's ICDP identification, apparently not wanting to adver- tise unnecessarily its tactical collaboration with the ICDP. (END Approved For Release 2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 (.1125 Cont.) 11 P~ Approved For Release 2000/08/ by the conference participants...(END UNCLASSIFIED) -03061 A00Q400060004-9 "...national organizations affiliated with the sponsoring inter- national organizations are being asked to join together to obtain broad [Ed: i.e. united front] support for the conference and ensure effective it from their respective countries. It was decided that the conference would carry out its work principally in working groups in each of which people with similar special train- ing or interests would work together. They will include working groups of international lawyers, scientists, trade unionists, religious organizations, women and youth movements. A commission will be formed to study the means of influencing the policies of governments now allied with the U.S. in NATO and other military pacts. Another commission will examine, the ways in which non-aligned countries may be able to help end the war in Vietnam and secure Vietnamese independence." ',',..Experts in various fields will prepare authoritative reports. It,is planned that among them will-be papers on Vietnam's struggle for freedom, and independence; escalation of the war in Vietnam; international law and the war in Vietnam; use of. -napalm, poison as and other weapons .of mass annihilation in Vietnam; peace initiatives -- real and decep- tivea growing g isolation of the USA in the world, resulting from the war in.Viet},am.* These reports will be circulated in advance for study 25X1C10b Amnesty International is preparing reports on arbitrary arrest, political imprisonment, treatment of prisoners and torture in Vietnam; ICDP on peace initiatives: WPC and ICDP jointly on the growing isolation of. the U.S.; and WPC on material assistance for Vietnam by non-governmental organizations. (E_ Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : Cll -RDSP78-03061A00 400060004-9 (1125 Ccnt.) Approved For Release 20flf" " '?z = IA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 25X1C10b Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 4 mmmafidwbdmp~ (1125) Approved For Release 2000/08/ 3061A000400060004-9967 1126 INTERNATIONAL O,RGANIZATIQN Q.F J,OURNA,iJS~S CAI M' Y Y Tr 1 R~ " ~"~ A A Front for Molding Public Opinion 25X1C1Ob SITUATION: (UNCLASSIFIED) The Communist-front International Organization of Journalists (IOJ) is much smaller, more specialized and less,in evidence than the mass.membershp fronts with which it cooperates closely, and it is particularly important to the Communist propaganda structure because of these very characteristics. It seeks to influence those who report, analyze and disseminate news, and, equally important, it serves to reinforce the campaigns of the larger fronts by publiciz- ing and participating in their activities. Thus, it is not surprising that the IOJ has announced it will be represented at the World Conference for Peace in Vietnam to be held in Stoclcholm, 6-9 July1967. (See Item #11255, this BPG. For IOJ positions on the Vietnam problem, see unclassified attachment.) IOJ President Jean-Maurice Hermann (who is also Secretary General of the French Journalists' Union, an affiliate of the Communist-controlled Confederatipn Generale du Travail) frankly admits that the IOJ is a political as well as a trade union organization. This was not always so. I. .: The IOJ was founded in Copenhagen in June 1946 as a world-wide successor to the International Federation of Journalists of Allied and Free Countries which., in turn, had been formed in London in 1941 to re- place the International Federation of.Journalists (IFJ)., paralyzed by the Axis occupation of most of continental Europe. The IOJ, initially headquartered in London, was a bona fide journalists' organization only during the first year of its existence., At the Second Congress (Prague, June 1947), the Soviet Bloc delegations although not in a majority, 'achieved voting control, moved the IOJ headquarters to Prague, and installed a Czech Communist in the key position of Secretary General- Treasurer, By the eve of the Third Congress, finally held in Helsinki in 1950, the exodus of non-Communist affiliates had left the IOJ composed entirely of Communists and fellow-travelers. When its first President, Archibald Kenyon,, a distinguished British journalist, resigned in late 1949, he labeled the IOJ a Party puppet and a Cominform tool. It has continued under Soviet control and manipulation ever since, initially treating its rivals (the non-Communist IFJ was reconstituted in 1952; its headquarters are in Brussels)with scorn and abuse; but since the mid- 50's it has more relied on united front tactics, urging Western and neutralist journalists to cooperate and collaborate with the IOJ on common objectives. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RD'P78-03061A000.400060004-9 (1126'Cont.) Approved For Release 20nnIAAfjj m'A RDP78-03061 A000400060004-9 The IOJ's unity campaign oJDened in Helsinki in June 1956 with the first International Meeting of Journalists (IMJ),"a great gathering irrespective of political or other distinctions from all parts of the world." The IFJ refused to participate, pointing out that its affiliates had helped to found the IOJ, had withdrawn because of the "persistent use of its forum for virulent political propaganda," and added: "It is not possible for us to consider a reunification until a radical change is effected in the conditions of the press in those countries which are represented by national organizations in tae IOJ." The IFJ has also declined all subsequent overtures. A number of Afro-Asian and Latin American journalists were, however, drawn into the planning for the meeting, and an even larger number attended. Among the neutralist dele- gates, enthusiasm for international journalists' unity waxed so strong that the IOJ found itself in danger of losing control. President Heimann even declared IOJ's willingness to dissolve -- if the IFJ would follow suit. The final outcome was the establishment of a Committee "representing the East and the West, as well as neutral countries," which subsequently assumed the name of the "International Corm-nittee for Cooperation of Journalists" (ICCJ). This body, a still ill-disguised IOJ subsidiary -- a front for the front, so to speak -- is now head- quartered in Rome. In the intervening years, the ICCJ has held a not very successful 2nd IMJ in Baden, Austria, in October 1960 and a 3rd meeting in September- October 1963. This last conference was somewhat more successful;, partic- ularly among Africans and Arabs because it was convened aboard the Russian liner "Litva", cruising the Mediterranean. (The Chinese boy- cotted the meeting because of its Soviet control.) At each port of call -- Naples, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Port Said and Beirut -- meetings were held with local leaders and journalists. A 4th IMJ, suggested for Summer 1967 in Latin America, now appears unlikely :before 1.968, and the site is still undetermined. Meanwhile, the parent IOJ finally held its IVtl1 Congress after a lapse of 8 years in May 1958 (Bucharest) , its Vth in August =.962 (Buda- pest), and its VIth in October 1.966 (East Berlin). The VIIth is sched- uled to be held in Havana in 1970. During this period, the IO_-, although not ignoring the rather diffi- cult target represented by the Journalists of the developed) non-Communist world, has gradually intensified its interest in the developing areas with the primary objective of influencing the growing numbers of jour- nalists of Africa, Asia and Latin America. In those areas, IOJ offi- cials have traveled regularly, initiating and. maintaining contacts; IOJ has enlarged its membership, both organizational and individual, and has elected officials from those areas. In 1961, the IOJ announced its "Three Year Plan for the Development of the Press, Radio and Television in Africa, Asia and Latin America" with the intent of "a more rapid elimination of the remnants of Approved For Release 2000/0897 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/2 -O3O61A00O4OOO6OOO4-9 colonialism", The Plan (which ends this year but will presumably be extended by the Executive Committee at its next meeting in Ulan Bator, 6-9 September 1967) covers gifts of equipment, limited financial aid through the IOJ's International Solidarity Fund, and -- above all -- training. In the field of journalistic training, the IOJ and its Czechoslovak and East German national affiliates operated informally for a number of years, offering individuals opportunities for travel and observation. In late 1963 and early 196)4, however, training activities were formalized. The ?OJ opened its International Center for the Training of Journalists from the Developing Countries, offeringe3-month courses, in Budapest. mWWWWO The IOJ is also reported to be considering the establishment of an Institute of Press Study and Communications Media sometime in 1967. END } The Union of (East) German Journalists operates the "School of Solidarity" near Berlin, offering 6-12 months courses for African, Asian and Latin American GOPFRFFA''Its Director recently claimed to have graduated 60 journalists so far, and to have 20 students from 9 African and Asian countries in the current (5th) course. END The Union of Czechoslovak Tournal_ists and the Czech News Agency (CTK) jointly operate the International School for News Agency Journalism and Techniques, where instruction includes practical on-the- job training in CTK's bureaus. In addition, the USSR's educational activities must not be overlooked. Fu_l scholarships, including those offered to journalism students, play a significant role in the Soviet plan for long-range influence on the molding of public opinion in the developing areas. Among other activities, both the Czech and East German affiliates will assist the host Union of Journalis s of Cuba in organizing a Seminar for Latin American Journalists .n Havana sometJme during Summer 1967. Both, as'well as the IOJ, are publishing journalism text books. All, with some CTK participation, have assisted variously in a few local courses and seminars -- in Mali, Guinea, Algeria and Afghanistan. CTK has cooperative agreements with, among others, Tanzania and Afghanistan; the 10J has offered assistance to the Kenya News Agency. END IOJ activities in ,the, developing areas appear to have had success in Africa, where the front is operating in its own name, through the development of personal and sometimes inconspicuous relationships, and 11 also through the Pan-African Union of Journalists (PAUJ) which'it helped to establish in 1961. The PAUJ, headed, by IOJ Vice President Jean- Baptiste Deen of Guineas is analogous in the journalists' field to the All-African Trade Union Federation and bras also controlled by Nkrumah until hisfall, Following the February 1966 coup in Ghana, Deen caused a slight ripple of doubt by sandwiching a trip to Peking "between two visits to Prague, but showed no evidence of being other than pro-Soviet at the VIth Congress. END __- Approved For Release 2000/08/27: CIASRDP78-O3O61AOOO4OOO6OOO4-9 r V w w 0 40 (1126 Cont.) Approved for Release 2000/0QI2r~RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 In Asia, the IOJ has followed the "travel and personal contact" route with some minor success. For example, Secretary General Jiri Meisner visited India in the summer of 1966 and was able to arrange a liaison committee for Indian re-presentatio.ra at the VIth Congress. The All-China Journalists Association and the Union of Albanian Journalists are still listed as IOJ affilia-:es, but neither was represented at the VIth Congress or the Executive Committee meeting which preceded. it in September. The Sino-Soviet split is a fact of life in the IOJ. The split was already widening when the IOJ-?supported Afro-Asian Journalists' Conference was held in Bandung in April 1963. The :;hinese and Indones- ians gained control of the meeting and of the Afro-Asian Journalists' Association (AAJA) which was formed there. The AAJA, though, is not the rival it once was. It was never able to garner more than hard pro- Peking support in Africa, its Center in Djakarta has disintegrated, and it now has apparently no real strength in Asia. In Latin America, the IOJ claims "an affiliated organization in every country, and one in three journalists as a member". The published roster (See unclassified attachment) lists groups in 13 countries, excluding Cuba, 9 of which were admitted at the VItha Congress. The IOJ has long hoped to establish a controlled federation to oppose the non- Communist Inter-American Federation of Working Newspapermen.: Such a federation will undoubtedly be discussed again at the Summer 1967 Havana Seminar. The IOJ did help to establish, in 1962, a Commission for Infor- mation and Cooperation Among Latin American Journal: :sts (CICPLA) which maintains an office in Montevide'c, and publishes an occasicnal bulletin. An IOJ Executive Committee meeting was held in Santago, Chile, in September 1963 -- the last at which Communist China was represented. The sessions were closed, probably in well-founded anti- cipation of some disruption by the Chinese, and outside, the excluded press was loudly disapproving., In the resulting unfriendly atmosphere, the IOJ abandoned the planned establishment of a Regional Bureau in Santiago in which it had already invested large sum of money. END At the time,disintere,;ted observers called the meeting a fiasco. But a year later, Secretary General Meisner,report:ing to the VIth Congress, recalled it as "an important event for strengthening our contacts... a great manifestation of friendship among democratic jour- nalists of the whole world with their Latin American colleagues...." (ENID UNCLASSIFIED) 25X1C10b Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (11.26 Cont . ) Approved For Release 2000/08/ -03061A000400060004-9 25X1C10b IRD Publication (Unattributed, Unclassified): "Facts About Soviet International Front Organizations",, October 1964, pp 83-89. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIAO-RlP78-03061AO00400060004-9 (1126.) Approved For Release 2000/08/2 1127 EUR,FE,WH. CHEN Y1 AVOWS CHINESE AIM~ 25X1C10b SITUATION:. On 26 August 1966, Chicom Foreign Minister Chen Yi received goup of Swedish visitors belonging to the Swedish Clarte 11 organization and gave them answers to various questions about Chicom aims and policies. The text of the interview has now been published in the Swedish organization's bimonthly magazine, CLARTTE, in a special issue (1967, No. 1) China ad the experiences of the group which went. to China. (Translation and,original of the CLARTE report of the interview are attached to this guidance.) "Clarte" is an organization of intellectuals originally founded in Paris in 1919; the organ of the Swedish branch began publication in 1924. Once a left-Socialist student-professorial organization, the Swedish branch came under Communist influence; and is now pro- Chicom. The group is a rallying point for Swedish radical youth. According to NCNA reports of last summer, the Clarte tourists travelled in China with French mezgbers of the "Un~ve.rsi,ty Students' `section of the Franco-Chinese Frigndship Society." On the way back to Sweden through the Soviet Union, the Swedish travellers had the experience of having the Chicom publications they were carrying seized by Soviet authorities; NCNA published their letter of pro- test. Since Chen Yi was addressing what for all intents and purposes was a Chicom-controlled group, he spoke very frankly. One notable feature of his remarks was his endorsement of the "dQminotheory" of Southeast Asian politics -- i.e., the belief that if South Vietnp,m falls, other Southeast Asian countries will fall to,Coxpmunism as wei.l, as a row of standing dominoes falls. (Chen Yi wrongly attributed this theory to President Johnson; actually it was originated by President Eisenhower. It should also be noted that Chen Yi sqmewhat distorted the American elsAmerican ewhere,d but that ife would wAmericann defeat that entail ~ falls into o the hands of the Communists through a failure of the United States to assist the South, the other Southeast Asian countries would then -- again, if not assisted by the U.S. -- fall successively under Communist control.) Other points of interest (with comment in italicb): 1. Chen Yi says: "We can't export the revolution." He also denies that China is carrying on any subversive work. But he states: Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (1127 Cont.) Approved For Release 2000JM%7-?-CJA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 "Our present foreign policy is concentrated on resisting the American aggression and helping Vietnam. We use every possi- bility to support the Vietnamese people in the battle against the U.S.A. imperialists." And Chen Yi says further: "Therefore our foreign policy all over the world is to encour- age the nations to display the broadest', most genuine and efficient united front that includes the nations from all aspects. The united front must be the broadest possible, but it won't include the new Soviet revisionists." He also predicts that "after the U.S.A. imperialism has been con- quered in Vietnam, the national revolution in Latin America and Africa will experience a new tidal wave." With a policy which resists "U.S.A. aggression" and which pro- poses a united front excluding the Soviets, it is not hard to see what country is to assume the leadership. Latin Americans and Africans may be interested to know that their tidal wave is due after a U.S. defeat in Vietnam. 2. Chen Yi strongly endorses Lin Piao's doctrine that the rural areas should rise in rebellion against the cities -- i.e., that Asian, African, and Latin American nations should rise against Europe and the United States and "devour" them. He denies, however, that China opposes the "revolutionary movement" in Europe and the United States. Chen says: "... We must mobilize young people who will unite with the farmers and workers. This is the basic strategy of Marxism- Leninism; here the implication is to change the conditions of exploitation and the difference between ccuntry and city." One wonders if the plan is not to reduce the city dwellers to peasants, rather than raise the level of the peasants. 3. Castro becomes a subject of discussion during the interview, in connection with anti-Chinese statements by the Cuban leader. After a long statement in which Castro is bracketed with other critics of China, including the Pope, Chen Yi says, "I don't want Castro to steal more of our precious time," and adds that while he is not in a position to say whether Castro is turning against China on Soviet orders: "We all know that the U.S.A. imperialists hate China above everything. They explain that China is the U.S.A.'s enemy Number One. The fact that Castro now appears and shows himself to be,in opposition to China, denotes a gesture to the U.S.A." Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 (1127 Cont.) Approved For Release 2000/08/Z+l''!^~b'I 0,1 061A000400060004-9 Chen's statements about Castro seam designed to show contempt. 4. On the Cultural Revolution, Chen Yi says: "Each [Chinese] private person has to clarify his attitude toward this revolution: whetl?er he is for it,. and marching on- 'ward or whether he will be irk the way and be conquered." He claims that the Cultural Revoll4tion gives the workers and stu- dents a chance "to practice a comprehensive democracy with the right to participate directly in the governmental rule." There have been some recent reports that Chen is in danger of being ousted; While no one can predict the course of events in today's China, his statements on in Piao's ideas and on the Cultural Revolution make us wonder why the Maoists should want Chen's removal. 5. Chen Yi thinks. that the Soviets follow a policy of cooperation with the U.S. "in order to dominate the whole world." He suspects that Moscow and Washington use the "hot line" to concert their plans. He says it is known "to all the nations in the world" that New York and Washington have grown wealthy by exploiting the rural areas of the worlds including the rural U.S.; the wealth, is used to train urban workers to become aristocrats. Hebelieves the American people have "risen in rebellion to fight their own country's imperialism,' and -- although he_speaks of democracy in China -- he does not think the American people have the right to dismiss President Johnson. Chen Yi's state of doctrinaire ignorance -- assuming, as is probable, that he expressed his true opinions - is not only, deplorable, but also dangerous. 25X1 C1 Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA3 RD P78-03061AO00400060004-9 ?? w r A h C T (1127 Cont.) Approved For Release 20 G 'A RDP78-03061 A000400060004-9 25X1C10b Approved For Release 2000/0827 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (1127.) Approved For Release-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/17 : CIA-RIP78-03061A000400060004-9 A A" (1128.) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 PPW&03061 919-9967 1128. THAI GOVERNMENT'S FORMAL INDICTMENT OF THE USSR AND NORTH VIETNAM GOVERNMENTS 25X1C10b SITUATION: On 22 April 1967' the Thai Ambassador to Moscow was summoned to the Soviet Ministry of -Foreign Affairs and handed a stiff protest note upbraiding the Royal Thai Government (RTG) for permitting the U.S. to mount air strikes from Thailand against North Vietnam. The Soviet note was replete with the usual accusations of "U.S. aggression", "bandit war in Vietnam", and the like, and was probably triggered by the RTG's March 1967 public sanction of U.S. fighter-bomber bases in Thailand and the RTG's simultaneous decision to send a 2,100 man battalion to assist South Vietnam in the war against the north. On 4 May the Soviet Ambassador to Bangkok was, in his turn, summoned to the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs where an Under Secretary handed him a Note Verbale. The Thai Note sharply rejected the Soviet protests and charges, attacked the USSR in its role as co-chairman of the Geneva Conference, and made scathing references to North Vietnamese and Soviet violations of the international laws by which civilized nations govern. themselves (see texts of notes in unclassified section). 25X1C10b Approved For Release 2000/08/27 CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (1128 Cont.) Approved For Release 2000/08/2 1129 EUR, d. WRITERS' PROBLEMS IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA 25X1C10b SITUATION: With an unresolved conflict between the regime and the country's most successful Communist author, and with a writers congress in the offing, Czechoslovakia appears toobe entering another round in the continuing struggle between top Communist authorities and Czech and Slovak intellectuals. Ladislav Mnacko , a veteran Communist with a partisan record and a long-time friend of top CF leaders, wrote a book, THE TA$TE,OF POWER,, in which he bitterly criticized Stalinism and, im- plicitly, the present system in Czechoslovakia. The West German and Austrian press reports that Mnacko gained written-permission from CP authorities to publish his book both in Czechoslovakia and in Austria. Subsequently, however, top Czech leaders, probably on orders from CP boss Novotny himself, halted the serial publication of THE TASTE OF POWER in Czech and tried unsuccessfully to retrieve the manuscript from the Austrian publishers with whom Mnacko, had dealt. Meanwhile, in the April 1967 issue of PLAMEN ( TORCH; the literary monthly of the Writers' Union) indicates that a writers' congress will be scheduled in the near future. Past regime-versus-writers quarrels can be expected to rise to the surface if the congress is held. The Mnacko stoxy differs, from the usual regime-writer conflict in that Mnacko is writing as a member of the inner circle of the party, and also in that he goes ruthlessly to the heart of the( matter: the corruption, inadequacies, and injustices of the system (rather than merely treating segments of the problem,. as liberal writers in the Bloc are apt to do, in the hope of fostering gradual changes in the system). I After the regime changed its mind and decided against publication, Mnacko was given the opportunity to cooperate by allowing the censors to trim his book before publishing it at home and by requesting the Austrian publisher'-- Verlag Fritz Molden -- to return his manuscript. Mnacko evidently opposed censorship and is reported to have urged Molden to go ahead and publish his book. The next move is W ,to the Czech CP leadership. They can opt to continue to suppress THE TASTF OF POWER or to release the book for publication. Both alternatives are unattractive, for the regime knows pronounced MNYACHko Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 R,~ (1129 Cont.) Approved For Release 2000/ ; -RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 it will lose either way. Perhaps Novotny will decide for release, since the appearance of the book in German (March 1967) and its forthcoming publication in Groat Britain and the U.S. (around June 1967) will increase pressures at home for a Czech edition; the country's intellectuals may well add to this pressure by voicing their objections to Czechoslovakia's growing reputation for banning books. The forthcoming writers' congress may coincide with the announcement of the regime's decision on Mnacko's book, and in any case should serve to amplify discussion of the case. For the writers as a group have a stake in the Mnacko conflict, inasmuch as a favorable o unfavorable decision would indicate the trend of the regime's publication policies for some time to come. Czech writers visit- ing Western Europe have remarked, in the context of discussions of the intellectual climate in their country, that the forthcoming writers con- gress will be "a hot one." The struggle between the regime and the writers has considerable significance in and of itself. At issue, basically, is the right of authors to write and have published books that criticize the reality of life in Czechoslovakia. Secondary disputes revolve around the regime's methods of keeping the writers under control. The regime, to strengthen its hand, has sought to enlist the support of the workers by continually fanning their animosity towards the intellectuals. ;Novotny has been particularly active in this effort. In their relationships with the out- side world of creative intellectuals, the Czechoslovak writers have been particularly frustrated. In ear--y 1966, for example, a delegation of Czechoslovak writers went to Moscow to try to find out first-hand about the condemned fellow-writers, Sinyavskiy and Daniel. Shortly thereafter two well-known authors, Josef Grossman and Vaclav Havel, had their pass- ports taken away. Subsequently, only a small delega'~:ion of Czechs* was permitted to attend the significant International PEN Congress in New York in June 1966. Addendum: FYI, reports describe the bitter struggle between Mnacko and the regime as an extension of the struggle between Czech and Slovak factions of the CP of Czechoslov- akia. They state explicitly that Novotny, the head of the Czech faction, gave his oral approval to the publication of Mnacko's'book but later, after the impact of the initial installment was known, reacted by ordering the publication stopped and by firing Pavel Auersperg, Chief' of the Depart- ment of Ideology of the CP of Czechoslovakia. 25X1 C1 Ob The Czechs took umbrage at the fact that the Ceylonese delegation was larger than theirs. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 -03061A000400060004-9 25X1C1Ob Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CI-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (1129) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 May 1967 Those Who Voted With Their Feet Since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, more than 16,000,000 have fled from communism and have chosen the uncertainties of settling in a foreign country rather than live (or die) under a Communist state. It began when, between 1917-1921 1,500,000 persons escaped from the Soviet Union. The Russian borders were virtually sealed in 1921 and the flow was reduced to a mere trickle. The next mass exodus occurred after the communist takeovers in Eastern Europe. Altogether, more than 15,000,000 who have fled communism in the last twenty years. More than 1.6 million displaced persons refused to return to their homelands in Eastern Europe at the end of World War II. Their ranks were swollen by 6Q,000 Czechoslovaks who fled after the 19+8 Communistcoup. Some 200,000 Hungarians fled their country in 1956 after their anti-communist coup was crushed by Soviet tanks and troops. Before East Germany erected the Berlin wall in August 1961, she had lost 3.7 million citizens which constituted a severe drain of her labor force. Even since that date, an additional 25,000 have evaded armed guards, barbed wire and mine fields to reach West Germany to escape the hated Ulbricht regime. Communism in the Far East and Cuba also brought its waves of refu- gees. 8.3 million refugees escaped to free Asian countries. North Korea alone has lost 5 million citizens to the South and more than two million have left Mainland China for freedom. Tibet lost more than 80,000 citizens to Nepal and India when the Chinese suppressed a major revolt in 1959. One of the most dramatic refugee movements is taking place in Viet- nam. Whenthe Communists took control of the northern section of the country in 195+ more than 900,000 refugees moved south in a period of 10 months. And when the Viet Cong launched its full scale war in the south more than one million South Vietnamese fled Communist-controlled areas from 1960-1967. These refugees are a grim reminder of what commu- nists do to their own countrymen. Since Castro established his regime in 1959, more than 350,000 Cubans have fled their country. Most have found sanctuary in the United States. A US sponsored airlift brought more than 40,000 refugees in one year and hundreds of thousands have signed up to leave. Many still hazard their lives by leaving the island in small boats where they risk death by drowning or by Communist gunfire. Despite all obstacles and hazards, 50 years after the establishment of the first Communist government, the exodus from the Communist world continues at the rate of more than 25,000 individual border crossings per year. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 May 1967 The International Organization of Journalists (IOJ) on Vietnam The IOJ adopted a "Resolution on the Vietnam Problem" at the VIth Congress in East Berlin in October 1966, which states: "In pursuance of its policy of armed intervention U.S. imperialism, in July 1954, invaded South Vietnam, installing a puppet regime, and aimed at the transformation of South Vietnam into a neo-colony and a military basis for attacks on the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and countries of Asia, and to perpetuate the division of Vietnam... "Since the beginning of 1965 the imperialists of the U.S.A. (have) disembarked their expeditionary corps in South Vietnam and at the same time brought in tens of thousands of soldiers from satellite countries: South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, Thailand, the Philippines. It should be brought to the special attention of world opinion that the West German Government is supporting both in a direct and indirect manner, the dirty war against the people of Vietnam... "The 6th Congress of the IOJ has decided that the member organiza- tions of IOJ shall hold weeks of solidarity with journalists and the people of Vietnam from December 15th to 20th 1966 and July 20th to 27th 1967 (and) shall celebrate September 20th 1967 as the first anniversary of the death of Vu Tung, the President of the Associa- tion of Patriotic and Democratic Journalists of South Vietnam (IOJ), who was murdered by the American aggressors by toxic as on September 20th 1966..." Observance of the December 1966 "Week" in Prague was reported by the Czech News Service On December 15th: "'The week of journalists' solidarity with fighting Vietnam is to stimulate the journalists to mobilize their nations in support of the Vietnamese people's struggle against the U.S. war and to help end the aggression,' declared Secretary of the IOJ Sepp Fischer (East Germany) when he opened a photographic exhibition concerning Vietnam in the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists in Prague today. "The photographs by reported Vladimir Lammer, who visited Vietnam in July as a member of the IOJ delegation, mainly show the life and work of the Vietnamese people under war conditions. "The opening of the exhibition was attended by secretaries of the General Secretariat of the IOJ, M.T. Rodriguez (Colombia) and Pavel Yerofeyev (USSR), General Secretary of the Union of Czechoslovak Journalists Adolf Hradecky, Pham Van Su, DRV Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Ambassador in Prague, and Ha Thanh Lam, representative of the NF`LSV. "Fischer presented the IOJ protest; against the U.S. aggression in Vietnam, which was delivered at the sixth congress held in Berlin in October. He expressed the conviction that an end to the aggression would enable the people of Vietnam to solve their problem without foreign intervention. Rodriguez stressed the Latin American journalists' admiration for the Vietnamese people as representatives of the national liberation struggle which is preventing the aggression from escalating into a world war. "The Vietnamese representatives informed the Journalists about the recent bombardment of Hanoi and the increased danger which the attack on the heart of the country repre- sents. They reminded the listeners that the Vietnamese people are determined to fight to a victorious end regard- less of sacrifice." Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 May 1967 I.O.J. Member Organizations (As listed in the Democratic Journalist, Nov.-Dec. 1966) ALBANIA: Union of Albanian Journalists. ALGERIA: Union of Algerian Journalists. ARGENTINA: Argentinian Federation of Press Workers. BISSAO (Portuguese Guinea): Journalists' Group of the African Party of Indepen- dence of Portuguese Guinea and Capverd Islands. BOLIVIA: National Grouping of Journalists. BULGARIA: Union of Bulgarian Journalists. CAMEROUN: National Union of Cameroun Journalists. CEYLON: Ceylon Journalists' Association, Press Association of Ceylon. CHILE: Chilean Committee for the International Relations of Journalists. COLOMBIA: National Colegio of Journalists. CUBA: Union of Journalists of Cuba. CZECHOSLOVAKIA: Union of Czechoslovak Journalists. DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF KOREA: Korean Journalists' Union. DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM: Association of Vietnamese Journalists. DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: Dominican Committee of the I.O.J. ECUADOR: Democratic Journalists' Association of Ecuador. FINLAND: General Union of Journalists. FRANCE: National Syndicate of Journalists (C.G.T.). GAMBIA: Association of Gambian Journalists. GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC: Union of German Journalists. GUINEA: National Press Syndicate of Guinea. GUYANA: I.O.J. Members' Group in Guyana. HUNGARY: Association of Hungarian Journalists. INDIA: Indian Committee for Co-operation with the I.O.J. INDONESIA: Indonesian National Group of the I.O.J. IRAQ: Iraqi Journalists' Association. JAPAN: Association of Korean Journalists in Japan. MADAGASCAR: National Union of Malagasy Journalists. MALI: National Union of Journalists of Mali. MEXICO: Mexican Association of Journalists. MONGOLIA: Union of Mongolian Journalists. MOZAMBIQUE: Journalists' Group of FRELIMO (Liberation Front of Mozambique). NICARAGUA: Journalists' Union of Nicaragua. PANAMA: Panamanian Committee of the I.O.J. PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA: All-China Journalists' Association. PERU: Peruvian Committee of the I.O.J. POLAND: Association of Polish Journalists. RUMANIA: Journalists' Union of the S.R.R. SOUTH-AFRICAN REPUBLIC: South African Journalists' Circle. SOUTH VIETNAM: South Vietnam Patriotic and Democratic Journalists' Association. SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: Journalists' Group of the South-West African National Union (SWANU). Journalists Branch of the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO). Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 SOVIET UNION: Journalists' Union of the U.S.S.R. SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC: Association of Syrian Journalists. UGANDA: Association of Uganda Journalists. UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC: Press Syndicate of the U.A.R. URUGUAY: Association of the Uruguayan Press. VENEZUELA: Venezuelan Committee of I.O.J. Members. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 ranslation from Clartt may 1967 1967, No. 1, pagesL8ff The Clart interviews the Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs CHEN YI The day when the White House in the U.S.A., Whitehall in Great Britain, and the Kremlin no longer try to destroy us but give us medals and Nobel prizes will be a tragedy for China. It would mean that we were no longer revolutionary... (Chen Yi, 26 August 1966.) QUESTION: We'd like to ask about the main line of the Chinese foreign policy, especially concerning the Chinese attitude and policy toward countries which have a national, bourgeois government along with a revolutionary movement within the country, for instance: Burma, Egypt, Iraq. What is the difference between the Chinese foreign policy and party policy? The revolution can't be exported ANSWER: The Chinese foreign policy is adapted to protect the socialistic build-up of the country, prevent imperialistic attacks, beat off imperial- istic attacks, strengthen the anti-imperialistic, anti-colonialistic unity among the nations, guard the existing world peace and prevent a possible World War III. In relation to the nationally independent countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America we apply the five principles for peaceful coexistence be- tween countries with different social systems. This means that we don't meddle in each other's domestic affairs, that we respect each other's integrity and sovereignty, that we support the anti-imperialistic, anti- colonialistic battle of the nations, that we don't betray them but ex- press deep sympathy while we support them. But the revolution is their domestic affair, we can't export the revolution. The nations must choose their road themselves; we are not carrying on any subversive work. We d'on't carry through the revolution by pleading for a world war - the revolution among the nations of the world can't be monopolized by the Chinese people. Our comrade from Sweden mentioned Burma: that's an interesting example. Our relations with the Burmese government are friendly. But you under- stand, in Burma there is the Burmese Communist party and there is a civil war between the two - and, in addition, the civil war continues. Negotia- tions were held with the Burmese Communist party but fell through. Of course, we can't meddle in the Burmese affairs. Our present foreign policy is concentrated on resisting the American aggression and helping Vietnam. We use every opportunity to support the Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 (Cont.) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9? Vietnamese people in the battle against the U.S.A. imperialists. To conquer the U.S.A. imperialists in. Vietnam is one of our main tasks. After the U.S.A.'s imperialism has been conquered in Vietnam, the national revolution in Latin America and Africa will experience a new tidal wave. At that time the world revolution will develop yet another step - there will be a basic change in the world situation. The domino theory is correct The Johnson administration says that they act as if they were playing a game of Dominoes. If they are conquered. in Vietnam they will auto- matically be conquered on all other battle-fields. Therefore they must maintain their positions. He (Lyndon Johnson) is indeed right here. You understand, you mustn't think that Johnson is always wrong - some- times he is quite right. Even he sees this problem rather clearly;, this is shown by his desperation. He is aftraid that when U.S.A. imperialism is once conquered on the battle-fields in Vietnam, it will automatically be conquered on all the other battlefields where it is engaged. I appreciate very much this opinion of his. Certainly, U.S.A. imperialism will be conquered. U.S.A. imperialism has military bases all over the world - how can the nations of the world live on if they don't beat them off? The U.S.A. imperialists have military bases in Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, on China's Taiwan; and they are carrying on an aggressive war in South Vietnam. In addition, they also have military bases in Thai- land, they attack in the Congo, Leopoldville, in Africa. In Africa the Belgian, Dutch and Portuguese imperialists are also carrying on aggrepsion. The U.S.A. imperialists also have military bases in Latin America. If these bases are not discontinued, how can there be any lasting peace? Therefore they must be abolished. The "'hot" line Therefore our foreign policy all over the world is to encourage the nations to form the broadest, most genuine and efficient united front that includes the nations from all aspects. The united front must be the broad- est possible, but it won't include the new Soviet revisionists. It en- compasses the masses of the Soviet nation, their participation in the anti- imperialistic battle, but not the Soviet revisionist leading stratum in the Kremlin. As the Soviet revisionists have their foreign policy clearly out- lined -- that is, cooperation between the U.S.A. and the Soviets in order to dominate the whole world -- they use a policy in which they ally them- selves with the United States in order to oppose China. This is quite clear, we can't expect them to join the anti-imperialistic battle. Between the Kremlin and Washington there is a "hot lihe"; each day connections are made across this hot line. Who knows what's discussed? They have already betrayed Marxism-Leninism, they have betrayed the October revolution, they have become U.S.A. imperialist accomplices. We can't; include them. in the anti-imperialistic united front. My conrades from France 'and Sweden surely can understand my feelings. We had contacts with Lenin, with Stalin, with Khrushchev, and with Brezhnev and Kosygin. Maybe we are more experienced Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 2 (Cont.) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 than you in this respect. We had contact with Lenin, of course; this was very good; with Stalin too. These men fought imperialism, they were rebels. Of course, we didn't agree on everything in the contacts with Stalin. But anyway there were no big problems with Stalin; you understand, he was an anti-imperialist. But with Khrushchev and Brezhnev it was very difficult - they were unreliable. Everything we told them, they told the Americans. They were going to betray us. We can't trust them, surely you realize that. I end this answer by saying: the present problem is to fight U.S.A.- imperialistic aggression all over the world. At present we have, to an increasing extent, to battle against their aggression in Vietnam and also to battle against the cooperation between the U.S.A. and the Soviets for world dominance. Our point of view in this matter is extraordinarily firm. Even if the U.S.A. imperialists invade China, even if they start "special warfare", "local warfare", or a great war, or step up the war to still larger extent, we won't change this firm, revolutionary standpoint of ours. Long live the victory...... QUESTION: Comrade Lin Piao, in his work "Long Live Victory in the People's War", has pointed out the new course of the world revolution, from the rural areas in the world, that is the less developed countries, towards the cities of the world, that is West Europe and the U.S.A. We would like you to explain the consequences of this new course for the situation of the Western European proletariats and the United States, also the consequences for the revolutionary movement in these parts of the world. ANSWER: We see Western Europe and the United States as the world's big cities. The Asian, African, and Latin American states resemble the vast rural area which devours the large cities. It is known to all the nations of the world that the riches in New York and Washington have been accumulated by exploitation of the rural areas of the world, that is, Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Money and property have been accumulated from the Asian, African, and Latin American nations and the rural area in the United States has also been exploited. This is unreasonable. Therefore, the nations ought to rise in rebellion to surround the city. This is comrade Lin Piao's opinion. It implies a development of Chairman Mao Tse-tung's Marxistic-Leninist.ic view and also the view of Lenin. Lenin once said that the European capitalism has been developed by exploitation of the millions of masses of people of the Asiatic, African, and Latin American nations. This is the reason why the capitalists in Western Europe and the United States can train workers to become aristo- cratic. It is in connection with this viewpoint that we build our strategy, which is completely correct. But the imperialists are trying to create discord, they pretend that comrade Lin Piao wants to oppose the labour movement, the revolutionary movement in Europe and the United States - this is a venomous attack. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : (;IA-RDP78-03061A0004000600q~o0 it. ) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 The U.S.A. imperialists mobilized the [American] people during the two last wars to fight the imperialists in Europe. The American nation fought in this matter. But this time, the third time, we notice an ex- ception: the people have now risen in rebellion to fight their own country's imperialism this is a very important world event. That the U.S.A. imperialists now realize that it is impossible to mobilize their own people in the Vietnam war like they did during World War I and World War II and the Korean war.. .this is a new, very important phase in the development. Today we have the power in China and there is real unity between the Government and the people. But yet, to fight imperialism, build up socialism and eliminate the left-overs from capitalism we must still mobilize young people who will unite with the farmers and workers. This is the basic strategy of Marxism-Leninism:; here the implication is to change the conditions of exploitation and the difference between country and city. In order to be able to seize governmental power, the revolu- tionaries must, during the revolutionary period, rely on the majority of the population. Once this problem is solved we must still rely on the broad masses of workers, farmers, and soldiers. QUESTION: What is your attitude in regard to Castro's anti-Chinese statements? ANSWER: When Castro had finished his statement, he expressed deep dis- satisfaction with the fact that he received our answer through a lower- grade official in the Department of Commerce. We chose to do so after several discussions; Castro's attack was extremely unreasonable and in- sulting - it would have been inappropriate for the Prime Minister, and also for me as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to answer his slander. We will arrays support the great revolution of the Cuban people against the Batista domination. In the same way we also support the Cuban people in the battle against the U.S.A.'s imperialism - irrespective of whatever mistakes the Cuban leaders will make, irrespective of however anti-Chinese they will be. The Cuban leaders will never succeed in establishing discord between the Chinese and Cuban nations. What kind of technical, military, political and industrial aid has China given to Cuba? Plenty of aid and it is free of charge. Castro knows this very well. I also know it but won't discuss it here. If necessary, we will in the future publish certain documents in order to get a fair Judge- ment. The time has not yet come for publication. Concerning the Pope.... Let the Cuban leaders participate in the anti-Chinese activity! Let them make all kinds of anti-Chinese statements - the more violent, the oftener, the more exaggerated - the better! Now the U.S.A. imperialists and the Soviet revisionists cooperate in the great campaign against new Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 4 (Cont. ) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 China, against Mao Tse-tung. It is good that there is large participation. The addition of a Castro doesn't frighten us, we welcome it. Let them unite and devote themselves to anti-Chinese activity - we will leave them alone, we won't answer, we will leave them alone! Today Johnson, Rusk, McNamara, Wilson, Kosygin, Malinowsky, even my former friend, "His Ex- cellency" Tito, also Mrs. Gandhi in India, are making a violent attack against China. China is attacked every day by the Voice of America. Con- cerning the Pope in the Vatican, I don't know whether he makes anti- Chinese statements; I feel and hope, however, that the Pope will also join the anti-Chinese activities and willingly lead them. Let him lead with his cross. As a matter of fact it is true that the more engagement there is in anti-Chinese activity, the more the workers, farmers and revolution- ary intellectuals all over the world will sympathize with China. The day when the White House in the U.S.A., Whitehall in Great Britain, and the Kremlin no longer try to destroy us but give us medals and Nobel prizes will be a tragedy for China. It would mean that we were no longer revolutionary. Who then would like to come to Peking? Who then would be interested in China? Therefore, we think it would be better to be destroyed by these people than to reach such a result. According to what your hosts have said our friends from Sweden are not so much interested in sightseeing as in political studies and discussions - that is, really to find out something about China. Personally, I very much admire your revolutionary spirit and that's why I talk with you now. If at some time ih the future you were to find that the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs no longer is prepared to talk with regular revolutionary visitors but prefers to spend his time in clubs, bars, and earning money, I am sure you would be very disappointed. I don't want Castro to steal more of our precious time. Therefore, I can only say this: we can'see that the foreign press says that Castro is turning against China because he is acting on orders from Moscow. I am pot in a position to decide whether this is correct or not, for Castro has not authorized me to serve as his spokesman. But I want to pose the following question: is this problem concerned with taking orders from Moscow? Is it only a problem of whether Castro is willing to choose the road of socialism, of Marxism-Leninism? No, there is also another problem to which I want to direct my friends' attention. We all know that the U.S.A. imperialists hate China above everything. They explain that China is the U.S.A.'s enemy Number One. The fact that Castro now appears and shows himself to be in opposition to China denotes a gesture to the U.S.A. The cultural revolution QUESTION: What does the Cultural Revolution imply? ANSWER: Our friends have posed the question of the Cultural Revolution and I will be very happy to answer it. As the Cultural Revolution started in the cultural field, we call it the Cultural Revolution. As a matter of Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060096A. ) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 fact it touches upon all aspects of life in the new China. It is a political revolution, not only a cultural one. We destroy four old things and build up four new ones. We are destroying old ideology, old culture, old tradition and the old style of life. This, however, is not sufficient to express what we imply with the Cultural Revolution. The goal of the Cultural Revolution is to destroy the capitalistic system to the foundation, to build up the socialistic system from the foundation. This is a simple, yet comprehensive answer. The Chinese Communist party and the Chinese working class seized the government in 1949; shortly after that the first five-year-plan began. Successively the capitalistic system has been re- placed by the socialistic one. According to our view we must, after hav- ing established socialism, that is after the Communist party and the work- ing class have seized the government, continue to develop the socialistic system. Even though we have reached a certain success we must force the development further on, establish the socialistic system on a yet"higher level. We must never-permit a return to capitalism. We have learnt from the Soviet Union example. We have learnt what is best from the Soviet Union, not only from the positive aspects but also from the negative ones. In the Soviet Union they have carried out more than 40 years of socialistic build-up, but: now the revisionists are introducing a capitalistic system instead of continuing forward toward communism. By the great Cultural Revolution, workers, farmers, young students and sub- ordinate cadres in various positions get the opportunity to practice a comprehensive democracy with the right to participate directly in the governmental rule. At the universities we combine the broad masses of revolutionary professors, students, members of the staff' and workers, to manage the universities. We don't send any secretaries from any party committee to work there. The method used at the universities will also be used within the many departments. The masses of members of the personnel within the institutions mentioned will have the right to demand that any one of their chiefs, even ministers, be dismissed, and can demand that the central government send a minister of the people's own choice. Why should I in particular be a minister? Johnson ought to be dismissed as the president of the United States. The American people don't have this right. To judge from the Great Cultural Revolution in China it seems as if a group of ministers ought to be re- moved. Concerning me myself, whether I will be moved or not, that news you will hear when you get home. I can continue to serve the people as a member of a people's commune or as a factory worker. Why should I in particular be a minister? Why not a farmer, or a regular worker? Why is it that I can only be an officer but not a common soldier? Why can I only lead others but not be led by others? It is inside and outside a bourgeois philosophy which must be destroyed to the foundation. If you come :here in a few years and I have been transferred and am a regular member of the commune, then you can ask your hosts to see me and I will receive you. This cultural revolution is a revolution which touches upon all aspects of life. A political, industrial, economic, military and agricultural Approved For Release 2000/0p/27: CIA-RDP78-03061A000P0$6p004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 revolution. The Ministry of Industry and the Ministry of Agriculture will be moved away from Peking and the same thing will happen to several other Ministries. To let these ministries remain in Peking will only serve the development of bureaucracy. All these thousands and again thousands of functionaries wbo work within the government departments - what they ought to do is to devote themselves to the real practical knowledge of how to build the front lines. What they ought to do is to travel directly to the factories, to the villages, to the real battle fronts. But then I have still an unsolved problem, namely, where should this Foreign Ministry be placed? In the factories? There is no diplomatic work there. In the villages? There is no diplomatic work there either. Should we then drive out all the ministries from Peking and only let the Foreign Ministry remain? Is this quite fair? ...I have considered and will tell my friends what my thoughts are deep down. The Foreign Ministry can't be in a village, nor at a place like Sinkiang. It can only be in Peking, otherwise the foreigners couldn't find us. But I have discovered another possibility: let the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, and all the civil servants spend at least four months a year in a factory. Socialistic and capitalistic countries have one thing in common namely that the people often prefer to live in the cities instead of the rural areas. People also prefer intellectual work to manual work - manual work is also harder than intellectual work. This creates a small number of people in the society who are living a rather pleasant life while the great majority are living a comparatively hard life. The aim and goal of the Great Cultural Revolution is to reduce the difference between the city and the country, to reduce the difference between workers and farmers on one side, intellectuals on the other. Its purpose is to give the governmental power as well as the cultural power to the masses of workers, farmers and soldiers. So-called authorities and experts In this connection some people fear that the level of our science and technique will be lowered, but such a fear is without foundation. We must try to see clearly; in a capitalistic country or in a revisionistic one like the Soviet Union, a small number of people have a monopoly on science and technique. They consist of some thousands or tens of thousands. Here we give science and technique to hundreds of millions of people. In this way the development of science and technique must proceed much faster, the level won't be lowered. Chinese cultural life has been characterized by the different branches of science having been monopolized by a smaller group of so-called authorities and experts. Articles and documents written within their branch of science are not permitted to be published without being approved by them. These people nowadays produce nothing themselves, they don't teach, they only sit at home and fetch their high salaries. If they have to write some article, they ask the third or fourth-year students to write in their place. But they publish the article in their own name and keep the money themselves. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A0004000600 . ) Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 This is altogether a capitalistic exploitation within the cultural life. Now we tell these people: "You have already earned a sufficient amount of money, now the time has come to rest a while. Let the young people who really teach, really write and do research, let them take over." This is something we are all happy about. Now there are dozens of ministries and committees in Peking. Some of its ministers don't write any petitions or documents any more, don't any longer give any directives. That is, such work is done by their subordinates, all the ministers do is to sign. To such ministers we say: "Now the time has come to rest for a while." Let these return to the back lines, and let those who now work in the back lines move up to the front lines. This can save a great deal of money for the government and the working efficiency will be much higher. The problem is posed already in this room. The future foreign ministers will be young people, they will speak to you,-directly in English or French, then there will be no need for interpreters. A four-hour-discussion now will mean an eight-hour-discussion then. The young people are more competent than we who are older. We older people ought to create developmental possibilities for the young to develop, we mustn't stand in their way. Chairman Mao Tse-tung has said: "This is a great revolution which touches the people's souls." These words are true. Each private person has to clarify his attitude toward this revolution: whether he is for it and march- ing onward or whether he will be in the way and be conquered. As the Chinese population represents one fourth of humanity, this revolution certainly will have a great influence on world progress. The movement how has been in progress for a couple of months and will continue. It is probable that various errors and shortcomings will ensue during the course of the movement - it is unreasonable to demand that everything will proceed properly in the beginning. Nor is it anything to be afraid of. During a revolutionary course the errors will by degrees be self-corrective. Interest in relics Tourists from the West, diplomatic envoys from various Asiatic and African countries and various Western 'diplomats are always very interested in things which have to do with the old China. They are very interested in antique culture, in antique social structure, in old relics, in jade products, old pictures and paintings. Such things they esteem highly. They are not especially interested in anything modern in China, They h,Pq deep down that the old China will remain as it is, that China will be a conservative China. They are very afraid that China will be modern- ized, that China will surpass the European countries, surpass the capital- ist countries, surpass the revisionist Soviet Union, carry through real socialistic modernization on the way toward communism. This is the China they fear most of all, and they are very unhappy about the situation of today. For us ourselves the fact is that we are not so interested in the old things in China. Without hesitation we walk the road of the revolution, the road of social modernization. The Chinese feudal culture, irrespective of however splendid and beautiful it may seem, was a culture used to oppress Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A0004000 00004-9 Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 and lead the people astry. Therefore, it must be removed to its core. Famous poets during the Tang and Sung dynasties really were great poets, their works are among the best in the world as to beauty. But yet, however we twist and turn, these poets are only running errands for kings and emperors, generals and so-called heros. They don't sing the praise of the workers and the soldiers. As a matter of fact they often laugh derisively at workers and soldiers. Therefore, we can't encourage the development of such poetry. We can only use this poetry as reference material. We, the Chinese people, are certain that we will create great lyrical poetry for ourselves and the people of the nations in the world, epoch-making poems which will contribute to the development of the world. The history of humanity progresses. We ought to rise to a new level, hig13er than that of our ancestors. It is a common task for this generation, for our young friends present as well as for me. If we only live within the old frame, refer to the slogans of the old culture, then we are in a bad way. People like us are useless if we don't surpass our ancestors. We'ought,to avow this heroic striving to surpass our ancestors and bring world culture to a new and higher level. This is yet another interpreta- tion of the Cultural Revolution now in progress. Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 roved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 CLARTE 26 August 1966 Clarte intervjuar Minas utrikesminister ChenYi Dot dc1 en du I'ila lltut:l i USA, While hail i S1urbriIannien vch Krciril hilt' libigre fursiiker krossa oss, utan gt'r oss ruedaljer och sLanker uss nubclpris kurnnner all zPara ent iraggcdi fur Kina. Del skulls tnncNira all vi role langre yore revolu- lioniira ... (Chen Yi, 26 augusli 1966) CPYRGHT FRAGA: Vi skulle vilja fraga our huvudlinjen i Kinas Lilt. Dirfor maste de ltalla sina stallningar. Ilan (Lyndon utrikespolitik, sarskilt betraffande Kinas attityd och poll- Johnson) liar t5wligeu ratt i detta. Ni fi;rstar, ni far lute tik mot kinder sour liar en nationcll, borgerlig regeritig tro alt Johnson alltid liar fel - ibland liar han licit riitt. med en revolutioniir rorelse room landet, till exempcl: Aver han scr denna fraga ganska klart, detta visas av bans Burura, Egypticn, Irak. Vad it skillnaden rncllan Kinas desperation. Ilan it ridd att nir USA-imperialismrcr en utrikespolitik och partipoiitik? gang bescgrats pa slagfilten i Vietnam, komnrer den auto- rnatiskt att bli besegrad pa ally andra slagfilt dar dell ca- 0 gagerar sig. Jug uppskattar ruycket denna hams asikt. Revolutionen kan inte exporteras I orvisso konmrer USA-irnperialismen att bcsegras. USA- SVAR: Kinas utrikespolitik it ignad att skydda landets imperialisuren liar militirbaser runt hcla viriden - bur socialistiska uppbyggnad, forlrindra imperialistiska an- ska varldens folk kunna leva vidarc oin do inte slar rat grepp, ska tilibaka imperialistiska angrepp, starka den dem? USA-imperialisterna liar milifiirbaser i Japan, Syd- anti-imperialistiska, anti-kolonialistiska enlretcn bland fol- korea, Filippinerna, pa Kinas Taiwan; och de driver ett ken, ska vakt om den best5endc virldsfreden och forhindra angreppskrig i Sydvietnam. Yttcrligare liar dc ocksa mili- mojligheterna till ett trcdje varldskrig. tarbaser i Thailand, de angriper i Kongo, Leopoldville i Genteinot de nationeilt oberoende lindcrna i Afrika, Afrika. I Afrika utfor Sven de belgiska, hollindska och Asien och Latinamerika tillamrpar vi de fear principerna portugisiska imperialisterna aggression. USA.-imperialis- for fredlig samexistens rncllan kinder med skilda sam- terna liar liven militarbaser i Latinamrerika. Om dessa ba- hallssystein. Delta innebar, att vi inte lagger oss i varand- ser lute dras bort, slopas, bur kan det da bli nagon var- ras inre angeligenhetcr, alt vi respckterar varandra in- aktig fred? Darfur maste de bort. tegritet och suverinitet, att vi stoder folkens anti-irnperlia- listiska, anti-kolonialistiska kamp, att vi intc bedrar derv Den Aeta linjcna,, utan uttrycker djup sympati i stodet till dem. Men revo- lutioneta Ur dcras inre angelagenhet, vi kan inte exportera Darfur Ur var utrikespolitik i hela varlden att upprnana revolutionen. Folken maste sjalva vilja sin vig, vi be- folken att stalla upp den bredaste, genuinaste och effekti- driver inget subversivt arbetc. Vi genontfor inte revolu- vaste tankbara enhctsfrontcn mot USA-irnperialismen, en tionen genom alt plidera for ctt varldskrig - revolutionen enhetsfront sour ur alla synvinklar innefattar folket. En- bland varldens folk kan inte monopoliscras av det kine- Itetsfronten masts vara den bredaste tankbara, men den siska folket. innefattar inte de nya Sovjetrevisionisterna. Den inne- Var kamrat fran Sverige n5mnde Burma, det it ctt in- fattar massorna av Sovictfolket, deras deltagande i den tressant exempcl. Till den burmcsiska rcgeringen Ur vara anti-unperialistiska kampen, men into Sovjctrevisionister- relationer vanskapliga. Men ni furstar, i Burma [inns del nas ledande skikt i Krentl. Eftcrsom Sovjetrevisionisterna burniesiska konununistpartiet och det ar inbordeskrig mel- har sin utrikespolitik klart utformad, d.v.s. samarbete Ian de bada - och ytterligare, inbordeskriget bestir. For- USA-Soviet for att domincra hela varlden, antar de en handlingar bolls med Burmas konmrunistparti, men de politik i vilken de allierar sig med Foreuta Staterna for brut samman. Naturligtvis kan vi inte lagga oss i Burmas att motsatta sig Kina. Detta star belt kiart, vi kin lute inre angelagenheter. vanta oss att de gar med i den anti-imperialistiska kam- Var nuvarande utrikespolitik it koncentrerad pa att mot- pen. Mellan Kreml och Washington firms en > hct linje>>, sta den amerikanska aggressionen oclr hjilpa Vietnam. varje dag har man fiirbindclser over denna hcta linje. Vein Vi anvinder vane mojlighet att stodja det vietnamesiska vet vad soon dar diskuteras? Dc liar redan forratt ntarx- folket i kampen mot USA-imperialisterna. Att besegra ismen-leninismen, de har forratt oktobcrrevolutioncn, de USA-imperialisterna i Vietnam ar en av vara huvudupp- har blivit mcdbrottslingar till USA-imperialisterna. Vi kan gifter. Sedan USA-irnperialismen besegrats i Vietnam inte innesluta dem i den anti-imperialistiska enhctsfrontcn. kommcr den nationella rcvolutionen i Latinamerika, Asien Mina kamrater fran Frankrike och Sverige kan sikert for- och Afrika alt uppleva en ny flodvag. Vid denna tid rat- st.a mina kinslor. Vi bade kontaktcr med Lenin, mtcd Sta- vecklas varldsrevolutionen ytterligare ett steg - det blir lin, med Chrustjov, Bresjnev och Kosygin. Kanske har vi en grundliggande forindring i varldsliget. fler erfarenheter in er i detta hanseende. Vi hade kon- takt med Lenin, givetvis var den mycket bra, med Stalin ocksa. Dessa bekampade intperialisnren, de var revolutio- Dominoteorin it korrekt nirer. Naturligtvis var vi into ense om alit i kontaktcrna med Stalin. Men i vilket fall sour heist vat det lute holler Johnson-adurinistrationen sager alt de handlar sum otn de nagra stone problem med Stalin, ni furstar han var anti- spelade ctt Domino-spcl. Om de b~segras,i~}V~~,ietnam kom imperialist. Men med Chrustjov och Bresjnev var del ntye- A~~r ti tt~~~ VV/d / a CIA P78 3O64>AG04Ob0600049cm Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 ~" vi.ittade de fiir atucrik-anarna. De skulls foriada ass. Vi kan inte lita pa dctn. iii ],an s it erg insc detta. Jag avslutar delta svar aced act saga: (let tntva.tatide pro- b'.einet at act bekiiinpa USA-imperialisteinas aggression iivcrallt i varlden. For narvarande har vi i alit storrc ut- str:ickning kampcn deras aggression i Victnarn, och iven kampcn mot samarbctct USA-Soviet for v rhlsherra- v:ilde. Var st5ndpunkt i denna frhga iir utornordentligt f< t. "Wen om USA-imperialisterna invaderar Kina, liven om de biirjar uspecicll krigf6ringx, x1okal krigfv:rings slier rit storkrig. oiler ti?appar upp kriget till amiu atiirre orn- fattning, koinnrcr vi into act ardra donna v ,5r faster, rcva- iutiouiira standptmkt. Lange leve segern ... FRAGA: Kamrat Lin Piao liar i slit arbctc Lt?ve Segez i i Folkkriget, pekat ut den nya kursen i varldsrevolutionen, fr:,n varldens landsbygd, dx.s. de mindre utveckladc Iiin- derna, mot varldens stoder, d.v.s. Viisteuropa oc li USA. Vi skulle vilja att ni belyste konsekvenserna av denna nya tars for proletariatens situation i Viisteuropa otar Forenta Slatcrna, liven fi ljderna for den revoiutiorrar?a ri relscn i dess.L delay av viirldeu. SVAR: Vi uppfattar Vastcm-opa sch Fiireuta Stitcrna soli varldens storstddcr. Asicn, Afrikas och Latinanierikas sta- ter liknar den stora landsbygden sour uppslukar stor.ti- derna. Dct at kilt for alla viirldcns folk . tt rikrdomarna i New York och Washington liar ackmnulerats genom exploate- r:ing av varldens landsbygdsotnr..dcn, d.v.s. Asicn, Afrika och Latinamerika. A1au liar ackuniulerat I, I gar och e,gendont friru do asiatiska, afrikanska och latinamcrikauska fofken, och aver exploaterat landsbygden i F;3renta Sta- terua. Detta air oriniligt. Diirf:ir biir folkcn reaa sig i en revolution fiir att oniringa staden. Detta air kanrrat Lin Piaos uppfattiiing. Den innebir en utvecklinr, av ordfi;- rande Mao Tse-tungs marxist-ienini.stiska uppfaitrting, ocir iven Lenins uppfattiiing. Lenin sade en giiig att kapi- talisnren i Europa utvecklas genom utsugningen av de asiatiska, afrikanska ocir latinatnerikan:;ka folkens miljon- huvdade massor. Detta it skalet till act kaoitalisterna i Vstcuropa och Forenta Statcrna kan lira upp arbetar- aristokrater. Det iir i anslutnitrg till denna synpunkt vi bygger upp var strategi, sots :i.r fullstaudigt koirckt. Men iuiperialisterna forsokcr n5 splittring? de giir g:!Ilande att kauu?at Lin Piao viii motsitta sig arbetarrbrelsen, den revulutionira riirelsen i Europa ocir Fiircuta Staterna -- detta air ctt giftigt angrepp. USA-iniperialisterna inobiliscrade folket under de tv5 sista krigen for alt bckiinpa inrpcrialisterna i Europa. Det ante- rikanska folket k:impade i denna friiga_ Mvrr denna gang, den tredje ganger, sec vi etc undantag: lolket liar no rest sig for att bekimpa det egna landets iruperialisur - delta err en mycket'viktig virldslrandclsc. Att USA-imperialister- na nu itiser act det it onrojligt act mobiliscra (let egna folket i VietnanSkriget sons under (lei forsta ocir andra virldskriget och Korcakriget ... dctta it en ny, mycket viktig fas i utveckiingen. I dig liar vi makten i Kina och deg rider verklig enigltet mellan statsniakt och folk. Men 1il:viil. fur att bekimpa inrperialisinen, bygga upp sucialisrtten och elin:.inera res- terna av kapitalisnien, ruaste vi annu inobiliscra unga ininniskor som forenar sig niva bonderna och arbetarna. Det at den grundl iggande strategin i inarxistncn-Ierti- nismen; har innebar den act forandra expioateringsfor- hallandettoch skilinaden mellan land och stad. Revolutic- nirerna Release 2000/08/27~a Appr niajoritcten av bcic,:i.uingcn fiir act kunna to statsinaktca. Etter att delta proiotern ar lot: masts vi fortfarandc f5r- lita ass p:i de bredat niassorna av arbetare, i onder och soldater. FRAGA: Vilken inst5fining liar ni till Castros anti-kine- niska uttafanden? ? SVAR- Etter att Castro gjort silt uttalande, uttrycktc han djup otillfredsstai!clse over dct faktum act vi svarade lto- norn genom en age tjansteman i handelsdepartementct. Vi valde an gore sill efter Vera bverliiggttingar; Castros an- grcpp var ytterst oruniigt och lid nkande - det skittle lia v:arit okinipligt fiir premiarministern, avers for tnig som nitikesntimster, act hesvara bans fortal. Vi komIner alltid att stodja det kubanska folkets stora revolution mot 1latistas hcrrava.lde. 1'S saunma salt stoder vi ocksi de tva rcvolutionara Havanna.-deklarationerna. Det at mojligt act de amerikanska imperialisterna kommer act angripa Kuba. I s5 fall stoder vi ovillkorligt Kubas folic a kampen mot USA-imperialismen - oavsett vilka inisstag de kubanskai ledarna gor, oavsett hur antikinesiska de konurter att vars. De kubanska ledarna lyckas aldrig aitadkomtna splittring mellan de kinesiska och kubanska foiken. Vad lair slags teknisk, tnilitar, politisk och industricll hjilp har Kina givit Kuba? Massor tried hjalp och den err kost- nadsir:i. Detta vet Castro mycket val. Jag vet ocks5, men ska inte diskutera det har. I fall deL blir nodvandigt -a-miner vi i fratntide:n att obfentliggora handlingar for qtr f5 en rattvis bediimning. Tidpunkten err annu inte inne for offentliggorande. Vad betraffar Pavers ... 1.5t de kubanska ledarna to deli i den anti-kinesiska vcrk- samhcten! Lit dent komnta tried alla slags anti-kinesiska p,istacnden - ju v5ldsamutarc., ju oftarc, ju mer over- drivna -- desto battre! Nu samarbetar USA-iruperialis- tcrna och Sovjetrevisionisterna i den stora kampa ijen ntot nya Kina, mot Mao Tse-tung. Det 5r bra lied stort dsltagandc. Till6kningen rued en Castro skrinuner oss lute, vi valkoninar den. Lit dcm gig samutatn och hiitrge sig at anti-kincsisk vcrksamhet --- vi larnnar deco, vi svarar into, de far h5llas! I dag gar Johnson, Rusk, blcNarnara, Wilson, Kosygin, Nlalinowski, liven min force van )Ohaus exccllcnsb Tito, treks! Mrs Gandhi i Indicn, tilt vtid.saurt angrepp root Kina. Kina attackeras varje deg av Voice of America. Vad bctriiffar pavcn i Vatikanen k:inner jag lute till huruvida hen avger anti-kinesiska uualarrdeu. Vi hoppas einellertid act iven paven forenar sig i de anti- kinesiska aktiviteterna, och garna leder dent. IIau kan gi i spetsen med sid.kors. I sjiilva verket err dot s5, att ju mer man engagerar sig i anti-kinesisk verksanthet, desto hugre prestige kommcr Kina att rona, destu mer kornmer arbetare, bonder och rnvolutionira intellektuella i bola varlden att sympatiscra tried Kina. Den dagen der Vita Iluset i USA, Whitehall i Storbritannien och Krentl inte langre forsoker krossa oss, utan get medaljer- txh, skiinker oss nobclpris, konuner att vara en tragedi fair Kina. Detta. skulle innebira att vi irate liingre vote revolutionira, Vern skulle d5 vilja kouuna till Pekin? Vern yore der intresscrad av Kiria? Darfur (inner vi det battre act bli krossade av dcssa personer in att upp- n.a ett sadant resultat. Enligt vad era virtiar meddelat it vara vanner fran Sve- rige inte sa urycket intresserade av sightseeing sorn av l.olitiska studier Deli diskussioner --- d.v.s. av att verkligcn f:a vets nagot orn Kina. Person.ligen beundrar jag rnycket DrIi y DP78-030161A0004d0060004-9d Approved For Release 2000/08/27 : CIA-RDP78-03061A000400060004-9 er, vin ni nagon gang j fratntiden firmer att Kinas utrike - Vt;rfi;r ska just jag vara minister? minister irate hingre at bcccdd attt diskutera tired variiiga uln~tiotr bordt? avsltt?das soon Eiirenta Staternas presid