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December 9, 1974
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Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Journal - Office of Legislative Counsel Page 6 Monday - 9 December 1974 S Received a call from Jim Kronfeld, Staff Counsel, House Government Operations Committee, Subcommittee on Foreign Operations and Government Information, advising me that the staffs of the House and Senate Government Operations Committees were meeting Lormally to review S. 3418 and H. R. 16373 (right of privacy bills), and to come up with a compromise version. I told him we had gotten word from another agency that the Agency's exemption had been overridden in the compromise version. Kronfeld assured me that this was incorrect. He stated that the privacy bill and the Freedom of Information Act are related and there are certain matters that have to be worked out. I asked if we would be permitted to review the compromise bill before it becomes final. Kronfeld felt sure that the compromise version would be coordinated by OMB with the departments and agencies. cc: O DDCI Ex. Sec. DDA DDI DDS&T Mr. Warner Mr. Thuermer Mr. Lehman EA/DDO Compt Legislative Counsel 25X1 25X1 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Journal - Office of Legislat - , Counsel Page 5 Monday - 9 December 1974 SECRET 25X1 I I Accompanied OCI, to a briefing of the House Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Africa. (See Memorandum for the Record. ) 18. Attended a Meeting of the Legislative Incrdepartme3,tal Group at the White House on the Foreign Apsistie e isl Linn. The meeting consisted primarily of a review of-the head count of members whose votes were doubtful and responses from the LIG members who were responsible for contacting them. There was a review of the critical problem areas in the bill which included aid to Korea, aid to Vietnam, military sales and the provision concerning intelligence activities. I reported that we had talked with Chairman Lucien N. Nedzi, Special Subcommittee on Intelligence, House Armed Services Committee, about this latter provision and he thought he would, at a minimum, engage in a colloquy with Chairman Thomas E. Morgan, House Foreign Affairs Committee, to assure that the intent of this provision was to restate the agreement reached in the Colby/Kissinger leadership meeting. I pointed out, however, that this was another instance (like the limitation of reporting requirements on military sales agreements )which were an erosion of Presidential prerogatives ....''.' . E T 25X1 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Journal - Office of Legislative Counsel Monday - 9 December 1974 $"I" 25X1 Met with Chairman Lucien N. Nedzi (D. , Mich. ), Intelligence Subcommittee, House Armed Services Committee, who told me that he has been in almost continuous meetings with House members during Iie day concerning section 660 of the For&.gn Assistance Act, In his judgment, the best that can be hoped for is a co loquy on the Moor concerning the section. He does not see any possibility of an amendment to the section and does not know of any way that the section itself could be removed from the bill. Since he had not talked to the Director during the day, I relayed a message to him. Page 3 STAT Approved For Release 0058 CkR5A000100020027-9 25X1 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 December 9, 1974 pp!'C;ONGRE5SIONiLOREC1CItRDP79-0050020027-9 E 6997 6t_ eysions o missed the followup story a few days later military campaign. Ile -Inlike the New York This new Ulster (which is really historic (buried, it is true, in the back pages of the Times, does not find it "terrorist." Ulster) would then make decisions by ma- newspapers) in which an Irish Trotskylt? in order to under nd why the Provos jority rule for its own development, as would group-definitely not associated with the resort to "terrorism," ^nd why McNanus, in the other regional governments. Provos-dmitted that It was responsible. turn, writes susptclou ty of so-called demo- What is most interesting about this pro= What other revolutionary anticolontal cratic procedures In N -; there Ireland, a brief posal is that Ulster Protestants would still group in recent memory have the Post and review of some Irish history is necessary. be a majority by 2 to 1 in the new Ulster. the Times treated as "indiscriminate killers" First of all, the secti,a of Ireland t.aat the And the, new, nine-county Ulster would and "vicious and cruel terrorists"? Before world calls Ulster is f" t really Ulster at all. have nearly 40 per cent of the population of equating the Provos with Vietcong and When the rest of Irelad won home rule in all Ireland. When you keep this in mind, it Castroite types, conservatives should con- 1921, England insisted on keeping six-but seems more realistic for Dublin to fear the sider that the American Left does not see only six-of the anc!'?at nine counties of South's domination by industrialized Ulster it that way at all. Reviewing Jimmy Breslin's Ulster within the Brit f; oh Empire. than for the Orangemen to go on cringing at World without End, Amen in The New York These six counties were "partitioned" by some phony nightmare of "Rome rule." In Review of Books, Conor Cruise O'Brien re- careful gerrymanderir; to ensure that the Eire Nua Ulster Protestants, as the majority oently assured his left wing audience that Protestant population would never have to in Ulster, would be fully entitled to be the they, had nothing to worry about: Breslin fear that their Cathalt neighbors would form ruling party there and thus a truly formid- was implausible in having his right wing a majority and demc^ratically move Ulster able voice in Ireland as a whole, The only New York cop fraternizing easily, during his into the Republic of Ireland to the South. qualification would be that they must exert visit to Ireland, with Irish Marxists of the The three counties of rllster that were! solidly this influence as citizens of Ireland, not as a Official IRA breed. American right wing types Catholic, and solidly in favor of anion- foreign power's army of occupation, not as O'Brien noted, would feel much more at Donegal, Cavan, and Monaghan-were thus conquerors. home with the Provos, whom he calls "plain, excluded from this s,ew British territory Orangemen who claim to be incensed by old-fashioned, nationalist, Catholic killers." of Northern Ireland. M.- Sir James Craig, first the antidemocratic methods of the IRA PROVOS AND sDLP prime minister of thy. Six Counties, put it simply cannot go on basing their own claim A good explanation of the nature and pur- so well, the inclusion of these counties to power in Ireland on the forced submission poses of the Provos appears in a short, direct, would "reduce our majority to such a level of the Irish people to English armies over 300 hard-hitting, yet temperate pamphlet called that no sane man we ;r,id undertake to carry years ago. If living in Ireland for four cen- simply "Ulster." (It is available at any of on Parliament with it." Gerrymandering turies does not make an Orangeman an Irish- the American offices of Irish Northern Aid.) within the Six Counties further reduced the man, then Orangemen are, by self-definition, Its author is Frank McManus, an ex-member power of the Catholic ,Anority. a military garrison of a foreign power and of the British Parliament from the Ferma- Consequently, the Bards are stacked, as aggressors, and are, by all legal and moral nagh/South Tyrone section of Northern Ire- McManus puts it, "to perpetuate the eternal - standards, subject to the defensive use of land. Like Bernadette Devlin and other can- present of Orange Su.;ieemacy. it is antidem- military force by the victims of that aggres- didates associated with a strong Republican ocratic.... The stat. [Ulster] was designed Sion. The Orangemen's slogan of "No Sur stance, McManus had a rough go of it in to give permamer.t r)wer to the Unionist render!" is an ongoing declaration of war on the last election, since the SDLP (Social Party. Where there Ir; such an artificially the Irish people. Democratic Labor Party) decided to run builtin majority, norn c.1 democracy can never The key factor in all these proposals, then, candidates against them, thus splitting the function. We cannot accept a 'democratic is the end of the British presence in Ireland. Catholic vote. right' to perpetuate this antidemocratic To be sure, the nightmare of a vast and The SDLP is a predominantly Catholic state" bloody civil war, often invoked to discredit party, which basically agrees with the Proves' In 1918, in the onl:> election in which the such a demand, cannot be dismissed as an long range goal of a United Ireland, but does question of a united and sovereign Ireland Impossibility. (No healthy nation, of course, not feel that military force can achieve any- was put before the I; !>,h people, 80 per cent has ever surrendered its nationhood rather thing constructive at this point In Irish his- voted for unificatie; _. The partitioning of than face such a challenge-certainly not the tory. Unlike the IRA, they were willing to go the country made tY c 20 per cent minority U.S.) It is possible-but not inevitable, or along with the recently aborted "Sunning- a majority in one of the two stages thus even likely. The IRA does not want the Brit- dale Plan" (worked out between SDLP-type created. That minority had the strength- ish troops removed tomorrow. They demand. Catholics and moderate Protestants under about 2 to 1-to present the unification only a declaration of intention to withdraw the direction of British Secretary William clearly mandated by '==.e people of the coun- at some specified future date. UN forces could Whitelaw) for a Council of Ireland whose try replace them If sectarian violence erupted. ultimate purpose was the unification of the It would not be sturprising, then, and not And the, Provos welcome the Idea that dis- country. It would be wrong to suppose the very condemnable b..- earthly standards, if putes arising after the British withdrawal be SDLP supporters in the last election were Irish nationalists, derianding an end to the submitted to the authority.of the European anti-IRA; in fact, most observers would agree foreign control of their country, insisted Court at Strasbourg. The hope is, however, that they are the sea In which the IRA fish that a 20 per cent n,iinority, professing toy- that the specified withdrawal date will force swim: They backed off from full. support of alty to that same foreign power, submit the Protestants to see that they must begin the Provo combat teams principally because themselves to the VA=z` es--without qualifica- to work with their fellow Irish citizens in a they are exhausted by violence, not because tion on this Issue-c` the 80 per cent. But, spirit of compromise and consciliation-will they favor indefinite association with Britain: as a matter of fact, ~inose unreasonable IRA force them to see that it is possible to shout Had Sunningdale worked, the EIDLP would terrorists do not. Anil even if they did, they "No Surrender!" only if they know that the have been pictured in history as wise and would not compare ,rufavorably with Abra- British army is waiting in the wings. cautious moderates who saw the possibility ham Lincoln, who r'' ose bloody civil war MODERATE VOICES of working for unification through a slow, rather than allow a -o?leh larger minority to This regionalist plan represents an ex- but steady, evolution. The Protestant work- divide America into -wo states. treme compromise on the part of the IRA. era' strike of this spring, however, has rele- R]: GI?,~ALISM You can bet your last dollar that many old gated the Iigdale agreement to_ the McManus' proposa' for Ireland, the Pro- IRA diehards did not give in willingly to a footnotes of Irish history. The Council of : vos' Eire Nua, call instead for as. answer proposal which would allow the Protestant Ireland is a dead issue. minority in Ireland to remain in control of If all of England's 1974 "deals" meet based on "regionalW -." He advocates not a Dublin-based, Irish _ :atholic domination of Ulster. If the Protestants had been willing to with this fate, and result in no more progress Ulster, but a soluti r= designed to provide bend even half as much as the IRA, genuine than the 1921 "deal," and if bands of Orange- for, the diversity of ' :-,ckgrounds in Ireland, reconciliation rather than apparently end- sashed Protestants are still parading through Soots-hEIt a Prote ,tantism. less violence would be the order of the day In Derry in 1994 shouting "No Surrender!" ups the Including "The only system wi! I which Republicanism Ulster. SDLP will l Provos b will take seen as ti their mid de in legend Is not compatible is ;r, system of domination. But, until the British army withdraws, the place in Of and No Republican coup consent to be domin- there is no reason for the Protestants to and song with the "Bold Fenian Men" of old. ated by London. But, and Unionists should compromise. As long as they can count on THE SIX COUNTIES think deeply about 04s, no Ulster Republi- - British troops being around to handle Cath- Frank McManus is not a member of the can could ever cons !it to be dominated by olic-Nationalist demands, there is just no Provisional IRA. The Provos are still an fl- Dublin." He goes on "Republicans are sug- reason for them to look inward, away from legal, underground organization in both the gesting a regional government for Vie whole England and toward their fellow Irish citi- North and South of Ireland. But he is close of. Ireland. There 'o ld be 'four (maybe zens, in order to define their nationhood. to Provisional Sinn Fein, the .legal, political more, maybe less) rr-1;lonal parliaments and Instead of keeping the peace, the continued arm of the Provos, and to its uachtaran a central parliamer. t: The regional parlia- British presence creates a political situation (president), Ruairi O'Bradalgh; his line of ment would enjoy neat autonomy in the so unnatural as to ensure continued argument runs parallel to that found in Eire administration of regional affairs" Donegal, hostility. Nau (New Ireland), Sinn Fein's current so- Cavan, and. Monagh; r, would be returned to Irish nationalists have been rebelling cial and political program. for Ireland. Mc- Ulster under this .ystem (and this can against English control of Ireland as long as Manias does not apologize for the current hardly be thought to be Dublin's desire). England has been in Ireland. The IRA has Approved For Release 2005/06/16 : CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9 December 9, 1974pproLVfM%A AVOf 1 QOCIAERQRsi9AO$f72WA%lQ9020027-9 E 7005 launched from KSC. Land must be re- served in, NASA's control to accommo- date these current anc, future needs. We have already launched from KSC the Apollo manned launches to the moon and the Skylab launches for that experi- mental manned earth orbital laboratory. We are preparing for the 1975 launch of an Apollo command module for the Apollo-Scyuz test project. And con- struction has gun on the runway for the Shuttle gram. Other follow-on programs are eady in various stages of planning and finition. Kennedy Space enter, which has the responsibility for a integration, test, checkout, and of NASA's launch vehicles and spacee: is divided into areas carefully est b d in :relation to the potential hazar Brent in those activities. The are S a C and all other activities ther: are, a must con- tinue to be, subject to clos - cur- tailment require- ider- n of ss gram of the Kennedy Center for NASA and Department of Defense programs. Until President Kennedy gave the go- ahead on the lunar landing program in by the Saturn boosters. Preliminary master planning data available in early 1961 indicated a great deal of land was needed for launch pads, safety zones between pads, industrial areas, ground support areas, range in- strumentation sites, and for "buffer" areas to protect the general public. Two Saturn I complexes-pads 34 and 37- had used all the pad space available at Cape Canaveral by the end of 1961, and a new area had to be found for the manned lunar landing program. Site se- lection was a joint NASA/DOD effort. On July 21, 1961, the NASA/DOD plan- ning groups published a report entitled "Joint Report on Facilities and Re- sources Required at Launch Site to Sup- port NASA Manned Lunar Landing Program." This report investigated eight potential launch sites and provided a tentative master plan site layout of launch pads and support facilities at each site. Cumberland Island on the Georgia coast and the northern portion of Mer- ritt Island adjoining Cape Canaveral were considered the most feasible sites. Cumberland Island was slightly more iso- lated than the Cape area. The proximity of Merritt Island to the tracking net- work of the Atlantic missile range and lower development costs were the major reasons for selecting Merritt Island as the launch site for the manned lunar landing program. When the Congress authorized the NASA appropriations for fiscal year 1963 for acquiring the land needed for the launch site, It specifically considered the future control of the Na- tion's spaceport. That law requires that the launch site remain under the control and jurisdiction of NASA unless it is no longer needed for she country's space activity at all. I arr apposed to changing that congressional ,xandate. In the bill that yas reported by the committee and paar d by the House, this long established po y of Congress is ap- propriately recogni-,:d in section 7. That section provides: l?iist, that an:r lands within the seashore which the Adminis- trator of NASA co 'riders excess to the needs of NASA mt. t be transferred di- rectly to the Secrc `:'iry of the Interior, but, second, that ;,:.y NASA lands not so transferred sha ] remain under the control and jurisdi. lion of the Admin- istrator. This is en! rely consistent with the 1963 intent of +'angress in authoris- ing NASA to ac qe - -e the lands which make up KSC. More recently, of ;ourse, the Kennedy Space Center was . leeted as the initial launch and recovei site for the Space Shuttle. The select::in of KSC for that purpose followed ar extensive review by NASA and the Air "once of other can- didate sites around the Nation. Certainly the gentlemen fror, s Florida know per- haps better than I that the exi,ent of NASA's landholdin,=, at KSC, and the fact that NASA hf,l and would retain control over those l=.nldinrgs, were key to protected as a criti important na- y tional asset. HOUSING NDUS IN THE HOUES OF ] F]PRESENTAT::vE Monday, Dcce amber 9, 1974 Mr. LONG of Ma, gland. Mr. Speaker, the low- and middh; -income saver has been-hard hit by otl growing infation, savings and thrift inr Citutions have been plagued by massive withdrawals, and the Nation's hous.irw: industry has been troubled by a shorta :-; of funds for con- struction and mortg:Rn--e loans. In September, I introduced a bill to help alleviate these . ,oblems by provid- ing a tax exemption or the first $500- $1,000 for a joint re! orn-earned by an individual from s: t'ings institutions. Thirty-one of my colleagues joined me in sponsoring this lc-sislation. Average taxpayers have borne a ma- jor burden because Vie tax benefits that are generally available to wealthy indi- viduals-such as ta,s:-exempt bonds or capital gains-are nften beyond the means of the average taxpayer. M3' pro- posal adds balance our tax laws on behalf of the small saver, while adding to the pool of funds available for home construction at the same time. I am pleased that the Ways and Means Committee has reported favorably on H.R. 16994, which is identical in its terms to the bill which I introduced earlier this year. I urge my colleagues to act favor- ably on H.R. 16994. HON. GUNN MAY OF UTAH IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, December 9, 1974 Mr. McKAIr. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the bill H.R. 16994, to ex- clude interest on savings accounts from gross income, for income tax purposes. Initially, I favored this legislation as a means of benefiting the small saver, en- couraging saving, and creating mortgage funds for the ailing housing industry. All of these goals remain desirable. However, I have become convinced that this bill would not, in fact, attain them. The Treasury estimates that the bill will generate a one-time shift of about $10 billion presently invested in other sources. Of this, only about one-third will go into housing mortgages, con- ferring only a small benefit on the hous- ing industry. This $3.5 billion will finance only about 100,000 housing starts-a very small contribution to the needs of the housing industry, at a very great price. As my able colleagues, Mr. CORMAN, Mr. GIBBONS, Mrs. GRIFFITHS, and Mr. KARTH have pointed out in their dissenting views, after the initial flow of money into savings institutions, addi tional saving will cease as interest rates on competing assets rise to adjust for the tax exclusion. Thus, for a one-time shift of $3.5 billion in mortgage funds to the housing industry, the Treasury will lose $2 billion annually in revenue. We cannot afford an addi,ional $2 billion deficit in the Federal Treasury. Such a deficit will fuel the fires of inflation still further and could lead to a tax increase, as well. The bill is illusory. While appearing to aid the average taxpayer, it pays great a 'tionalloophole for the rich-at- a tim hen we are trying to do away with tax 1 holes. In allowing tax exemptions on the t $500 of interest from savings account . ach family member could have tax- interest income each year on up to $0 in savings. For those in the 70-p i!ee tax bracket, this is an extremely sig cant, tax break. For those with to tax brackets, and smaller savings a unts, the benefit is far less significant. addition, this tax exemption Is not limi to interest from passbook savings ac its. Investors who can afford higher Brest savings certificates also will be a pted from the obligation to pay a on that I favor legislation to encourage saving and to aid the housing industry. I be- lieve such legislation can be enacted. Approved For Release 2005/06/16-: CIA-RDP79-00957A000100020027-9