GEOGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE REVIEW

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79-01005A000300020002-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 52
• Document Creation Date: November 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 2, 1999
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: January 1, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

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TIAL N? 4
GEOGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
LLIQ
CIA/RR?MR-51
January 1957
DOCUMENT
-
DOCUMENT NO.
1'40 CHANCE 7?1 CLASS.
DE_CLASST ED
CLSS. CHANCED TO: is S C
NEXT REVIEW DATE.
AUTH: H 0
DAT
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
OFFICE OF RESEARCH AND REPORTS
II TURN IC MIMES & RECTOS Willi
COLAIELY AFTER USE
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WARNING
This material contains information affecting
the National Defense of the United States
within the meaning of the espionage laws,
Title 18, USC, Secs. '793 and '794, the trans-
mission or revelation of which in any manner
to an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
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c-
GEOGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE REVIEW
CIA/RR-MR-51
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Office of Research and Reports
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CONTENTS*
Page
Proposed East German Elbe-Baltic Canal 0 . ? 9 9 ?009
0? 9 ??0
"Phase II" in South Vietnam? 0 ? ? ? 6 0 0 0
??
O?
0
.
1
7
Reorganization of Yugoslav Local Administrative Divisions
.
.
13
Changes in Polish Administrative Divisions 0 ?000
24
Trends in USSR Territorial-Administrative Divisions
27
Boundary Changes in Pakistan. . . 00?0 0
0
0
0
32
?
Stalin On and Off the Map ?9 900 9
0
0
0
33
American Geographical Society Atlas of Diseases. ? . . 0
0
0
.
37
0 0
A New Hungarian Road Atlas. . ? 9?00 ?? Olt a 0
0
0
0
42
MAPS
East Germany: Elbe-Baltic Canal (25552) . 0 ? ? 0 ? . Frontispiece
Following Pao.
Wismar . . OOOOOOOOO ? ? ? ?09 0 90? ? ? ?0?006
South Vietnam: Rach Gia-Long Xuyen Project Area (25619) 0 . . . 12
Yugoslavia Administrative Divisions, 1956 (25465) ?? .
223062
Poland Administrative Divisions, June 1956 (25584). . . . .
Pakistan: Administrative Divisions (25620). . . . . . . ? I
*The individual classification of each article in this Review
is given at the end of the article.
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Task Force 90, some 861,700 refugees successfully escaped from Com-
munist North Vietnam. These refugees, comprising 676,000 Catholics,
184,000 Buddhists, and 1,400 Protestants, have passed the "point of
no return" as far as the Communist Viet Minh regime of North Vietnam
is concerned. Almost certain imprisonment or death would await them
at the hands of the Viet Minh. Diem can expect these people as a
whole to remain staunchly loyal to him; and he, in turn, will make
them the main component of his resettlement plans.
The refugees have been settled either in temporary refugee cen-
ters or in more permanent villages. Usually the entire population
of a former North Vietnamese village remains together. The locations
of 153 refugee centers or villages are shown on a set of 8 annotated
maps at the scale of 1:400,000,* recently received from Saigon. These
maps are keyed to a text that gives the number of refugees and houses
in each village. Since most of these people had their first contact
with Americans on board ships of Task Force 90, where the harassed
refugees received sympathetic treatment from American sailors, a
residue of gratitude toward Americans undoubtedly remains. Conse-
quently the maps have a special strategic value because they give the
location of villages that may be expected to be friendly to the United
States in case of future emergencies.
It was from these refugee villages that Diem, in January 1956,
called for 100,000 volunteers for one of his most important projects --
*CIA Map Library Call No. 51141.
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"PHASE II" IN SOUTH VIETNAM
Since 1954, when Ngo Dinh Diem was called upon to form a govern-
ment for South Vietnam, he has concentrated his efforts on building
a strong central government and obtaining security for his people.
In Diem's thinking, these goals constituted "Phase I." The recent
execution of Ba Cut, notorious leader of the dissident Hoa Hao sect,
may be cited as a symbol of Diem's success in nearing the completion
of Phase I.
Diem has now turned his attention to "Phase II," the revitali-
zation of the economy of South Vietnam, which has been traditionally
agricultural. Much of the emphasis from now on will, therefore, be
placed upon land distribution, the resettlement of abandoned rice-
lands, and the opening of new ricelands. Essentially, this will in-
volve the relocation of many families. The strategic value of the
program is twofold: (1) the security of the more sparsely settled,
inaccessible areas will be strengthened by settlement of people loyal
to Diem's government, and (2) Communist propaganda based on maldistri-
bution of land will become less effective as a landed peasantry is
established.
Adding to Diem's burden has been the influx of refugees from
North Vietnam. What started in July 1954 as a trickle of refugees
rapidly grew into a flood and became known as "Operation Exodus."
Chiefly through the assistance of the French Air Force and U.S. Navy
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drawback is that the waterway is navigable only for ships up to 200
tons.
The Elbe-Baltic Canal project is in itself an indication that
responsible East German quarters do not expect German reunification
within the foreseeable future. On the other hand, there is a possi-
bility that the canal will never be completed. In the event of German
unification the construction of the canal at an estimated cost of 150
to 350 million marks (East) would be an expensive and unnecessary
duplication of existing facilities. Another major obstacle is the
fact that calculations indicate that more water is required to supply
the canal at full capacity than is actually available. (CONFIDENTIAL)
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dredging of a 3-meter-deep channel through Schweriner See and the
enlargement of the Stor and Elde waterways.
The possibility of connecting the Magdeburg area of Sachsen
(Saxony) and the Czechoslovak industrial regicr wt thr Baltic Sea
through the old Elde Canal from Dilimitz to 3rabcw & eo ecr 2cn-
siiered. This connection, however, has several' d radvantaF E:
(2) the Elde Canal in this area ds ravigable cily y Etips up to 270
tens, (2) boats must pass througl selren inad.E!quat lock, and
(3)
th?. left bank of the Elbe betweer Shnackent'r a c Ditz if: in the
Feieral Republic of Germany. The last is partfch kr1,y Lnfhvcrable to
East Germany, since it would permit observation of East German ship-
ping by the West, as well as offering a means of defection. For these
reasons, preference has been given to the construction of a new canal
between the Elbe and Grabow rather than to improving the lower Elde
canal system.
The exact location of the third section is still to be decided.
Two proposals are being considered: (1) a 45-kilometer (27.9-mile)
stretch between Wittenberge and Grabow and (2) a cut-off from the
Elbe a short distance from the zonal border near Klmilosen. The latter
is more likely to be adopted because it is only 25 to 30 kilometers
(15.5-18.6 miles) long, which is appreciably shorter than the
Wittenberge-Grabow route. It would also have a connection with the
canal system of the Berlin area by way of the upper Elde Canal, the
lake country of Mecklenburg, and the upper Havel River. The principal
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Figure 2. A port scene
at Alter Hafen, Wismar.
Figure 3. A 295-foot
passenger ship and a
400-ton floating dock
at the Mathias Thesen
shipyard at Wismar.
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also considered the most difficult of the entire project because a
difference in elevation of 38.8 meters (127.3 feet) must be overcome.
To solve this problem, East German engineers have planned four spe-
cially designed locks, which will,also make possible the construction
of a hydroelectric plant to help supply the rapidly increasing power
demands of the two port cities of Wismar and Rostock.
A sharp increase in westbound traffic through these Baltic ports
during the past year has resulted largely from the modernization of
the port of Wismar (see Figure 3 and accompanying town plan). The
basin of the port,
which
War II, has been dredged
now capable of receiving
was 5.5 meters (18 feet) deep before World
to a depth of 8.5 meters (28 feet) and is
deep-draft vessels. Oil-storage tanks have
also been constructed, and 10,000-ton tankers can be unloaded at
Wismar. The East Germans plan to improve the port of Wismar still
further during the construction of the canal. Eventually Wismar is
to have the same transshipment capacity as LUbeck, or 2.5 million tons.
A major deficiency of the port, which would in large part be corrected
by the building of a new canal, is its dependence upon the single-track
Wismar-Ludwigslust-Wittenberge-Magdeburg railroad; over which all ma-
terials must be transported to and from the Middle German industrial
centers.
The second section of the canal, which runs from Schweriner See
to Grabow, is scheduled for completion at the same time as the first
section and will have five locks. Construction work involves the
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Figure 1. Aerial view of the port of Wismar showing the lumber (A), coal (C), and industrial (D)
harbors as well as the old harbor (3). In the center is the Mathias Thesen shipyards (X).
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PROPOSED EAST GERMAN ELBE-BALTIC CANAL
The East German Government is currently taking steps that will
upset the established order of the German inland waterways system.
As part of the Second Five-Year Plan, authorities are constructing a
canal 116 kilometers (72.1 miles) long to connect the Elbe River with
the Baltic port of Wismar (Figure 1).
The new canal, which has been under consideration for years, will
bypass the existing Elbe-Trave Canal from Lauenburg to the port of
Lifbeck and will make East Germany (the Soviet Zone) independent of the
West German ports. Thus Hamburg and LUbeck will be effectively cut
off from their East German and Czech hinterlands. Completion of the
waterway would also put East Germany in the favorable position of
being able to interfere with shipping crossing the interzonal boundary
from the west without running the risk of retaliation.
According to reports, the canal is to run from the Elbe near
Kumlosen to Grabow, then follow the Elde canal system to the mouth
of the StUr Canal, continue through the StUr Canal into Schweriner See,
and from there extend east of Bad Kleinen along the so-called Wallen-
stein Graben to Wismar (see Figure 2 and accompanying sketch map).
The canal, which is to be 30 meters (98.4 feet) wide and 3 meters
(9.8 feet) deep, will be capable of handling 1,000-ton craft.
The first section of the canal, between Wismar and Schweriner
See, is the most northerly. This 15-kilometer (9.3-mile) section is
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EAST GERMANY
ELBE - BALT C SEA CANAL
?AFCKI ENBURGER 81.1C14T
25552 10515
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/Long Xuye
/
/
g
LOCATION MAP
25619 9-56
VIETNAM
RACH GIA-LONG XUYEN
PROJECT AREA
Approximate area of project
Principal canal
Selected secondary canal, or stream
Selected road
o to 20 Miles
10 20 Kilometers
3
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-13
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CD
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the settlement and redevelopment of an estimated 190,000 acres of
abandoned riceland in the Bach Gia-Long Xuyen area. The success
of this project is of prime importance to Diem, but its failure might
have peculiar bearing on U.S. prestige in Southeast Asia. If the
project succeeds, Diem's government will take credit for it; if it
fails the magnitude of the failure would undoubtedly affect the
stability of his government. The United States, which has backed
the project financially and technically, would probably be the scape-
goat in case of failure, and repercussions against the entire U.S.
policy in Southeast Asia could probably be expected. That the Com-
munists are fully aware of the value of the project is indicated by
the barrage of propaganda directed against it from Hanoi, and by the
fact that some 20 armed persons, presumably Viet Minh agents, were
apprehended in the area in early July 1956.
The Bach Gia-Long Xuyen area (see accompanying Map 25619) is part
of the broad, flat flood plain of the Mekong delta. Its horizon is
broken only in the northwest, where the Seven Mountains near the
Cambodian border are visible. The years of war between the French
and Viet Minh had depleted the area of most of its population, and
both landlords and tenants had moved to areas of greater security.
Consequently, in early January 1956 the area presented a vista of
huge tracts of idle land, generally grass covered, where agriculture
was still very hazardous because of the presence of rebels such as
Ba Cut's dissidents and possibly Viet Minh elements. In one district,
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Ten Hiep, less than 5 percent of a total of 11,000 hectares was being
cultivated.
By February 1956, hundreds of refugee settlers had arrived in
the area. High priority was given to the improvement of the canal
network, since the canals are the chief means of communication and
their banks provide the only housing sites that are not subject to
flooding in the rainy season. Concurrently, houses were erected
and the land was plowed in readiness for sowing before the monsoon
began. By early July the number of settlers had grown to 37,500,
some 125 miles of canals had been completed, 7,108 houses and 157
temporary long-house structures had been erected, and almost 30,000
acres of land were ready for planting. Individual family plots of
about 7-1/2 acres had been allotted to many of the families.
Although the original goal of settling 100,000 refugees and
preparing almost 200,000 acres of land before the advent of the
monsoon was not reached, progress has been great enough to provide
a definite impetus for continuing the resettlement of this vast area.
With a settled population the area will no longer be open to Viet
Minh elements, and as the land-distribution plan progresses the
combination of new settlers and the formerly landless indigenous
peasantry of the area will no longer comprise a "real proletariat,"
to use Diem's words, and will become less and less susceptible to
the 'promises" of Communist propaganda.
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The degree of success achieved in the Rach Gia-Long Xuyen project
to date has engendered a definite pride of accomplishment among re-
sponsible Vietnamese officials and has reinforced their reported
determination to make a complete success of the project. Such an
atmosphere augurs well for the completion of Phase II -- the attain-
ment of a viable economy throughout South Vietnam. (CONFIDENTIAL)
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REORGANIZATION OF YUGOSLAV LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
The most complete reorganization of Yugoslav local administrative
units since World War II took place on 22 June 1955. Existing second-
and third-order units* -- arezovi (districts) and opstina (communes) --
were enlarged and thereby reduced in number. Whereas there were
formerly 329 districts, there are.now 107; and the number of communes
has been reduced from 3,904 to 1,479. The outlines of the new districts
are shown on the accompanying map (25465). From information now avail-
able** it is possible to assess the extent of the changes at the dis-
trict level. Apparently a complete realignment of administrative
boundaries was made, rather than a simple merging of former districts.
Only 11 of the new districts were formed solely by amalgamation of
former districts; the others have newly delineated boundaries. The
enlarged communes each contain several villages. Details regarding
the areas contained within the new communes are lacking; thus, it is
not known whether the reorganization of communes involved the regroup-
ing of old units or a completely new alignment of boundaries.
*The Yugoslav state is federal in form) the constituent members
of the federation being 6 republics. Within the Republic of Serbia
there are 2 autonomous areas. The 6 republics and the 2 autonomous
areas constitute the first-order administrative units of the country,
and their boundaries have remained substantially unaltered since shortly
after World War II. In the table on p. 1 the current districts of
Yugoslavia are listed under the appropriate first-order units.
**Statisti'Li Godinjak, 1956.
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This latest territorial reorganization appears to represent an
attempt to form units that are both politically and economically
functional in accordance with Communist -- and particularly with
Yugoslav Communist -- theories of area administration. In Yugoslavia,
the significance of the changes has been obscured by a great deal of
theoretical discussion; in the following analysis an attempt has been
made to present some of the salient factors underlying the reorgani-
zation.
Communist territorial-administrative units of many types may be
considered as economic regions, since they function in the economic
activities of the state. By contrast, in the system found in capitalist
societies, economic enterprises operate to a large extent independently
of the civil divisions of the country. In discussing economic regional-
ization in Communist countries, it is desirable to distinguish between
"nodal" regions and "uniform" regions. A nodal region is an area
dependent upon and serving one important city or town. This central
place is the transportation hub and the heart of economic activity of
the region. Economic activities within the region may vary widely and
may complement each other. The region thus may be self sufficient to
a considerable degree. A uniform region is one characterized through-
out its various parts by a distribution of some common element; for
example, a region having a uniformly high production of wheat, or a
region in which coal m:Ining is the dominant activity.
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Under the administrative system developed in the Soviet Union in
the 1920's and 1930's, the second-order territorial units or a-blasts
are theoretically nodal regions with locally important urban centers
as their seats of administration. The placing of the local adminis-
trative apparatus in centers of population and industry during the
early days of the Soviet regime not only facilitated economic planning
and execution but also helped to consolidate power in the hands of the
urban workers to the detriment of the rural population, whose loyalty
to the regime was considered more questionable. Following World War
II the Soviet system of nodal regions was copied in several of the
European Satellite countries.
After a long period of experimentation and the creation and
abolition of various types of second-order administrative units, the
Yugoslays have created a system which is comprised of districts that
are essentially nodal regions similar in structure to the original
Soviet concept of the oblast. The nodal character of the districts
is pointed up on the accompanying map, which shows the district bound-
aries superimposed on the terrain and the transportation network.
Within each district, transportation routes focus on a large city or
town, and the boundaries in many cases follow topographic or drainage
features. In the more isolated mountain areas, where population is
sparse and economic development low, the districts are larger than in
the more densely populated areas. For the most part, each of the new
districts is somewhat varied in its economic activities, consisting as
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it does of an industrial or commercial focal point and a rural hinter-
land. The districts are therefore more nearly balanced in terms of
transportation, population, and revenue than their predecessors, and
so are perhaps better suited for the regional development of economic
activities.
On the other hand, although the districts are nodal in form, many
of them are similar in content to regions of uniformity. From the
statistics given in the table accompanying this article, four types of
regions that approach uniformity can be delimited; (1) industrial
areas with a high proportion of both nonagricultural population and
nonagricultural revenue, such as Kranj (Slovenia), Zenica (Bosnia), and
Belgrade; (2) districts with a low proportion of both nonagricultural
population and revenue, which are well developed agriculturally, such
as those in the Vojvodina; (3) districts with a low proportion of both
nonagricultural population and revenue, in which farming is at sub-
sistence level and industrial development is slight or nonexistent,
such as Prokuplje (Serbia); and (4) districts with a law proportion of
nonagricultural population and a high proportion of nonagricultural
revenue, which are backward agriculturally but have some development
of industry or mining, such as Kosovska Mitrovica (Kosovo-Metohija).
The reorganization of local government into fewer, more closely
integrated units has made possible the consolidation of Communist
Party control into a smaller number of "loyal" hands while extending
control of the larger, "more advanced" towns over the countryside.
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Although the majority of the people throughout Yugoslavia are engaged
in agriculture, the nonagricultural sector of the economy now dominates
local government. Each district is governed by a People's Committee,
a bicameral body consisting of a District Council and a Council of
Producers. The latter body consists of representatives of the
different elements of production or services -- industry, construction,
transportation, commerce, forestry, and agriculture -- and membership
is determined by the proportional contribution of the different elements
to overall district production. Since the nonagricultural elements
produce the bulk of the revenue in nearly three-fourths of the
districts, these elements have been accorded exaggerated representa-
tion on the Councils of Producers. The nonagricultural elements are
also much more heavily nationalized than the agricultural sector; in
official terminology the nonagricultural elements are termed the
"socialist sector" of the economy. The previous administrative break-
down, with units in which a large tbwn did not necessarily dominate
and in which the administration of the grad (town) and the srez
(district) were in many cases separated, permitted no such "legal"
control of the peasantry by representatives of the urban workers.
The revised political-economic orientation is shown statistically
in the table at tne end of this article.* Comparing the proportion
*Although the official statistics list the state-farm population
as part of the socialist or nonagricultural sector, this population
has been added to the agricultural sector. All agricultural income is
grouped together in the official revenue statistics.
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of the "active" population engaged in agricultural and nonagricultural
activities in each district, it is seen that 98 out of a total of 107
new districts have over half of their population engaged in agricul-
ture. The picture, however, is quite different if the respective
shares contributed by agricultural and nonagricultural populations to
the national revenue are compared. In this case, 75 out of 107
districts derive over half of their total income from nonagricultural
activities. Under the new administrative organization, it is this
revenue-producing, nonagricultural population group that will dominate
the Councils of Producers.
Yugoslav officials make much of the fact that the territorial
reorganization is part of the program of decentralization now taking
place in the country. According to official doctrine, the People's
Committees of the districts enjoy a high degree of autonomy in
planning and administrative matters, operating within a framework of
general legislation and overall economic plans of the central and
republic governments, but otherwise receiving few mandates from higher
authority. By reducing centralized control to a minimum it is hoped
that a swollen bureaucracy in Belgrade can be dispensed with, and
workers can thus be released to "productive" employment. Yugoslav
Vice-Premier Edvard Kardelj has stated that as a result of the cam-
paign for decentralization the number of central government workers,
exclusive of those in the Secretariat for National Defense, has been
reduced from 47,310 in 1948 to 10,328 currently. Acoording to
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Kardelj, decentralization will encourage individual and local initia-
tive in economic enterprises, and the local, or "commune"* governments
will become the media through which the need for centralized planning
and regulation is reconciled with the desire for individual accomplish-
ment. The program of territorial decentralization parallels that of
decentralization in the management of individual industries, the two
programs being undertaken concurrently.
It is difficult to understand how a government based on the dic-
tatorship of a closely knit central group such as Tito and his circle
of advisers, and a government dedicated to the socialization of the
means of production, could go very far along the road toward genuine
local self-government. In the economic sphere it will still be
necessary to have centralized planning and control, and in the poli-
tical sphere it will be necessary for the regime to maintain loyalty
to itself on the part of the local bodies. Even Kardelj admits that
there are problems. Doubtless the Yugoslav Communist Party will con-
tinue to be the cement that holds the system together.
Decentralization at the federal and republic levels is act-ompanied
by centralization at the district level. Thus the system does not
provide truly representative government, since the socialist sector
*Yugoslav use of the term "commune" is somewhat confusing. At
times it is used to mean the third-order administrative unit, but just
as often it is used to mean local governments in general, including
the districts. Kardelj used "commune" in the latter sense.
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C-0-N-F-I-D-E-N-T-I-A-L
of the economy, which is mainly nonagricultural, is favored at the
expense of the agricultural sector. The peasants, even though they
constitute the largest segment of the population, remain for the most
part unrepresented. It is questionable whether any significance is
attached to the decrease in the number of central government workers
under the new system, for this decrease is more than counterbalanced
by the swarm of individuals serving on People's Committees, Workers'
Councils of various enterprises, or otherwise engaged in some local
governmental activity. On the other hand, this also is an advantage
from the standpoint of the central government, for it gives a large
number of persons a sense of participation in government and a stake
in the success of the regime. It may be that, given sufficient time,
the Tito regime will be able to work out a middle way in local govern-
ment that will differ from the extreme centralization of the Soviet
type on the one hand and the type of local self-government practiced
in many western countries on the other. (Unclassified)
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Districts of Yugoslavia According to the
Reorganization of 22 June 1955
Districts
Nonagricultural
Population*
Nonagricultural
Revenue*
Srbija (Republic)
(percent)
(percent)
13,eograd
68.6
94.5
CaCak-
17.1
59.7
Kragujevac
16.7
54.2
Kraljevo
19.7
73.5
Krus6evac
10.7
48.2
Lazarevac
20.4
54.8
Leskovac
10.5
55-9
Loznica
18.9
63.9
Mladenovac
14.8
52.6
Negotin
4.6
29.5
Nis
19.4
74.0
Novi Pazar
8.3
35.2
Obrenovac
9.7
45.4
Pirot
7.4
39-3
Pozarevac
8.7
36.8
Prijepolje
17.1
68.8
Prokuplje
4.9
22.5
Smederevo
14.2
51.8
Svetozarevo
17.3
62.7
Sabac
9.6
44.8
Titovo UZice
13.9
52.3
Valjevo
12.8
58.9
Vranje
14.7
57.3
Zajecar
20.5
73.6
Vojvodina (Autonomous Province)
BaCka Palanka
13.6
48.3
BaCka Topola
11.0
28.4
Kikinda
17.4
38.0
Novi Sad
35.7
77.2
Pancevo
16.5
50.1
Senta
19.8
36.4
Sombor
21.8
38.3
Sremska Mitrovica
17.0
47.3
Stara Pazova
11.8
29.3
*From StatistiCki Bilten, No.
51,
1955.
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Districts Nonagricultural
Population
Nonagricultural
Revenue
Subotica
Vrbas
Vrgac
Zrenjanin
Kosovo-Metohija
Gnjilane
K. Mitrovica
Pee
Prigtina
Prizren
(percent)
34.4
21.5
16.2
20.4
Autonomous Oblast)
7.1
31.0
14.4
21.1
8.7
(percent)
66.4
70.7
32.7
57.6
40.7
76.5
29.3
58.4
23.1
Hrvatska (Republic)
Bjelovar
11.8
30.4
Cakovec
14.3
51.v.7
Daruvar
15.9
47.2
Dubrovnik
30.4
65.8
Gospie
15.5
53.8
Karlovac
19.0
72.8
Koprivnica
10.3
30.0
Krapina
16.9
59.9
KrAevci
6.2
26.9
Kutina
17.9
44.2
Makarska
15.3
54.1
Na.gice
15.9
47.9
Nova Gradigka
22.6
52.2
Ogulin
31.6
73.8
Osijek
32.5
71.5
Pula
41.1
73.1
Rijeka
67.2
95.6
Sisak
21.3
73.9
Slay. Pol.ega
14.4
46.9
Slay. Brod
26.5
79.8
Split
39.4
86.5
Sibenik
24.0
65.8
Varaidin
18.9
66.3
Vinkovci
26.8
70.9
Virovitica
12.9
41.4
Zadar
23.5
52.5
Zagreb
58.0
93.3
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Districts
Nonagricultural
Population
Nonagricultural
Revenue
Slovenija (Republic)
(percent)
(percent)
Celje
41.1
87.9
Gorica
33.9
78.4
KoCevje
27.1
71.7
Kopar
35.8
70.6
Kranj
62.5
94.3
Ljubljana
6.3.1
92.4
Maribor
54.3
90.0
Murska Sobota
10.5
47.9
Novo Mesto
22.3
58.8
Ptuj
16.9
55.1
Trbovlje
44.2
87.4
Bosna i Hercegovina (Republic)
Banja Luka
16.1
55.6
BihaC
15.3
59-3
Brao
9.6
44.3
Derventa
11.5
63.7
Doboj
16.9
64.2
GoraZde
24.5
76.0
Jajce
22.6
64.6
Livno
6.4
34.6
Mostar
27.4
72.6
Prijedor
16.0
65.5
Sarajevo
59.1
90.8
Trebinje
15.3
39-5
Tuzla
39.3
86.2
Zenica
64.6
93.6
Zvornik
8.7
39.2
Makedonija (Republic)
Bitolj
18.6
63.5
Kumanovo
11.4
64.6
Ohrid
14.6
52.3
Skoplje
51.5
86.0
-tip
13.9
53-3
Tetovo
23.8
58.3
Titov Veles
21.0
56.1
Crna Gora (Republic)
Cetinje
39.3
71.6
Ivangrad
13.7
59-5
Niki 6
41.9
75-3
Pljevlja
24.0
64.5
Titograd
37.1
67.3
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CHANGES IN POLISH ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
The changes in Polish administrative divisions, which began
after World War II, have continued in increasing numbers to the
present. All reflect a recognition by the Communist regime of the
need for the creation of an administrative organization that could
be used effectively as an instrument for developing its economic
and political programs.
Changes in the last 5 years have involved units at all levels
of administration and include (1) minor realignments of the
wojew6dztwa (province -- first-order division), (2) the creation of
48 new powiats (county -- second-order administrative division), and
numerous changes in the boundaries of other powiats, (3) the elevation
of 13 cities to the level of powiat miejski (independent urban
powiat), and (4) the creation of the gromada (third-order division)
to replace the former commune and village units. Plans called for
the creation of a total of 10,000 to 12,000 gromadas. Each was to
include an area of 15 to 50 square kilometers and have a population
of 1,000 to 3,000 people. The current boundaries of the wojewodztwa,
powiats, and powiats miejskie are shown on the accompanying map
(Map 25584).* Available information on reform at the Eromada level
is too incomplete to permit mapping at this level.
*This map supersedes Map 11780, which accompanies an article on
the Polish administrative divisions in the Map Intelligence Review,
No. 36S-6, June 1953.
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For the most part, changes affecting the first- and second-order
units and the independent urban powiats conform to the pattern that
had been established by 1951. By that time, it was evident that the
Polish Government, following the Soviet example, intended to make the
administrative structure an effective tool for tightening controls.
People's councils at the wojew6dztwo, powiat, and powiat miejsii
levels were assigned the task of preparing and implementing economic
plans for their respective units within the framework of higher level
plans.
The adoption of this control of the preparation and execution of
economic plans by administrative divisions was followed by a series
of boundary changes aimed at creating units more suitable for ful-
filling this function. Emphasis was placed on reducing areas of the
powiats so that they would be more nearly nodal economic units con-
sisting of an urban area and its hinterland. As a consequence of the
realignment of powiat boundaries, some transfers of territory were
made between wojewodztwa where it was decided that an area within one
province had closer economic ties with the adjacent province.
The raising of the status of cities to urban powiats and the
creation of the new third-order administrative division appear to be
further manifestations of the government's policy of tightening
controls over the population.
These widespread revisions in the administrative framework of
Poland, although motivated by the government's need to facilitate
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supervision of the population, have in sone areas been preceded by
detailed investigations to determine a realistic basis for further
development or exploitation of the areas. In the case of Bialystok
and Stalinograd Wojewodztwal administrative changes were made after
the completion of detailed analyses of the geography and economy of
the regions. The current Polish 5-year plan for geographic research
calls for intensive studies of this type in other provinces.
(Unclassified)
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TRENDS IN USSR TERRITORIAL-ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS
,Since the publication 2 years ago of the latest available
territorial-administrative handbook for the USSR as a whole (SSSR:
Administrativno-Territorial'noye Deleniye Soyuznykh Respublik, 1954),
more than 160 administrative changes involving units at rayon level
or above have occurred. This figure does not include the many changes
in administrative status of towns, such as the promotion of workers'
settlements to cities of rayon subordination, or the changes below
rayon level involving sel'sovets. The frequent changes in the Soviet
territorial-administrative system are of continuing interest to many
fields of intelligence and some of the more important recent changes
and trends are summarized as follows: (1) abolition of several ()blasts
and one important change in the status of an oblast; (2) several
minor changes in the boundaries between union republics; (3) aboli-
tion of a considerable number of rural rayons; and (4) a trend toward
abolition of urban rayons within small cities.
Several changes at Oblast level were made in Central Asia. 4In
the Tadzhik SSR, Garmskaya Oblast' and Kulyabskaya Oblast' were
abolished in August 1955, and their territories were placed under
republic subordination, following the pattern established earlier
when Stalinabadskaya Oblast' was abolished. The abolition of these
two oblasts has resulted in an unusual administrative structure within
the Tadzhik SSR, which now is composed of Leninabadskaya Oblast',
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Gorno-Badakhshanskaya A.O., and a number of rayons directly subordi-
nate to the republic.
Other ()blasts were abolished in the Central Asian Turkmen and
Kirgiz SSR's. Krasnovodskaya Oblast' of the Turkmen SSR, which was
created in 1952, was abolished in December 1955 and its territory was
again incorporated into Ashkhabadskaya Oblast'. This is the second
time that the oblast has been established and then abolished. Talas-
skaya Oblast' of the Kirgiz SSR was abolished in February 1956, and
its rayons were incorporated into Frunzenskaya Oblast'.
In the Far East, the territorial evolution of Khabarovskiy Kray
seems to have reached a logical conclusion, at least for the present.
Kamchatskaya Oblast' was removed from the kray in January 1956, and be-
came a regular administrative oblast directly subordinate to the RSFSR.
The creation of Magadanskaya Oblast' in December 1953 had isolated
Kamchatskaya Oblast' from the rest of Khabarovskiy Kray. In January
1956, at the same time that the remote Kamchatka area became an inde-
pendent Oblast, the one remaining intra-kray oblast? Nizhne-Amurskaya,
was abolished and its rayons were placed under direct kray subordina-
tion. As a result of these changes the formerly complex Khabarovskiy
Kray now consists of contiguous administrative divisions including a
number of rayons and the Yevreyskaya A. 0., which is a nationality unit.
Another, minor, change at oblast level was the shifting of the
center of Kamenskaya Oblast' from Kamensk-Shakhtinskiy to Shakhty in
September 1955.
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The several small transfers of territory between union republics
are of particular interest because they involve minor changes in re-
public boundaries, which in the past have generally been fairly stable.
The transfer of Alakurtinskiy Sel'sovet from Kesteng'skiy Rayon of
the Karelo-Finnish SSR to Kandalakshskiy Rayon of Murmanskaya Oblast'
in February 1955 resulted in a small gain in area for the RSFSR.
Another small gain for the RSFSR came in March 1955, when Klukhorskiy
Rayon of the Georgian SSR was transferred to Stavropol'skiy Kray. A
small part of the rayon -- one sel'sovet -- was subsequently given to
the Kabardinskaya ASSR. The resulting changes in republic boundaries
are shown on recent political-administrative maps.
Two transfers of territory from the Kazakh SSR to other republics
were made in early 1956. Both appear to involve only small areas, but
no maps showing the changes have been received as yet. In January
1956, Bostandykskiy Rayon of Yuzhno-Kazakhstanskaya Oblast' and a part
of the Golodnaya Steppe were transferred from the Kazakh SSR to the
Uzbek SSR. Another small area in the southern part of Dzhanybekskiy
Rayon of Zapadno-KAzakhstanskaya Oblast' was transferred from Kazakh
SSR to Astrakhanskaya Oblast' of the RSFSR in April 1956.
Between July 1954 and May 1956, about 100 rural rayons in the
USSR were abolished.* During this same period, only 13 new rayons
were created. Of these, 4 were rayons which had previously existed,
had been abolished, and were now reorganized. Seven of the newly
*Based on information received through June 1956.
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created rayons are in the area of New Lands agricultural activity in
northern Kazakhstan. The large number of rayons abolished, compared
with the small number created, seems to indicate a trend toward con-
solidation of existing units rather than further subdivision.
Of the 100 rayons abolished, 56 were in various parts of the
RSFSR; the others were scattered among some of the smaller republics.
Fourteen were abolished in the Moldavian SSR in February 1956, thus
reducing the total number of rayons in that republic by about a
fourth. It is of interest to note that no changes at rayon level
or above have been made in the Ukrainian SSR during the past 2 years,
although this republic ranks next to the RSFSR in the number of its
administrative subdivisions.
A trend toward the abolition of rayons within small cities
began in 1955. Several articles advocating this move have appeared
in the press, arguing that there was too much duplication of effort
at city and rayon levels and that all or some of the urban rayons
in small cities should be abolished. All the rayons of Petrozavodsk
were abolished in June 1955, those of Kaunas and Samarkand in
September 1955, and those of Kurgan in May 1956. Other cities have
reduced the total number of rayons by abolishing a few and adding
their territories to other rayons. In Arkhangellsk the number of
rayons has been reduced from 6 to 4, in Krasnodar from 4 to 2, in
Astrakhan' and Kalinin from 5 to 3, in Rostov from 8 to 6, and in
GorIkiy from 11 to 6. Some of these cities are certainly not in the
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"small city" category, so the trend toward efficiency seems to have
spread. Indications are that several other cities also have either
abolished or are preparing to abolish urban rayons.
In some cases the abolition of the rural rayons, previously
mentioned, seems to be a part of the same drive for efficiency and
elimination of unnecessary duplication. Several rural rayons,
chiefly in the Urals area, were abolished and their former territory
subordinated to the city soviets of small cities. The cities involved
are generally in the 25,000 to 50,000 population category, such as
Pervoural'sk, Solikamsk, and Kungur. (UNCLASSIFTED)
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BOUNDARY CHANGES IN PAKISTAN
The merger of the various political divisions of West Pakistan
into the single Province of West Pakistan, which had been under seri-
ous consideration since early in the year, was effected in October
1955. Provisional information relevant to the changes in internal
political units and a provisional map showing these changes were
published in the Geographic Intelligence Review MR-48, December 1955.
Definitive information on the changes has now been received from
Pakistan and has permitted publication of a map of the internal
administrative divisions, which supersedes Map 25076, the provisional
edition published in December 1955. The new map, 25620, accompanies
this article.
On the current map the following changes are noteworthy. The
former districts of Nasiribgd and Bolan Pass have been abolished and
their areas merged with Sibi District. The former state of Phura
has been absorbed by Hazara District. The northern part of Thar
P5rkar District now constitutes the District of Sanghar. Bahawalpur
Division now consists of three districts: Rahimygr Khan, BahEi.walpur,
and Bahawalnagar.
Information pertaining to the former province of East Bengal
indicates that it became known officially as the Province of East
Pakistan in January 1956. (FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY)
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STALIN ON AND OFF THE MAP
The recent break of Soviet leadership with the Stalin tradition
has raised questions regarding the probable fate of the numerous
"Stalin" place names in the USSR and other Communist countries.
Widely used in geographic names even before World War II, "Stalin"
has since 1945 been applied to many additional towns, civil divisions,
industrial enterprises, and physical features throughout the Com-
munist world. There are at least 60 instances in which the name has
been assigned in varied forms to features prominent enough to be
listed even in gazetteers of limited scope. If the count were
broadened to include the names of minor features, the total would
probably swell to several hundred. The Soviet Union, of course, has
the greatest number of "Stalins," but the name is also much used in
the Satellite countries.
Khrushchev, in his speech to the 20th Party Congress, outlined
no specific plans for the erasure of "Stalin," but he did refer in
a general way to place names and lampooned the practice of naming
towns or factories after living party leaders. "How," he said, "is
the authority and the importance of this or that leader judged? On
the basis of how many towns, industrial enterprises and factories,
kholkhozes and sovkhozes carry his name?" It was indicated that
corrective action will be taken, but that the matter will be approached
"calmly and slowly" by the Central Committee so as to prevent "errors
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and excesses." In Justifying a go-slow approach, Khrushchev said,
"I can remember how the Ukraine learned about Kossior's arrest. The
Kiev radio used to start its programs thus: 'This is Radio -- (in
the name of) Kossior.' When one day the programs began without
naming Kossior, everyone was certain that ... he had probably been
arrested. Thus, if today we begin to remove ... signs everywhere
and change names, people will think that comrades in whose honor
the ... cities are named also met some bad fate."
Khrushchevls call for caution in replacing names has evidently
been heeded because to date, with one possible exception, no elimi-
nation of "Stalin" as a prominent toponym has been reported. The
exception is the Bulgarian port city of Stalin, which was clearly
referred to in a 28 April 1956 Bulgarian broadcast by its former
name -- Varna. To date, no confirmation of this as an official name
change has been received. It is noteworthy, however, that a new
Bulgarian Government policy calling for changes in the names of
towns and other features named after living people was announced in
a broadcast of 6 July 1956. Evidence of name changes in European
Satellites other than Bulgaria and in the USSR is limited to the
reported deletion of "Stalin" from identification of a few industrial
enterprises and institutes.
The Dace at which the erasure of "Stalin" is proceeding may
appear slow to western eyes, but it becomes understandable if it is
recalled that the Communist rank and file in the USSR, at least thus
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far, have been exposed to only the barest outline of the "downgrading."
In the light of Khl-ushchevis remarks, it seems that an interval of
preparation for a more complete breaking of the idol is scheduled,
and that during this period the removal of "Stalin" place names will
be planned. Replacements of the more prominent occurrences of "Stalin,"
as in the name of a major city, are likely to receive priority, since
they invite situations in which even the most loyal party adherents
will be able to detect the ridiculous. For example, an agitator from
Stalino might be sent to Stalinsk to tell the residents of the latter
city why Stalin and Stalinism are now in bad grace.
Among the first problems to be dealt with in getting Stalin off
the map will be that of selecting replacement names. This may be
solved in some cases by restoring old names that were brushed aside
in favor of "Stalin." This, however, will not always be suitable
from a Communist point of view, because some of the old names have
connotations that are anathema to Marxism. A clue to some possible
replacement names is the increased emphasis being given in the USSR
to the glorification of Old Bolsheviks and Russian revolutionaries of
the 1870's. It may be felt in Kremlin circles that the use of their
names to replace "Stalin!' will help to repair Communism's posture of
unity and continuity.
Regardless of what guiding policies are arrived at, finding re-
placement names for some occurrences of "Stalin" will be especially
difficult. The name "Stalingrad," for example, may tear party
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functionaries between a desire to eliminate one of the most prominent
occurrences of "Stalin" as a geographic name and reluctance to Obliter-
ate the memory of a vital victory of Soviet arms. Similarly, diffi-
culties may be presented by the names of features that have figured
importantly in the economic development of Communist countries.
The mere selection of replacement names will by no means end the
Stalin woes of Communist planners. Putting the new names into effect
will require, for example, revision of maps, atlases, gazetteers,
textbooks, civil-division lists, postal guides, and timetables, as
well as countless signs on roads, streets, and railroad stations.
This phase of a name-changing effort may take considerable time and
cause some administrative confusion.
In Stalin's time, the renaming of towns and other features in his
honor was often accompanied by a loud fanfare in which local Communist
leaders participated avidly. These sane leaders, or at least those who
are still alive, may prefer to have "Operation Erase" conducted as qui-
etly as possible. If this happens, the appearance of replacement names
on new maps from Communist countries may often be the first indication
to reach the West that certain names have been officially changed.
No matter how or at what pace the job of getting "Stalin" off the
map proceeds, it is likely that those responsible will agree with the
understatement of the Polish leader who said, "The charges against
Stalin create among us a certain chaos and fill us with disquiet."
(UNCIASSIFI0)
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AMERICAN GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY ATLAS OF DISEASES
Work on the maps of the American Geographical Society's (AGS)
Atlas of Diseases stopped in 1955 with publication of the 17th plate
of the 25 envisaged by the original plan. With map production dis-
continued for the present, the AGS Department of Medical Geography
will devote its resources to the preparation of a 2-volume text.
This work, which is tentatively planned as a general study of medical
geography, will incorporate much of the unmappable data that came to
hand during research for the atlas. Some of the information will be
on subjects covered by published atlas maps, but the textual treat-
ment is intended to be more than a mere discussion or explanation of
the maps. The shift in emphasis from maps to text is in accordance
with the wishes and budget of the Office of Naval Research, which has
supported AGS work in medical geography since 1952.
There is a possibility that map production may be resumed in 1
to 3 years if funds become available. But even if no additional maps
are prepared, the 17 plates already published are likely to be much
referred to, both for the basic data they present and for their pio-
neering solutions to some of the problems involved in mapping complex
disease information.
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The published maps are listed below.*
Plate No. Title
Date
CIA Nap
Library
Call No.
1
Distribution of Poliomyelitis, 1900-1950
1950
71578
2
Distribution of Cholera, 1816-1950
1951
75551
3
Distribution of Malaria Vectors
1951
74770
4
Distribution of Helminthiases
1952
81611
5
Distribution of Dengue and Yellow Fever
1952
78857
6
Distribution of Plague, 1900-1952
1952
81612
7
Distribution of Leprosy, 1952
1953
81789
8
Study in Human Starvation
1953
83321
1. Sources of Selected Foods
9
Study in Human Starvation
1953
84011
2. Diets and Deficiency Diseases
10
Distribution of Rickettsial Diseases
1953
85096
1. Louse-borne and Flea-borne Typhus
11
Distribution of Rickettsial Diseases
1954
87111
2. Tick-borne and Mite-borne Forms
12
Distribution of Rickettsial Diseases
1954
92063
3. Tick and Mite Vectors
13
Explored Areas of Anthropod-borne Viral
1954
92064
Infections (Yellow Fever and Dengue
Excepted)
14
World Distribution of Leishmaniases
1954
93109
15
World Distribution of Spirochetal Diseases 1955
95820
1. Yaws, Pinta, Bejel
*An article noting publication of the first five maps and other
developments in medical mapping appeared in Map Intelligence Review
No. 34, August 1952.
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CIA Nap
Library
Plate No. Title Date Call No.
16 World Distribution of Spiroohetal Diseases 1955 96460
2. Relapsing Fevers (Louse-borne and
Tick-borne)
17 World Distribution of Spirochetal Diseases 1955 914.260
3. Leptospiroses
DISTRIBUTION OF
YELLOW-FEVER CASES
19M:1951
EPIDEMIC AREAS
411tie Urban
CM
Sylvatic
+ Urban (location in administrative unit unknown)
In areas not dated, cases occurred in the period from January, 1947, to May, 1950
uent cases
40'
1,1932
1931
1931
1932
1934
1933
1934
1936
1932
193n inlay
10'
1933
1934
1935
OS -10'1932
1933
Jan. - Apr., 195
4 cases
Jan.-D0c., 1950
2 cases
A small section of Plate 5 (Dengue and Yellow Fever) of the Atlas
of Diseases. Original in four colors, scale 1:40,000,000.
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The main maps on each of the 25" X 38" plates range in scale
from 1:25,000,000 to 1:75,000,000. Most of the plates include insets
at larger scales depicting critical areas; some include brief textual
summaries; and nearly all give comprehensive source listings. The
source information provides references for readers requiring additional
detail and is also useful in weighing the reliability of the data.
Space limitations required that certain relationships be presented
on more than one plate (e.g., Maps 10-12, covering different aspects
of the rickettsial diseases). Each plate, however, is a self-
contained unit.
The maps are based on answers to questionnaires sent by the
American Geographical Society to health agencies throughout the world,
as well as on available medical literature. The latter includes the
reports of the public health agencies of many countries and civil
divisions within them, the studies of international health organi-
zations, medical periodicals, and standard reference works. The
information available on the diseases covered thus far has varied
considerably in completeness and reliability from country to country
and subject to subject. Gaps and questionable data are noted on the
maps.
The plates of the atlas were planned primarily as research tools
for calling attention to possible causes and correlations that, if
fully investigated, might lead to the improvement of disease-control
measures -- for example, relationships between agriculture and disease
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distribution and the role of communications in the spread of certain
diseases. The maps have also proved useful as teaching aids in medi-
cal schools and as planning tools for public health officials, medical
practitioners, and others.
There are several ways in which tne maps could be of value to
the intelligence community. Foremost among these would probably be
in operational planning, that is, as convenient reference aids for
determining what health problems are likely to be encountered in
particular areas. The maps could also serve as guides to the
detailed medical literature of different countries and, on the nega-
tive side, as indicators of the fact that little or nothing is known
about the prevalence of certain diseases in certain countries. In
regional studies, the maps might throw light on the causes of socio-
logical and economic phenomena that might otherwise be inexplicable,
for example, sharp differences in the productivity of peoples living
in nearby areas.
Although some of the maps of the Atlas of Diseases are highly
coAplicated, all can be interpreted with reasonable patience and care.
On the whole, the treatment of the difficult subject matter is highly
professional and a credit to the competence of the staff of the
American Geographical Society. There is every reason to believe that
the same high standards will be reflected in the forthcoming text on
medical geography. (UNCLASSIFIED)
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C-0-N-F-I-D-E-N-T-I-A-L
A NEW HUNGARIAN ROAD ATLAS
A valuable and reliable source for current information on the
highway network of Hungary has recently been made available to the
U.S. intelligence community through the acquisition of Magyarorszggi
AutOutak Terkepe (Hungarian Road Atlas).* The atlas, which is the
first such postwar publication, was issued in 50,000 copies by the
Kartogrgfai Vgllalat, Budapest, in 1955, probably under the auspices
of the State Land Survey and Cartographic Office ((11ami Foldmeresi
es Terkepeszeti Hivatal). The small volume is about 5 by 7 inches,
a suitable size for field and office use.
The volume is divided into two sections -- a 27-plate atlas and
a gazetteer. The first section is preceded by an index map on which
the individual maps are identified and the first-order administrative
divisions are delineated and keyed to an alphabetical list. The
multicolor maps that follow are at the scale of 1:400,000, and each
map covers about 65 by 75 kilometers, with a few kilometers of over-
lap on all sides as an orientation aid. Three categories of roads
are identified -- main highways, secondary roads, and field roads.
The eight main highways and SOME of the secondary roads are identified
by route numbers. Kilometer readings are indicated by ticks at 10-
kilometer intervals along main and secondary roads, and actual dis-
tances between villages, between villages and road intersections, and
*CIA Map Library Gall No. aF 305-28 .M3 1955.
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between road intersections and branch routes are given. In comparing
the road data with that on earlier postwar road maps, the primary
differences noted were in the route numbers of secondary roads. Other
information on the maps includes (1) the railroad network, with no
distinction made between single- and double-track lines or between
standard-, broad-, and narrow-gauge lines; (2) hydrography, with ferry
or bridge crossing points indicated; (3) county boundaries; and (4)
county and district centers. On each map, the adjoining plates are
noted.
The gazetteer section is especially useful. All place names
given are keyed to the map on which they appear. Towns that have
hotels, spas, or first-aid stations are Identified. A table giving
distances between major towns, a 19-item legend for the maps, and an
explanatory table of road symbols complete the atlas. (UNCLASSIFIED)
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