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April 9, 1974
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Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 25X1 C10b Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 CPYRGHT FEATURES 4 Guest Editorial: A New Look at Welfare by George C. McGhee 5 Editorial-Review of The Uneasy Chair by Wallace Stegner, a biography of Bernard DeVoto by Norman Cousins 8 Letters From Readers 10 World Progress Report 34 Curmudgeon-at-Large 35 World Environment Newsletter 37 Diversions by Leo Rosten 8 Light Refractions by Thomas H. Middleton NATO: Trouble at Twenty-Five by Richard C. Longworth The alliance needs major streamlining to avoid collapse from the weight of political pique and shirked duties. 6 The Kremlin Cracks Down on a Maverick by Christopher Ogden Long a law unto itself, the Republic of Georgia is now being chastened for its political shortcomings. BOOKS THEATER 20 A Conversation With C. P. Snow by I. Robert Moskin The eminent scientist and 48 Women on the Rocks by Barbara Mackay novelist talks about the state of li FILM terary aflairs in Britain and America. 50 Teacher's Pets by Hollis Alpert 23 Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History by Fawn M. Brodie EDUCATION SUPPLEMENT Reviewed by Alan Green 51 An Environment for Creative Teachers 25 The Imperial Presidency by James Cass by Arthur Schlesinger Reviewed by Jeane Kirkpatrick 52 Terror Off-Campus: Japan's Violent Student Radicals 28 Trade Winds by Benjamin C. Duke by William Cole 55 Colleges in Search of Fresh 30 Books in Brief by Fred Hechinger by Jane Larkin Crain, Susan Heath, and K. Jason Sitewell 56 High School Report: Call for Reform by Peter A. Janssen TRAVEL 38 A Rousseau in the West Indies by Horace Sutton music 42 Tippett's Symphony No. 3: Boulez Hot, Boulez Cold by Irving Kolodin ART 44 Guide for the Guileless Bidder by Katharine Kuh ATURDAY REVTEW/WORLD published bi-weekly by SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD, nc., 488 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10022. Norman Cousins, Presi- ent: S. Spencer Grin, Executive Vice-President; Nathan Cohn, Senior Vice- resident and Treasurer; Richard L. Tobin, Senior Vice-President; Roland Blatt, Editorial Vice-President; Joseph S. Iseman, Corporate Vice-President nd Secretary; Lyn White, Vice-President, Corporate Relations; William J. 1cVey, Jr., Director of Advertising; Robert A. Burghardt, Vice-President of dvertising Services; Account Managers--Charles Harris Fraser S. Howe, alter G. Koontz, Larry Leins, Joseph Luyber, William Ii?. Pearson, Richard alsh; Director of Advertising Services, Robert Ziegler; Advertising Represen- lives-W^stern Region, R. J. Friedman Associates, Inc., 5643 Lemona Ave- ue, Van ` iys, Calif. 91401; Midwestern Region, Joseph Wall & Associates, 0 Ascot Lrive, Park Ridge, II. 60068; Southeastern Region, James A. Kridel, nc., 7600 Red Road (Suite 215-A), Miami, Fla. 33143; Circulation Director, Forge Reeves; Classified Advertising Manager, Charlotte Henkel; Promotion irector, 1 nnis Barry; Accounting Department, Dave Freed, Barbara vasseur; Advertising Administration, Joan Grant; Circulation Department, GAMESMANSHIP 28 Literary Crypt No. 7 45 Wit Twister No. 18 by Arthur Swan 57 Double-Crostic No. 46 by Thomas H. Middleton n Cover photograph by Terence Spe cer Cartoonists: Herbert Goldberg, William P. Hoest, Malcolm Hancock, S. Gross, John A. Ruge, Leo Garel, Al Ross, Robert M. Hageman Jean Winters; Administrative Assistant to the President, Emily Suessk d; Administrative Assistants, Marion McAvoy, Dorothy Murray, Dorothy e, Evelyn Smith, Mary Swift. Subscription price in U.S. and its possessions, A 0, FPO, & Canada: one year-$12; two years-$20; three years-$25 (all o et countries-additional postage $2 per year). Vol. 1, No. 15, April 6, 1 74. Back issues are $1 per copy. Entered as second-class mail In New York, N and at additional mailing offices. (c) 1974 by SATURDAY REVIEW/WORLD, nc: All rights reserved under the Berne and Pan-American copyright conventi ns. Reproduction in whole or in part of any article (in English or other langua s) without permission is prohibited. Printed in the United States of Amer a. Available also in 35 mm microfilm and microfiche. SATURDAY REVIEW/WO o, Inc., assumes no responsibility for any non-commissioned manuscripts, ph to- graphs, drawings, or other material. No such material will be returned un ss submitted with a self-addressed envelope and sufficient postage. Send all remittances and correspondence about subscriptions, undelivered copies, nd changes of address to Subscription Dept., SAruRnAY REVrEw/WORLD M a- zine, P.O. Box 2043, Rock Island, 111. 61206, or phone Ms. Andrk. 319-732-3 1. Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 CPYRGHTA ._._.._.._.J C_.. A nnn,nn,nn . nr'1n7n nA A n A A nnnA nn7 AnnnA A The en.lil Cracks Dow Maverick Bed up .with Georgia'sn freewheeling' brand of socialism, the politburo is reining in itsbalky Black Sea republic. by Christopher Ogden , Tbilisi, USSR For nineteen years after the death of Josef V. Stalin, the Kremlin put up with legendary excesses of corruption in his home state-the fiercely individual- istic and freewheeling Republic of Geor- gia, on the Turkish border. In mid-1972 Moscow's Marxists ran out of patience. They moved the head of the Georgian police department up to run the party ap- paratus and gave him free rein to So- vietize the maverick republic fully. Near- ly two years later he's still trying. So are those who want to make certain, some- times with guns and bombs, that he doesn't succeed. * * When Eduard Shevardnadze took over as first secretary of the Georgian Communist party in the summer of 1972, he ended his first cabinet meeting by ask- ing all his ministers to vote with their left hands on a procedural issue. "Keep them up a minute," he said, pushing back his chair. He slowly circled the polished conference table, peering at wrists. Rolex, Seiko, Jaeger-le Coultre, Omega-every- one except Shevardnadze, who wore a Russian-made Slava, had on a foreign wristwatch. "For a start," he said, "let's turn all these over to charity." Charity has always begun at home in Georgia, known through the centuries for its hospitality to its friends (who, mom,mts before, may have been stran- gers) and for its attention to the good life: food, drink, songs, fine clothes, and, more recently, fancy cars. Today in Tbilisi, the women's coats are trimmer, the skirts and blouses brighter, and the men's suits more fashionable than in Moscow. Billboards, which in Moscow read Our Goal-Communism, push a different line in the Georgian capital: Put Your Money in a Savings Bank. Keep it Safe. Earn More. Georgians love flaunt- ing that kind of refinement at Muscovites. "There's no class in Moscow," they say. "No traditions, no real culture." Beyond such tree-lined boulevards as Rustaveli Avenue, where Georgians stroll interminably, Tbilisi is a treasure house of ancient churches, a palace, and fortress ruins. Twisting cobblestone al- leys in the old city wind below enclosed balconies jutting out from second and third stories and past the only active Hebrew school in the Soviet Union. Grottolike courtyards with outside stair- cases that climb nearly to pink-tile roofs remind visitors of North Africa. Tene- ments balance on the sheer cliffs slicing down to the mud-colored Kura River, which splits the town in two. Across the Kura, Vakhtang Gorgasali sits in stone on horseback and watches the city he founded in 458 A.D. He stares at a moun- tainside statue of Mother Georgia, who carries a sword in one hand for meeting enemies, a wine goblet in the other for greeting friends. (The symbolism is par- ticularly apt. Anyone ever met by a Geor- gian with a wineglass-and this is how the Georgians meet almost everyone- usually wakes up feeling the entire militia of the republic has goose-stepped over him.) The city between the two statues sports a twenty-one-story hotel furnished in Finnish modern, a new subway, and more automobiles per capita than in any other Soviet region, including Mos- cow. "We Georgians know how to ac- quire things," one mustachioed fellow said, leaning out the window of his 1962 Chevrolet Bel-Air. The 4 million Georgians, only 20 per- cent of whom speak Russian fluently, have long been a law unto themselves. The republic, less than twenty-seven thousand square miles and about half the size of the American state of Geor- gia, was conquered by Romans, Mace- donians, Persians, Mongols, Arabs, and Turks before it was incorporated into Imperial Russia in 1801. So many de- feats have made the Georgians a philo- sophical lot who prefer to name their streets for poets rather than politicians and tend to thumb their ample noses at any ruler. The Georgians have worked at pre- serving their culture and language (there are Georgian translations of most Shakespearean plays). They also have become Byzantine-style entrepreneurs who even today can be counted on to produce-for the right price-anything from a mid-field seat for a national championship soccer match to a basket of peaches in February. Favored by Stalin, who was born in 1879 in Gori, about thirty miles from Tbilisi, and by Lavrenti Beria, his secret- police chief and fellow Georgian, the re- public went its merry way throughout the dictator's thirty-year rule. It could ignore Kremlin directives that sucked away the autonomy of other republics, because it was "Soso's [Joe's] special case." Stalin's death in 1953 intensified, rather than changed, the local attitude, especially when the de-Stalinization campaign of his successor, Nikita S. Khrushchev, began chopping at its un- derpinnings three years later. From Brest to Khabarovsk, statues of Stalin came tumbling down. Streets, town squares, whole cities, were re- named. But not in Georgia, where news of the demotion and Khrushchev's crit- icisms sparked bloody riots. In Geor- gia the Kremlin backed down. The atti- tude was, Let things cool a bit-there are other things to do; we'll come back to this. Moscow did not really come back until 1972. The interim was a busy time-opening the virgin lands, indus- trializing after the war cleanup, the anti- China campaign, the test-ban treaty, the Khrushchev overthrow, and the sub- sequent consolidation of the Brezhnev, Podgorny, Kosygin troika. During those years Vasily P. Mzhava- nadze ran the republic as first secretary of the Georgian Communist party. Ap- pointed by Stalin just before he died, Mzhavanadze ran Georgia-from the beach resorts along the Black Sea, across the fruit orchards and melon patches, to the chalk-soil wine vineyards and Caucasus peaks and valleys-like a Tammany boss. Georgia's primary occu- pation-dealing-thrived. For the Geor- gians, at least. If the Soviets weren't getting their cut, well, that was their problem. Georgians by the hundreds flew daily to Moscow, Leningrad, Mur- mansk, and farther, their suitcases bulg- ing with fresh-cut carnations, citrus fruits, almonds, and tomatoes that they Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 CPYRGHT Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 would hawk for three rubles ($4.00) a pound in the farmers' markets of those less-fortunate cities. They'd fly back to Tbilisi, sometimes the same day. This time the suitcases would be stuffed with either rubles or city goods-books, rec- ords, Italian shoes-that they could sell for another profit in Georgia. The process itself is semilegal. Soviet farmers are allowed in their limited mar- ket economy to sell privately what they have left over after first selling the bulk of their produce to the state. In Georgia, where farmers in 1972 earned $400 mil- lion from p.-ivate plots, the priorities were reversed. What was left after the private sales, if anything, went to the state. That kind of planning put Georgia, one of the richest republics in terms of physical resources and climate, in fif- teenth and last place when it came to state production statistics. Mzhavanadze didn't mind. Under only occasional pressure then from Mos- cow, he responded by dutifully making speeches denouncing extortion, nepo- tism, and corruption. His real concern -and his wife's, whose strong will and expensive tastes seemed to dominate most of the party boss's activity-was his seven dachas. So that he could keep them, he tried to insure that the system suf- fered no Kremlin body blows. The first real hint of trouble, that Moscow was ready to "come back" to the Georgia problem, appeared in an ar- ticle in the national trade-union news- paper TRUD in March 1972. In a de- tailed and surprisingly candid public washing of dirty linen, TRUD described an illegal Georgian operation that cost the highly centralized Soviet economy more than ,two million dollars. The brains behind the scheme was an eco- nomics student, a university dropout turned taxi driver, named Otari Lazish- vili. TRUD called him "an underground millionaire who laid on thousand-ruble [$1300] banquets in Moscow, Kiev, and Alma-Ata when his favorite soccer team won, who had two dachas with swim- ming pools, one near Tbilisi and another on the Black Sea coast in Abkhazia." As a front, Lazishvili ran a laboratory in which new synthetic materials were tested. Using stolen government mate- rials, he turned out hard-to-get plastic raincoats, turtleneck sweaters, scarves, and gaily colored nylon shopping bags, which buyers quickly grabbed up--the farmers' market routine slightly refined. given her. She fled to the Ukraine, where she now reportedly lives with her sister, the wife of deposed Ukrainian party boss Pyotr Shelest.) With the tap administered by Leonid 1. Brezhnev, general secretary of the Soviet Communist party, Shevardnadze moved up again, this time to take over as party first secretary. At forty-four, he became the youngest leader of a Soviet republic. 'He has a lot of class," said a retired soccer player who knew Shevardnadze because the Ministry of the Interior sponsors Tbilisi Dynamo, the local professional team. "Whenever he came down to the dressing room, he always wore a clean shirt and a tie and a nice suit. Nothing flashy. But impres- sive." Impressive for things besides clothes. "He's tough," another Georgian said when his appointment was an- nounced. "He's the kind of guy who asks, 'How can you work so little and still have a dacha?' He's also the kind of guy that when he says do this or do that, you do it. He's not the kind to for- give if you don't." Despite the toughness, the dominant feeling in Georgia when Shevardnadze took. over was that he would initially come on strong and break up some of the naleva (literally, "on the left," or "on the side") operations, but then the pace would ease and gradually every- thing would return to "normal." "He's not going to change human na- ture," a Tbilisi waiter said with a half- smile. "Not here, anyway." Shevardnadze called a joint party and government plenum in November 1972, and the extent of the problem he was facing was so bad that the full proceed- ings were not published until February. They revealed that, "Serious mistakes have been made in economic manage- ment from which the republic's economy has suffered great losses serious short- comings in agriculture... .The republic is far behind in capital construction. . . . Communications, particularly telephones, are far behind modern requirements." The report also homed in on agricul- tural officials who blamed winter snow, spring rains, summer heat, sometimes all and more, for crop failures-anything except mismanagement and anything rather than raise the possibility that a1- though there were enough crops, they were all being sold naleva. "Now, when winter and rains are in the past, the num- ber of lagging enterprises continues to tioning about allegedly smuggling dia- grow," snorted party monds that the jailed Lazishvili had Partaridze. "In reality, it was a private concern called Lazishvili and Company," TRUD said. "At the time of the investigation, police found more than one hundred thousand rubles' [$133,000] worth of jackets, sweaters, knitwear, and other goods, none of which were registered in government documents." The money brought powerful friends, including Mzhavanadze, to the Lazish- vili dachas (no nouveau riche snobbery here!). The businessman became a Geor- gian capo di capos. His opinion was sought when it came time to fill govern- ment and party posts throughout the re- public. A man of foresight, Lazishvili had the judiciary salted as well. At his trial the public prosecutor asked that he get the death penalty, a not uncommon sentence for far less serious economic crimes against the state. Instead, the Georgian Supreme Court, which sen- tenced nearly one hundred persons in connection with the case, gave him a light fifteen years. Lazishvili, of course, was only the tip of the Georgian iceberg. A week after the first mention of him in the press, the party's Central Committee in Moscow widened its attack to include the entire state of affairs in the republic. In a decree splashed across the front pages of the national papers, it criticized the Geor- gian leadership for "struggling weakly against such phenomena, alien to our society, as embezzlement of state prop- erty, profiteering, bribery, and idling." It criticized Tbilisi party leaders for shoddy consumer goods, poor city sani- tation, falling behind in apartment con- struction, giving high-ranking jobs to unqualified people, and allowing Geor- gian nationalism to flourish instead of incorporating it into the general Soviet fabric. The Kremlin then summoned to Mos- cow Otari Lolashvili, the party chief in Tbilisi, to report on the situation in the city. The report was rejected, Lolashvili was fired, and, in August 1972, he was replaced by Eduard Shevardnadze, until then the republic's minister of the in- terior and, as such, chief of police. A month later the seventy-year-old Mzhav- anadze was awarded the Order of the October Revolution, one of the state's highest citations for service, and he re- tired on pension "at his own request." (He also retired to live by himself. Shortly after taking over, Shevardnadze called in Mzhavanadze's wife for ques- secretary Z. A. Approved For Release 1999/09/02 - CIA-RDP79-01194A000100740001-4 CPYRGH- PProved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194AO001 OO74OOO1-4 nevar na ze ne to explain what he had discovered so far: Georgian factor- ies were operating at only 70 percent of capacity (in 1972 two Tbilisi factories alone paid fines totaling nearly two mil- lion rubles [$2.7 million] for substan- dard goods). Unsold, unwanted mer- chandise worth eight million rubles ($11 million) was found stacked up in ten factories around the city. While the growth-rate target for 1972 as set by the national plan was 6 percent, Georgia managed to reach only 2.2 per- cent. The factories met their production quotas, but only by unilaterally reduc- ing the goals. In 1972, in fact, Georgia announced it had exceeded its production goals by 30 million rubles ($41.4 mil- lion). It wasn't until Shevardnadze started going through the books that he learned 102 million rubles ($141 mil- lion) had been cut along the way from the original target. He also found that al- though output was up by 216 percent over that of the past decade, profits over- all were down because production costs were up 222 percent. Housing, a perennial Soviet problem, was a nightmare here. The money allo- cated for 21,500 apartments was simply missing. (What was constructed was clearly not great. Today's visitor to Tbilisi can see obviously crooked walls, already laced with broad cracks, on high-rise after high-rise.) The dependability of workers was another troublesome issue. Nearly a third of Tbilisi's 900,000 resi- dents "migrate" each year, many of them the fruit sellers who pile into Tbilisi air- port and tip stewardesses ten rubles for a seat on an oversold plane headed to market. "We have one of the worst records in the country on this," Shevardnadze said. "The reasons why people change jobs so often should be studied scientifically." Hardly. Fast ruble was written all over the operation, as the party boss well knew. Ile wasted little time in reinstitut- ing the lapsed propusk ("pass") system as one means of stabilizing movement and, therefore, the economy. Nobody left Georgia without an official propusk. Watermelons and chrysanthemums dis- appeared from Moscow. "The plan is law," Shevardnadze said. "It is necessary to be fulfilled without any changes. The party will hold people strictly responsible for every underful- fillment of the plan. It cannot be other- wise." A Georgian himself, he knew there would be foot-dragging. Similarly, he wanted to make certain everyone knew that he would not tolerate it. "We will have to rid ourselves of anything that keeps us from normal work. We will pro- claim a real, party-oriented, and princi- pled fight against all negative phenomena in this area. That is the only way, because some comrades hold that everything will run its course and nothing is going to change. "Those comrades are profoundly mis- taken." Once the housecleaning started, the government-controlled Russian language daily newspaper in Tbilisi, Zarya Vos- toka ("Dawn of the East"), kept the ex- poses coming almost every day. One of them detailed how Georgian officials took control of land reserved for garden plots for factory workers, threw up high walls, and behind them built pala- tial private dachas-"not small cottages, but huge mansions of fantastic dimen- sions ... out of a Georgian fairy tale." Another tracked down the missing money for the 21,500 apartments. The money had never left the State Commit- tee on Home Repair and Housing Con- struction, which had used it to build hunters' lodges for committee officials. None of this log-cabin-on-a-duck-pond kind of thing, though. It seems several were made of marble. One, with a forty- five-square-yard billiards room, cost 130,000 rubles ($173,000). A second, designed to house only two couples at a time, cost more than 500,000 rubles ($665,000) to build and decorate. According to another expose, Shevard- nadze fired Trade Minister Vahktang Tokhadze for "had management of trade, tolerance of shortcomings, the most fla- grant violations of personnel policy [meaning that most of the Tokhadze fam- ily worked for the Trade Ministry], and for showing private property tendencies [another dacha owner]." Following Tokhadze out the door were his first deputy, who had a criminal rec- ord, the ministry's party secretary, the head of the quality-inspection depart- ment, and the director of Thilisi's main department store. An investigation linked 70 percent of all the trade organizations in the ministry with cases of overcharg- ing, bribery, and embezzlement. Tok- hadze had the plum. He kept himself re- sponsible for the sales of private cars, the single most precious commodity for a Soviet. Ignoring normal retail channels, he let the cars go to the highest bidder. The trade purge, however, had an un- expected side effect and brought about Shevardnadze's first real problems with the local citizenry. The shake-up knocked out so many key officials responsible for supplying Tbilisi with food that residents used to food surpluses found themselves waiting in line in shelf-stripped stores only to be told this and that product had not arrived. The Georgians, whose con- cern for their stomachs runs high, took to the streets in protest. It was not until the army had been called out that the street battling was broken up. The action only served to intensify the government's new campaign: ? A party secretary, a district attor- ney, and a police chief were fired in the Mestiski region of the republic for cov- ering up the rape of an assault victim by her would-he rescuer. "The level' of crime is very high, and the level of solv- ing dangerous crimes is very low," the government said. ? A campaign to curb drug abuse (rarely mentioned anywhere in the Soviet Union) was initiated, with compulsory treatment ordered for addicts and alco- holics. ? Shevardnadze tried to get Mzhava- I&n U`) S S R } Ci/gNSSR KURq R : Tbilisi BLACK SEA AeprLIror Release 1999/09/02: CIA-RDP79-01194AO001 OO74OOO1-4 nadze's wife back from the Ukraine to try her for the alleged diamond smug- gling. So far he's been stymied by the requirement that Moscow has to approve inter-republic extraditions. The Kremlin apparently prefers that the wife of a former candidate member of the polit- buro not go on trial. ? Two members of the Central Com- mittee of the Georgian Communist party were expelled for undisclosed "criminal activities." ? The minister of justice and chief judge of the Adzharistan region of Geor- gia were fired for "lax prosecution of the law," a euphemism for taking bribes. The crackdown hit the streets as hard as it did the ministers. One morning a sudden warning went out to Tbilisi's taxi and bus garages to keep all public vehicles off the streets. Within the hour, police swooped down on several private cars painted to look like taxis and on one bogus bus. "You can't throw a cigarette butt on the side- walk anymore," one fruit seller said. "You spend 200 rubles [$2661 for a good evening out in a restaurant with fifteen bottles of wine-that's not a lot, you know-and the police come by and ask, `Where did you get that. money? You only earn 180 rubles [$2401 a month.' " For some Georgians, particularly the intelligentsia, the crackdown is a chance for the republic to regain some respect. "We have been embarrassed for a Ion-, time now," a professor at Tbilisi State University said. "It has all happened in the past twenty years, all this corruption. Before that it was the Armenians who were the shrewd businessmen. We were mostly drinkers and not very hard work- ers." But the intelligentsia, a tiny minority where it exists at all in Georgia, is hardly the most representative body of thought on the Shevardnadze regime. Among the working class at least, indications are clear that the changes have been less than popular. With the firings, arrests, and limitations placed on private enter- prise has come a stepped-up Sovietization campaign, strongly laced with heavy- handed Marxist-Leninist propaganda and the continued official cold-shouldering of local hero Josef Stalin. It has all ran- kled, and some apparently are getting tired of waiting for things to "get back to normal." Georgians say there have been at least two assassination attempts aimed at tile c . off. In the second, gunmen attacked his car and shot Shevardnadze's chauffeur in the shoulder but missed the party secre- tary. General anti-Soviet sentiment led re- cently to the dynamiting of a statue com- memorating the "liberation" of Georgia by Russian Bolsheviks, who in 1921 over- threw the independent republic (the bombers chose to ignore the fact that it was their own comrade Stalin who had led the Bolshevik takeover). The Georgia Supreme Soviet responded to the attack by publishing a decree promising long prison terms to anyone involved in "the destruction or damaging of cultural mon- urnents." Shevardnadze chaired his second party plenum in late October 1973 and said widespread corruption continued to in- volve some of his top officials, "including highly responsible officials of party or- ganizations.... It cannot go on like this. The Central Committee ... intends cate- gorically to establish a Bolshevist order in every region and city of the republic. There will be no mercy to anyone-re- gardless of age, rank, or former merits- who will dare to ignore the instructions, demands, and the statements of the party." So the crackdown will continue until something gives, even if it turns out to be Shevardnadze himself. He is undoubtedly certain of his own role in Georgia, but less clear is his place in the overall scheme of Soviet politics. He still (toes not have a seat on the ruling politburo, on which Mzhavanadze held a candidate, or non-voting, place from 1957 until his "retirement." Among the local heirs of Stalin, specu- lation varies as to why, for the first time, they are no longer represented on the twenty-man body (including candi- dates) that guides the foreign and do- mestic political fortunes of the Soviet Union. The dominant street-level theory is that Georgia simply is being punished for ob- vious practical and political shortcom- ings. Another is that the cautious polit- buro is clearly aware of Shevardnadze's talent-and ambition---and is waiting to see what kind of job he does at home be- fore he is allowed as a regular into the clubby corridors of the Kremlin. A third theory, gaining more credence all the time, is that the Kremlin does not want to elevate to national rank and prominence the man implementing its first sustained attempt at Sovietizing Georgia, until it is Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194AO00100740001-4