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Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 25X1 C1 Ob Next 1 Page(s) In Document Exempt Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved' For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 41101? dune iv/2 WHO'S FOOLING -WHOM IN CHILE? What does the future hold for those socialist, democratic and progressive political parties, national organizations, religious groups and other political forces that enter into alliances with communist parties? Do the communists enter the alliance in good faith, with the thought of acting within the alliance merely as equals of the other parties and forces involved? Is it their true intention, within the bounds of their own political ideals and principles, to remain flexible to the political, social and ideological desires of the majority within the alliance for the common good of the alliance and the nation? Will the non-Marxist parties and forces of the alliance and their political, social and ideological ideals survive in the communist party version of the socialist state? An explicit answer to these questions is found in a theoretical trilogy issued in February this year by the top echelon of inter- national communism, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CC, CPSU). The central thesis appeared in the main journal of the CC,CPSU, KOMMUnist (issue No. 3, 1972), in a lengthy, wide-ranging article entitled, "The Falsifiers of Scientific Communism and Their Bankruptcy." Bearing the imprint "Prepared by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CC, CPSU," the article carries the authority and political weight of a party directive, binding on all party members as well as on all parties worldwide. While providing the theoretical basis for upholding Moscow's ideological orthodoxy, the article ranges well beyond mere theory in prescribing in explicit terms the strategy and tactics for unifying and consolidating the "democratic, anti-imperialist and revolutionary forces" of the world under Soviet political hegemony. To underline the international significance of the pronounce- ment, the CPSU simultaneously published two other articles further clarifying those sections of the KOmMUnist theme most pertinent to foreign communist parties. These articles appeared in Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn (issue NO. 3, 1972), a Soviet international affairs monthly that appears in English and French editions as well as in Russian, and in NewTithes (issue No. 8, 1972), a Soviet international affairs weekly that is published in Russian, English, French, German, Spanish, Polish and Czech. Both articles Were signed by Alexander Sobolev, well known among leadership elements of international communism as head of the section of the CC, CPSU responsible for history of the international communist movement. Regarding political and ideological pluralism and the role of the communist party, questions of vital importance to non-communist parties and groups in alliances with communists, the "February decrees" of the CC, CPSU lay down the law as follows: Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001 ) On Political PlUtaliSm: "The modern revisionists advocate political pluralism. In their opinion, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the experience of the socialist countries in the organization of political life have outlived their time and should be succeeded by spontaneous development and competitive struggle among all social and political forces, all political parties, which in effect signifies abandoning the use of the instruments at the disposal of the working class organized as the state to uphold the people's revolutionary gains. At a time when the monopoly bourgeoisie is steadily building up the machinery of its domination, its political mechanism of self-preservation, the revisionists deny the people and their leader, the working class, the right to suppress the resistance of the exploiters." b) On Ideological Pluralism: "The modern revisionists ideabi6a1 pluralism Negation of the universal, international character of Marxism-Leninism is accompanied with the claim that there exist different, hational forms of Marxism. At the same time it i maintained that equal and competitive co-existence of diverse ideological concepts is possible in the working-class movement and the socialist society." c) On the Role Of the COMMUlli8t Patty; "Rejecting the need for a leading role by the communist party, as confirmed by the experience of the building of socialism in the USSR and the other socialist countries, the revisionists try to limit the party functions within the socialist society and bring them to a minimum. They suggest that the party should be considered merely as one of the social organizations not distinct from the other mass political, professional, or cultural organizations, playing not a leading role but merely the role of an "equal partner." The severe con- sequences which attempts to abandon the Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the leading role of the party and the Leninist organizational principles may lead to were revealed by the 1968 Czechoslovak events. The activities of right- wing revisionists plunged the country into a profound crisis and created the danger of losing the socialist achievements." World news media pay little or no attention to such weighty articles as those carrying the "February decrees" of the CPSU. 2 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 ? Approved Por Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 As a matter of course only the top leadership elements of local communist parties make it a point to read and digest the characteristically lengthy and dull theoretical pronouncements emanating from Moscow. As a result those who stand to lose the most (the non-communist parties and forces who join in common causes, alliances or coalitions with communists, other political parties and forces in countries and areas where such "united fronts" exist, and even the rank and file members of local communist parties) normally are unaware of Moscow's latest political and theoretical line. Under such circumstances, which are considered desirable in most cases by both the local communist party and Moscow, the leadership of the local party is allowed to formulate its own local line in the manner most politically expedient for the local constituency. A case in point, and apparently an attempt at deception of a most blatant variety, involves the treatment of the CPSU "February decrees" by the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) and the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA). Both parties are considered among the most stalwart and conscientious followers of Moscow's brand of communism. Neither has ever engaged in anti-Sovietism or denied or even questioned "the international significance of the experience of the CPSU." On the contrary, both have always considered the CPSU the unquestioned leader of communist parties everywhere and the essence of actual socialism as built in the USSR as the goal to be emulated by all communists. How then explain the fact that in the April 1972 edition of its leading journal, Political Affairs, the CPUSA chose to publish a full English translation of an article from the August-September 1971 issue of the theoretical journal of the PCCh, PrinCipios, that directly contradicts the political and ideological line of the CPSU? The article in question is entitled "Ideological Pluralism", written by a member of the Central Committee of the PCCh, Sergio VUskovic Rojo. It makes the following points: a) On Political Pluralism: "To Chile, the historical legacy of the workers' movement presents us, as one of its most valuable experiences, with the durable existence of trade union unity, but also with the existence of various parties in the political sphere. Therefore, in our country, democracy and liberty are guaranteed by political pluralism and trade union unity. On the cultural and ideological levels the mere existence of a multi-party system is a guarantee that no new alienations foreign to the history of the Chilean popular movement will arise." "This style, so typically Chilean, of opening for ourselves the road to power was outlined in an interview 3 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7" with comrade Luis Coral an (Secretary General of the PCCh) in the magazine RinaStita of April 30 of this year. In it he states the following: 'The Popular Unity coalition has won the government of Chile within the bounds of the State of Law. Today we operate, and will continue to operate within such bounds, because there is no other road for the structural transformation of the country towards socialism. What if the adversary rushes into sedition? Well, the Government of Popular Unity will naturally use every means, will make an appeal to the masses for the restoration of the law, in view of the new conditions created by the reactionary adventure. The State of Law is not a cumbersome piece of furniture which we must discard at the first opportunity. And I repeat: the scope of political and social pluralism which points out the road today is that which will characterize socialism in Chile tomorrow." b) On Ideological Pluralism: "Just as political pluralism implies the existence of various parties, ideological pluralism implies that in the Popular Government now, and under socialism tomorrow, there are and there will be various ideologies. The corollary of political pluralism is ideological pluralism. That is to say that today, and tomorrow in socialist Chile, there will be complete freedom of religion, of the diffusion of religious or non-religious ideas. Besides Marxism, other ideologies will be able to defend their points of view, will have their publi- cations and seminaries, will maintain Catholic churces and high schools, Masonic temples, or Protestant places of worhip or those of other beliefs. Classes in religion of a voluntary character will continue, together with the new social and ideological activities which will keep arising in the revolutionary process." c) On the Role Of the - COMmUrii8t Patty: "Starting from the premise that the guarantees which are established cannot mean the stopping of change or the class struggle, which continues, the fact remains that not one of the parties in the Popular Unity coalition wants to be the one governing party, either now or in the socialist Chile of the future." The timing of the appearance of the PoliticalAffairs article is especially interesting since one normally would have expected that it would be precisely in its April issue that the CPUSA would have published its own guidance derived from the CPSU "February decrees." 4 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 As far as the PCCh is concerned, since the Chilean article was published in August-September of last year Rojo should by now have been branded as a "revisionist" and a corrected version of the PCCh line, in conformity with the CPSU line should have been published. Nothing of the kind has happened. In fact, in public statements since February, PCCh leaders have continued to reassure the electorate of Chile that the PCCh, as "an equal party" of the alliance, firmly believes in a permanent state of political and ideological pluralism. One cannot but conclude that both the PCCh and the CPUSA, with the approval of the CPSU, are attempting to deceive not only other left-wing political parties but even their own rank and file members. The following reference materials are attached: a) Excerpts from the main Soviet article: "Falsifiers of the Theory of Scientific Colluaunism and Their Bankruptcy," from Kommunist, No. 3, February 1972. b) The English language version of the article from Nlezhdunarodnaya Zhizn, Russian, No. 3, February 1972, entitled "The Struggle of fEe CPSU for Unity of the World Communist Movement and Against Opportunism and Revisionism." This version appeared in the Soviet monthly'IntetnatiOnal'Affairs, No. 4, April 1972. c) The article, "Anatomy of Modern Revisionism," from the Soviet English language weekly; New-Times, NO. 8, February 1972. d) An English language translation of the Chilean CP article, "Ideological Pluralism" in the CPUSA theoretical journal, Political Affairs, No 4, April 1972. The original article appeared in the journal of the PCCh, PtinCipios, August-September 1971. e) A commentary on the KoMMUnist article that appeared in the British fortnightly newsletter; Soviet Analyst, 30 March 1972, holding that the Soviet line is a reaffirmation of the most blantant Stalinism by the CPSU. 5 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 KOMMUNISTI Moscow February 1972 THE FALSIFIERS OF THE THEORY OF SCIENTIFIC COWUNISIN AND THEIR BANKRUPTCY In the contempornry epoch the progreanive aocial development in taking place at an ever faster pace. The leading trend of social develop.. ment -- the revolutionary transition from capitalism to socialism and communism of mankind -- is making its way in the variegated and complex intertwining of historical events. This transition is linked with the implementation of the universal-historical mission of the working class, the most systematic fighter against all kinds of social and national oppression. The main achievement of the international working class and the main result of its revolutionary struggle are the formation and con- i'solidation of the world socialidt system. The growing power of the USSR the first country of victorious socialism -- and Of all socialist - ' countries is:now exerting a decisive impact on the world 'revolutionary process. Systematically opposing imperialism, the communist and worker pnrties are Also engaged in an irreconcilable ideological and political ntruggle at5ninnt right-wing and "left-wing" opportunism in the contem- pornry revolutionnry movement. "Left-wing opportunism, mainly represented .by no-Trokakyism nnd Maoism, is trying to replace the scientific Mnrxist line of the revolutionary movement with political adventurism? and renctionary-utopian and barracks "socialism." Right-wing opportunism is trying to replace this line with bourgeois reformism. As a whole, as V. I. Lenin taught, revisionism always. means political surrender to the difficultiea and 0e,clatia enemy, and the abandonment of proletarian positions. The characteristic feature of the contemporary stage lie; in the fact that right-wing and "left-wing" opportunism frequently merge with nationalistic trends and with the most reactionary extreme anticommunism and anti-Sovietism. I The struggle of the working class against revisionism has its hietory. Suffice it to recall the political bankruptcy of regenaded such as E. Bernshteyn, K. Kautskiy, and others like them. V. I. Lenin ;provided a clear characterization of revisionism. "In the field of 'politics," he wrote, "revisionism tried to revise the real foundations of Marxism, namely the doctrine of the class struggle. Political freedom, democracy, and universal elections eliminate the grounds for the class struggle, we were told . . " (Complete Collected Works, vol 17, p 22). He also said that "they determine their behavior on the bnsis of specific cases, adapting themselves to current :events, to political pettiness, forgetting the basic interests of the proletariat and the basic featuree of the entire capitalist system and the entire capitalist evolution, sacrificing these basic interests for the sake of real or surmised temporary advantages. Such is the reviaionist .olicy" AIDWAV902E01 RnielareedMeN9giathCEIMWEI9t0Clit4400930Ne 1,f '1167 in their struggle against modern opportunism.. Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 ' Revisionists members of the "Manifesto" group in Italy, R. Gar.. audy in France, E. Fischer, and F. Marek in Austria, and others, grossly distorting and falsifying the ideas of K. Marx, F. Engel?, and V. I. Lenin, are presenting their "creativity" as the further de- velopment of the Marxist-Leninist theory. In a relatively short period .of time the bourgeois publishing housee have brought to the,book market large quantities of their revisionist output. An analysis of the revisionist views indicates that on bautc matters they are in fact supporting the positions of bourgeois ideolo- gy, anticommunium, and antt.Sovietism. Beginning with the revision of individual Marxist concepts, such people who, formerly, were within the ranks of the communist party, have become open renegaeen, abandoning the paste principles of the revolutionary doctrine of the working class, and replacing them with bourgeois ideological principles. The abandonment of the revolution and the preaching of reforms which do not affect the political power of cepitalien and a factual re- conciliation with the bourgeois society is the essence of the revisionist views concerning today's revolutionary movements. The basic problem of the socialist revolution is that of power, of the dictdtorship!of the proletariat. The socialist revolution begins with the seizure of:political power used as the main tool for economic, social, and cultural changes. Using various pretexts the modern revisionists firmly oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat, identifying it with "party dictatorship," "the rule of the apparatus in the name of the party," and so on. They claim that the fact that the dictatorship of the proletariatmandatorily presumes the leading role of the communist party does, not stem in the least from the Marxist prin- ciples. tor We are familiar with V. I. Lenin's numerous statements developing the basic Marxist principle to the effect that the dictatorship of the proletariat is inconceivable without communist party 'leadership; practical experience indicates that a multiparty system does not conflict in the least with the need for such leadership. The communist party is n van- guard of the working class. It is its most conscientious, organized, and unified detachment. It is only under the leadership of the party that the working class can implement its dictatorship over the overthrown exploiting classes, and engage in constructive and educational work., Unlike the Marxists, the revisionists speak of the multiplicity of "morals of socialism," meaning a variety in the very nature of socialism. This is eloquently confirmed by the fact that all those supporting Lhe concept of multiple "models of socialism" try, as a rule, to fOrmulate "models" of a society whose socioeconomic and political system would he entirely differant from those of real socialism. They openly proclaim that they are striving toward the type of socialism which would be radically different from the models so far knowno.and that the , "model" they are building should embody the features of "real socialism." Approved For Release 1999/09/02 :2 CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 ' Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Thin type socialism is distinct from real socialism above n11 in terms of its basis-. According to the Inventors or the "new soeinlisM" the socialist state ownership of capital goods, dominating in the world socialist system, creates statism, and bureaucrncy. It restricts de- mocracy and lends to tho distortion of socialism. Foth this raamon they reject socialist state ownership, replacing it with an abstract socialist "socinl ownership managed by the sum total of working people" (Roger Garnudy. Le grand tournant du socialisms, p 191): It is natural that the superstructure erected on such a base would be substantielly dif- ferent from the superstructure of factual socialism. According to its inventore, such speculative socialism is "true socialism." Such claims are radically different from the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The classics of scientific socialism frequently pointed out that state socialist ownership of capital goods is the basis of the ,entire socialist society. ' f What are the "arguments" hrought forth by the revisionists in sub.. stantiating their concept of the multiplicity of "models for socialism?" They stem, above n11, from the following premises: since unlike the slave-owning system, feudalism, and capitalism, socialism is not a distinct socioeconomic system, since it carries both the elements of the old system -- capitalism or feudalism -- and the prerequisites for the future system -- communism. That is precisely what, according to the revisionists, predetermines the profound and basic differences nmong the various "models for socialism" which depend on the economic, sociopolitical, and ideological structure of each country. In other words, socialism is considered as a transitional system between capital- $ ism and communism. . Marxism-Leninism, however, considers socialism not a transitional system but the first stage of the communist system. The transitional period covers the process of the revolutionary reorganization of capital- ism into socialism. This view is of basic theoretical and practical significance. In fact, in the transitional period, a variety of socio- economic strata and explOiting clesses exist within the society against which the victorious proletariat and its allies are engaged in a class Struggle. With the completion of the transitional period, as a result or the socialist reorganization of the entire economy, the vestiges of exploiting the classes are eliminated. As to the first phase of corn- -- socialism -- it is characterized by the total and complete domination of the socialist ownership, socialist production relations, the existence of nothing but socialist type classes and strata, and the absence of social contradictions between town and country and between intellectual find physical labor. Analyzing the building of socialism in the various,countries, the revOionists reject nearly all the essential aspects characterizing the new society. Their purpose is to develop the type of "model of socialism" which would essentially resemble a "hybrid society" which combines both socialist and capitalist features. Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 The revisionists draw the conclusion that the communists must perpetuate bourgeois democracy dnd merely broaden its frameworks. Ac- cording to the revisionist concepts the democratic nature of the future socialist society in the European countries and its deeper development compared with the existing socialist countries could be ensured only through political pluralism, through a multiple-party system which allows the existence of political parties with programs basically different from those of scientific communism and opposed to the com- munist party. What ip the attitude of Marxist-Leninists towards party pluralism. under socialism? This question is inseparably linked with the attitude of the communists toward the other working class parties and the non- proletarian political organizations. The communists clearly realize that the working class would be unable to build socialism without unity within its ranks or without an alliance with the remaining toiling masses. The question of the alliance: between communists and other workers parties and political organizations of nonproletarian democrats in the various countries depends on the d6velopment of the class' struggle and the role which such parties play in the revolutionary movement and the political life of their country. Uoi4ever, the basic characteristics of this alliance are its socialist objectives and the vanguard role of the communist party which ensures the reaching of such objectives. Having gained political power, the working class strives toward. the elimination of the private ownership of capital goods. This pre- sumes the expropriation of the capitalists and the landowners and the reorganization of a petty market economy into a large-scale socialist social economy. As historical experience shows this inevitably leads to the elimination of class antagonism, to the ever greater rapproche- ment among class interests and to the establishment of friendly co- operation relations among all classes and strata within the socialist society. In this connection, under socialism, the grounds for the existence of any type of opposition parties opposing the communist party, is eliminated. Development of the world revolutionary process fully confirms the Marxist-Leninist view to the effect that the working class can destroy Capitalism and create a socialist society only under the leader- ship of a revolutionary party of a new type, based on the Leninist or- ganizational principles, and equipped with a knowledge of the basic laws governing social development and an understanding of the objec- tives and paths of itsistruggle. "The experience of the historical development of many countries and of the class struggle convincingly, proved how necessary to mankind are the activities of communist parties, and how fruitful such Activities are in terms of social development," , emphasized L. I. Brezhnev, CPSU Central Committee Secretary General, at the 1969 International Conference of Communist and Worker Parties. Approved For Release 1999/09/024: CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 ? Approved- For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 The revisionists try to present the Leninist doctrine of the party and its role in the revolutionary struggle and the building of socialism as a 'system of views separate from the basic concepts of Marxist theory. Yet, it is well known that the need for a political party of the proletariat was proclaimed as early as the ....11_2t...,,..2._)arlyCortzmutManifesto. Emphasizing this basic Marxist view, on 18 December 1889, in a letter to G. Trier, F. Engels wrote: "In order for the proletariat to turn out sufficiently strong and be able to win in .the decisive moment it is necesaary a view which Marx and I have defended since 1847 -- for it to set up a separate party, separate from all others and opposed to them, a party which would consider itself a class party" (K. Marx and F. Engels/Works, vol 37, p 275). E. Fischer calls for the abolishment of the communist parties as they have developed and to act differently, to dissolve them within it "left-wing" forces coalition in which the communists would not ha%e their own organizational structure. "In my view," he states, "most existing parties have become obsolete in terms of their form and type. I see the possibility for the formation of rew associations of fighters and people thinking alike, despite the old and frozen positions. If you wish, such aesociations would consist of Marxists and non-Marxists, of communists .And socinl,democrats, Catholics and Protestants." (Stern, No 49, 1969. p 144). What is left entirely unexplained is how such heterogenous, associations could be associations of "alike-thinking people" and what ,would the objective of their "struggle" be. Tn any cast,--auch naso- (ciAtiOns deprived Of their proletAtian-Cohscientiousness organization And discipline, would represent no serious danger to the Capitalist monopolies. The modern revisionists are particularly active against the leading role of the communist parties in the socialist countries. This is no nccident:. The question of the place and role of the communist party in the,life of the socialist society is basic for its solution affects, /theme ll, the destiries of socialism in each individual country and the future of the entire world socialist system. Rejecting the need for a leading role by the communist party, as confirmed by the experience of the building of socialism in the USSR and the other socialist countries, the revisionists try to limit the party functions within the socialist society and bring them to a minimum. They suggest that the party should be considered merely as one of the social organizations not distinct from the other mass political, pro- fessional, or cultural organizations, playing not a leading role but merely the role of an "equal partner." The severe consequences which attempts to abandon the Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the leading role of the party and the Leninist organizational principles may lead to were revenled by the 1966 Czechonlovak,events. The activities of right-wing revisionists plunged the country into a profound crisis and created the danger Of losing the socialist achievements. Using various methods the right-wing socialists try not only to undermine the leading role of the communist parties in the revolutionary, movement and the building of a new society but to destroy the party ASIA:CA VaPPIVIRS4 hif0106/621:1t irkills/V111419141Ablefo2oftte309 -7 5 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 undermining its ideological foundations -- Marxist philosophical materialism. Attacking the French Communist Party and, through it, the communist movement as a whole, R. Garaudy writes as follows: "If the party does not wish to be a doctrinary sect but the nucleus of all forces which intend to build socialism in France, it cannot have any given "official philosophy." It can not be basically neither idealistic nor materialistic, neither religious nor atheistic" (Roger Cnraudy. Le grand tournant du socialisme, p 284). The abandonment of philosophical materialism as the basis for a proletarian outlook and the attempt to new-trate party policy from scientific revolutionary philosophy are yet another confirmation of the betrayal of the cause of the working class 11 the revisionists. His,rical experience has repeatedly proved that it is precisely the communists, guided by the Marxist-Leninist theory in their policies, that have made and continue to make a decisive contribution to the re- volutionary reorganization of the world. Under the circumstances of the sharpened ideological conflict between socialism and capitalism class ideological principle-mindedness is particularly important to the communists. Any retreat from proletarian ideology, whether as a concession to idealism which, using Leninist terminology, as before "turns to its own use even the slightest possible confusion in philo- sophical thinking" (Complete Collected Works, vol 18, p 80), or in another form, objectively increases the Positions of bourgeois ideology and, essentially, is equivalent to the abandonment of an independent proletarian policy. That is precisely why the communist parties can not remain neutral in the conflict among antagonistic outlooks. The revisionists are fiercely attacking the organizational foun- dations of the Marxist-Leninist parties. Above all they are rejecting the international nature of the Leninist organizational principles. These principles, naturally stemming from the very essence of the com- munist party as a party of revolutionary action, the revisionists try to\present only as the product of specifically Russian conditions and the.circumstances of the political struggle at the turn of the century. They claim that, having established the organizational stricture of the party, V. I. Lenin considered it unchangeable and that today's Marxist- Leninist parties are no different at all from the Bolshevik party of that time in terms of organizational forms, when Bolshevism operated under clandestine conditions. Thus the revisionists deliberately confuse the essenee of the matter, trying to replace the question of the prin- ciples of the organizational structure of the party with the question of the specific forms of its organization so that they may more easily accuse the communist parties of being out-of-step with modern conditions. It is above all the principle of democratic.centra sm that is opposed by the contemporary revisionists. They claim that the imple- mentation of this principle hinders the development of true democracy within the party, that it converts the party into a "hierarchic or- ganization," a "bureaucratic pyramid," and so on. Arbitrarily breaking 6 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 ? Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 the dialectical unity between democracy nnd centralism encompnssed within this lending principle of the organizational structure and ac- tivities:of the communist- portie.s, the revisionists try to preSent -Matters as though centralism and discipline within the party allegedly inevitably lead to tts.hureaueratization. Revisionist practices clearly show what they would like to mike of democrncy in party life. The activities of the "Manifesto" group, of R. Garaudy, E. Fischer,?. and other renegades proves that while allegedly fnvoring "free exchange of ideas,"-"the initiative of one and all" and -so on, in fact they favor freedom of activity for antiparty groups and ? factions nnd the ndmissioh of the type of ."initiative" which woUld be opposed to pnrty interests. The so-cnlled "new" revisionist theoretical concepts we have analyzed nre opportunistic and petty bourgeois. Their inherent features .nre eclecticism, the substitution of materialism with idealism and clinlectics with metaphysics, as well as n distorted and one-sided inter- *pretation.of the new social phenomenn. .The revisionist views reprenent 'A certnin dnnger to the revolutionary forces of today, to the working clnss And the Mnrxist-Leninist parties becnuse, presenting themsell'es ns followers of the doctrine of Marx, Engels nnd Lenin, first of All, the- revisionists exploit for reactionary purposes the broad popularity of Marxist-Leninist ideas; secondly, nccusing the communist parties of "dogmatism," they present themselves as the "renovntors" of Marxism, clniming that. their theoretical speculations nre nothing but the .creative development of revolutionary theory;. thirdly, they are actively sup- ported by the propngnnda mnchine of the monopolistic bourgeolsie which provides them with n very broad area for disseminntion and ennble them to tme their "crentions" to influence the minds of n certain segment of the working people. Uncompromising ntruggle ngainst dilisident revisionint nctivities nnd their attempts to distort the theory of scientific communism is n major prerequisite '.for achieving the ideologicnl, political, nnd organi- zationnl unity of communist nnd worker patties, and the unification and consolidation of their ranks on the principled foundations of Marxism- Leninism, Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A0002001600014PYRGHT INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, Moscow April 1972 INTERNATIONAL POSITION OF THE USSR AND CPSU FOREIGN POLICY THE STRUGGLE OF THE CPSU FOR UNITY OF THE WORLD COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AND AGAINST OPPORTUNISM AND REVISIONISM A. SOBOLE V, D. Sc. (Philosophy) HNDER the present historical conditions, unity is becoming an increasingly impor- tant factor in the further development of the communist movement. This is primarily because the communist movement is the most influen- tial, organised political mass movement of our day marching in the vanguard of the democra- tic, anti-imperialist and revolutionary forces. The fate of peace, democracy and socialism, as well as the future of all mankind, depend on the militancy and cohesion of the communist movement. An analysis of the laws governing social development shows that the consolidation of the unity of the world communist movement is an objective historical trend. Unity is a politic- al and ideological expression of the real needs of the world revolutionary process in the cohe- sion of all revolutionary anti-imperialist and rznii-monopoly forces. ? This historical trend, however, does not make itself felt directly, automatically or spon- taneously. The unity of the world communist movement arises out of the vigorous social, political and ideological struggle, and various objective and subjective difficulties have to be overcome to maintain it. That is why the problem of unity, the rea- sons for the urgency of it under the present conditions and the prospects for its achievement should not only be viewed subjectively as just political and ideological struggle against vari- ous opportunist and faction groups, trends and personalities. The gist of the problem of the world communist movement's unity can be un- derstood correctly only by thoroughly analysing the present-day confrontation between socialism and capitalism, as well as the objective and subjective factors and circumstances which determine the arrangement of class forces and the course of the struggle between them; it can be understood only against the general back- ground of the socio-economic, political and ideological battles which form the content and development of the world revolutionary process and condition the growing role played by com- munists. The CPSU with its diverse political, orga- nisational, ide,ological, and theoretical activities plays an exceptionally important role in the struggle for the unity of the world communist movement. The struggle to consolidate the com- munist movement is the internationalist duty of each communist party loyal to the banner of Marxism-Leninism. The principle of party equa- lity in the world communist movement organi- cally includes an equal historical responsibility for the militancy of the revolutionary vanguard. As equal among equals, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union is, at the same time, the most experienced contingent of the world corn-1 munist movement, and it makes a particularly/ large contribution to the struggle for consolida- tion of this movement and for the enhancement; of the revolutionary and transforming role' played by the communist parties. The CPSU/ wages its struggle against the Right and "Left" opportunists, against the nationalists and splitters and those who, directly or indi- rectly, undermine the militancy of the commu- nist movement; this struggle is based on crea- tive Marxism and proletarian internationalism, a Leninist analysis of the present stage of historical development and consistent imple- mentation of a principled political line. The 24th Congress of the CPSU has made a very valuable contribution to improving the communist movement's militancy. The major Importance of the decisions adopted by* the Congress is that it has furnished an answer to many urgent questions of out day and has made a new and concrete contribution to the theory and practice of the international com- munist movement. It has further enhanced, and Approved For Release 1999/09/028: CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 'Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT consolidated Its prestige and historical role as the leading force . in the social progress of mankind and as the leader of the revolutionary activity of the working class and all working people. ? TIHE PRESENT epoch is marked mainly by the great confrontation between world socialism and world capitalism, which is be- coming more active, multifaceted and dynamic with each passing year. It has entered the phase when the advantages of socialism come more and more clearly, to the fore and thereby mul- tiply socialism's transforming and magnetic force, while the contradictions and social ills of capitalist society are becoming increasingly more acute, conflicting and explosive, the anti- popular character of capitalist society manifest- ing itself particularly vividly. The struggle between socialism and capital- ism finds its real expression in the world revo- lutionary process with the folloiring characte- ristic features: ? Firstly, the revolutionary process has be- come truly worldwide. All countries have be- come the arena of the sharpest clashes between the forces of peace, democracy, national libera- tion, revolution and socialism, on the one hand, and the monopoly bourgeoisie and its allies, on the other. All nations have been drawn into this struggle. - Secondly, in its social aspect the revolu- tionary process has become universal. It is directed against all outdated socio-economic relations, all archaic structures, against capi- talism, feudalism, the survivals of semi-feudal- ism, slave-ownership, communal relations, against everything that impedes the social progress of mankind. General democratic, na- tional liberation, anti-imperialist, and other movements, while retaining their independence for a more or less long period, in the final analysis, lead to a socialist revolution. In other words, the world revolutionary process includes socialist and communist construction, socialist revolutions in the capitalist countries, broad mass democratic movements against reaction, agrarian reforms directed against the survivals of feudalism, oligarchy and the latifundists; na- tional liberation movement against imperialism, non-capitalist development aimed at eliminat- ing economic backwardness and archaic socio- economic structures and paving the way to so- cialism. - - Thirdly, the driving forces of the world revolutionary process are expanding, while the forms and methods of revolutionary activity are developing and becoming enriched. The interna- tional proletariat is the main driving force of the revolution. But fresh contingents of pea- sants, intelligentsia, white-collar workers, arti- sans, urban middle-classes, youth and particu- larly students are joining in the active struggle for peace, democracy, national independence, revolutionary transformations of society and the transition to socialism. Some strata of the na- tional bourgeoisie take part in the anti-imperia- list struggle in countries suffering from coloni- al oppression. The substantial expansion of the driving forces of the world revolutionary process sets before the communists important political and Ideological tasks, the principle task being the struggle for the masses of people, above all for the majority of the working class and its consolidation on a revolutionary basis. This also envisages a union of manual and white- collar workers, aimed at overthrowing the pow- er of the monopoly bourgeoisie, and a union of all progressive and patriotic forces directed towards liquidating colonialism, neocolonialism and all forms of imperialist oppression. Prob- lems pertaining to the ideological relations be- tween the allies in the struggle against impe- rialism inevitably come to the fore. The present historical conditions and the level of the class struggle make it possible id raise the question of inculcating socialist ideo, logy into the democratic movement. It is neces-, sary primarily to explain the essence of the Marxist-Leninist policy and the aims of the struggle, as well as to educate the non-prole- tarian revolutionary masses by using their own political experience. All this helps to raise the class struggle to a higher level. However, the task of political unity of all anti-imperialist forces, particularly of ideological relations among them has far from been solved. ?Fourthly, the world revolutionary process is indivisible in the broadest sense of the word, and this finds expression in the international character of the class struggle. In their time, Marx and later Lenin, deve loping Marxist ideas, discovered the dialectics of the international and the national in the deve. lopment of the socialist revolution. In our day the internationalisation of the class struggle has reached a very high level. Today there are no isolated revolutionary and liberation acti- vities and processes in the world. The interconnections between the three mair revolutionary streams are becoming stronger the interdependence in the activity of all na, Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 9 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001P=OG4 tional revolutionary contingents and democratic movements and currents is growing while the role and significance of the worldwide confron- tation between socialism and capitalism, be- tween democracy and reaction for the success of the struggle waged by each national revolution- ary-democratic contingent are becoming more important. At the same time, a stormy process of growing individualisation of the actual histo- rical conditions of revolution and socialist construction takes place. The dialectical con- nection between the international and the na- tional has become closer and, at the same time, more flexible. The individualisation of the concrete histo- rical conditions in the revolutionary activity is in itself a step forward in the general develop- ment of the revolutionary struggle but, at the same time, this individualisation is fraught with possibilities of growing nationalistic sen- timents, isolationism, and propaganda of non- Marxist views. Life repeatedly shows that socialist con- struction, national liberation movements, and revolutionary transformations in any country, regardless of the wishes of political leaders tind theorists were, arc and will increasingly become the results of the world efforts of the international working class and its creation ? the socialist system. This gives rise to the prob- lem of further coordinating the international and national strategy and tactics. It is becom- ing perfectly clear that an objective necessity to elaborate the international strategy of the confrontation between socialism and capital- ism is growing and, that taking this into ac- count, it is necessary to improve the national strategy for preparing and carrying out the revolution in any particular country. Fresh op- portunities to intensify the dynamics of revolu- tionary processes will open up as these prob- lems are solved. - Fifthly, the world revolutionary process is irreversible. This is the historical law of the present social development. In the course of the worldwide confrontation between socialism and capitalism the reactionary forces may and do score temporary and partial successes, and se- parate setbacks and failures of anti-imperialist forces are possible in the course of the strug- gle. However, historical initiative has irrevo- cably passed to socialism. Monopoly capital has neither socio-political reserves nor spiritual and ideological values to meet the decisive historic challenge of our age?the challenge of so- cialism. Today it has become even clearer that the policy of manoeuvres and adaptation pursued by the monopoly bourgeoisie does not consoli- date capitalism as a social system but inten- sifies its incurable ills. e. THE INTERNATIONAL communist movement I is the vanguard force in the world revolu- tionary process. Its prestige, influence and mili- tancy increase as the successes scored by the revolutionary forces it guides grow. This is the result of the struggle waged by the communist parties for the ideological, political and organi- sational consolidation of their ranks as they master the science and art of political leader- ship. The international communist movement is the only political force which has scored the greatest historic achievement, namely, the establishment of the world socialist system. In its triumph, socialism exerts a decisive influ- ence on the entire course of social development and raises the hopes of people throughout the world. An analysis of the leading trends in pre- sent world development shows that the growth of the prestige and influence of the communist parties, as well as the enhancement of their revolutionary and transforming role In and responsibility for peace, democracy, national freedom, revolution and socialism are an histo- rical regularity of the social life of our day. The rapid development of the communist movement and the enhancement of its revolu- tionary and transforming role is in no way a series of continuous successes. In the commu- nist movement there ,are various splitting fac- tions and groups, opportunist vacillations in the policy of some parties, and revisionist distortions in theory. The revisionist and splitting currents can be singled out approxi- mately as follows: ? Right-wing revisionism, which in essence". consists of revising Marxist-Leninist theory on the objective regularities of the class strug- gle and socialist construction, and of denying revolution as a form of transition from capi- talism to socialism, as well as of professing reformism, trivial evolutionism and spontaneity, and of denying the leading role of the com- munist party and the working class as the main/ revolutionary forces; ? "Left"-wing revisionism which Is an attempt to replace the Marxist-Leninist theory on laws governing the preparation and imple- mentation of the revolution by a subjective Approved For Release 1999/09/021:0CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 -Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT and idealist theory of voluntarist violence upon history; ? Nationalism, which denies the dialectics of the international and the national and, di- rectly or indirectly, completely or partly opposes the national interests to the international; ? Maoism which is a specific ideological and political trend seeking to replace Marxism- Leninism with Mao Tse-tung's ideas. No single objective or subjective factor can account for the emergence of the difficulties, sharp contradictions, revisionist ?currents and splitting trends in the world communist move- ment. Moreover, they cannot be explained only by mistakes, delusions of illwill of a particular political leader. Of course, the subjective qua- lities of a politician can make a serious imprint on the development of the factional and split- ting struggle but the deep reasons for the emergence of different variants of revisionism are varied and complicated. Lenin taught that every type of revisionism should be regarded and studied as a social product of the entire historical epoch. All mo- dern trends and manifestations of revisionism should also be regarded as the effects of com- plicated causes operating on an international and national scale. One of the main causes is that the monopoly bourgeoisie is now intensifying its ideological and political struggle against the revolutionary forces, primarily communists by combining par- tial concessions, and social and ideological demagogy with the subtlest forms of violence and fraud. Using every possible means the rul- ing classes seek to inculcate in the minds of the working people the carefully camouflaged pat- terns of bourgeois ideology and to carry out, directly or indirectly, various ideological sub- versions among communists. It may be said that the gamble on the dis- integration of the communist and the entire revolutionary movement from within is one of the most important trends of the class strategy of imperialism. In his time Lenin wrote: "The more victorious we are, the more the capitalist exploiters learn to unite and the more deter- mined their onslaught". I The process of enlarging the social base of the world revolutionary movement by Includ- ing the intermediate strata is a process that engenders serious differences in the conscious- ness and organisation of separate contingents of this movement and is an important factor that feeds various non-Marxist views. ?lice V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 30, p. 450. drawn Into the revolutionary movement, the mass of non-proletarian working people bring with them a powerful revolutionary potential and hatred for capitalism. At the same time, they have a vague and sometimes utopian or even reactionary notion about socialism. They lack a clear objective and organisation. All this inevitably exerts an influence on the com- munistmovement. We should further note the complicated and contradictory effects of the rapid growth of the communist parties. The people of non-proleta- rian origin who join the party have no prole- tarian training, often lack experience in the class struggle, and possess an inadequate knowledge of Marxism-Leninism; this also facilitates the emergence and dissemination of nationalistic views, as well as the Right- and "Left"-opportunist deviations. One should also bear in mind that countries with different levels of development have em- barked on the road of socialism. That is why the difficulties encountered by a country which overturns its system of social relations only add to the difficulties of levelling out its deve- lopment and overcoming backwardness. It is also necessary to mention the compli- cated consequences of the awakening and self- assertion of a nation. The very process of a nation's awakening and self-assertion is one of the greatest achievements of our age. It is the result of scores of nations and hundreds of millions of people being drawn into active poli- tical life, as well as the changes in the politic- al balance in the world, At the same time, this process involves nationalism and infringes upon the dialectical connection between the national and the international to the detriment of the latter. There are also other factors which feed the complicated gamut of revisionist, anti-Leninist trends in .the communist move- ment. All modern Right and "Left" revisionist trends have some common political, methodolo- gical, gnosiological, ideological and theoretic- al peculiarities which determine the content and pattern of revisionism as a whole. The denial of the internationalist character of the Marxist-Leninist theory, as well as the unity and continuity of Marxism and Leninism, and the revision of the basic propositions of the revolutionary theory present the most im- portant features of modern revisionism. The aggressive attacks against Marxism-Leninism vary in their desigii and arguments. I len' is a typical way of reasoning. ? Leninism is opposed to Marxism and Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 11 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A0002001600012YRGHT Lenin to Marx; a subjectivist and voluntarist approach to the reality is slanderously attribut- ed to V. I. Lcniii, an approach that allegedly neither reflects nor explains the latest phenome- na iii capitalist development and in class rein- (boils and therefore cafinot serve as an instru- ment for cognising the present world; -- Leninism, as revisionists assert) is a phenomenon engendered by the specific condi- tions in backward Russia, and it cannot be ap- plied to the explanation and solution of the socio-economic problems of developed capital- ist society, particularly under present-day con- ditions, when, under the impact of the scientific and technological revolution, capitalism has allegedly made a qualitative change; -- the ideas of_mature Marx are a distor- tion of the ideas of young Marx, the genuine content of Marxism ? "humane Marxism" ? having been elaborated in Marx's early works. On the basis of this reasoning the revision- ists have issued the call: Back to young Marx, to "genuine, authentic Marxism". Of course, they completely distort the true views of young Marx. E. Fischer, an Austrian revisionist, asserts that Marxist philosophy is -a theory about a "whole" man. Milovan Djilas, who has complet- ed his revisionist path as a renegade, said in his interview to Sulzberger: "...Young Marx was not a 'Marxist'l He was half Hegelian... I am for 'open Marxism'... We go back from Lenin to Marx like the protestants who went from the Vatican to the Bible". 2 Metaphysical absolutisation of some aspects of social relations serves as a methodological basis for present-day revisionism. Revisionists virtually deny Marxist dialectics. Opposition of national peculiarities to international essence and international conditionality of social deve- lopment is typical of revisiOnist methodology, while concrete and historical phenomena are raised to the level of general laws. in the final analysis, all revisionist theore- tical and methodological propositions lead to a denial of the general pattern of social deve- lopment, of class struggle and revolution. It Is also a denial of the entire process of transi- tions from capitalism to socialism, and of the common pattern of organisation of a socialist society. They oiler extensive opportunities for extolling and worshipping spontaneity, some- thing which dooms any communist party to po- litical passivity and loss of revolutionary ini- tiative, as well as for developing any forms I Tagesanzelger, Dec. 7, 1968. of voluntarism and subjectivist arbitrariness. It is a characteristic of all revisionists that they renounce the principle of a proletarian as- sessment of events and phenomena when de- termining their political line and their place in the. fierce class struggle. Politically all trends in present revisionism are characterised by various degrees of anti- Sovietism. The revisionists deny the interna- tional significance of the experience of the CPSU, as well as the historically natural es- sence of actual socialism as built in the USSR, and they slander the domestic and foreign poli- cies of the Soviet government. All modern revisionists oppose the theory and practice of the communist parties which operate on the basis of Marxism-Leninism, and deny the necessity for a general policy in the international communist movement. Such are some of the common features of all trends of modern revisionism. It would be erroneous, however, to concentrate attention on these general features alone. Each revisionist trend has its own peculiarities, specific argu- ments, political tendencies, as well as tactics, methods and forms of struggle. It is important to know these peculiarities in order that a suc- cessful struggle against concrete revisionist trends may be waged. The exposure of the theory and practices of Right-wing revisionism, which constitutes the main danger in many parties, is becoming more important in the struggle to consolidate the communist movement and to enhance the mili- tancy of the communist parties. Most active in elaborating and disseminating Right-wing re- visionist ideas are such renegades as R. Ga- randy, E. Fischer, F. Marek and 0. Sik. The components of the theoretical and poli- tical credo of Right revisionism are: denial of Marxism-Leninism as the single international theory; denial of the general pattern of a revo- lutionary transition from capitalism to social- ism and organisation of socialist society; praise of the spontaneity of social development; re- placement of revolution as the cornerstone of the transformation of society on a socialist founda- tion by trivial reformism; denial of the dicta- torship of the proletariat and its replacement by bourgeois-democratic pluralism; denial of the common character of the processes of so- cialist development in society, and propagation of a qualitative diversity of "models of social- ism"; and denial of the party's leading role. The political and ideological credo of the "Left" revisionists includes all the features of modern revisionism. However all these points 12 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 'Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT ot departure are refracted through the prysm of the subjective and idealistic views and ad- venturist action. It is on this basis that the specific features of "Left" revisionism grow. The "Left" revisionists underestimate or even deny the objective and regular character of the preparation for and implementation of the revolution and overestimate the role played by subjective factors, as well as the importance of the accelerating factors. The "Leftists" un- derrate the role of the masses as a decisive force in the revolution, ignore the task of poli- tical educating the broad sections of the work- ing people, the use of all forms of drawing the masses into the revolution, and at the same time absolutise the role played by political groups, guerrilla detachments and certain personalities. The "Leftists" revise the Leninist premise of the abundance and diversity of forms and methods of struggle and absolutise the armed struggle alone, regarding it as the only means of awakening the people and solv- ing revolutionary problems. Lenin always waged a relentless struggle against the pseudo-revolutionary "Leftists", and showed how to combine revolutionary enthusiasm with the most sober assessment of the alignment of class forces and the mood of the people. The history of the communist move- ment, the events in Indonesia and some Latin American countries in particular, as well as the activity of the White Flag Party in Burma show that pseudo-revolutionary radicalism has done considerable harm to the cause of the working class and socialism. The struggle against revisionism in 'theory and opportunism in practice, and also the struggle against every ideological vacillation and political uncertainty are, in historical significance and social content, a struggle for the popular masses. It is an inseparable com- ponent of the political strategy aimed at unit- ing the working people of both town and coun- try and the manual and white-collar workers on a revolutionary basis for the purpose of solving the actitest problems of social develop- ment, namely those of peace, consistent demo- cracy, national prosperity, and social progress. It is a constituent of revolutionary tactics, the essence of which is to help the masses master the most effective forms, ways and means of the anti-imperialist and anti-monopoly struggle and to ensure the ideological and political rout of all those who consciously or unconsciously deceive the people and prevent them from effectively using their class energy In the strug- gle against reaction. At the present stage, the communist move- ment has encountered Maoism, another danger ous form of revisionism with particularly refined methods of splitting and subversive activity. Maoism is an anti-Leninist trend with spe- cifically Chinese social, historical and ideolo- gical sources. Under their influence, Marxism- Leninism was distorted, changed and adapted to the great-Chinese hegernonistic and chauvin- ist aims. Maoism has borrowed its reasoning from various past and present opportunists. The essence of Maoism is a revision from a chauvinistic point of view of all the basic provisions of Marxism-Leninism. It replaces Marxism-Leninism with an ideology which eclectically combines vulgar materialistic no- tions of the objective world, a subjective and voluntarist understanding of the world histo- rical process and primitive mechanistic dia- lectics. Maoism seeks to replace the theory of scientific communism with a reactionary and utopian theory of barrack socialism with its economic equalisation on the basis of poverty and spiritual levelling based on illiteracy, as well as an amorphous facelessness of the people led by a "great personality". It also envisages a militarisation of social life under the flag of socialism in order to pursue a hege- monistic policy. Politically Maoism is manoeuvring between classes, social strata and political trends, op- posing groups to one another or inciting them ? against each other. "The thoughts of Mao" are aimed at substantiating voluntarism in politics, arbitrariness in the economy, a possibility of radically changing the political tasks depending on a concrete manifestation of the hegemonistic goals, as well as at substantiating a striving to use Marxist-Leninist ideas and the revolu- tionary, communist movement in order to at- tain these goals, Maoism advances an anti-Marxist concept of the class struggle and the world revolution- ary process. It denies revolutionary content in the competition between socialism and capital- ism, conceives revolution as a volition, propa- gates the export of revolution, denies the policy of peaceful coexistence, and regards a world war as the only form of solving the problem of revolution on a worldwide scale. Maoist views reflect the historical impa- tience and confusion of non-proletarlan ele- ments of Chinese society faced with the coin- plex problems of transition to socialism, and surrender to the difficulties connected with socialist construction, particularly great in so Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 13 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A00020016auyOGHT? backward a conntry as China. The Maoists have completely broken with the principles of proletarian internationalism, and have stibsti- titled for it, taking an overtly cotirse aimed at establishing China's world hegemony. Maoism, more than any other revisionist trend, is characterised by rabid anti-Sovietism accusing the USSR of capitalist degeneration and aggressiveness. As a matter of fact, anti- Sovietism ensues from the chauvinistic goals. In words, the Maoists advocate the most revo- lutionary aims, while in deeds they pursue a reactionary policy. The appeals to fight impe- rialism are combined with actual flirting with imperialist powers, particularly the United States, and forming alliances with them against the socialist countries. The leadership of the Communist Party of China has attempted to impose its views on other parties. It has set up its own "Marxist- Leninist communist parties". These "parties" arc in a state of crisis or total disintegration. However, the task for the communist movement to struggle against Maoism remains very urgent. Erich Honecker, First Secretary of the Cen- tral Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, emphasised in his Report to the 7th Party Congress: "The policies of the Chinese leadership keep creating serious obstacles to the further consolidation of the unity of the socialist states and the entire world communist movement, and the union of all anti-imperialist forces. The great-power chauvinistic and anti- Soviet policy pursued by the Mao Tse-tung group is spearheaded against all socialist. countries and all Marxist-Leninist parties". ? T-I- HE COMMUNIST Party of the Soviet Union, I created, educated and hardened by V. I. Lenin has always waged a principled struggle aimed at enhancing the militancy of the com- munist movement, consolidating the communist ranks on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and surmounting all opportunist, revisionist, and 'splitting trends and currents. The CPSU has most actively participated in all international ideological and political actions which have enhanced the organisation- al, revolutionary and transforming influence of the communist movement on the historical de- velopment of modern society. The CPSU was one of the initiators and active participants of the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties held in Moscow in 19(9. The Meeting has made an important contri- bution to consolidating the unity of the world communist movement, to further develop- ing the principles of proletarian international- ism, overcoming the existing differences in the communist movement, and elaborating common views on many key problems of our day. The Meeting emphasised that the cohesion of the communist and workers' parties is a most im- portant factor in the alliance of all anti-impe- rialist forces. The Meeting sharply criticised the splitting activity of the Maoists in the international communist movement, and re- vealed the fatal consequences of the great- power chauvinistic, and anti-Soviet stand of the CPC leaders. The Meeting denounced na- tionalism as an ideology and policy which feeds various deviations, vacillations and un- certainties, and is incompatible with Marxism- Leninism and proletarian internationalism. In the course of its work, the Meeting condemned Right and "Left" revisionism, and the various manifestations of opportunism and dogmatism. In addressing the Meeting, Janos Kadar, First Secretary of the Hungarian Socialist Wor- kers' Party, said: "We must fight with firmness and political courage the different attempts of the imperialists to undermine, weaken and disunite our ranks. It is necessary to intensify the struggle against the bourgeois ideas which penetrate into our ranks, against the revisionist and dogmatic views which distort the principles of Marxism-Leninism and lead people astray". An important step aimed at improving the ideological arid theoretical arsenal of the com- munist movement was the Centenary of V. I. Lenin's birth, which, both in the USSR and throughout the world, was celebrated with a view to aiding creative development, enrich- ing and deepening revolutionary theory. The 24th Congress of the CPSU was an outstanding event in the life of Soviet Commu- nists and the entire international communist movement. The Congress proved anew that thc CPSU was, is, and will continue to be a party of creative Marxism, a party of unity of revo- lutionary theory and practice, and a staunct. fighter for enhancing the militancy and unit) of the communist movement. The creative Marxist-Leninist analysis of the latest develop. merits in the socialist and capitalist worlds made by the Congress is of decisive importance in the struggle against revisionists. The Con gress documents furnish people with an answer to the question about the concrete ways and 14 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT means to be used in strengthening socialism, and fostering an economic upsurge, and social progress. Summarising the latest experience of social- ist development, the Resolution on the CC CPSU Report to the 24th CPSU Congress has once again confirmed "the correctness of the Leninist tenet that for the successful construc- tion of socialism it is necessary to proceed from the general laws of socialist construction, and also to take account of each country's spe- cific features". The entire work of the Congress, as well as the decisions it adopted were a new blow at all concepts denying in one way or another the dialectics of the international and the national and the world significance of the CPSU's experience. The premises of the Congress concerning developed socialist society and the laws govern- ing its functioning and improvement have been further enriched by the theoretical and poli- tical activity of the communist parties of the fraternal countries. At the congresses of the fraternal parties of the socialist countries the concept of developed socialism has been con- cretised in accordance with the real and specific conditions prevailing in each country and en- riched with national characteristics. The theoretical and political activity of the CPSU broadens the initiating revolutionary and transforming role of world socialism. At every new stage, it more effectively and con- vincingly proves that the socialist road, as scientifically substantiated by Marx, Engels and Lenin and as experienced by the Soviet people, is the general line of development for all mankind, as well as the only way of progres- sively solving the most acute social problems in the interests of the people all over the world, The CPSU's contribution to the Marxist- Leninist theory of developing the world revo- lutionary process, its driving forces and histo- rical task of the working class has a great im- portance for enhancing the militancy and unity of the communist movement. The documents of the 24th CPSU Congress, which deal with all the latest processes show that the International working class was and continues to be the only force capable of transforming society. The working class is the most conscious and consistent fighter for the overthrow of the pow- er of capital, and the genuine creator of social- ist society. All present attempts of the Right and "Left" revisionists to depreciate the role played by the working class and minimise its. leading role in the present world revolutionary process are doomed. The Congress stressed that the powerful upsurge of the working-class and democratic movements reveals that there is evidence of impending class battles which may lead to fun- damental social changes and the establishment of working-class power in alliance with the other sections of the working people. The CPSU has been tirelessly participating in the strenuous theoretical work of the communist movement which implements Lenin's behest on applying the theory of scientific communism to the conditions prevailing in countries with a backward socio-economic structure. The CPSU also takes part in developing the Leninist idea of the transition by the peoples of these coun- tries to socialism, bypassing capitalism. During the course of this struggle to find the only correct forms of social progress, and the strenuous ideological battles, powerful blows are delivered at the theories of the "Left" extremists, at the Maoists and Trots- kyists consciously or unconsciously leading the peoples of the developing countries to the pernicious path which, in the end, brings defeat. By its political, ideological and organisa- tional activities the CPSU fosters cohesion of the communist ranks. The struggle against re- visionism is waged on the basis of the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, the enrich- ment of the principles of proletarian interna- tionalism, the elaboration of a constructive and scientifically substantiated programme, and its translation into reality. 15 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 NEW TIMES No. 8, Moscow February 1972 PROBLEMS AND OPINIONS CPYRGHT ANATOMY OF MODERN REVISIONISM ALEXANDER SOBOLEV, Ph. D. THE Communist and Workers parties are the vanguard of social progress, a powerful, organized force with a follow- ing greater than any other political movement of our time. .They guide the constructive labours of the peoples of the socialist countries. head the class struggle waged by the in- tarnational proletariat, and are the leading force of the national liberation move.ment. The responsibility that rests on '-am for the destinies ol peace, democracy and socialism, for , civilizatien, the future M humanity In general, is great Indeed. Hence he importance of struggle against revisionist trends and croaps of every shade and hue, of combating the divisive machisations anti-Leninist elements out to paralyze the activity, VI p the militancy and diminish the fighting capacity of the Communist movement. Modern revisionism is a complex, multi,faceted phenomenon. It eon-Ma-es a variety of trends which, though In many res. peck --,sringing from common roots, differ from one another as roe lois sncial background, theoretical argurnentation, ide- olorecal pesitions, organizational forms, the scope of their infleenc.e and political activity, and, hence, their role. More- over, VISigtrif,In has its national features. - In the moss then 100 years of Its history, the Communist' movcroent has accumulated a wealth of experience in fighting the I` ,I?cr el revisionism. This experience has shown that oi,Irr cifectivoly to combat opportunist trends a differentiat- ed approach must he taken to each, and this requires a correct under landing of their social roots, ideological essence and po- lilical role. In some cases ideological struggle on the theoretical Orme i3 most effective, in others political and organizational action IF needed, and in still others scientifically substantiated criticism of mistakes may suffice. Ihe political line of the international Communist movement, its Marxist-Leninist principles and strategic and tactical plat- form. and the principles of proletarian internationalism are Asnailed and distorted by variety of quarters, namely: Pieht.wing revisionist groups and trends of diverse kinds which ssek to revise the fundamental Leninist theses con- terms's! the. universal laws of the socialist revolution and soctslist orsanization of society and to replace them with abstract utopian piped reams of gradual evolution from capitalism to socialism through reform and reactionary romancine about the spontaneous development of socialist society and the possibliity of qualitatively different models of sncialism arising; -- Left revisionist groups and trends that likewise deny that there are any erneral laws governing the revolutionary ivity cif the working class to remake society, but substitute "jr ttr'm voluntarist interpretations of the historical process ?,-'h Sod expression in eruptions of petty-bourgeois ravolu- ' reeachment of subjectivism, or extremist actions; ionallst elements who deny the dialectical intetcon- n,:_ ..:1 between the international and the national, Rive ittssal.itc priority to national features, oppose national interests to the common objective of strengthening the positions of world socialism, propound national political self-sufficiency, self &olio tiAmsdet6vilica ed For Release 1999/09/02 ? splinter groups that substitute Maoism for Marxism- Leninism and "drill-ground communism" or scientific communism, seek to subordinate the Communist movement to the ideological and political hegemony, of Maoism, and work to split the ranks of the champions of peace, democracy and socialism. Pressures are also exerted on the Communist movement by various anti-Leninist groups of Trotskyites, anarchists, and the. "new Left." Besides the openly revisionist trends there are also cam- ouflaged, ''shamefaced" revisionists, who profess fidelity to Marxism/Leninism but ignore its universal internationalist essence in propounding their views on the political line, strategy and tactics of the Communist movement. They pay lip service to the method of Leninism but discard its fundamen- tal theoretical principles, vow loyalty to proletarian interna- tionalism but diffuse it in nationalistic hyperbole. Bourgeois ideologues make extensive use of the arguments advanced by revisionists of all hues to assail the general line of the Communist movement, Marxism-Leninism, the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union and other truly revolutionary parties. The opponents of communism harp on the allegedly insur- mountable differences, dissension rind division in the Communist movement, claiming that it is in the throes of crisis and that proletarian internationalism has lost to nationalism on the battleground of history. Although the facts of life give them the lie--witness the growth of the Communist movement and the decisive role its influence has come to play in social development In our time?it would nevertheless be a mistake to underrate the clanger pre.sented by revisionism. ' Why the Activation A cardinal precondition of success in fighting revisionIshs Is thorough examination of the factors underlying the riSe and spread of its various trends. It would be incorrect to attribute the activation of re- visionism to any ono isolated cause. Every anti-Nfarxist trend of course has its social roots, but Right-wing revisionism, Left extremism, Maoism, Trotskyism and anarchism, for in- stance, can hardly be said to stem from a petty-bourgeois mentality alone, thaugh it goes without saying that its in- fluence should not be ignored. It k essential to see the social, historical, epistemological, and political sources of the various trends, but even more im- portant is it to explain why they have gained currency. "Opportunism Is no chance occurrence, sin, slip, or treach- ery on the part of individuals, but a social product of an entire period of history," Lenin said. The causes of the rise and spread of revisionism in general and its various trends in particular can be monody grasped and explained only in the light of an analysis of the basic tendencies in world politics, the sharpening confrontation between socialism and capitalism, .the shifts In alignments of :8tifAVb13719t-tii TO4Acitif5teoittbdtisf t.sLionary Approved -For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT process, the intetaction of these forces, a thorough nssessment of the activities of political parties, and the content and In- tensity of the Ideoloeical stregele. In CX4InInitm the question one must weigh 'a number of factors In their complex and fluid interaction. Above all it ts necessary to bear In mind the sharpening of the confrontation between world socialism and world capitalism In all spheres of social life. Although the historical initiative ',clones to the forces of socialism, .the monopoly boureeoisie Is constantly perfecting its machinery of self- preservation, seeking in every svay to adapt to the new situation and find the social, economic, political and Ideologi- cal answers to the challenge of sociallsm. In the socio-econornIc sphere the monopolies, harnessing the scientific and technoloeical revolution to serve their selfish ends, on the one hand intensify the exploitation of the workers, and on the other make forced conceSsions to the fighting working class, concede isolated reforms, and propound demagogic policies of social partnership, protit-sharine and the like. In Ow political sphere they incessantly Modernize the system of coercion, seek overtly or covertly to Ruppress the revolittionary forces, damp down In every possible way on the Communist parties. At the same time, under pressure from the rapidly growing activity of the masses, they are compelled to preserve and, at times, even to broaden dem- ocratic freedoms. In the aleolegical sphere, hielant anti-commonism and anti-Sovleteering, slander of socialism as It eXiSig today, la demARoRic.illy Combined with recognition of one or another virtue of socialism end attempts to embellish capitalism, to discover in it "popular," "democratic" and even "socialist" fratiires. Propaoanda of "improved" socialism and concoctions miming from tlw convergence concept to all manner of pseudo- tevolutionary theories have become part of the capitalist ideoloeites' stork In trade.. In the final nnalysis all the efforts of the monopoly bourgeoisie only aegravate the contradictions Of capitalism Rod underscore its histerical doom. Yet it would be mistake tn Ignore them. flor they Influence the behaviour of social strAta and political forces. Among some sections of the work. fne pcoplo these complex machinations are capable of eiving rise to ithisions, among others, they are apt to heighten confusion and the desire artificially to accelerate the march of history. In either case they tend to create the soil for the emergence and spread of non-Marxist concepts. Nor sholild Meld be lost of the fact thnt the need for pro- reetilation anti forecastIne as conComitants of thci scientific and technological revolittion, and the autometion rind Mechanizatlen of management lend to rematifiRee the domi? mince of the properittel classes and to delude a part of the workers into helievine thot the nature of capitalism IS chaneing and that it can evolve into socialism. The cilect of the. iiitmerical growth of the working elass and the structural chances that have taken place In it should Also be borne in mind. Even though the dominant historical tendency k for the revolutionary role, political activity and organized strength of the working class to grow, the inflow expandine its ranks comes largely from the middle strata, bilneing with it the preconceived concepts and delusions of these strata. The structural chanees accompanying technoloei- cal progress too make the workine class less homogeneous, learlIng as they do to a differentiation of Interests among its various sections, And not all sectiens of the -working tless are at the same level of political Maturity arid ideOlogicat clarity, not all are equally class-conscious, oreanized along cleat lines, or sell-disciplined. Linder the corrupting influence And ideoloeical pressure of the propertied classes, the specific interests and outlook of the privileged, and also of the back- ward, sections of the working class may?and do?breed political instability and ideological vacillation in the labour movement. The constant influx Into the revolutionary liberation move- ment of ever new. sections of society has its negative aspects as well. That more 'and more peasants, intellectuals, clerical and service workers and sisiderits are joining the struegle against the reactionary policy of the monopoly bourgeoisie, for peace, democracy and socialism, is of course testimony le steady, Irreversible social progress. But at the same time the newcomers bring to -the democratic and liberation movement not only a new charge of revolutionary energy, but also preconceived notions, not only a burning loathing of cap- italism, but also utOpian illusions, political waverine, ideolog- ical Instability. And only too often this finds reflection In the emergence of diverse non-Marxist political movements And theories. It should also be borne in mind that the rapid growth of the Communist movement itself is not free of adverse features. As a result of the military, moral and political defeat of fasc- ism, the emergence of the socialist world system. and the, crisis of many traditional political parties, the prestige and influence of the CoMmunist movement and the numerical strength ot 'Communist parties have Increased ereatly. Rot while the entry of large numbers of revolutionary-minded peasants, clerical workers and intellectuals strengthened the parties' ties with the masses. it resulted, wherever ideoloeical education was Inadequate, in a lowering of the level of Rs- Mica! maturity, Ideological. staunchness and theoretical grounding of the.membership. This beers out, In other conditions and another context, what Lenin said In IMO: "One of the most profound causes that per- iodically give rise to differences over tilttiCS is the very growth of the labour movement.. The enlistment of larger and larger numbers of new 'recruits,' the attraction of nevr sections of the working people must Inevitably be accompa- nied by wavering In the sphere of theory and tactics, by repetition.s of olkl. mistakes, by a temporary reversion to antiquated, views and antiquated methods. and so forth. The labour movement of every country pericalically? spends a varying amount of energy, attentiOn and time on the 'train- ing' of recruits." Oers Is an epoch of struggle by the revolutionary, demo- cratic forces against national Oppression, Innpoch of the rise. development and self-assertion of a growine number of nations that were subjected to exploitation and oppresslon. The po- litical and ideological banner of the fieht these nations rl Tit aging for freedom and national Independence Is nationalism, various concepts of which have Rained with currency. ilot nationalism has two aspects: the national democratic. Pxpins- sive of the Interests of the working people, and the conserva? live. standing for the interests of the propertied classes. Moreover, national consciousness Is one of the most complex. stable and tenacious forms of social consciousness. National consciousness evolves In the process of bitter strugele. If the conservative 'aspect prevails, It becomes the political and ideological banner of insularity, divides nations and sets them one against the other. becomes reactionary and degenerates tnto chauvinism. The democratic, popular elements can assert themselves and play an Increasingly progressive role only if they are transmuted into a .genulne Patriotism or Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 17 Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-bDyRGHT the. people, socialist patriotism, on the basis of proletarian internationalism. Under certain circumstances, however, the piessure of nationalism can be extremely great; In many cases It penetrates into the labour and even the Communist move- ment, where It Is hound to coma into Conflict with the principles of proletarian internationalism, with the process of tho internationalization of the class struggle, and provides a fertile soil for the poison weeds of Right and Left revisionism. Other factors that tend to animate revisionism are the difficulties encountered in building up the revolutionary movement and Its slow growth, primarily in the developed capitalist countries, as well as the strategic and practical mistakes and blunders made by one or another Communist party. !fence in some cases it Is the reaction of unstable elements to the retarded development of the class struggle, an instance of revolutionary impatience, In others it is a matter of seizing on difficulties and mistakes in pursuit of ulterior ends. And there are also cases that can be traced to both of these considerations. Modern revisionism can also be a distorted reflection of confusion among one or another section of the working people In the capitalist as well as the socialist countries in face of the formidable tasks involved in building the new society and the attendant difficulties, which are accentuated by the pronounced unevenness of initial levels of socio-economic development. R mirrors the complexity and sharpness of the olobal confrontation of socialism and capitalism in the condi- tions of the scientific and technological revolution. Such, then, are the basic objective and subjective causes of the rise of revisionist trends. These causes do not operate in isolation from one another, but neither can they be regarded as the mechanical sum of diverse factors. They are in complex dialectical interrelation with one another, an interrelation that varies depending on the concrete situation, the national back- wound of the given country, and the specific features of the activity rpf the given Communist party. In some instances Rieht-wing revisionism comes to the fore, in others Leftist distortion of Marxist-Leninist theory and practice. Behind the Screen of Pluralism The political and ideological concepts of Right and Left revisionism often appear to be diametrically opposed to each ether, and within each of these trends too there are different shades of opinion. But in the course of the political and oteateleical struegle points of contact between them are in- creesinely revealed. It becomes more and more obvious that the fundamental methodological and theoretical tenets of all varieties of contemporary iswisionism coincide. The prime common denominator is denial of the universal, Intermitional significance of Marxism-Leninism, of the laws eovernine the world revolutionary process and socialist de- velopment discovered by Marxism-Leninism. The hallmark of all revisionists is anti-dialectical mode of thought, meta- phrkal absolulization of some aspects and phenomena of social life, rejection of the dialectical link between the in- ternational find the national. This logically leads to denial of the international sienificance of the experience of the CPSU and other Communist parties. At the same time they maintain that the. International Communist movement needs no general line, that such a line is not viable, and that unity of its po- litical, strateeie end tactical principles can be dispensed with, Contrary to the impend Internationalist Marxist-Leninist doctrine and methodolciey, find at variance with the established practice M the international Communist .movement, both Right and Left revisionists propound pluralism, The modern revisionists advocate social pluralism. Distorting the Leninist thesis concerning the diversity of the paths ol revolutionary transition to socialism rind forms of Hocialist organization of society, they claim that there can brt a variety of models of socialism qualitatively different from one enuth- er, different not only as regards form but also as reeards content. It is a stock argument of both overt and covert TOVI? sionists that all existing "models of socialism" have evolved cm the basis of a backward economy and hence allegedly bear the Imprint of historical "inadequacy." In their opinion the victory of socialism in the developed capitalist countries will at once change the outward features as well as the substance of socialism. Needless to say, the further development of socialism, the growth of the strength of the socialist 'world system, will steadily improve the historical setting for the transition of more and more countries to socialism, make this transition less painful. But as experience arid Marxist-Leninist therm/ show, this will be a matter of the further operation of tho general laws, not of their negation. The modern revisionists advocate political pluralism. In their opinion, the dictatorship of the proletariat. and the experience of the socialist countries in the organization of ' political life have outlived their time and should be succeed- ed by spontaneous development and coinpetitive struggle among all social and political forces, all political parties, which in effect signifies abandoning the use of the instru- ments at the disposal of the working class organized as the state to uphold the people's revolutionary gains. At a time when the monopoly bourgeoisie is steadily building up the machinery of its domination, its political mechanism of self- preservation, the revisionists deny the people and their leader,; the working class, the right to suppresis the resistance of thel exploiters. The modern revisionists advocate ideological pluralism. Ne- ? Ration or ,the universal, international character of Marxism- Leninism is accompanied with the claim that there exist differ- ent, national forms of Marxism. At the same time it is maintained that equal and competitive. co-existence of diverse ideological concepts is possible in the working-class move- ment and the socialist society. All varieties of revisionism find political expression in anti-Sovieteering, bellicose anti-communism, and divisive activity in the ranks of the Communist movement. While rioting the common groundwork on which the theoretical-cognitive and methodological principles and po- litical views of all modern revisionists rest, it is essential also to have a clear idea of the specific argumentation advanced by the Right and the Leftist trends and the degree of danger they present at different staees of the struggle, in different countries, and in different historical conditiuns, , The Right Revisionists Right-wing revisionism remains a serious threat to the Communist parties' capacity lor action and the tinily of their ranks. Piominent among its most active theorists and propagandists are Roger Garaudy (France), Ernst Fischer and Franz Merck (Aus(ria), n group, of theolizers associated with the journal Praxis (Yugoslavia), O. Sik and K. Kosik. Thuile!) Right-wing revisionism springs up on national soil. il 1,InitilY acquires in implications, and htinn, I ntl- tionalist responsibility of all ISlarxists-Leninists 1,1 r ombot it, Approved For Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 18 -Approved for Release 1999/09/02 : CIA-RDP79-01194A000200160001-7 CPYRGHT The Right revisionists seek to recast the fundamental prin. doles of the ftlarxist-Lcsninist outlook. They reject Leninisrn. which they claim k a variant of tstarxism confined to Russia alone. The philosophical works of Lenin and Uneels, they argiir, "misitirressdit" the teachings of Marx, anti socialism exists today they label a "bureancratic.etatist" distortion 01 thn Marxist doolinc. of humane socialism. This offensive ngainst the substance of Marxist theory is waeed on the pretext of "TV-41.111ine the real views of Marx, moreover, the views of thr^ young Marx, by removing the "later theoretical and practical accretions." The Right revisiimisls deny the revolutionary role of the working class In the reconstinction of society, malnlaining that, as cl result of tile technological revolution, It is being clit. fused In the general mass of working people directly or indirectly connected with production. In this way the leading role of the working class in the fight for socialism k disposed of. Garaudy, for instance, advances the idea of what he calls a "historical bloc"?a bloc of the workers and initAlectissis with the latter playing the leading role. ? The Right-wing revisionists reject the scientific theory and pradtice of socialism, counterposing to them the concept of a socialism governed by the blind forces of the Market, What this concept so zealously championed by Sik, Garaudy, Fischer and other revisionists leads to was convincingly shown by what happened In Czechoslovakia. The latest facts offer incontrovertible proof that any kind of blind operation of economic forces Is bound to have grave social consequences. In both theory and practice the Right revisionists often find themselves In the same camp with the reformists, who believe In spontaneous evolution leading to socialism. The fallacy of this concept has been amply proved by the historical -ex. perience of the working class, yet for the Objective and silbjective reasons mentioned above It still has Its supporters and seriously impedes the mobilization of the masses to the struggle for peace, democracy, national freedom, and socialism. The Lett Extremists The need to combat Left revisionism in all its manifestationS is as urgent as ever. Its basic premises-.-negatIon of the objective laws governing the class struggle, the development of the rovoliition, rind organization of socialist society, denial of the revointionary mission of the working class and the van. guard role nf he. Communist parties, anti-Sovietism, nnti-com- tnimism. and nMionnlism?do not differ In principle from those of tlw Right-wing revisionists. What is specific to the Left revisionists dle non-scientific voluntarist and subjectivist concepts of revolution, tactics, forms and methods of struggle. 1-he Slanifesto group in Italy and the Teodore Petkoff group In Vrnezueln are to one or another extent exponents of Left revisionist views. Left extremism determines also the political course of the Communist Party of Burma (the "White Flag" party) which, operating In the jungles, has for a long time nnw beer% tvagine an armed struggle against the democratic government. In a ntimisrsr of countries Left revisionism is represented by small eroupings raneing from the 5ectadan-dogmadc to the revolutionary.adventurist. Some have appropriated the name of the Indomitable Latin American revolutionary Che Guevara and 'have sot up detachments which call for immediate. essentially adventuristtc armed actions without regard for the mood of the masses., rir the concrete situation. In Ceylon, for Instance. such self-styled "Gitevarists" played a central role in the reactionary armed uprising against the democratic forces. in some countries there are smell but extremely agerevave parties that call themselves "Marxist-Leninist" and seek to implant in the workers movement tho ideas, policy and tactic's of Maoism. As for Maoism, It is a trend of a specific order, which, like the present-day Trotskyttes who Seek to infiltrate the revolutionary working-class movement, merits special examination. The Left extremists underestimate the role of the objective conditions in the preparation and carrying out of revolutionary changes, and overestimate the subjective factors, the role of volition. For them politics Is the Demiurge of history. They underrate the role of the masses in the revolution and tbe. need to prepare them, and regard the actions of small isolsted armed detachments as decisive. They ignore all other forms and methods of struggle against the reaction, of rallying the masses to active struggle, and rely exclusively on armed force. Yet among them there are a great many who are eager to come to grips with the oppressors, ready to lay down their lives for the revolution, people who sincerely believe that isolated armed actions can bring success, but who are captive to the most confused revisionist and often anti-Communist illusions. To be real revolutionary fighters what these people need, besides enthusiasm, is clarity of perpose, political con- sciousness. The Fight Against Revisionism The fight against Right and Left revisionism, against the nationalists and Maoists that have tacked themselves on to the international Communist movement, aeainst the Trotskyites and anarchists, is not an end in itself for the Communist parties. It is not a matter of intolerance, or a doctrinaire striving for abstract purity of theoretical dogma, as 61111- Marxists of every hue claim in their efforts to slander the Communists and mislead the masses. For historical and social purport, the fight against revision- ism in theory and opportunism In practice, against all manner ..of ideoloeical wavering and political vacillation, iS a fight to win the masses. It is a component of a political strategy projected towards tinning the working people of town and country, manual and mental workers, on a revolutionary plat? form with the aim of resolving the most pressing social prob- lems?strengthening pe.ace, giving effect to consistent democ- racy. ensuring national prosperity and social progress. It is a component of revolutionary lectica designed to Map the mnsses master the most effective forms, methods and means of anti-Imperialist and anti-monopoly struggle, to ensure the ideological and political defeat of all who consciously or un- consciously deceive the masses. doom them to wander aimlessly in the labyrinths of history and prevent them from channel- ling all their class energy to the defeat of the reaction. The political effectiveness of struggle against all valieties of opportunism depends primarily on being able to