HOW KISSINGER RUNS OUR 'OTHER GOVERNMENT'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79M00098A000400010001-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 4, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 30, 1974
• Content Type: MAGAZINE

A OIL .
/ ,,~ ~,h~ ~~ O Approv For Relea ,tflW U01 ?1~6~ 11 10i
i W
P i M 9,,x.01
M
/1L([6Li r
'!'',o? / Greatest Bathrooms in Town
s tyle t e secret `~40' Committee
^
SEPTEMBER 30, 1974/60 CENTS
 Approved For Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP
CONTENTS
Page 27
Inside Chase Manhattan:
First Look at Rocky's Net Worth
By Dan Dorfman
Our man Dorfman has come into possession of docu-
ments detailing the assets held by the Chase Man-
hattan Bank for the "Nelson A. Rockefeller Trust."
If you were surprised by that modest estimate of
Rockefeller's net worth being passed around earlier
this month-$33 million-you had every right to be.
Counting just the assets in this account alone (there
is said to be another at Chase that's somewhat larger),
the Nelson A. Rockefeller Trust was worth, as of
June 28, 1974, at least $126,776,331. It's possible that
Nelson A. himself is not the sole beneficiary of this
trust, Dorfman notes, and by itself it won't conclu-
sively answer "how much Rocky is worth." But it
floes provide the basis for a good guess.
Page 31
The Deadly Battle to Become
King of the Gypsies, Part II
By Peter Maas
Last week Peter Maas brought on the Bimbo tribe
of American gypsies, and told of the troubles its
present "king," Steve Tene, has had in holding on to
his throne. In this concluding article, Mr. Maas goes
further into those troubles, most of which are the
doing of Steve's father, who was passed over in the
kingly succession, and who tends to value the power
drive above paternal love in dealings with his son.
Page 43
In the Lav of Luxury: Great New York Bathrooms
By Nancy Newhouse
That small but necessary room (once talked about
only in whispers, and subjected to so many euphe-
misms that making up cute titles becomes child's
play) has now come out into the open (so to speak),
and has become the latest playroom for both in-
ventors and decorators. We launch this three-part
section with a set of personal pipe dreams: some dis-
tinctive city bathrooms. Valuable help was given by
Mary R. Smith in scouting them out (don't ask
how), Photographed by Steve Myers.
Page 51
Loo Tenants: Basic Bathroom Equipment
By Elin Schoen
Ms. Schoen, who avows a passion for plumbing, re-
ports on all kinds of gadgetry-useful, decorative,
or both-for the arresting rest room. Ms. Schoen also
evaluates some bathroom-supplies dealers.
Page 55
The Source of the Tile
By Veronica McNiff
Tile for bathroom floors and walls isn't only the
sterile stuff that used to be standard. Tile designers,
both foreign and domestic, have become very artis-
tic of late. Ms. McNiff discusses what's around, and
where it can be found.
SEPTEMBER 30, 1974
Page 59
How Kissinger Runs Our "Other Government"
By Tad Szulc
President Ford has now admitted the fact of U.S. in-
volvement in Chilean politics before and during the
Allende regime. What is still obscure, however, is the
nature of the little-known organization in the White
House that authorizes such maneuvering. It is the
so-called "40 Committee" of the National Security
Council-an elite group of five officials, headed by
Henry Kissinger-which is the closest thing in this
country to a secret super-government body. It func-
tions in a tenuous interlock with the National Se-
curity Council and the entire U.S. intelligence-gath-
ering apparatus, has access to unlimited government
funds, can order covert espionage and paramilitary
operations around the world, and is only nominally
answerable to the president. Tad Szulc, veteran
Washington reporter, reveals how the committee
operates, and what its workings imply.
THE LIVELY ARTS-
Page 70
Music: Manon First
By Alan Rich
The City Opera's Marton Lescaut is good enough.
Page 72
Movies: Top Liner
By Tom Allen
Richard Lester's juggernaut puts Poseidon to shame.
Theater: Campille
By John Simon
The Ridiculous Theatrical Company is just that.
Page 78
Books: Heller's Hell
By Eliot Fremont-Smith
Joseph Heller's novel is depressing and memorable.
MISCELLANY
Page 7
The City Politic:
Some Tough Questions for Rockefeller
By Steven D. Brill
Like: What about Attica? Ross Perot? Civil Rights?
Page 5: Letters; Page 13: In and Around Town
Page 67: New York Intelligencer
Page 68: Best Bets, By Ellen Stock
Page 81: Sales & Bargains, By Sarah Harriman
Page 82: New York Classified
Page 88: New York Real Estate Classified
Page 91: Puzzle, By Richard Maltby Jr.
Page 92: London Sunday Times Crossword
9 ~~ . 0 Cover: Rocky as Daddy Warbucks, by David Levine.
page 59
The following are registered trade names, and the use of these names is strictly prohibited: The Artful Lodger, Best Bets, Best Bits, The Bottom Line,
The Capitol Letter, The City Politic, Cityscape, The Global Village, In and Around Town, New York Inteltigencer, The Passionate Shopper, and The
Urban Strategist. New York is published weekly (except for a combined issue the last two weeks in December) by the NYM Corporation, 207 East
32nd St., New York, N.Y. 10016. Copyright D 1974 by the NYM Corporation. All rights reserved. Reproduction without permission is strictly pro-
hibited. Milton Glaser, Chairman; Clay S. Felker, President; Ruth A. Bower, Executive Vice-President; John C. Thomas Jr., Vice-President, Marketing;
Kenneth Fadner, Vice-President, Finance; Thomas B. Morgan, Vice-President; Sheldon Zalaznick, Vice-President. Second-class postage paid at New
York, N.Y., and at additional mailing offices. Editorial and Business offices: 212 889-3660. Postmaster: send form 3579 to New York, Box 2979, Boulder,
Colorado 80302. Subscription rates in Continental U.S. only: one year, $14; two years, $25.
For subscription information, write Joseph Oliver, New York Magazine, Subscriptio^Department, Box 2979, Boulder, Colorado 80302.
 Approved For Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP7W00098A000400010001-6
VW
Now Kissinger inns
Our `Other government'
By Tad Szulc
No such overt and covert power in foreign policy has ever
..
been vested in any man, except the president, in our history..."
A shadowy group of five powerful ever done before; actually, no senior in Rome, Graham Martin, reportedly
officials silently directing America's official had ever publicly mentioned the asked the Nixon administration for se-
clandestine foreign policy from the committee. cret funds to bolster the Christian Dem-
basement Situation Room in the White Ford, in fact, institutionalized the ocrats in Italy-just as the United States
House in Washington-the so-called concept of covert intelligence action had done in the crucial 1948 elections.
"40 Committee" of the National Secur- (it was not even done during the cold The 40 Committee reportedly also
ity Council-is the nearest thing we war) when he commented that "Our has on its agenda the situations in Por-
have in this country to a secret super- government, like other governments, tugal and Greece-where rightist re-
government body. does take certain actions in the intelli- gimes collapsed earlier this year and
Headed by Henry A. Kissinger, this gence field to help implement foreign leftist influences are feared by the U.S.
committee is not always accountable policy and protect national security ... -as well as dangers facing the white
even to the president of the United I am informed reliably that Communist governments in southern Africa in view
States, although it has access to virtual- nations spend vastly more money than of Mozambique's impending independ-
ly unlimited unvouchered government we do for the same kind of purposes." ence. The C.I.A. has a working alliance
funds and holds the power to order far- Action against Allende between with South African and Rhodesian in-
ranging covert intelligence and para- 1970 and 1973 was one of Kissinger's telligence services against leftist black
military operations around the world. high-priority projects. He personally as- "liberation" movements.
And during the Nixon Watergate era, sumed control of the C.I.A.'s covert Contingency planning to assure
it may have had links with secret do- moves, through the 40 Committee, and United States access to oil reserves in
mestic intelligence units, possibly in- of a parallel economic and financial the Middle East and elsewhere is like-
eluding even the "Plumbers." blockade, working through an interde- wise said to be on the agenda. In fact,
Deriving its name from National partmental task force. the C.I.A., working under a National Se-
Security Council Intelligence Decision To Kissinger, it appears, Chile was curity Council mandate, did overthrow
Memorandum No. 40, which set it up in a "laboratory" test case to determine the Iranian government in 1953 after
its present form in 1969, the five-man whether a regime he opposed could be it nationalized foreign oil holdings.
40 Committee is the current incarna- "destabilized" or dislodged without the Past activities by the 40 Committee
tion of similar top-secret White House use of military force that the United and its predecessors have ranged from
groups that since 1947 have authorized States had chosen to apply elsewhere engineering the overthrow of foreign
dozens of major covert intelligence un- in the past. Specifically, Chile was a regimes disliked by Washington to the
dertakings from Asia to Latin America test of whether a democratically elec- creation of secret armies and counter-
and from Africa to Europe. ted leftist regime, as was Allende's, insurgency units for the protection of
The most recent known large-scale could be toppled through the creation governments enjoying our official fa-
operation conducted by the 40 Com- of internal chaos by outside forces. vor. They have included political sub-
mittee was the assignment given the Recent revelations of Kissinger's al- version, the subornation of statesmen,
Central Intelligence Agency, at the leged role in the Chilean affair-he has politicians, labor leaders, and others
cost of $8 million, to help orchestrate, denied any American involvement, al- abroad, "black" propaganda, and the
from inside, the fall a year ago of the though the C.I.A., in effect, has con- oversight of "spy-in-the-sky" espionage
regime of Chile's late Socialist presi- firmed it-have set off the latest con- over the Soviet Union, China, and
dent, Salvador Allende Gossens, while troversy swirling around the secretary scores of other countries.
other branches of the United States of state, and have raised again ques- Overhead intelligence is the only form
f
government applied a variety of simul- tions about his credibility and future rheactual 40 espionage n The the
C I rv1ewhof
taneous pressures from the outside. intentions.
This increasingly controversial enter- There are reasons to suspect, for ex- intelligence agencies, and separate
prise was stunningly confirmed by Pres- ample, that the 40 Committee is study- White House committees (also chaired
ident Ford at his news conference ing plans for possible covert American by Kissinger) are concerned with the
last Monday. His justification was both intervention in the confused political collection of normal intelligence.
startling in philosophy and sparse on process in Italy, where the Communist The 40 Committee must approve,
the facts, as he sought to give public party may soon share power in a coali- every month,overhead intelligence pro-
legitimacy to the 40 Committee. tion government. Actually, more than a grams-from the regular launching of
This was som thprove orl eleasee2004/06/24 former U.S. ambassador photo-satellites to :CIA-RDP79M00098A000400010001 6secret flights by the
p NEW YORK 59
 Approved For Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79M00098AO00400010001-6
"... To Kissinger, Chile was a test case to determine whether a
regime he opposed could be dislodged without military force ..."
SR-71 spy planes-because of the risk
of serious international complications.
The U?2 incident over the Soviet Union
in 1960 has not been forgotten.
The monthly plans are submitted to
the 40 Committee by a C.I.A. commit-
tee so secret that its existence and its
name-.-Comrex-have never before, to
my knowledge, been publicly discussed.
The National Reconnaissance Office,
another top-secret organization under
the 40 Committee's overall control, is
responsible for the actual launching of
overhead intelligence vehicles.
For nearly six years, the 40 Com-
mittee has been run by Kissinger, act-
ing as chairman in his capacity of spe-
cial assistant to the president for na-
General George S. Brown,
Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff
Deputy Secretary
tional security affairs. It is not rele-
vant in this context that he has also
held for a year the post of secretary of
state. His power in the field of clandes-
tine foreign policy has been unchal-
lenged since Nixon took office in 1969.
It remains so under Ford.
Kissinger has been for years the de
facto boss of the United States intelli-
gence community, greatly cutting down
the influence of the C.I.A. in decision-
making. No such concentration of pow-
er in foreign policy has ever been vested
in any man, except the president, in
modern American history.
Presently associated with Kissinger
on the 40 Committee are Director of
Central Intelligence William E. Colby,
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
General George S. Brown, Deputy Sec-
retary of Defense William P. Clements,
and Under Secretary of State for Poli-
tical Affairs Joseph J. Sisco. Member-
ship on the committee is not personal:
it goes with these four jobs. Because of
successive changes in the other depart-
ments, Kissinger is the only man to
have remained continuously on the
committee for the whole period.
The possibility that the 40 Commit-
tee may have had connections with
secret domestic intelligence stems from
the fact that former Attorney General
John N. Mitchell began attending meet-
ings in 1970. Given the secrecy cover-
ing the 40 Committee, the White House
Intelligence Decision Memo-
present form in 1969.
 Approve
never announced Mitchell's presence;
it became known from congressional
testimony. No other attorney general
had ever before served on the 40 Com-
mittee or on any of its forerunners.
Richard Helms, the former C.I.A.
head, also testified that he thought, but
was not certain, that former White
House Director of the Domestic Coun-
cil John Ehrlichman and White House
Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman may
have come to one or two 40 Commit-
tee sessions. He said that they attended
either meetings of the 40 Committee or
of the Washington Special Action
Group (WASAG), the White House for-
eign policy crisis-management commit-
tee. Both bodies are headed by Kissin-
ger and have identical memberships.
One intriguing question is whether
the 40 Committee-or Kissinger-may
have wanted the Plumbers to help out
in the covert operations against Chile.
A half-dozen unexplained break-ins into
offices and homes of Chilean diplomats
in Washington and New York in the
spring of 1972, just before Watergate,
have been attributed to the Plumbers,
although there is no proof .
Kissinger had had indirect dealings
with the Plumbers since 1971, when he
listened to an interview tape-recorded
by David Young, his former aide and
subsequently a Plumber, with a navy
yeoman charged with secretly passing
National Security Council documents
to the joint Chiefs of Staff.
To understand the basic functions of
the 40 Committee it is essential to real-
ize that almost invariably United States
policy is executed on two parallel lev-
els: overt and covert. The overt policy
is visibly carried out by the State De-
partment and other above-the-board
agencies; the U.S. takes full responsi-
bility for all their actions.
Covert policy, which must never be
traced back to the president and the
United States government (though it
often is so traced because of failures or
disclosures in the press or elsewhere),
is the province of the 40 Committee to-
day, as it was the responsibility of its
predecessors.
It is thus an error to ascribe such
American international adventures as
the 1953 coup d' etat in Iran, the over-
throw of the leftist Guatemalan regime
in 1954, the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion
of Cuba, the 1964 intervention in the
Congo, the formation of the "secret
army" in Laos in 1961, or the most re-
cent involvement in Chile, to aberra-
tions by a wild-running C.I.A.
In every instance, major undercover
intelligence operations had been for-
mally approved by secret political com-
mittees before the C.I.A. was free to
proceed, although many, if not most, of
these actions were unquestionably first
proposed by the agency.
Because of the extraordinary secrecy
William E. Colby,
Director of
Central Intelligence
Henry Kissinger,
Secretary of State
and Special Assistant
to the President
for National
Security Affairs
Joseph J. Sisco,
Under Secretary of State
for Political Affairs
ed For Release 2004/06/24 CIA=RDPZ9M00098 O Q0010001-6
Illustrated by Burt Silverman
 Approved For Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79M00098AO00400010001-6
"... Aerial espionage plans come from `Comrex,' a C.I.A. group
so secret that it has never ever been publicly discussed..."
surrounding the deliberations of the
40 Committee, and the complex system
of special top-secret clearances designed
to confine the number of officials
apprised of covert operations to an ab-
solute minimum, the government as a
whole is kept totally in the dark about
undercover foreign policy, even if it
carries the risk of a full-fledged war.
'There have been instances over the
years when even secretaries of state
remained uninformed about large co-
vert operations and actually believed
the White House-inspired "plausible
denial" when the C.I.A. or the Penta-
gort were caught red-handed some-
where in the world. "Plausible denial"
is one of the principles upon which the
40 Committee and its forerunners have
operated. The idea is that the denial
of a secret foreign enterprise must be
believable enough to protect the presi-
dent from embarrassment-or worse.
Consequently, overt and covert policies
often run at cross-purposes.
C.I.A. Director Colby, an old hand
in clandestine operations, claims that
covert activities have been sharply cur-
tailed in recent years. But in a speech
in Washington earlier this month before
a conference on "C.I.A. and Covert Ac-
tions" organized by the Center for Na-
tional Security Studies, Colby said
that "in a world which can destroy it-
self through misunderstanding or mis-
calculation, it is important that our lead-
ers have a clear perception of the mo-
tives, intentions, and strategies of other
powers so that they can be deterred,
negotiated about, or countered in the
interests of peace or, if necessary, the
ultimate security of our country.
"These kinds of insights," Colby said,
"cannot be obtained only through tech-
nical means or analysis. From closed
societies they can only be obtained by
secret intelligence operations, without
which our country must risk subordi-
nation to possible adversaries."
This, of course, referred to espio-
nage by the C.I.A., presumably in Com-
munist countries. But Colby also made
a case for the kinds of covert political
operations-such as those in Chile-
that are of immediate concern to the
40 Committee.
"There have also been, and are still,
certain situations in the world in
which some discreet support can as-
sist America's friends against her ad-
versaries in their contest for control of
a foreign nation's political direction,"
he said. "While these instances are
few today compared to the 1950's, I
believe it only prudent for our nation
to be able to act in such situations,
and thereby forestall greater difficulties
for us in the future.... I would think
it mistaken to deprive our nation of the
possibility of some moderate, covert
action response to a foreign problem
and leave us with nothing between a
diplomatic protest and sending the ma-
rines," Colby added.
In effect, Colby was saying that the
United States should act to intervene
covertly in the internal affairs of other
nations if a new Chile-like situation
arises in the future. He could well
have been thinking of Italy, Greece,
Portugal, or an African country when
he spoke of the "control of a foreign
nation's political direction." And, clear-
ly, the definition of what constitutes
"discreet support" and "moderate co-
vert action" is left to the C.I.A. and
the 40 Committee.
Colby was accurate in insisting that
the C.I.A. performs covert intelligence
operations-its "dirty tricks"-"only
when specifically authorized by the Na-
tional Security Council." In fact, the
National Security Act of 1947, which
created the C.I.A., provides that "it
shall be the duty of the Agency, under
the direction of the National Security
Council ... to perform such other func-
tions and duties related to intelligence
affecting the national security as the
National Security Council may from
time to time direct."
Colby thus laid the responsibility for
the C.I.A.'s far-flung subversive activi-
ties at the door of the 40 Committee,
which is the National Security Council
body in charge of approving covert in-
telligence operations. This was a way
of saying that the C.I.A. will carry
out whatever Henry Kissinger deter-
mines-and let him take the blame or
the credit-even though Colby, too,
sits on the secret committee.
In practice, a decision made by the
40 Committee is communicated to the
director of Central Intelligence in a
National Security Council Intelligence
Decision Memorandum. The authoriz-
ing document, known as a N.S.C.I.D.,
is handed by Kissinger to Colby for im-
plementation. Colby, of course, wears
the two hats of director of the central
intelligence community and of director
of the Central Intelligence Agency.
Colby then issues a D.C.I,D. (Director
Central Intelligence Decision) to the
C.I.A (which means himself) or what-
ever other agency-the Defense Intelli-
gence Agency, the National Security
Agency, or the State Department's
Bureau of Intelligence and Research-
may be involved in a covert operation.
At the C.I.A., projects approved by
the 40 Committee are handled by the
Covert Action Staff (formerly the Psy-
chological and Paramilitary Division),
one of the clandestine service branches
in the Directorate of Operations.
In a case like Chile's, where the
plan called for creating economic
chaos, the C.A.S. would turn to its
Economic Warfare Section as well as
to other specialized sections. The Fi-
nancial Section, for example, would be
in charge of secretly purchasing cur-
rency of the target country for opera-
tional use.
In his new book on the C.I.A.,
Philip B. F. Agee, a former clandestine
services agent, tells how the agency
had to covertly buy hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars' worth of Chilean
escudos in New York, Lima, Rio de
Janeiro, and Montevideo to help fi-
nance its covert operations against Al-
lende during his unsuccessful presiden-
tial campaign in 1964. Massive conver-
sion of dollars into escudos in Santiago
would have aroused suspicion-re-
cent testimony by Colby showed that
the C.I.A. had invested $3 million in
the 1964 campaign-and the agency
was thus forced to fly valises of Chilean
money into the country.
Kissinger, caught in the recent Chil-
ean controversy, has been telling friend-
ly newsmen that he should not be
blamed because, after all, "95 per
cent" of operations proposed to the 40
Committee originate with the C.I.A.
The record and a certain knowledge
of the 40 Committee's modus operandi
do not entirely bear out Kissinger's
exculpative assertions. In the end, the
final decision is his-or the president's.
All indications are that Kissinger
raised the Chilean problem in the 40
Committee when it met in the White
House, Situation Room on June 27,
1970, to consider actions if Allende
were elected on September 4. Kis-
singer was quoted as saying that "I
don't see why we need to stand by and
watch a country go Communist due to
the irresponsibility of its own people."
It was at that meeting that the com-
mittee authorized the C.I.A. to spend
$400,000 for covert political propa-
ganda against Allende's candidacy.
A former White House official re-
ports having seen a memorandum with
an August, 1970, date, signed by the
C.I.A. liaison offier with the 40 Com-
mittee, authorizing the expenditure of
$200,000 in unvouchered funds for the
covert media campaign against Allen-
Approved For Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79M00098AO00400010001-6
62 NEW YORK
 Approved For
de. The memorandum was on White
House stationery and made no reference
to the 40 Committee. The 40 Committee
keeps no files, and written references
to it in official documents, no matter
how secret, are forbidden.
On July 24, 1970, Kissinger ordered
his regular staff to prepare a National
Security Study Memorandum on Chile.
Known as NSSM-97, this secret docu-
ment outlined options for the Nixon
administration should Allende win. The
options ranged. from the type of clan-
destine C.I.A. action ultimately un-
dertaken to severe economic measures
designed to undermine the Allende
government and create chaos that, it
was hoped, would lead to a military
revolution.
Allende won a plurality, but not a
majority, in the election, and a runoff
was to be held in the Chilean Congress
on October 24 between Allende and
Jorge Alessandri, the conservative run-
ner-up supported by the United States.
On September 18, therefore, Kissinger
reportedly proposed to the 40 Commit-
tee that the C.I.A. be authorized to ex-
pend $350,000 to bribe Chilean con-
gressmen to vote for Alessandri.
By all accounts, then C.I.A. Director
Richard Helms was cool to the idea on
practical grounds, as was Charles A.
Meyer, then assistant secretary of state
for inter-American affairs, who was in-
vited to be present as an expert at the
40 Committee meeting. Kissinger, how-
ever, carried the day with the support
of the other 40 Committee members,
including U. Alexis Johnson, then un-
der secretary of state for political
affairs. Helms fell into line.
As Colby testified in a closed con-
gressional session last April, the 40
Committee ultimately approved a total
of $8 million to "destabilize" the Al-
lende government. In earlier testimony,
Kissinger had flatly denied any United
States or C.I.A. involvement in the
Chilean coup.
In his appearance at the Center for
National Security Studies, Colby did
not deny that the C.I.A. had spent the
$8 million in Chile. He insisted, how-
ever, that the money was not used to
trigger the coup, but "to help our demo-
cratic friends in Chile" to vote the
Socialist regime out of office in the
1976 elections.
Colby did not explain why America's
friends were "democratic" while the
Allende crowd, put in office in a free
election, were not. But even if the
C.I.A. and Kissinger really were not
aiming at a coup, the fact remains that
the U.S. had deeply intervened in Chile's
internal politics. Intervention in inter-
nal affairs of a pro-U.S. or neutral
country by Communists is, of course,
regarded by Washington as a heinous
act, justifying reprlpproved For Rel
A MODULAR LOFT-BED SYSTEM
? r ? r
? r
r ??? r
.r ?
r ?
r r .
r r ?
MODULAR FURNITURE
VISIT OUR FACTORY DISPLAY
10 AM TO 8 PM MON.-SAT.
OPEN SUNDAY 11 AM TO 5 PM
120 WEST 20TH ST. 212 255-9048
-Y.7, IC-011
k 14/46/24;: CIA-RDPM
We dry harder.
Dry Gilbey~. Dry Boissiere.
When a great dry gin and a great dry martini. So a Gilboissiere
dry vermouth get together, the result martini has to be a great dry martini.
is - almost inevitably - a great Dry it ... you'll like it.
lj,),,siereVer1T-uth buie importer U.S A. MUnson Shaw Co. NY Distilled London Dr%)Gin. 96pr~)f.
l(X)%q,ainne,it,al,p,nts W & A Gilbey. Ltd. Distr by National Distillers Products Co . N YC
O
On the East Side, West Side, or in
the Village, our people live the New
York scene. They know the schools
and playgrounds, the bistros and
backstreets ... when our people rent
you an apartment, sell you a Town-
house or Co-op, they do more than
make a deal...they make a neighbor.
Since 1866-
BRINGING PEOPLE TOGETHER
TOWNHOUSES
CO-OP
APARTMENTS
INVESTMENTS
PENTHOUSES
WILLIAM. B. MAY COMPANY
Main Office: 688-8700
3 West 57th Street ^ 251 West 86th Street
Appp1dhi apher Street
 ruveu
r M1
CONfKCT
SOFLENS?
PHOTO GRAY?
F E A T H E R L I T E
C 0 M F 9 U NIT Y
O P T I C I A N S
788 Lexington Ave. (Bet. 61st & 62nd)
Tel: [phone]
Vive
Le Steak:.
The unique French steak house
It's remodeled, reopened,
and returned to serving the
best steak in town in its in-
imitable French style.
1089 Second Avenue (57th-58th)
For reservations call 421-9072
FOR
WOMEN
ONLY!
You'll love how you feel after
your fabulous massage by our
expert masseuses. Come for
massage only, or combine it
with exercise. At PROFILE
Health Spa for Women... The
one run by women for women.
Health Spa for Women
11 East 44th St. (off Fifth Avenue),
Manhattan. [phone]
See our brother club for Men
at 305 East 47th St. Manhattan
(off 2nd Ave.) [phone]
lease 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79M06948A000400010001-6
"... The real problem with Ford's story is
that it flies in the face of the f acts ..."
Ford's justification for the American
interference in Chilean politics was
that it was done "to help and assist the
preservation of opposition newspapers
and electronic media and to preserve
opposition political parties." His pre-
vious sentence was, "There was an
effort being made by the Allende gov-
ernment to destroy opposition news
media, both the writing press as well
as the electronic press. And to destroy
opposition political parties."
The president then concluded, in
words probably not heard publicly
since Teddy Roosevelt's day, that what
the United States had done in Chile
was "in the best interest of the people
in Chile, and certainly in our best in-
terest." With this, Mr. Ford took us
back to the "Father Knows Best" ap-
proach in American foreign policy.
However, the real problem with the
Ford exposition is that it flies in the
face of facts, and suggests that the new
president does not do his homework in
a crucial area of foreign policy. Instead,
he seems to rely on advisers who either
do not know any better or act self-
scrvingly.
In the first place, the Allende regime
never openly violated the Chilean con-
stitution. The Chilean Congress, domi-
nated by Allende's opponents, func-
tioned until the last day (there is no
Congress, nor even political parties,
under the military junta that replaced
Allende) ; there was no serious inter-
ference with the freedom of speech
and press (now there are only pro-
government newspapers) ; and there
were no political prisoners other than
a few persons charged with political
crimes such as assassination (now
there are at least 20,000 political pris-
oners, and torture is common). Allen-
de, in fact, lost two important congres-
sional and municipal elections after
coming to power.
Obviously, the leftist Allende re-
gime fought its opposition through a
variety of means-not all that different
from what Mr. Ford's political party
here did to the Democrats under his
predecessor. To be sure, there were ex-
treme leftist armed goons and terrorist
squads, but the right-wing opposition
had its own armed groups. It would
be useful to learn whether any of the
opposition's weapons came from the
outside as the United States aided its
"democratic friends."
In the second place, the opposition
press in Chile (comprising the majority
struction-certainly not to the tune
of $8 million or whatever sum the
C.I.A. spread among its media clients.
El Mercurio, the principal opposition
newspaper in Santiago, was closed
down once or twice for short periods
for advocating insurrection. It is true
that El Mercurio's owners were divested
of their banking and shipping hold-
ings, but this was hardly an injury to
the freedom of the press--and certain-
ly none of our business.
Mr. Ford's astounding comments,
coming in the wake of Colby's admis-
sions on the role of the C.I.A. in Chile,
not surprisingly led the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee the next day to
vote to reopen its investigation of the
American participation in the Chilean
events. 1 t may become the president's
first serious dispute with Congress over
foreign policy (senators take a dim
view of the Ford contention that the 40
Committee and covert "dirty tricks"
abroad are fully justified), and former
senior C.I.A. and State Department offi-
cials may face contempt and perjury
charges for their earlier denials that the
United States was involved in anti-Al-
lende activities. Inevitably, Kissinger's
credibility is once more at stake.
And there still remains the question
of violating international law through
such acts. Most international law ex-
perts agree, at least in theory, that U.S.
covert activities violate it more fre-
quently than anything perpetrated by
the Russians or the Chinese outside
their immediate area of influence.
President Ford, however, is not in-
terested in legalities. He told his Mon-
day news conference that "I'm not go-
ing to pass judgment on whether [the
destabilizing of foreign governments]
is permitted or authorized under in-
ternational law. It's a recognized fact
that, historically as well as presently,
such actions are taken in the best in-
terests of the countries involved." He
was apparently making the point that,
what was good enough in the past is
good enough today.
Then there is the problem of the 46
Committee's accountability. The C.I.A,
is accountable to four special congres?
sional subcommittees, though none of
them ever seriously questions th(
agency's activities and expendituret
The Senate Armed Services Subcon
mittee on Intelligence sometimes fai'
to meet more often than once a yea
But the 40 Committee is not accour
able to anybody. There are no minut
or RelLaggn2b ~'! '4r:,cIAhpl 1f`916' o 9$'i~O o4do' 090 th. Additional
 Approved For Re
Kissinger also runs the 40 Committee
through telephone consultations. But
inasmuch as the other four members
are burdened by their day-to-day duties,
Kissinger in effect often obtains unani-
mous decisions almost by default.
In the area of accountability, too,
President Ford was either misinformed
himself or misinforming the public. He
said that the 40 Committee's decisions
are "relayed to the responsible con-
gressional committees, where [they
are] reviewed. . .." This, of course,
is not so. There is no known instance
of the 40 Committee-or its chairman
-consulting with any congressional
committee about what it orders the
C.I.A. to do. When a committee dis-
covers something, it comes from the
press or, begrudgingly, from the C.I.A.
after the fact.
Under the Kennedy and Johnson ad-
ministrations, when the super-govern-
merit body was known as the "303
Committee" (under Eisenhower it was
called the "54/12 Committee" and un-
der Truman it was first the "10/12"
and then "10/15"), the preparatory
staff work was of greater importance
than it is today.
The 40 Committee, the State Depart-
ment, the Pentagon, and the C.I.A. still
prepare the agenda quite carefully, but
it carries less weight. In the State De-
partment, this function is in the hands
of the Intelligence and Research Bu-
reau. At the Pentagon, the work for
the deputy secretary of defense and
the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff is done by the special assistant to
the secretary of defense for covert in-
telligence. The C.I.A. prepares the
agenda in Colby's executive offices.
The tentative agenda is first reviewed
by State, Defense, and C.I.A. officials
to determine which projects should be
presented to the full 40 Committee.
But most operations-when they reach
the 40 Committee-are approved with
only limited scrutiny. They may range
from ongoing operations in, say,
Indochina, to the intervention in Chile,
exploratory covert actions in Italy or
Greece, or something as insignificant
as authorizing the spending of $50,000
to help out a friendly newspaper in a
foreign country. For years, the 303 and
40 Committees approved expenditures
through the C.I.A. to keep alive Radio
Free Europe and Radio Liberty-broad-
casting, respectively, to Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union.
Not surprisingly, for security rea-
sons, the 40 Committee has virtually
no staff of its own. Formally, a single
C.I.A. official is assigned to the com-
mittee to handle the staff work; he is
assisted by a typist who probably has
the highest security clearance of any
secretary in WashinAproved For R
VVMM slim NUNN CM
the excitinl,, and mysterious cocktail lounge at the
Benihana Palace, 15 W 44th St., 682-7120.
Move over Oscar
&Tony& Emmy.
Ourdinnerswin
awards every night.
Our menu is big.
Our prices are modest.
Our surprises are many.
CBS Building, 51 W 52 Street
751-5152
PILLOW FURNITURE Makes It Happen
229 East 53rd Street Man-Sat,IOAM-6PM 10 Oak Street
Between 2nd & 3rd Ave. thursdays Until 9PM At The Mews Mall
New York, New York 10022 Southampton, New York 11968
164967200M16/24 BlelAqqgp7-Mj4O98O IUo310001-6516/283-6464
 Bring
your
body
Appr Release 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79'Id,9b098A000400010001-6
In for a
tone-up:
Why be desk-bound and flabby? You owe
it to yourself to keep physically fit. Your
body needs the right kind of attention.
At the New York I lealth Club we help you
achieve a healthier, more beautiful life
style through pleasurable exercise. When
you feel better, you look better!
For pennies a day you can swim in a
beautiful pool, bask under sunlamps, sauna,
dunk in the whirlpool bath, enjoy classes
in calisthenics, yoga, dance, karate,
hydrocalisthenics and belly dancing.
Visit our nearest branch and use
our fabulous facilities - no obligation.
MEN & WOMEN
10 AM to 10 PM weekdays
10 AM to 6 PM weekends
The New York Health Club
There are indications, however, that
Kissinger maintains private liaison with
the C.I.A.'s clandestine services, known
as the Directorate of Operations,
through another C.I.A. operative. This
would make it possible for Kissinger to
bypass not only his own 40 Committee
but even C.I.A. Director Colby. In the
past, Kissinger had a similar personal
"back channel" to the Joint Chiefs of
Staff to bypass Melvin R. Laird, then
secretary of defense, to order covert
air strikes in Indochina.
The National Security Council. is di-
rectly subordinate to the president. As
an organ of the N.S.C., the 40 Com-
mittee is theoretically accountable to
the full National Security Council as
well as to the president. There is no
evidence, however, that the 40 Commit-
tee ever reports to the--Council. What
is not known is whether Kissinger
seeks presidential approval for every
decision taken by the 40 Committee.
"You can argue that in some cases
Kissinger will not inform the president
of the United States of a covert opera-
tion in order to protect him from
knowledge and avoid embarrassment
to him," a senior intelligence official
said. "If the scheme works he can de-
cide later whether the president should
be bothered with the details. If it fails,
there's plenty of time to tell him. And
sometimes presidents figure that what
Skied Sugaloaf
Lately?
You don't have to go thousands of miles
to find big mountain skiing.
Compare Maine's Sugarloaf:
Sugarloaf, Maine 2,600
Alta, Utah 2,000
Park City, Utah 2,400
Mammouth Mountain, Cal 2,300
Taos, New Mexico 2,613
Alyeska, Alaska 2,20(1
Stowe, Vermont 2,150
Sugarbush, Vermont 2,400
Then consider that we've installed snow
making from top to bottom.of that
2,600 feet. Add our 9,000 ft. gondola.
our Alpine-style Village Center full of
stores and a valley full of inns (authentic
New England farmhouse, mansion on a
hillor swinging!night spot)and you'll see:
on skiis or off. Sugarloaf is the place to
g0 for fun this Winter.
Want details?
Call or write:
Sugarloaf/USA
Kingfield, Maine 207-237-2000
One Call Reservations 237-2861
Name
Address
City
they don't know doesn't hurt them, so
long as it doesn't get out of hand."
There is a legend in the intelligence
community that only the president can
authorize the assassination of a foreign
leader. This is, so the story goes, one
time when the chairman of the 40
Committee simply must consult the
president. But no official in Washing-
ton can say whether this has ever
been tested. "The president doesn't
order assassinations-period" is the
answer to inquiries on the subject.
Still, one is haunted by the thought
of such extraordinary power being so
tightly held and exercised in absolute
secrecy by a tiny group of men-even
if it does sometimes include the presi-
dent. C.I.A. Director Colby's claim that,
in effect, the United States must have
the option to covertly do away with
any foreign government it finds objec-
Os
Presents.
STARTING SEPT.25th & Every WEDS.
DANNY and the JUMPING JACKS
THUR-FRI-SAT-SUN SEPT. 26-27-28-29th
NATURALLYALL STAR SHOW GROUP
11/2 11; LOBSTER SPECIAL $5 95
COMPLIMENTARY RES.
GLASS OF WINE FR5to7PM
ALL POPULAR DRINKS' 734-9070
$1.00'ti19PM ?SHOWTIME9PM?
Now ..there's something
fishy at O Henry's
We're pleased to announce the addition of a
great new Seafood House to New York din-
ing. So now, in addition to our world-famous
steaks, you can choose from a tasty variety
of sea fare - from live Maine lobster to
fabulous shrimp scampi and lump crab meat
au gratin! Don't flounder for a good place to
eat ... stop in and try our sole food. Soon.
0. HENRYS
{ FAMOUS STEAK AND SEAFOOD HOUSE
1212) CH 2-2000
VILLAGE
WEST 4TH ST. AT 6TH AV E., -'HVILLAGEJ
at
56th STREE
T
JOYE
r
r
4
SEPT. 23-OCT. 19
3 shows nightly with
special dinner & show
9 P.M.-$15, including
cover charge.
Super disco-dancing.
Dinner & late supper.
Closed Sundays.
Reservations:
421-0900.
tionable-without the repugnant alter-
native of "sending the marines"-must
sound alarming to a democratic society
that says it stands for the rule of law
in the world order. And it is Henry
Kissinger, speaking for the United
States, who rhetorically invokes the
principle of world order.
As for President Ford and his "open
administration," his view is that noth-
ing needs changing: he told his news
conference last Monday that "It seems
should
itt
40 C
h
h
omm
ee
at t
e
to me t
SugarloafIt'S.\, attn. dept. 5 ? Y ? t ~.
I~L
TAKEA DRIVE TO
ANART LOVER'S
PARADISE!
MIRO ? CHAGALL ? PICASSO
BELLOWS ? BILSHEMIUS
DURER ? GROSZ
FIN DE SIECLE POSTERS
& JAPANESE PRINTS
ART FAIR GALLERY
"Like A Visit To A Museum"
126 Larchmont Ave., on US 1
LARCHMONT. N.Y.
(914(834.9474
FRI., SAT.., SUN. ONLY 11-5 P.M.
Kingfield, \ t c 04947 continue In ex s ence. I
'A~proved For Rel ase 2004/06/24: CIA-RDP79M00098AO00400010001-6