CHINESE AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP79T00865A000200050001-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: T
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 24, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 20, 1975
• Content Type: NOTES

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Top Secret
Chinese Affairs
Top Secret
3 a 25X1
January 20, 1975
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CHINESE AFFAIRS
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January 20, 1975
China Emphasizes Moderation;
Leadership Differences Remain. . . . . . . . .
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New Year's in the Provinces. . . . . . . . . . . 10
A New Accomplice for Lin Piao? . . . . . . . . . 14
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Western Troubles Hurt Trade Balance. . . . . . . 22
New Twist for an Old Slogan. . . . . . . 24
Love the Army--But Love the Party Even More. . . 26
The United Nations: Disappointment. . . . . . . 28
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Notes . . . . . . . . . . . 32
. . . . . . . . . .
CHRONOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
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China Emphasizes Moderation;
Leadership Differences Remain
F7 I
The personnel appointments and policy statements
approved by China's Fourth National People's Con-
gress are clearly designed to stress moderation and
continuity. The brevity of the congress, the first
in a decade, and the initial secrecy in which it
was held suggest, however, that leadership differ-
ences have not yet been ironed out fully.
The reappointment of Chou En-lai as premier,
and the naming of his close ally, Yeh Chien-ying,
to the sensitive post of defense minister, under-
scores Chou's continuing power and prestige as a
senior policy maker.
Teng Hsiao-ping, elevated to the Politburo
standing committee and named a vice chairman by the
Central Committee plenum, which preceded the con-
gress, appears to be Chou's logical successor.
Chairman Mao Tse-tung, who attended neither
the plenum nor the congress, has now been away from
Peking for over six months. Only once before has
Mao been absent from the capital for a longer time,
and that was immediately before the onset of the Cul-
tural Revolution when, Mao complained later, he was
being circumvented and ignored by political oppo-
nents.
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If Mao has remained. in the countryside as a
political gesture, it is likely that he is "sulk-
ing in his tent" and has not been deliberately ex-
cluded from the capital.
The communique issued at the conclusion of
the congress makes relatively little mention of Mao
personally. The guiding role of "Mao Tse-tung
Thought," however, was written into the new consti-
tution and the chairman of the party was designated
commander of the armed forces.
All of this suggests that the Chairman is still
a very active force in Chinese politics.
The congress approved a. list of 12 vice pre-
miers, down from 15 before the Cultural Revolution.
Teng Hsiao-ping heads the list, followed by Shang-
hai party boss Chang Chun-chiao, who gave the re-
port on the revision of the state constitution on
behalf of the party Central Committee. This assign-
ment is another indication that Chang is acting in
the post of party secretary general, although he has
never been publicly identified in that role.
Youthful party vice chairman Wang Hung-wen,
who had given the report on the revision of the
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party constitution on behalf of the Central Commit-
tee at the Tenth Party Congress in August 1973, did
not gain a government post.
Only a single military figure, Peking Military
Region Commander Chen Hsi-lien, was included in the
list of vice premiers. This contrasts with four
who served in this capacity before the Cultural
Revolution.
Li Te-sheng, who lost his job as head of the
army's political department and was severely criti-
cized last year, has been downgraded and is listed
with the ordinary Politburo members. Contrary to
previous practice, the defense minister is not now
a vice premier. These changes indicate that the
military has been further circumscribed in its
political role.
Even more striking is the downgrading of the
political "left." With the possible exception of
Chang Chun-chiao, who rose to prominence during the
Cultural Revolution but has long since seemed to
have moderated his political views, no easily
recognizable leftist was named vice premier. The
two most prominent leftists, Chiang Ching and Yao
Wen-yuan, both of whom had claims to important
government jobs, were passed over.
There are now 29 ministries, compared with
the 40 that existed before the Cultural Revolution.
Some 15 new ministers were appointed, 6 of whom
held vice-ministerial rank before the Cultural
Revolution. Two former provincial leaders are now
ministers and most of the other new ministerial
appointees held high rank before the congress.
Most ministers are veteran bureaucrats, a number
of whom were severely criticized during the Cultural
Revolution.
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The man in the sensitive job of minister of
education falls into this category; he was secretary
general of the State Council. before the Cultural
Revolution. Almost none of the ministers could be
considered "youthful" or--with the possible excep-
tion of the new minister of culture--"leftist."
The position of state chairman, which had been
held by the disgraced Liu Shao-chi and had figured
prominently in the Lin Piao affair, has been abol-
ished. According to Chang Chun-chia's speech, this
and other constitutional revisions were designed to
strengthen the party's control over the state struc-
ture.
The new government constitution, which is less
than one third the length of the old one, repeats
the fundamentals of moderate economic policies.
--In agriculture, the production brigade, the
lowest of the three organizational levels within
the commune, remains the basic accounting unit,
as has been the case since the failure of the Great
Leap Forward.
--Private plots and individual non-collective
labor are retained.
--The constitution repeats the standard formu-
lation that agriculture is the economic "base" and
industry the "leading factor."
Compromise is evident in articles that guaran-
tee the right to criticize officials and policies
through public debates and wall posters and state
that revolutionary committees will remain as per-
manent government bodies. Both provisions appear
to be sops to the political left.
January 20, 1975
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Chang Chun-chiao's speech did provide a hint
that there may be friction ahead. He noted that
while state enterprises have the form of socialist
ownership, in some cases leadership is not in the
hands of real Marxists and the worker masses. The
implication of this phrase is not clear, but it
may mean that new political attacks may develop
as the "New Leap" economic campaign now a arentl
beginning gathers steam.
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The turnout in the provinces on New Year's
was smaller and was reported in less detail than
than on National Day, October lst
in
but generally
keeping with the ow- ey ce ebration last year.
The highlight of the holiday was the identifica
tion of two new provincial first secretaries,
Chiang Wei-ching in Kiangsi and Liao Chih-kao
in Fukien.
Chiang and Liao are veteran civilian cadre
with long experience in provincial administration,
as are the three other provincial bosses appointed
in the last year: Chao Tzu-yang in Kwangtung, Pai
Ju-ping in Shantung, and Peng Chung in Kiangsu.
Both Chiang and Liao face a tough challenge in
asserting their authority in their new provinces.
.Armed clashes between c in factions have been
reported in Kian s?
4L semi ar situation exists
in Fukien, where rival groups are split over loy-
alty to the pre - Cultural Revolution first sec-
retary, Yeh Fei, who was rehabilitated 17 months
ago.
Chiang's and Liao's status as rehabilitated
former first secretaries may further complicate
their positions. Some figures who were purged
during the Cultural Revolution apparently have
had difficulty adjusting when returned to
responsible positions.
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lesser posts and were only later promoted to the
top spot. Chiang and Liao are the first to go
directly from Peking to a vacant first secretary-
ship. Peking will undoubtedly monitor their
performances closely.
The appointments in Kiangsi and Fukien leave
only three provinces without a publicly designated
leader: Liaoning, Anhwei, and Hupeh. Liaoning
and Anhwei are closely associated with politburo
member and party vice chairman Li Te-sheng. Li,
who is a military man, was heavily criticized
during the anti-Confucius campaign, and for a
time his political survival was in question. He
still apparently has powerful enemies in Peking,
and his presence in Liaoning as Shenyang Military
Region commander is probably complicating the
appointment of a new civilian first secretary there.
This is possibly true in Anhwei as well, where his
associate Sung Pei-chang is the ranking party sec-
retary and military man. The badly factionalized
politics in Hupeh are probably complicating that
appointment.
Accounts of holiday gatherings in other prov-
inces were notably scanty. The whereabouts--and
fates--of Heilungkiang first secretary Wang
Chia-tao, Shansi first secretary Hsieh Chen-hua,
Canton Military Region political commissar Jen
Ssu-Chung, and Lanchow Military Region commander
Han Hsien-chu remain unclear, since both their
home provinces and Peking failed to publish a de-
tailed account of the local festivities. The four
senior military men were all under poster attack
during the anti-Confucius campaign and were unex-
pectedly present in Peking on National Day, possibly
to answer to central authorities for their past con-
duct. Three other provincial personalities who were
also in Peking last National Day--Sinkiang Military
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Size of
Turnout
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Hunan
Hupeh
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Kansu
Kiangsi
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Kwangsi
Kwangtung
Kweichow
Ningsia
Shanghai
Shansi
Shantung
Shensi
Sinkiang
Szechwan
Tibet
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Turnout Led By
Sung Pei-chang, the
ranking secretary
Pi Ting-Chun, Foochow
MR commander
Chang Lin-chih, a
provincial party
secretary
Keng Chi-chang, the
ranking secretary
Liao Chih-kao identified as the new
first secretary.
No details of the turnout reported by the province
No details of the turnout reported by the province
Chiang identified as the new first
secretary in Kiangsi.
Those in attendance were identified in
an unusual manner--as responsible per-
sons of the Revolutionary Committee
only; there was no mention of the pro-
vincial party committee. To date, Peng,
who has been identified as chairman of
the Revolutionary Committee, has not
been identified as first secretary of
the party committee, t_Ae more powerful
post. In the past, these two jobs have
been held concurrently.
Small Chen Chung, a minor
municipal official
No details of t.e turnout reported by the province
No details of the turnout reported by the province
Small
Li Li, a deputy secretary
of the party committee
Li Te-sheng, Shenyang
MR commander
No details of the turnout reported by the province
No details of the turnout reported by the province
No details of the turnout reported by the province
Hsia Yu-hsien, deputy
commander Tibet MD
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Region commander Yang Yung and Liaoning party fig-
ures Mao Yuan-hsin and Chang Shu-te--were back in
their respective provinces on New Year's. Unlike
the others, they were never mentioned as targets of
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A New Accomplice for Lin Piao?
Chen Hsi-lien, politburo member and commander
of the politically sensitive Peking Military Region,
was apparently criticized by historical analogy
in several articles appearing in major domestic
publications last fall. The criticism points up
the current effort to further reduce military polit-
ical power in general and the influence of certain
military region commanders in particular.
Both these objectives became a major focus of
the anti-Lin, anti-Confucius campaign last July.
At that time, posters attacking Chen and politburo
member Hsu Shih-vu, who now commands the Canton
Military Region, began to appear with some frequency,
while poster criticisms of other national and
provincial leaders were on the wane. Attacks against
Chen and Hsu had not been prominent during the earlier
wave of poster criticisms. In the case of Hsu, the
poster attacks have continued in his former bailiwick,
Nanking. The attacks against Chen and Hsu, and the
continued stress on enhancing party control over the
military in domestic media, appear to be part of a
continuing tug of war between civilian moderates and
certain regional commanders and their allies at the
center.
One of the themes of the anti-Chen articles
is that Han Hsin, a "senior general" in the Han
Dynasty who is clearly identified as a Lin Piao
figure, plotted with a regional military commander
named Chen Hsi. This man's surname is the same
character as that. of Chen Hsi-lien. Moreover, one
article notes that Chen Hsi commanded troops in the
state of Chao, north of the capital. Chen Hsi-lien,
of course, commanded the Shenyang Military Region
in northeast China for years before his rotation
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to Peking. The article also alludes to the fact
that the regional commander was in charge of the
troops defending the border against the Huns (i.e.,
the USSR), and that he conspired with the Huns
through others to try to overthrow the government.
Lin Piao stands accused of conspiring with the
Soviets in an attempt to seize power, and the article
seems designed to link Chen Hsi-lien with Lin's
alleged plot.
The charges, which appeared in October and
November, are ominous enough by themselves. They
are further underscored, however, by an article in
the November Red Flag by Lo Ssu-ting. This article
attacks, in the strongest terms, persons and groups
during the Northern Sung period who wanted to capitu-
late to the aggressors from the North. One group
that received heavy fire was the "big landlord die-
hards." Many previous articles in the anti-Confu-
cius campaign have established the parallel between
the landlords or feudal princes and the military
region commanders.
The charge that Chen Hsi-lien conspired with
Lin does not seem to have validity. Chen was one
of the first military leaders to reappear after the
Lin affair, and he played a major role in the subsequent
investigations. Chen may well have favored a less
intransigent stance toward the Soviets, however--
after all, he bore responsibility for defending
Manchuria against Soviet attacks. In this event,
his stance in this issue could now be the basis
for an effort to undermine his position by linking
him--however transparent the real evidence--to Lin.
At the least, the effort to brand Chen a covert
Lin supporter brings considerable pressure to bear
against him, and this may have been the objective
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Like other civilian and military figures, Chen
survived serious political charges in 1974. Now that
the National People's Congress has been held, it is
likely that Peking will return to the problem of
civil-military relations, and it would not be surprising
to see the charges against Chen and others revived.
While Chen was the only military man to be named a
vice-premier--an honor that even the new Defense Mini-
ster did not enjoy--his transfer from Shenyang, where
he was seemingly immune, to Peking in December 1973
F7 yet lead to a reduction in his political position.
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China and Strauss: Strange Bedfellows
I I
Peking is using the current visit. of promi-
nent conservative German opposition leader Franz
Josef Strauss to drive home strong Chinese views
about German reunification, Moscow's threat to
European security, and the need for European sol-
idarity against the USSR.
Strauss received unprecedented treatment in
view of the unofficial nature of his visit and of
his stature in German politics.
The closest recent parallel to Strauss' re-
ception was the treatment, accorded former. British
Prime Minister Heath in May 1974. Heath, however,
was a former head of government and the leader of
the. opposition, and his trip had been planned while
he was still in office? Strauss has not been a
member of a German government for more than five
years, and he is not regarded as a strong candidate
for high office in the future.
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According to the West German press, Strauss also
went so far as to hint at overlapping Peking-Bonn
interests in restraining Soviet. strategic ambitions.
Strauss said that the continuing division of
Germany threatened European security, and he praised
Chinese endorsement of eventual German reunification.
The Chinese have been unable to elicit public sup-
port for their views on this subject from several
European visitors over the months, including the
chairman of the Christian Democrats--a major oppo-
sition party--Helmut Kohl who visited Peking last
September.
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Western Troubles Hurt Trade Balance
Worldwide inflation is pushing up China's
import costs while stagnation is cutting the demand
for its exports. China's deficit with the West
in 1974 is estimated at $750 million. The US and
Japan caused most of the deficit--$700 million
and $500 million, respectively.
Peking has taken steps to reduce payments
for imports. Several contracts for foodstuffs,
fertilizers, cotton, and steel were canceled or
postponed before the Fall Canton Trade Fair.
Peking ordered state-trading corporations to pur-
chase only the most essential technology and
equipment. at the fair. Highest priority went to
imports of petroleum, mining, and. food-processing
equipment. Since the fair, however, Peking has
asked suppliers to speed up grain deliveries, re-
flecting concern over a harvest that fell short of
expectations.
in addition to curtailing imports, China is
attempting to switch from cash payments to short-
term credits for some of its major commodity
purchases.
China is also trying to increase exports by
lowering prices for its traditional products--
silk, textiles, and handicraft goods. The export
drive, however, has come at a time when world
demand for many of these products is declining.
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Peking hopes that oil exports will provide a growing
source of foreign exchange. Oil exports of 4,5
million tons last year were three times the 1973
level and earned $420 million, Oil exports may reach
11 million tons this year earni.n
million.
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New Twist for an Old Slogan
F77 I
Chinese propaganda has contained vague refer-
ences to a "new leap forward'
he phrase calls to mind the frantic and
destructive economic activity of the "Great Leap
Forward" that so seriously set back economic de-
velopment from 1958 to 1960. There is no evidence
that the new leap heralds a return to those earlier
radical policies, but the appearance of the phrase
has caused much speculation in China watching circles,
it as
surfaced periodically in routine propaganda broad-
casts from a number of different provinces, suggest-
ing that the phrase is part of some central docu-
ment, It has not been featured in the national
media, however, as would normally be expected. Even
provincial references to the new leap have been
sporadic and without elaboration.
The new leap forward" may be just a fresh
slogan in the seven-month-old campaign to boost sag-
ging worker morale and thereby increase production,
The phrase generally is seen in.formulas calling on
cadre to step up ^uction "to welcome the new lea
forward in l975.t
do not seem to indicate that ra i
ca new economic policies are in the works, although
some adjustments in current production plans are
clearly being made.
Other observers, however, have suggested that
the new leap couLd be .a :Leftist initiative that may
even culminate in a higher level of agriculture
collectivization,; long resisted by Chinese peasants.
A recent editorial in the Hunan provincial paper
can be cited as evidence: the editorial stressed
January 20, 1975
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the "inevitable trend" toward complete collectiviza-
tion, and demanded that cadre and peasant accept
this unpopular fact:, Agriculture was completely
collectivized during the Great Leap, but China's
leaders were forced to retreat as the Great Leap
collapsed,
The Chinese for years have tacitly treated the
original leap as an abysmal failure and in their
present, economic difficulties, it is unlikely they
would turn to unpopular policies that had failed
in the pasta Moreover, the Hunan editorial states
.that the present level of collectivization 07suits the
political and economic conditions," and warns against
"blindly" increasing collectivization--a "leftist
error," There may be some increased emphasis on
working collective holdings in comparison to private
plots, and responsibility for certain functions that
can be better handled at higher levels--e?g,, water
conservancy projects"-may be transferred from produc-
tion teams to parent production brigades or communes,
but an upgrading of the overall level of collectivi-
zation is much less likely? In any case,, the views
in the Hunan editorial are apparently local ones,
So far, they have not appeared in other provinces
nor have they even been repeated in Hunan,
Chang Chun-chiao"s report to the 4th National
People's Congress endorsed current economic policies,
including the present level of collectivization. It
did not mention the new leap," but material sub-
Sequent to the congress may help illuminate the "new
leap forward" and further clarify economic policy in
general,
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Love the Army--But . Love the Party Even More
I I
A new and potentially significant aspect of
Peking's continuing drive to reduce the power of
provincial, military men has recently been revealed
in provincial, circulars issued in conjunction with
the annual "Love the Army and Cherish the People"
campaign. Civilian government and party organi-
zations as well as military units routinely profess
their mutual support under the overall principle
i. erences have emerged in the egree to which mili-
tary regions have endorsed the subordination of mili-
tary units to civilian party committees at corresponding
levels, indicating that the idea has encountered re-
sistance.
within the military hierarchy were to remain
unchanged, various military headquarters and units
must "regard themselves as departments of military
affairs of local p-3rt.y committees of the same
level and consciously accept the leadership" of
these committees. Moreover, the circular spe-
cifically stated that all field armies must accept
the leadership of the provincial party committee.
This was a new theme and suggested a move to make
field armies, which are under the command of the
military region, more responsive to the direction
of civilian party authorities in the provinces in
which the units ar. sttat :ioned.
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? _ ry ureaus were a o -
ished, they were a check on military regions, which
are of higher administrative rank than most prov-
inces. Now, this ranking, plus the multi-provincial
composition of most military regions, gives the
regional commanders some autonomy from provincial
party leaders. Furthermore, some regional commanders
are members of the politburo or the central committee
and outrank or at least equate with the rank of
provincial party leaders. Finally, in provinces
that suffer from provincial, strife or lack designated
heads, troop commanders are often persons to be
cultivated rather than ordered around. All these
factors have made it difficult for the divided
leadership to force the genie of military political
power back into the bottle,
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The United Nations: Disappointment
The Chinese gave the recently concluded Gen-
eral Assembly session ::Low marks and were particu-
larly disappointed by the behavior of the Third
World countries. Although the poorer nations
voted as a bloc more than ever before, they split
ranks when it. came to support for the Chinese-
backed resolutions on Korea and Cambodia--the
most important items on the agenda as far as
Peking was concerned.
The General Assembly also took actions that
diluted China's anti-Soviet efforts. Although
Peking co-sponsored resolutions affirming Pales-
tinian rights and inviting the Palestine Libera-
tion organization to participate in General As-
sembly work as an observer, this stemmed from a
desire to keep pace with Third World sentiment
rather than genuine enthusiasm. Indeed, the Chi-
nese did not lobby at all for the resolutions.
To Peking's dismay, Third World countries
went along with several less important proposals
backed by the Soviets. On a, number of disarmament
resolutions, China either had to go down to de-
feat with the minority or acquiesce to popular
opinion. The only bright spot was the passage of
a resolution calling for the establishment of a
nuclear-free zone in South Asia, a move that would
be in the interest of China. and Pakistan. The
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Chinese were hoping to use the Charter of Economic
Rights and Duties to rally the underdeveloped world
against the super powers. It turned out, however,
that Peking was forced to vote for the charter
while expressing sharp criticism of certain arti-
cles that it said reflected Soviet input.. In re-
porting the debate, NCNA cataloged Peking's reser-
vations at some length and characterized certain
provisions as "compromising" and "irrational."
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It is improbable that the Chinese will sig-
nificantly downgrade the UN as part of their for-
eign policy orchestration. At the same time, the
results of the General Assembly session may give
pause to any plans Peking may have had to increase
the UN's role as a forum for rallying the Third
Worl
January 20, 1975
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Chiang Ching's pub-L_Lc activities tend to run
in streaks. She often punctuates periods of
activity with unexplained absences. Her return
to view on January 2 after being out of sight for
a month was, in its own unique way, characteristic.
One important aspect of her re-emergence was
unusual--she attended a banquet. The affair was
in honor of E. F. Hill, visiting Australian Com-
munist Party head. Previously, Madame Mao did not
normally attend banquets for visiting dignitaries,
but kept her name in the public eye by showing up
at picture-taking sessions or cultural performances.
The banquet for Hill was hosted jointly by
Wang Hung-wen, Chang Chun-chiao, and Chiang Ching.
Her presence at the banquet--like an earlier NCNA
release in late September, which noted that Chiang
had "entrusted" the Cultural Group under the State
Council to give a soiree for Mrs. Marcos of the
Philippines, and her mention along with Premier
Chou by Vice Premier Li Hsien-nien in his banquet
toast to Mrs. Marcos--suggested that she was
attempting to gain a government post at the Na-
tional People's Congress. If so her efforts failed.
She clearly still has many enemies and she has
continued to be attacked by historical analogy in
domestic media a.rti.cles.
Peking has apparently added to the top leader-
ship ranks of the army"s General Political Depart-
ment. Analysis of the name list of those attending
the January 15 memorial service for late vice premier
January 20, 1975
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Li Fu-chun suggests that Liana P
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Liang was a deputy director of the GPD prior
to his fall early in the Cultural Revolution. He
was paraded through the streets of Peking in early
1967 along with former marshal Lo Jui-?ching, former
Peking mayor Peng Chen, and other "capitalist
Liiang was c ose to to r
chief and politburo member Tao Chu. Tao has been
widely rumored as marked for rehabilitation, but
has not re-emerged. Since Liang's return to the
active ranks came over a year and a half after
his initial reappearance, it does not necessarily
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January 20, 1975
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In an effort to make the down-to-the-country-
side program more attractive to local youth, Kwang-
tung officials last July launched a series of
incentives, including one that allowed one child of
a retiring urban worker to leave the countr side
and take the retiring parent's job.
Peking
has now i e the whole scheme on the grounds that
it did nothing to relieve the urban population
crunch--one of the goals of the down-to-the-country-
side program. The veto was just short of categori-
cal. Peking did hold out the possibility that some-
thing like the Kwangtu:ng plan could become part of
the program "when the present phase-comes to a
close"--in 1980.
January 20, 1975
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December 20 Chinese trade exhibition opens
in Manila.
Sino-Finn trade agreement for 1975
signed in Helsinki.
Sino-Swiss trade agreement signed
in Bern.
Vice Foreign Trade Minister Chen
Chieh signs 1975 Sino-Czech trade
and pavMErItS agreement in Prague.
December 20- Thai trade delegation, led by Deputy
25 Commerce Minister Prasong Sukhum,
visits Peking and meets with Vice
Premier Li Hsien-nien and Foreign
Minister Chiao Kuan-hua.
December 21 Vice Minister of Agriculture and
Forestry Hao Chung-shih arrives in
Upper Volta; travels to Chad on
December 31.
Li Hsien--nien and Foreign Trade
Minister Li Chiang attend signing
of scientific and technical pro-
tocol between China and Romania.
December 23 China si ns medical protocol with
Senegal.
January 20, 1975
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December 23 Romanian airline inaugurates
weekly flights to Peking.
December 28 Chinese economic and technical
delegation arrives in Vientiane
for "friendly visit."
Agreement providing for 1975
gratis economic aid to the Viet
Cong government signed by For-
eign Trade Minister Li
Chiana
in Peking.
January 3-8 Dutch Foreign Minister Van der
Stoel visits Peking; hosted by
Chiao Kuan-hua and meets with
Chou En-lai and Teng Hs".
ping.
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January 5-10 Thai delegation, led by Deputy
Foreign Minister Chatchai,
visits China; meets Premier
Chou En-lai on January 8.
January 6 China establishes diplomatic
relations with Botswana.
January 7-10 Maltese Prime Minister Mintoff visits
China; meets with Mao, Chou En-lai
Li Hsien-nen and Chiao Kuan-hua.
January 20, 1975
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January 8-10
2nd plenum of the tenth central com-
mittee. Teng Hsiao-ping elevated to
politburo :standing committee, named
a party vice-chairman. Discussed
NPC preparatory work, and submitted
a list of nominees for the standing
committee of the NPC and the State
Council, the draft revised text of
the state constitution, and reports
on the constitution the govern-
ment to the NPC.
January 9 Vice Minister of Fuel and Chemical
Industry Tang Ko departs Mexico for
Trinidad and Tobago.
Vice-Premier Li Fu-chun, veteran eco-
nomic planner, died. Premier Chou
En-L_ai presided over a memorial ser-
vice on January 15 at which Teng
Hsia.o-ping gave a speech.
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January 12
The head of West Germany's Christian
Socialistic Union Franz Josef Strauss
begins visit to China; sees Mao out-
side Peking and holds talks with Chou
En-Lai, Ten ]Hsiao- in and Chiao
Kuan-hua.
January 20, 1975
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January 13
January 15
Peking.
Malaysia's first ambassador to the
PRC, Hashim Bin Sultan, arrives in
for seven-day visit.
Japanese Liberal Democratic Party
leader Shigeru Hori arrives in Peking
January 16 Preliminary talks on Sino-Japanese
peace and friendship treaty open
in Tokyo with Ambassad r Chen Chu
heading Chinese side.
Chou En-lai meets with Japanese eco-
nomic delegation in Peking hospital.
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gation.
Sino-Japanese peace treaty negotiations
resume in Tokyo; Chinese ambassador to
Japan, Chen Chu, heads Chinese dele-
January 20, 1975
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