POLITICAL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00809A000600200169-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: R
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 29, 2011
• Sequence Number: 169
• Publication Date: July 16, 1948
• Content Type: REPORT

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1
CENTRAL INTELLIGEICE AGENCY
INFO EREPORT
STAT
COUNTRY
Mongolia,.
16 July 19643
SUBJECT
Political NO. OF PAGES
10
ACQUIRED
DATEOF
'!10N
NO. OF ENCLS.
tu9Tra MOM)
SUPPLEMENT T
15 March 194 REPORT NO.
O
STAT
USE OF TRAINED INTELLIGENCE ANALYST'S
Chinese periodical west Semimonthly, Vol II, No 5,
15 Uaron 1948. (Transla on specif ally requested.)
DNMLIAN AUTO=DC AND LOCAL ADMINISTRATION
brothora demanded autciy aad a lt.cal administrative system for
longolia, which Tod to earnest discussion among intelligent persons.
mediate and satisfactor solution has been reached, nevertheless,
such principles as "An Mongolian leagues and banners will have
local autonomy l:e?lly determined" (Sec 119), and "the Nation should
168) are clearly stated in the constitution. This is because Mango-
lien autonomy and I.:ongolian local administration concern the prose!-
Northeast to Sinkiang. The current goverment must regard these
prifpaiplet; as a weighty commission imposed by the constitution.
They also deserve careful stud? by our ait?aens.
In all the 36 years since the founding of the Republic, there
has been no aatiefactcry policy for governing Mongolia. de must
at this as a great disappointment. Moreover, the loss of Outer
Mongolia is due to the government's lack of a genuine border policy.
Not only must China, having come to the eve of constitutional govern-
ment, organize an acLinistratibn four thir large p-ortion of her ter-
ritory, but, of even greater importance, she must also . .
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demands for autonomy and the importance of their territory from
the standpoint of national defense. The '`.ongolian question has
lost none of its importance, even though; becat:se of economic
stress and military tension, our pea.'le's attention has been
focussed on prices and war news for over a year. is hear now
that the "Plan for Autonomy of the Mongolian Banners" is under
study by the Executive Yuan, as provided for by the constitution.
Besides eagerly hoping to see the substance of these laws, we want
Our Mongolian brothers are tc be found in 11 provir.ees from
Heilungkiang to Sinkianr,. Though not. numorous,they are moved by
a histo-v of former glory to strive to be no longer backward. The
current center of their interest is in self-government, a goal for
which they have struggled untiringly for man years. Disturbances
caused by certain elements among them, abetted by imperialist in-
trigues, have often caused unfortunate changes, including the
secession of Outer fongolia and unceasing unrest in Inner L'ongolia.
Yet, onto our principles are clarified, all these problems can be
happily settled, whatever the difficulties ARay be. lieu much more
easily could a solution be found if an organic relationship between
the Liongole and the Chinese had been established long agol
The demands o' ongolian brothers are now caking of the overn-
rent can be summed up as (1) the granting of autonomy, and (2) the
definition of the eachir.Pry of self-government. The way to settlement
lies in defining the pollee of genuine autonomy. An efficient
system of autonomy is easy to set up. The setting up of a progreeaive
tlongols' demand and our government's duty. Mtn sines should have
but a singly aim. The present problems Lie only in differences of
interpretation and procedure.
Our Mongolian brothers ehould, and must, }ractice autonomy.
This is axiomatic, because the political system of the Chinese
Republic has "local autonomy" as its firm basis. In addition to
the principle of "equality of races" in the constitution, there ie
a clause clearly stain g that the governaai2t should specially en-
Thus, the Mongols have a specific level basis r,r implementing
autonomy.
year the third m4etin^ of the Central Committee of the Sixth Plenary
Congress of the Rucacintang made these decisions as to border regions:
"In the constitution of a united republic under the principles of a,
five-power constitution based on the San !in Chu I, the right of
autonomy of races in the border regions shall be protected" and
"the central authority shall make Just deci,sir..ae, according i.o
actual local conditions, as to the machinery for autonomy in each
border region -- in regard to Inner L:ongolia to riatore the Political
Committee for''ongolian Autonomy, and to distinguish clearly the
powers of banner governments and those of the provinces and haien."
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Mongolian autonorp' teas not given more importance in the constitu-
tion, nevertheless,, this showed clearly the National Assembly's
After this, tha !Jaticnal Aceerabi:'. clearly,nlaced;;these prince
in the constitution. Although I.tongols were dissatisfied because
mater a system of equal rights. If the "autonmy- -on the ldo M-Le
demand is really consistent with this interpretation, it should be
instituted and should be welcomed. The goverment should take
special pains to promote aatencny so as to encourage the minority
races.
e ns
autonoapr. the basis of China's Constitution is local self-government
method of expressing the poople's will under the' principle of
th
tion'e territorial soverreigntwi otherwise it cannot be called
or dacentral:ized. In ash ev , an autonomaoe adnd.nistrration is
cartmixriy a linlk in the nation's political eyetwa, Antonoay is a
zmtose to "official rule." The people ,.., s definite ad,--amsttive
area either directly or through elected representatives decide on
and carry out matters of common interes'. in that area. While the
sphere of autonomy differs only in scope, the central government's
control ,z y be more or less strict. Floreover, autonacW may exist
in a single-systens nation or in a federated nation, and auUMM
does not neceeeer ly depend on whether the authority is centralized
Hers, howavor, we must con-Rider wh-' ` ;olian "aui.onory" mans.
According to political theory cad i&- -eel practice, ,autonccy"
the government coincide tiritl' the demands of the Mongols.
the sections dealing with boroer governments, mere .L ua+ W.
ditien to an expression of support for the constitution's statement:
"The relation of I:ongol banners with cities and counties, together
with present laws, should be carefully studied by the government,
and needed reforms instituted." The Mongolian and Tibetan questions
were earnestly tiiseuesed in the fourth meeting of the People's
Political touccdl. 'Jhi:le no concrete reforms have yet taken place,
there is ample proof that both official and popular organs are
seeking Moagolia. autonomy, It is obvious that the intentions of
o
na
regulations for elections, the races of the border regions are favored
in the aasignnent of seats in the National Assembly and the legislative
Yuan. For instance, although the copulation of the Mongolian leagues
and banners is leas than 10,000, each banner has four seats in the
Assembly and at least one in the Legislative Yuan. Compare this with
thu rule that each hsien city has one seat in the Assembly and each
provincial, city under five million has five seats in the Legislative
Yvan. Thus we can see that Mongols have a preferred position in the
national elections. In the resolutions passed by~the Sixth Kuomintang
acceptable and workable decision. Consequently, it was entirely
a'ritablo to a -ply the prineirle of "giving special encouragement"
and referring this question to the government for planning and
legislation. This course of action should be acceptable to both
n and the I'ongols. Flu thermorp, according to the published
ti
th
Suppose that in the process of pushing through the constitu-
tion this weighty question had been decided hastily. Such neglect
would have caused no and of trouble. In view of the conditions at
the time and the two differing opinions on tho natter, it is obvious
that there would have been great difficulty in arriving at a mutually
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9
ara
am
rejione, i e
granted, the moot perplexing problems of monplian autonongr can be solved.
e..
ism
Hugh Mongolian autonomy may differ in form from autonomy
y nqt at all dissimilar. Once this point is
ental>
d
i 2Y
ea e
demand for autoncmgr need not include a hint of separation; at a n
it follow the Dater ibOgolian course of "autononV" as a step to "indepen-
dence." The Mongols w oubtedly agree with us in this premdee. Therefore,
-h
t
w
e
a
protection ra er the Mongolir~?
that between Britain and such colonies as India. Accordingly, l
eci
The cause of unity is not obstructed even by unhealthy ideas of racial
discrimination held by a few individuals or practiced by some officials.
The Mongols and the Chinese Republic have already formed a relationship of
a far different relationship than
n of nv&nnnv-AAm
h
th
o
with "self-determination." Consequently, when people hear of ngo
nntc , they associate it with "independence" and "secession" and each
undesirable concepts. Actually, the individuals concerned in this move-
ment have a mistaken racial consciousness, whether deliberate or not.
The race question In the Republic of China ought to have been satis-
factorily settled long ago in accord with the spirit of the founding of
the nation. Racial equality is really an earnestly sought goal of our
government, and we have actually already reached a certain degree of
equality of position ardopportunity.
lbngolian youths demanded "autonomy" in 1931. Their dem%nds, which have
been discussed by tiongolian leaders during the at 2 years, are confused
w; nn
ks
III
First, in studying the inchinery of ibngolinn autonolW, re should diay
ues and banners
l
lia
l
.
eag
n
b ngo
cam the history and present state of the
Before the ltac ch s came mouth of the Great Wall, the Mongols were tribes
whose imer bond was kinship, in a kbanate society, without concrete
political orgeriaation. After the ilarchus seized China, in order to
regions and etra atheo their own rule, and o widen
liu
th bl
,
a
a
nar
eaW4?
esboutive
with a lute chaitmaasbip filled by the banner chiefs in turn, with terms
of lA years. There are also one or to deputy chairmen (sometimes nonce)
and a defense chief.
eana
food sanpply and defense. The former lasmak palaces have become
A member of banners are combined into a league,
r
t
h
nobles and othee; orders of Ametionarioe, mostly military, for the baaaera
are civil c litany cyt0zaticna, which, while having civil duties, stress
rr
b
ne units for self-gcVwtflmsnt.
Uowrever, wince these banners were formed according to the Lbnchm
. L~4.- -. 44.u. #h- erw-+w only military ornantzatione, and had vary
s
asVIV UMMMI&M here34l:ezy ~assaks as chiefs. This
demarcated the proturelands, ant eat tro
is the origin of the banners, which the Mongol3 today hold on to so ticht],
r~o
u
pU a
the between Mongols and Hans, and ornate the same hatred ~,sgain,at
being as for Manohcis, they took rdvantage of small groups of Mongols
being eepFrate~l according to thou gesture grounds, and div::ded the Lbngale
4.. 1 tc -a original Manchu eight-banner military system,
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e
e
n
opening the land to culti:ivatinn. In this territo of mixed
r9 population new
political districts were organizer? ar.'. put under the control of the rdlitary
gavernors.in those regions. Thin :affected the Mongolian banner system con
g
s as Lama banners.
Towards the and of the Manchu regime marry tee-
M
ttl
d i
as
e
d
> are ind -. belonging irrb
ulars -5, no l~Cnn3 (3) there have always been
were under the Department of the Marches (Mongolian and Tibetan Dependencies)
and followed the patterns it set. Besides these regular forms, there were
several exceptions: (1) the three banners of the Tuned tribe now Kuei-
hua, the eight banners of the Chahar tribe, and the grazing lands of the
R-lu-to tribe near Jehol have no jassak (the Tuaod and Chahars had them once,
but because of a rebellion against the Manchus tile" were abeolished) but
are. ruled by a"'iitary governors neerby8 (2) the Al
h
n d E
mouz
n
erect were discussed slid disputes between
banners settled. As a rule it had no continuous functions so it could not
be called a political unit. later, as the leagues grow, matters awaiting
league decision became more complex, and under the Republic a "Leagun,
V#hairmau?s Office," which has now become the league Oeworrm,ent, was set
up. Its chief functions are to guide and administer armies and fi:.ances,
without interfering in the banner's affairs. As a matter of fact, in
many places, leagues have not been set up.
In Manchu times there were 24 tribes in Inner !h ugolia, making 6
leagues and 49 banners. Outer Uongolia and its outlying regions (In-,
eluding Sinciang) had 7 leagues and 117 banners, while the 6 Mongolian
'bribes of Tsinghali were divided into 2 leagues and 27 barmaura A11 4'..--.
... Ga~aa /e0u1Vd1, w 1u "as mereay a
t ers. Meetings were held Once every 3 years, at
which matters hi o Eoor the bann i
com
Hhen the ttepeb} i i was established the old Manchu system was in the
main continued. The Dewartment of the 1.er he. ~. -,--A .a,.. 6..._...
y
a
diplosatie and o`ber administrative matters is D
with the savargmem or the 1lonplia are directly related
Republic" (sea 9).
Mien government for settlement" (sec 7)i "Helens and provinces set up in
Macgalian territory, having matters of concern to leagues or banners should
settle same 1rath officials of'said groups" (See e) :'Ail milit
r
--A
or
eattlemeat (Sec 6)j "eongolian banners responsible to present
leagues and having a matter of concern to the heteos should 44k
of Concern to the province it should arrange with the provdi.rdal govsrxaarnt
f "
heraoi, With equality of rights and duties" (sec 3); "]taah Mnsoliez
league and special banner shall be diaeet1s .w.nnn.~ k .. ?.. ?'- n-.-
lioim- in the territory of _; , . &A5WAa
ry wW league, tribe, or banner a:.;ll bo citizens
L
a
o
at
o
ancha days In 1928 7anet; Ibngolia was organized into
provinces and the leagues and banners put under +,heir control. In 1910 a
conference was held to consider pertiu,out questions and soon thereattt,?a
plan of orgardsatio-' for Mongolian leagues, tribes and bane s fuse issued..
Its Chief provisinns as to arra and control are ae foil e: "All Mk ngol' ar
leagues, tribes, and banners shall each retain its otm territory, but, these
organized as Special Administrati a Mstricts, each with a military governnr
.imil
r t
th
M
S
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absolutely patt3etie. Their taste of "asat^nosr with its rules and ofZices;,
has brought them no real fruits of autonoaa-. Now is the tins for hcaeet
Chahar and Suioan were ccatipied, and the dbngolo there fell under er.sn-
control. the great majcad.ty resisted patriotically, ant their allegiance
was alear fronr than on. Liter wiot.oryr came, although traitors set up the
"Eastern Mongolia Autoa,omcnas C*ernment," yet the vast majority of Mongols,
high-glrtded Mongols were sd'.13.g to be under its patrol so they escaped
from it. Thar v%oa a ''th tdiu ; Official for Locat Aut. muy o.? Mongolian
Leagues and Banners in qu1?rrgm Province" me net v; .'.y 196. At-ter tha war
of realsta.ms Ores out, t:,e"Chahar Mongolian S;smamu' Special Coamlasion-
ei?'.s Office" was set up to 5r rn le Mongolian matt,; -s; but as the war imm! on,
was an organi ation for l okL ug up the leagues, so ,bather its cerganisauion
was justifiable or not, tuv "self governknt" it era:. lified woo illusory.
Its tree motivation wen ocs;l discernible by W i:itelligenw parson. 1k,#
the Exsaative luau. They reoclved gcdaaea from the "Mongolia-Tibet Coen-
mission" ?rd the "Guiding OW.rial, of Mongolian Local Autoncey" and cap-
rulted with provincial of.".iciala on matters concerning the province. This
gamut', in 1933. After many rebuffs, they were alto and by the Cent.-a:.
Ooverrament in 1934 to net up at Palling ciao a "Political Committee for
nnwber r vacancie3V, !Mieo;? heir? chocan by Lhe runner anae ly, rnrom
mended by the jassak, and ae?.ectod and appointed by the o ecutivo Than. The
banner assecbly is similar to that of the league F.nd is popularly elected
(Seas 22-32). This docu ant is the basis of the present edalnistration in
Mongolia, and be legal basis for maintaining leagues and banners. But the
basic ;principle is still hereditary eucceeadon, especially sine there is nz
preseiri?otiaa-.fir producing: loatue chairman and jassake. As for the more
progressive provision of the doctaasot, they are rarely carried out with
.strictness, and the CeL'swl Government has not exercised legal supervision.
After 18 September ri%11J , Prince Teeh and a few other princes, and
Mongol youths stirred. up c+ the aneey and puppets, developed a false "self-
league concern- (See 10-18). Bander affairs are handled by a coeuaittee which
re elac the fervor ifteie:Ls. Vacancies are to ne filled from twice the
and not under the Committee on Mongolian and Tibetan, Affairs. This is a
great change. As to organization and officials, a chairman, deputy chairman,
and minor functionaries make tr,. P league office. Vihc.n needed, the Committee
may ask the Executive Yuen t^ not up special comrdsoions.
Besides the league gxv:'rnmait, there is a lea cue aseemb'ry, elected py
the banners, each delegate holding the office one yr, to discuss matters of
RE TBICT D
Jabal theme are the Josotc Le ae (7 bennerre), Joude League (13 banners)
to for the preeent renditions of the Mongolian leagues and ban nern,
there have been naxW dames. The banners and tribes in Manchuria befo-s
18 September ampedenoed sadd z changes tinier eras rule, and after re-
and htpble taught.
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and the Si League lingol (10 banners). In Chahar are the four barnera and
four gr'zi:ng lands of the Chahar tribe. In Suiyuan are the Ulanchab
League , (6. banners), the Ikhchao League (7 banners), the four East Suiyuan
Banners of the Chahar tribe, the;Kuei-hue Tumed,,Special 5aimer, etc. In
Ni,ngaia are the Alaskan and ELeingol Special Banners. In Tsinghai are the
Left Wing League (13 banners) and the Hight Wing League (16 banners). In
Sinkiang there are the Bato Selkhitu Lague (3 banners), linen Snsuktu
League (10 banners), and Ching Setkhitu League (10 banners). Of late years
these people in Sinkiang and Tsingbai have been most peaceful, being ; long
accustomed to provincial government; what troubles arise are in Inner.
xCillgoliae
From this explanation we can see that giving leagues and bannars'a
definite political meaning came after the plan of organization of Leagues
and Banners was issued in 1932.. The attainment of further "autonouy" was
still later, and was then only partial. All these arrangements were hastened
by he existing political conditions. Now that domestic and international
events are moving so rapidly and former arrangements proving no ineffective,
now plane must, of course, be considered. Local systems in a nation need
not be too rigid; the prerequisite of good government is adaptability to
people end place. We all know that in modern times avarinty of governments
and systems have been porrdtted to meet varying habits of life and econ ntc.
circumstances. Consequently, similar adninistrntive units ray !:nee a
variety of names, and the inter-relationship of polat.col levels need not
be rigorously systematic. The most remarkable ewample is the local aysteme
of the nsny and varies tribes of the Soviet Union. But with it all, there
mast be enie common principle: that'is, that local variations in political
structure do not affect national organic, unity, but become effective tools`
for fulfilling national functions, Just as in a zichine the coorAination
of the various party torus the machine's individuality. And while the
local systems in & gland and America are organized from the ground upwa.,de,
from anall to large, in a perfectly natural web of relationships, those of
the Soviet Union are quite different. They ra,,,:resent still another national,
po..iey or a policy of ruling, quite di9.fferetat it ra ordinary autonomy. P.fien'
this point is clear. Mongol autcnoe cam, he placed in p^oper perspective.
Cf "ate tho atttonorq asked by the Mongc:.e has been to retain the
leagues and barmme^rs as they are, that is, to equate banners with heiera and
leagues with provinces, as a principle, in order to realize self-government
Their reasons are, (1) Leagues and banners are ,,r!ginal units of
liongol tatonocW. R Sua'a teachinge an. f ndacenta1 plans for he eaten
ill show the principle of racial equality. Therefore, the r;e inal 1's b^ol
autsvwe w cannot be abolished, (2i The CCentral Government's plan of argani
sation of league., tribes and banners, and other relevant laws, and repeated'
reselu"ticne of party conferences, all con sin deoirdone for retainis the
existing leagues and banners. (3) Mongols have had enough of oppression
by Pan officials; if leagues and banners are done any with, their freedom
and rights will be even leas protected. We do not insi:3tthat Mongolian
territory must be :-it under proud ee and heien. administza .ion like the rest
of the country, and we accept unreservedly the principle of racial equality.
bat we most analyse and study these demands of the lbngola and their xatu nns
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side by side. Except for Manchu machinations, Mongols and Hans would have
hibited, and trade restricted; therefore normal relations could not exist.
Because these regulations were unnatural, they were never fully enforced
and in time became wholly ineffective. Consequently, llon!;ole and Hans drew
2.{aannu regime was a policy of disiaion between Hans and Lbngols adopted.
At time longo].e were forbidden to rent land to Hans, carriage was pro-
of course we had dealings with one another. Only in the early yeara of the
some features needing further study. First, lot us consider the question
of hsiene already established, or banners with offices, or the organize
Lion of offices in banners where both Hans and Mongols live. The histori-
cal relation between Mongols and our nation has existed a long time, and
principle, because t:~e facts so demand, there are certain reservations and
The iilorgols of course want to maintain their own organization, and we in.
in realizing autonomy. We will first consider the banners. They were
first a way of dernrcating territory and hare existed for over 200 rears
point - the viewpoint of political fitness and the- convenience of lbrtgculs
case to return to the banner system would not owl;; be nemileas trouble, but
also indefensivle on the arguments of the Longol.e themselves; in the latter
care, the question is more concplex. There are objections, to setting up
ether hsiens or offices, and it seems that the form of government should
bo de-ided by a plebiscite.
been aWaa ated by now and there would be no division or dispute. As it
is, in many banners Hans outnumber Wongols, giving rise to heiens or of-
fices; a large number of Hans also live in other banners. In the former
Be,, up, dnn iruainristraticn w;" be quite difficult.
secondly, banners have never existed in large parts of L'vngolian terri-
tory, and even those that do s:ist vary greatly in area, population, and
pbyr?.oal conditions. Coneerluent: -,^, 4.i building Ibngol autonorry on banners
we should not use the a ~'..et u^s ::tiers as fixed, but, when neeessa.', com-
problems of the banners and the settling of disputes, but lacking routine"
Now, as to leagues, and an explanation of why the Mongols retain them.
It was said above that leagues ware at first clearinghouses for thJ conmon
are,.of co;ube, cute different from mare tools by which the Manchu court
ruled the Mongols. As to equating banners with heiene within the matters
mentioned above, they are already not far apart, and, accordingly, the
problem no longer exists.
bennere that practise set rule are units o3' i3ongol am p,..iilcsl .1:L;:a, and
tore,, all systems of nobility, Lana, and enforced service in the modern
banrr!rw meet be abolished, and banner government a-.d 2 gel 5,Issa eft-ul.d
be rtfve der aowditions of true golf rote. Thin is necessary beocaua
yet tho bisxia principles of implementing autonor.W mart be similar. There
_a
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aMVn
gradually given
definite
reapons bill ies. flocrever~
b , that was aManchu
policy for controlling the banners, and the league itself had autonomy
neither in form nor in fact. In view of the fact that jassaks took
turns in presiiding over the league, its nature becomes evident. Though
later the league became a Balk between the Department of the Marches and
the banners, nevertheless, the leagues and banners all were under tie
Department's control, vlt:1 no opportunity for "self-determination" or
"self-management." After the Republic cane to power, the league became
more of a political organ, and the function of the organization of
leagues, tribes, and banr.erc sae to meet the exigencies of the situation,
with obvious advantages and disadvantages. In discussing the final dis-
position of the leagues, we need not be influenced b.,r their original
nature, and still leas by the present special arrangements. If the
league is a regional government controlling the banners, with a position
corresponding to that of a province directly responsible to the Central
Government, thin many difficulties and unsuitable features arise. First,
the league's administrative areas cannot be joined together, For ex-
ample, the Ikhchao League in southern Suiyuan has a mixture of banners
and haiens; if.the Ikhchao League is made into a single administrative
area, how will the heiene be handled without utter confusion? 1'2en a
league spans.se eral provinces,; the problem is still greater. Secondly,
with respect to population and finances a league cannot compare to a prey-
lace as a political unit; thus, even if it in clearly separated from
existing provinces, there is harm to national unity and defense. Thirdly,
when the division of -owere between the league and the province in net
clearly defined, evci though all is secure in the regions controlledi
there may be lack of ..k rdination. Furthermore, under conditions where
Hans and liongo:.s are living together, or can conflicts as to rights and
duties be avnidsd betty:. the league and the province? This is already a
eerltvm enough condition throughout Inner Mongolia. How can we sf?ord in
the future to rake countless mistakes and leave behind us ceaseless die-
saielzn? Fourthly, the Idea of Mongols ruling l ongole (whether in fact
or not) is fully possible under the banner as a unit of self-rule, and
there some no further necessity for the league to control the hemmers.
Acror tlmgly, for banners and heiene alike to be under the province is -c
natural and fair arrangement. Perhaps here the Mongols will bring up the
argument "Hans are rppreeeing bbngole." But in our constitution pro-
vi=Sal' self-ral.e is also practised. B.;n,~ero, as integral parts of
provinces, can share in decisions and actions of the provincial government.
On the deirocratic road, oppression of any by any is indefensible, and there
is no need for leagues directly' respenetble :.7 the Central Uoyerr cat to
become a device for protecting the Mongols' right to freedom. From these
considerations, we nay see that the growth of leagues will bring incon-
venience and trouble both to the government and to Hans and Mongols, and
to oppose this growth will not be wrong in any sense. We hope that the
plan of organisation for leagues, tribes, and banners will be reivised, and
a careful study be made of the Mongols' demand for expanding the leagues.
As for the question of
giving the leagues another position as election
districts, lack of space forbids its discussion here.
To mum ups Tie indeed hope that the Mongols may exercise true and full
self-rule, send that they will have . ~gio.o,d,. and progressive machinery for
autonomy. Dnt our higher hope, ..'eating on the trt., unity of the Chinese
nation and the prosperity of the Chinese Republic, is that the Mongols will
practise the same sort of autonop as the 4W million, that the system of
Mongol a+ttono,sy will earnestly avoid any obstruction to national unification.,
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ratter of blood re]ationship in each banner, and long ago lost all poiiti-
cal significance.
In the present difficult time for the nation, we earnestly pray and hope
that this major problam can be satisfactorily settled at an early date.
Present. Mongol tribes are not discussed here because they are a
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