UGT ATTEMPT TO EXTEND ITS INFLUENCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80-00810A002700700001-4
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 3
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 18, 2001
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: November 3, 1953
• Content Type: REPORT

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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
INFORMATION REPORT
CONFIDENTIAL
SECURITY INFORMATION
25X1A
COUNTRY
SUBJECT
Uruguay
UGT Attempt to Extend Its Influence
REPORT NO.
DATE DISTR.
November 1953
25X1A
NO. OF PAGES
'3
DATE OF INFO.
REQUIREMENT NO.
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PLACE ACQUIRED
REFERENCES
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1. In recent months the Union General de Trabajadores (UGT) has been attempting to
extend its influence among non-Communist labor unions and also to bring back to
the UGT such former affiliated unions as the Union de Obrera Textil (UOT-Textile
Workerst Union). It has become apparent that this attempt currently dominates
the UGT program and that of the PCU .itself. At present, this so-called t,unityi"
campaign has not succeeded in introducing or returning to the UGI any major
labor organization.' Sufficient progress., however has been made in certain
spheres to give rise within the UGT to genuine enthusiasm over the prospects.
2. Among the Montevideo omnibus workers of the Union de Obreros y Empleados de
AMDET (Municipal Omnibus Workers' Union) the UGT received at least a temporary
set back on 20 September 1953,E when an election was held among the workers to
determine by whom they would be represented. The UGT slate of candidates was
defeated by a vote of 365 to 276, which, according to the system of proportional
representation employed, gives the UGT slate a minority role in representation
of the workers in this i.ndustry..2 The UGT claims that it was not allowed to
enter in the election such Communist figures as Radon DI.liZ, Severino ALONSO,
and Hector BENTANCOURT, since prior to the election these AMDET workers had
been tlunjustlylt expelled from the union by the a-i ti--Communist leaders,
Maximiliano PEtEYRA and Ramon PUIG; and that in other respects., the election
was not representative of AMDET worker sentiment.
3. As a part of the rather long-term UGT effort to regain supremacy, this
Communist and UGT defeat cannot be viewed as permanent. The UGT, operating
through its Comite de Unidad y Lucha (Committee for Unity aid Struggle),, will
shortly return to the attack.
14.. In the metallurgical field the UGT appears to have achieved a working unity of
the following unions8 Sindicato Unico de la Industries T1etalurgica (SUIM),
Federacion de Obreros Metalurgicos del Uruguay (FOMU), and the Asociacion del
Personal de Talleres Automovilisticos (APTA). SUIM, under the leadership of
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Rosario PIETRARROIA, has long been affiliated with the UGT, while FOMU, over a
considerable period of time., has increasingly surrendered its leadership to the
UGT's Mesa Unitaria de Sindicatos Autonomos y Ugetistas, aka Mesa Unitaria, vh ich
is nothing more than a UGT instrument. APTA, a union of some 400 members which
is also affiliated with the Mesa Unitaria, has a long record of submission to
UGT leadership. Since SUIM and FOMU have memberships estimated at 9,000 and
3,500 members respectively, the de facto federation of these unions already
25X1 A gives the UGT a preponderant position in the metallurgical field.
^ 5. The next step of the UGT in the unity campaign in this industry was to be a
joint meeting of SUIM, FOMU, and APTA, to be held from 9-1.1 October 1953.
The purpose of this meeting has been described by Hector LUJAN, an AP TA leader,
as that of "taking a (unified) position with respect to the worker movement in
general." It is understood that the fundamental purpose of this meeting will
be to form a new organization incorporating these unions and to lay down its
fundamental orientation. In this regard LUJAN has stated that "(the orientation)
will be nothing more than that of the Union General de Trabajadores." The
system adopted for naming delegates to this assembly, on a factory or industry
basis., would seem to assure SUIM and the UGT a preponderant voice.
6. These three metallurgical unions laid the groundwork for this amalgamation by
a series of joint and co-ordinated ac%ivities,s the most recent of which were
a 12-hour work stoppage and joint assembly, both held on 21 August 1953? The
following metallr?g1 al. leaders played prominent roless Pedro TOLEDO., Rosario
PIETRARROIA, Genardsa CUESTAS, Martin GIL, Anse]$ CANAVESI, aka CANAVESSI,
Teofilo C. BELLERO, Hector LUJAN, OTERO (fnu), PANIZZA (fnu), and PIAGGIO (fnu).
In addition~ it has been reported that Jose VVOLMANN, a young and highly trusted
PCU de r'j` Iay$ a significant part in the organization of the meeting scheduled
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for 9-11 October 1953?
7. UGT agitation also continues among textile workers to bring the UOT back to
the UGT. Despite an absence of concrete events pointing to success, the UGT,
through propaganda and visits may be slowly but successfully building up
support among these workers. At any rate, it has been reported that the
leadership of the UGT and of the PCU view this field as cne of the most fertile
for their unity effort. No UGT success in regaining the sympathies or
allegiance of Hector RODRIGUEZ, leader of the UOT, has been reported.
8. The UGT's Sindicato Unico de la Construccion (SUC), which. dominates the
co situation field, held ai other joint none-Comm-nist assembly bn 16 August
1953 with the Sindicato Autonomo de la Construc?i-)n (SAO), which is under
the leadership of one Juan A. PEREYRA, a Socialist,, and one MARENALES (frnu).
At this meeting these two leaders of SAC bluntly stated in effect that since
the SUC assumed a dominant position the construction workers have lost many
of the gains they had. won prior to that time. The assembly at that point
became turbulent, and no further progress towards unity was made. The SAC
rejected the iaca of a "liaison committee" as suggested by the SUC, but
indicated that complete unity of the two unions on terms more favorable to the
SAC would be acceptable. Despite this setback., the SUC continues to issue
propaganda on "points in common" between the two unions and has stated that
the "(joint) assembly was successful in spite of the obstructionism of the
25X1A divisionist groups headed by Juan A. PERLYRA and his friends."
^ 9. In preparation for this assembly the SUC spent a considerable amount of
money for propaganda. Several secret meetings of the Communists involved
in this unity effort were held at PCU headquarters, Calle Sierra 1720, oven
which Mario ACOSTA, SUC leader., presided. Tactics for the assembly were
carefully rehearsed and it was announced that "Party discipline" would be
meted out to any Communist who did not adequately discharge his duty at
the assembly. This is considered as an instance of the real identity of
persons and interests prevailing between the PCU and the UGT. This
situation was given an additional turn by the fact that P =YRA became
aware that these secret meetings had been held. Reportedly, it has made
his resistance to the SUC more rigid.
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10. Apart from several small unions which have recently begun co-operating with
the UGT, previously reported, the following labor groups of only slight
importance are also following UGT leaderships Federacion Departamental de
Trabajadores, which is composed principally of 300 salt woricers from Salto;
25X1A and the Curtidores de Nuevo Paris (New Paris Tanners- Union).
^ 11. The relatively poor state of organization prevailing among non-UGT unions
has previously been described as one of the UGT's assets in its present
unity campaign. Although this doubtless is one of the UGT's major advan--
tagesa the organizational fluidity of labor possibly resulting from it may.,
in the opinion of UGT leaders, give rise to a new labor group hostile to
the interests of the UGT. This preoccupation reportedly restrains the UGT
from using more aggressive tactics. It also focuses UGT interest on Antonio
RICHERO and other labor figures who might serve as a nucleus for such a new
labor group.
12. Viewing the UGT effort as a whole, it may be said that moderate success has
been realized, but that a marked increase in UGT prestige or power has not
yet resulted from the unity campaign.
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25X1X 2. Comment. It is perhaps noteworthy that the total number of votes
was no more than 1.5 percent of the total membership of the union, indicating,
perhaps, widespread worker apathy towards this long-continuing struggle,
which has become markedly factional.
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