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December 9, 2016
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January 2, 2001
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December 22, 1971
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B LTIMOf ; NE?iS AMERICAN 2 2 DEC 1971 Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RSTATA1 HENRY J. TAYLOR anger iii the banal Zone Color-blind Senate Foreign Relations Commit- a faction-ridden political jungle. Its demagogueq tee Chairman J. William Fulbright, with an assist of all stripes (including Torrijo) employ the canal from. Sen. Edward Al. Kennedy, is powerfully to pressure-cook the population, realizing full well sponsoring behind_the scenes another giveaway to that more than half of Panama's true need is for the glee of the Reds. This plum involves the great betterment in agriculture and animal husbandry: Panama Canal. and the development of light industry. Led by able Rep. Daniel J. Flood, D-Pa., more It's easier for the Panamanian demagogues t6 than 100 congressmen publicly protest any major roar at the United States - the country's. only concessions to shaky dictator Gen. Omar Torrijo's feeding hand. Republic of Panama regarding the U.S. Canal These'senators should know, too, that Guas Zone. Fortunately, these protesters have some temala. El Salvador, the Dominican Republic. force. A new treaty with Torrijo requires approval Haiti. Honduras and Colombia, which- boni.'t ." only by the Senate, not by the House. But changes Panama, are likewise chaotic. in the U.S. Canal Zone's sovereignty. would require COLOMBIA PRESIDENT Misael Pastrarz House approval because the House votes the funds Borrero, enforcing martial law, has told our CIA for the canal's operations. that there are Castro-backed infiltrators by the Behind closed doors, and with our public unin- thousand in Colombia's universities, communica= formed, Senators Fulbright and Kennedy are urg- Lions media, transportation facilities and trade ing that Panama get greater income from our unions. The police actually discovered clandestine canal, control of our zone's collateral land and weapons being manufactured in Colombia's water areas, and that U.S. businesses in our zone Ministy of Public Works in Bogota. be replaced bylPanannanian enterprises. Sitting Guatemala President Carlos Arana Orio told like presiding Buddhas, both confidently say they the CIA: "We have been in a state of seige fot can handle its Senate passage, nearly five years, with no end in sight." OL'li TAl'PA- PAYERS have invested more than 55 The Dominican Republic, where (wily our land- billion in the Canal Zone and invested this e hanS5 in-, of 11.000 American troops stopped a Red' package is bad enough, but it is only a part of takeover a few years ago, nervously remains all what should be called a Red blackmail and ex- armed camp. I DINED IN NEW PORK with Nicaragua posed as such. Chief of President Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Ale told me: Naval Operations Adm. Elmo R. Zum- "Castro has made 22 armed attempts to invade wait Jr. could review the great canal's global Nicaragua." - strategic importance with his eyes shut. So could Except for Nicaragua, our 10-mile-(vide Canal the general staffs of the world. Moreover, in Latin- Zone is the only zone of stability in the region. All American terms, about 80 per cent of Peru's and for- Chile's imports and exports see this situation with the for- ports pass through it, with bearance of a fox in a a henhouse, equivalent dependency on the canal among the It is tragically ironic that we should entire Pacific side of the continent. iv. Certainly, the Fulbri ht-Kennedy abroad $148 billion leeconomic aid, support NATO g pair should in Europe 3,500 miles away and have fought in. know, for everybody knows, that Panama Vietnam 9,000 miles away to contain Communist (population 1.4 million) is chaotic - and is a expansionism, while we allow ourselves to be- lightning rod for Red assaults. Did they not find talked out of the secure Canal Zone and Panama- anything instructive in the January, 1964, riots Canal in our own back yard, when Red wreckers contrived a devastating, full- The real question is not the surrender of U.S., scale attack against gur Canal Zone and brutally sovereignty in the U.S. control of the great canal- killed four U.S. soldiers? versus Panamanian control. It is U.S. control The attack was led by Cuba-trained Panama- which the facts have been withheld will support nian Communist Thelma King who precipitated versus Communist control. the iron-fisted demands which these senators are We can only hope that an alarmed public front sponsoring today. Rep. Flood's House group and blow the Fulbright- THEY 11UST KNOW ALSO that Panama is still Kennedy Senate putsch right out of the water. Approved For Release 2001/03/04: CIA-RDP80-01601 R000200350001-4 TILE MEW YOT Tfl S BOOK l 'VIEW MAGAZINE Approved For Release 2001/03/6Y U?-RDP80- a. `y DA A Revolu- . o priest The Complete Writings and Messages of Camilo Torres. Edited and with an introduction by John Gerassi. 460 pp. New York: Random House. $10. STATINTL Agitator, Or'g'anizer, guerrila, as well as cleric By MAUI CE ZEITLI1I .., i..__ meat agents, falsely attacked by his Fidel Castro remarked that "the Communists in Latin America have become theologians and the theolo- gians Communists." His aphorism has enough truth in it to trouble the rul- VAng classes and confound the State Department and C.I.A. In the innards of the Roman Catholic Church, an institution which above all has been the rampart of the existing order in Latin America, there has appeared a movement of new priests preaching the gospel of socialist revolution in the language of Christianity. None is more exemplary of that movement than Camilo Torres, the Colombian priest who was killed in the moun- tains of Bucaramanga by Government troops, on Feb. 15, 1966, four months after joining the guerrillas of the Army of National Liberation. Camilo was a rare man: priest, professor, agitator and organizer and, for an all too brief moment in his We, guerrilla fighter. In the space of not more than three years of practical political activity, drawn as he was into the vortex of the social struggle from his position as chaplain and professor of sociology at the National University of Bogota, he forged an alliance of new political forces in Colombia that promised to develop an overwhelming mass following. It was a movement calling for profound changes, which was endowed with the charisma of Catholicism and of Camilo's own extraordinary personal qualities. It took religious dogma, in the most Catholic of countries, and made it a philosophical force that undermined and subverted the status quo rather than upholding it, that legitimized, nay compelled, revolu- tionary action. He was accused of being a Com- munist, but few doubted the authen- ticity of his denial although he stated that he was "prepared to fight to- gether with the Communists for com- mon goals: against the oligarchy and United States domination; for the Maurice Zeitlin is the author of "Revolutionary Politics in the Cuban Working Class." own church hierarchy for abandoning Catholic doctrines, vilified by the press and living in fear of assassina- tion, he continued to act publicly in accordance with his conscience and his concept of the Christian mission. Torn between his vows as a priest and his political commitments, and ordered to abandon either his cause or the priesthood, he chose reduction to lay status. He continued, however, to regard himself as a priest, and was known, wherever he went, as "Padre Camilo." Camilo's decision "to continue the struggle, arms in hand, until power has been won by the people," came when he felt he could not be effect- ive in public political life, and his death at the hands of Government agents if he remained above ground seemed certain. His decision followed also from his conception of the revo- lution as a historical necessity, a Christian imperative and an unavoid- able personal commitment. "The rev- olution," he told a rally of union leaders and workers a few months before joining the guerrillas, "de- mands that we act, whatever the ulti- mate consequences. The revolution- ary struggle is not just any struggle- it is not a commitment of a few hours or a few pesos. It is a struggle to him to join the armed struggle Lo break that embrace. In the course of his political activity, he came to realize that his people's misery was rooted in Colombia's peculiarly retro- grade form of dependent capitalism. Unfortunately this realization did not come early enough to inform his scholarly work, and it is scarcely re- flected in his sociological articles, though the ideas are there in his pub- lished agitational "messages" and his political program. In general, while Camilo did important empirical re- search on the conditions'of the work- ers and peasants and was occasion- ally brilliant and often insightful, his articles were limited by the same lib-. oral ideological framework imposed on sociological theory in the United States. Had he the chance .to continue his work as a scholar-rather than engaging in a struggle against a rul- ing class that even the "U. S. Army Area Handbook on Colombia" recoa-. nizes is ready to "unleash bitter and indeed brutal behavior" against "a genuine threat to class interest"- Camilo would probably have gone on to analyze the generic source of Colombia's retarded development in' her quasi-colonial status. While Cam- Ito dubbed his country "the depend- ent republic of Colombia," his own: essays barely touch upon the inter-, connection between the impoverish- ment and suffering of his people and Colombia's subordinate relationship to the advanced capitalist countries. which it is necessary to commit one's Colombia is dependent on the Unit-' life." (Translation by this reviewer.) ed States for the bulk of her export Camilo's conclusion that a socialist market (primarily coffee and petro- revolution was necessary "'so that the 1--urn.) and her imports, mainly dura- hungry may be fed, the thirsty given ble consumer, semiinanufactured and drink, and the naked clothed-and capital goods. The over 300 United to bring about the well-being of the States corporations operating in Co- majority of our people" reflected his lombia, whose known investments deepening understanding of the inti- amount, to some $700-million, togeth- mate embrace between the Colom- er with the banks and lending agen- ?bian state, the ruling class and Unit- cies on which Colombia is financial-' ed States corporations. His credo that ly dependent, share a mutual interest "the revolutionary struggle is a with the Colombian ruling class in priestly and Christian struggle," was maintaining the existing order. Be-' both a moral and analytical summa- tween 1962 and 1966, under United winning of p~roveu FF6 ani P WWe1~81S@f MffflS eS ~/CA1