THE WHITE HOUSE-FOLLOWING IS THE TEXT OF THE PRESIDENT S REPORT TO THE NATION, DELIVERED AT 10:00 P.M. (E.D.T.), JULY 25, 1961 FROM THE WHITE HOUSE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R000800060039-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 14, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 8, 2003
• Sequence Number: 39
• Publication Date: July 25, 1961
• Content Type: SPEECH

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IMMEDIATE RELEASE
July 25, 1961
Office of the White House . 'ress Secretary
THE WHITE HCU E
FOLLOWING IS THE TEXT OF THE
PRESIDENT'S REPORT TO THE NA-
TION, DELIVERED AT 10:00 F. M.
(E. D. T.), JULY 25, 1961 FROM THE
`WHITE HOUSE
Good evening:
Seven weeks ago tonight I returned from Europe to report to you on m.y meet-
ing with Soviet Premierh.rushchev and others. His grim warnings about
the future of the world, the aide-memoire he presented me on Berlin, the
subsequent speeches and threats which he and his agents have launched, and
the increase in the Soviet Military Budget he announced, have all prompted a
series of decisions by this Administration and consultations within the Atlan-
tic Community. In Berlin, as you recall, he intends to bring to an end,
through a stroke of his pen, first our legal rights to be in West Berlin -- and
secondly our ability to make good on our commitment to the two million free
people of that city. That we cannot permit.
We are clear about what must be done - - and we intend to do it. I want to
talk frankly with you tonight about the first steps we shall take. These actions
will require sacrifice on the part of many citizens. More will be required in
the future. They will require, for all of us, courage and perseverance for
many years to come. But if we and our allies act out of the strength and unity
of our purpose -- with calm determination and steady nerves -- using re-
straint in our words as well as our weapons -- I am hopeful that both peace and
freedom will be sustained.
Let me remin you-that he fortunes of war and diplomacy left the free people
of West I3erli 110 miles behind the Iron Curtain. We are there as a result
of our victory over Nazi Germany -- and our basic rights, deriving from that
victory include both our presence in Berlin and the enjoys.-e nt of access across
East Germany. These rights have been repeatedly confirmed and recognized
in special agreements with the Soviet Union. Berlin is not a part of East Ger-
iany, but a separate territory under the control of the allied powers. Thus
our rights there are clear and. firmly rooted. But in addition to those rights
is our cons-Utment to sustain =- and defend, if need be - - the opportunity
for more than two million people to determine their own future and choose their
own way of life.
The immediate threat to free men is in West Berlin. But that isolated outpost
is not an isolated problem.. The threat is world-wide. Our effort must be
equally wide and strong, and riot be obsessed by a single manufactured crisis.
We face a challenge in Berlin, but there is also, for example, a challenge in
Southeast Asia, where the borders are less guarded, the enemy harder to find,
and the danger of conmmmunisni often less apparent to the local population. We
face a challenge in our own hemisphere, and wherever else the freedom of
human beings is at stake.
Thus, our presence in '`Jest Berlin, and our access thereto, cannot be ended
by any act of the Soviet Gavernme nt. The MO&TO shield was ion g,o extended
to cover West Berlin - - and we have given our word that an taa k iii that city
will be regarded as an attack upon us all,
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For West Berlin -- lying exposed Al ~ .files inside of East German-r, sur-
rounded by Soviet troops and close to Soviet supply lines, has many roles.
It is more than a showcase of liberty, a s tr:b'nbol, an i ,le of freedom in a
Communist seas, It is even more than a link with the Free world, a beacon
of hope behind the Iron Curtain, an escape hatch for refugees.
West Berlin is all of that. But above all it has now become -- as never before
-- the great testing place of Western courage and will, a focal point where
our solemn commitments and Soviet ambitions now meet in basic confronta-
tion. `
R. would be a mistake for others to look upon Berlin, because of its location,
as a tempting target. The United States is there; the United I ingdo,am and
France are there; the pledge of NATO is there -- and the people of Berlin
are there. It is as secure as the rest of us -- for we cannot separate its
safety from our own.
I hear it said that West Berlin is rthlitarily untenable. ao was Bastogne. So,
in fact, was Stalingrad. Any dangerous spot is tenable if brave men will roake
it so.
We do not want to fight -- but we have fought before. And others in earlier
times have made the same dangerous mistake of assuming that the West was
too selfish and too soft and too divided to resist invasions of freedom. in other
lands. Those who threaten to unleash the forces of war on a dispute over
'West :Berlin should recall the words of the ancient philosopher: rnan who
causes fear cannot be free from fear,"
Vie cannot and will not permit the Communists to drive us out of Berlin,
either gradually or by force. For the fulfillment of our pledge to that city is
essential to the morale and the security of Western Germany, to the unity of
Western Europe, and to the faith of the whole Free World. Soviet strategy
has long been aimed, not merely at Berlin, but at dividing and neutralizing all
of Europe, forcing us back, to our own shores. We must meet our oft-stated
pledge to the free peoples of West Berlin -- and maintain our rights and their
safety, even in the face of force -- in order to maintain the confidence of
other free peoples in our word and our resolve. The strength of the alliance
on which our security depends is dependent in turn on our willingness to meet
So long as the Cork munists insist that they are preparing to end unilaterally
our rights in West Berlin and our commitments to its people, we must be
prepared to defend those rights and commitments. We will at all times be
ready to talk, if talk will help. But we must also be ready to resist with force,
if force is used. Either alone would fail. Together, they can serve the cause
of peace and freedom.
The new preparations that we shall make to defend the peace are part-af the
long-term build-up in our strength which has been underway,ince January,
They are based on our needs to meet a world-wide threat, on'a-basis which
stretches far beyond the present Berlin crisis. Our primary purpose is
neither propaganda nor provocation -- but preparation.
A first need is to hasten progress toward the military goals which the North
Atlantic allies have set for themselves. In Europe today nothing less will
suffice. We will put even greater resources into fulfilling those goals, and
look to our allies to do the same.
The supplementary defense build-ups that I asked from the Congress in March
and May have already started us moving toward these and our other defense
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goals. They included an increase in the size of the Marine Corps, improved
readiness of our reserves, expansion of our air and sea lift, and stepped-up
pro urement of needed weapons, arimrxunitior., and other items. To injure
a continuing invulnerable capacity to deter or destroy any aggressor, they pro-
vided for the strengthening of our missile power and for putting 50`io of our
B-52 and B- '7 bombers on a ground alert which would send them on their
way within 15 minutes of warning.
These measures must be speeded up, and still others must now be taken,
We must have sea and airlift capable of moving our forces quickly and in
large numbers to any part of the world.
But even more importantly, we need the capability of placing 1I any critical
area at the appropriate time a force, which, combined with "t of our allies,
is large enough to make clear our determination and ability to defend our
rights at all costs and to meet all levels of aggressor pressure with what-
ever levels of force are required. We intend to have a wider choice than hu-
miliation or all-out nuclear action,
While it is unwise either to call up or to send abroad excessive nunibers of
these troops beforle they are needed, let -me make it clear that I intend to
tal~',ae~ase s are necessary to make certain that such forces can be
deployed at the appropriate time without lessening our ability to meet other
military needs.'
Thus, in the ,days and months ahead, I shall not hesitate to ask for ad~li.tional
measures fr'bm the Congress, or exercise any of the executive powe a I pos-
sess to n-eet this threat to peace. Everything essential to the secu ity of
freedom be done; and if that should require more men, taxes, controls
or other ne/V powers, I shall not hesitate to request them. The rae(asures
propose+ oday will be constantly studied, and altered as necessary. But
while w will not let panic shape our policy, neither will we perr~jit timidity
to dire; our program.
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(1) I am tomorrow requesting of the Congress for the cdxrent fiscal year an
forces.
additional $3, 247, 000, 000 of appropriations for the m4iiit
-rr
Accordingly, I am now taking the following steps:
(2) To fill out our present Army Divisions, and to make more men
available for prompt deployment, I am requesting an increase in the Army's
total authorized strength from 875, 000 to approximately 1 million men.
(3) 1 am requesting an increase of 29, 000 and 63, 000 men respectively in the
active duty strength of the Navy and Air Force.
(4) To fulfill these manpower needs, I am ordering that our draft calls
be doubled and tripled in the coming months; I am asking the Congress for
authority to order to active duty certain ready reserve units and individual
reservists, and to extend tours of duty; and, under that authority, I am
planning to order to active duty a number of air transport squadrons and
Air National Guard tactical air squadrons, to give us the airlift capacity
and protection we ny need. Other reserve forces will be called up if
, 4
needed, (5) Many ships and planes once headed for retirement are to be retained or
reactivated,: increasing our tactical airpower,and our sea lift, airlift,
and anti-submarine warfare capability. In addition, our strategic air power
will be increased by delaying the deactivation of B-47 bombers.
(6) Finally, some $1. 8 billion -- about half of the total sum -- is needed for
the procurement of non-nuclear weapons, ammunition and equxipment.
The details on all these requests -,-,rill be presented to the Congress beginning
tomorrow. Subsequent steps will be taken to suit subsequent needs. Com-
parable efforts for the common defense are being discussed with our NATO
allies. For their commitment and interest are as precise as our own.
But let me add that I am well aware of the fact that many American families
will bear the burden of these requests. Studies or careers will be
interrupted; husbands and sons will be called away; incomes will be reduced.
But these are burdens which must be borne if freedom is to e defended --
Americans have willingly borne them before -- and they wil not flinch
from the task now.
use.
C
We have another sober responsibility. To recognize the possibilities of
nuclear war iia the missile age, without our citizens knowing what they
should do and where they should go if bombs begin to fall, would be a failure
of responsibility. In May, I pledged a new start on Civil Defense. Last
week, I assigned, on the recommendation of my Civil Defense director, basic
responsibility i, .is program to the Secretary of Defense, to make certain
it is administered and coordinated with our continental defense efforts at
the highest civilian level. Tomorrow, I am requesting of the Congress new
funds for the following immediate objectives: to identify and mark space
in existing structures -- public and private -- that could be used for fall-out
shelters in case of attack; to stock those shelters with food, water, first-
aid kits, tools, sanitation facilities and other minimum essentials for sur-
vival; to increase their capacity; to improve our aid-raid warning and
fall-out detection systems, including a new household warning system now
under development; and to take other measures that will be effective at an
early date to save millions of lives if needed. Ipad ' , newFvidevai
I blc-ngs wilUn-clude. space -suitable for fall=out s4teel e - r s ; - -wall... -- -rnal
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In the event of an attack, the lives of those families which are not hit in a
nuclear blast and fire can still be saved -- if they can be warned to take
shelter and if that shelter is available. We owe that kind of insurance to
our families and to our country. In contrast to our friends in Europe,
the need for this kind of protection is new to our shores. But the time to
start is now. In the coming months, I hope to let every citizen know
what steps he can take without delay to protect his family in case of attack.
I know you would not want to do less.
The addition of $207 million in Civil Defense appropriations brings our
total new defense budget requests to $3. 454 billion, and a total of $47. 5 billion
for the year. This is an increase in the defense budget of $6 billion since
January, and has resulted in official estimates of a budget deficit of over
$5 billion. The Secretary of the Treasury and other economic advisers
assure me, however, that our economy has the capacity to bear this new
request.
[AA)IN to
We are recovering strongly from lastter's recession. The increase in
this last quarter of our total national output was greater than that for any post-
war period of initial recovery. And yet, wholesale prices are actually lower
than they were during the recession, and consumer prices are only 1/4 of 111o
higher than they were last October. In fact, this last quarter was the first
in eight years in which our production has increased without an increase in
the overall-price index. And for the first time since the fall of 1959,
our gold position has improved and the dollar is more respected abroad.
These gains, it should be stressed, are being accomplished with Budget
deficits far smaller than those of the 1958 recession.
This improved business outlook means improved revenues; and I intend to
submit to the Congress in January a budget for the next fiscal year which
will be strictly in balance. Nevertheless, should an increase in taxes be
i d o achieve that balance in view of .these or subsequent defense rises,
those increased taxes will be requested.,.,_
Meanwhile, to help make certain that the current defici"is held to a safe
level, we must keep down all expenditures not thoroughly justified in
budget requests. The luxury of our current post-office deficit must be
ended. Costs in military procurement will be closely scrutinized -- and in
this effort I welcome the cooperation of the Congress. The tax loopholes
I have specified -- on expense accounts, overseas income, dividends,
interest, cooperatives and others -- must be closed.
I realize that no public revenue measure is welcomed by everyone, But I
am certain that every American wants to pay his fair share, and not leave
the burden of defending freedom entirely on those who bear arms. For
we have mortgaged our very future on this, defense -- and we cannot fail
to meet the payments.
But I must emphasize again that the choice is not merely between resistance
and retreat, between atomic holocaust and surrender. Our peace-time
military posture is traditionally defensive; but our diplomatic posture need not
be. Our response to the Berlin crisis will not be merely military or negative.
It will be more than merely standing firm. For we do not intend to leave it
to others to choose and monopolize the forum and framework of discussion.
We do not intend to abandon our duty to mankind to seek a peaceful solution.
As signers of the UN charter, we shall always be prepared to discuss
international problems with any and all nations that are willing to talk --
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and listen -- with reason. If they have mats, -- not demands -- we
shall hear them. If they seek genuine understanding -- not concessions of
our rights -- we shall meet with them. We have previously indicated our
readiness to remove any actual irritants in West Berlin -- but the freedom
of that city is not negotiable. We cannot negotiate with those who say "what's
mine is mine, what's yours is negotiable. " But we are willing to consider
any arrangement or treaty in Germany consistent with the maintenance
of peace and freedom, and with the legitimate security interests of all nations.
We recognize the Soviet Union's historical concerns about their security in
Central and Eastern Europe, after a series of ravaging invasions -- and
we believe arrangements can be worked out which will help to meet those
concerns, and make it possible for both security and freedom to exist in this
troubled area.
For it is not the freedom of West Berlin which is "abnormal" in Germany today,
but the entire situation in that divided country. If any one doubts the legality
of our rights in Berlin, we are ready to have it submitted to adjudication.
If anyone doubts the extent to which our presence is desired by the people
of West Berlin, compared to East German feelings about their regime,
we are ready to have that question submitted to a free vote in Berlin, and,
if possible, among all the German people. And let us hear at that time from
the 21/2 million refugees who have fled the Communist regime in East
Germany -- voting for Western-type freedom with their feet.
The world is not deceived by the Communist attempt to label Berlin ..a hot-bed
of war.- There is peace in Berlin today. The source of world trouble and
tension today is Moscow, not Berlin. And if war begins, it will have
begun in Moscow, not Berlin.
For the choice of peace or war is largely theirs, not ours. It is the Soviets
who have stirred up this crisis. It is they who are trying to force a change.
It is they who have opposed free elections. It is they who have rejected
an all-German treaty, and the rulings of international law. And as Americans
know from our history on the old frontier, gun battles are caused by outlaws,
and not by officers of the peace.
In short, while we are ready to defend our interests, we shall also be ready
to search for peace -- in quiet exploratory talks -- Ln formal or informal
meetings. We do not want military considerations to dominate the thinking
of either East or West. And Mr. Khrushchev may find that his invitation
to other nations to join in a meaningless treaty may lead to their inviting
him to join in the community of peaceful men, in abandoning the use of
force, and in respecting the sanctity of agreements.
While all of these efforts go on, we must not be dj?verted from our total
responsibilities, from other dangers, other tasks. If new threats in Berlin
or elsewhere should cause us to weaken our n+ev program of/ass o`ieedevelo
ing nations who are also under heavy pressure,-- or to halt our efforts yea 1P
disarmament -- or to disrupt or slow down our~,economy -- or to neglect
the education of our children -- then those threats will surely be the most
successful and least costly maneuver in Communist history. For we can
afford all these efforts, and more -- but we cannot afford rct to meet this
challenge.
And the challenge is not to us alone. It is a challenge to every nation which
has asserted its sovereignty in--the ne of liberty. It is a challenge to
all who want a world of free choice. ;It is a special challenge to the Atlantic
Community -- the heartland of human freedom.
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We in the West must move together in building military strength. We must
consult one another more closely than ever before. We must, design
together our proposals for peace, and labor together as they are pressed
at the conference table. And together we must share the burdens and the
risks of this effort.
The Atlantic Community, as we know it, has been built in response to
challenge: the challenge of European chaos in 1947; the challenge of the
Berlin blockade in 1948, the challenge of Communist aggression in Korea in
1950. Now, standing strong and prosperous, after a decade of unprecedented
progress, the Atlantic Community will not forget either its history or the
'principles which give it meaning.
The solemn vow we each gave to West Berlin in time of peace will not be
broken in time of danger. If we do not meet our commitments to Berlin,
where will we later stand? If we are not true to our word there, all that
we have achieved ill mean nothing. And if there is one path above all
others to war, it i the path of weakness and disunity. History, I am
confident, will recjord not only that the spirit of freedom was saved in Berlin,
but that in its hour! of peril that spirit was infused with new honor and new
coviction, by a crfative alliance for peace.
Today, the endangered frontier of freedom runs through divided Berlin. We
want it to remain a frontier of peace. This is the hope of every citizen of
the Atlantic Cor'imunity; every citizen of Eastern Europe; and,I am confident,
every citizen of the Soviet Union. For I cannot believe that the Russian
peoples -- who bravely suffered enormous losses in the Second World War --
would now wiph to see the peace upset once more in Germany. The Soviet
government alone can convert Berlin's frontier of peace into a pretext for
war,
The steps,! have indicated tonight are aimed at avoiding that war. To sum it
all up: we seek peace -- but we shall not surrender. That is the central
meaning of this crisis -- and the meaning of your government's policy.
With your help, and the help of all free men, this crisis can be surmounted.
Freedom can prevail -- and the peace can long endure.
Goot night,
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