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December 12, 2016
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July 8, 2002
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February 22, 1960
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Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B0l676R000900010 1f ~ k IMMEDIATE RELEASE, FEBRUARY 22, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to President Eisenhower - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - (AS ACTUALLY DELIVERED) (12:07 P.M. PUERTO fICO THE WHITE HOUSE (San Juan, Puerto Rico) REMARKS OF PRESIDENT EISENHOWER ON HIS ARRIVAL AT INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT IN SAN JUAN, PUERTO RICO, FEBRUARY 22, 1960 Governor Munoz-Marin: The people and Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are very happy in welcoming you, and feel highly honored in having you with us, Mr. President. You will find among us differences of opinion as to the form that our free union with the United States should develop. But, so far as the great majority of our people are concerned, you will find no differnt Aic~ssandri and other lead --rs of your go,,,ernrnvnt, I trust that they have fo- and these conversations to be as helpht l as we have, As we prepare to embark, my :Hind go-is back mar.y yearn -- to a time when 1.'oth onr countries were very y;sing, In thrn e davit many pior..aers in my country jou -neyed to the b'estern Un t d S , - by sea, azoun.d South America. Thousands of them put in'..:) Chi'aar. ports to rest from their arduous journey and to prepare for the northward part of their voyage, -Now, we could reach the capital of my country in a matter of hours -- a journey which would have taken those pioneers many months. Technology has inde2ad shrunk the world. Today all men are close neighbors. But wheTechnology has us t e means of achieving a Iu?1 life, - r the possibility is realized is in the :hands and minds of men, Will men ever7whe-,3 stritre for the ideals of peace, freedom, and progress which our stuxdy forefathers sought? So far-es Chile and he Un'ted States -- and :rho Nations of this henhisp is,?se -- cour-erased, thc answer is oUviou, I.Yr a rr?. I leave with prcFounP1 admiration for Cl-le's r;fforts for intern;-1 stability and progress, and for your noble work in the world cconr'nin,ity. Goodbye -- and thanks to all once again for your hespita.lity an;' friend ship, Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY, MARCH 2, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to President Eisenhower (AS ACTUALLY DELIVERED) (2:10 P.M., LOCAL TIME) THE WHITE HOUSE (Montevideo, Uruguay) REMARKS BY PRESIDENT EISENHOWER ON HIS ARRIVAL AT CARRASCO AIRPORT, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY Mr. President of the National Council of Government, Ladies and Gentlemen; The friendly reception you have accorded rn;r associates and the is especially gratifying, for to me it is indicativ3 of the strong spir:Lual kinship between the governments and peoples of Uruguay and of the United States. The fame of your democratic institutions has earned the app!ause of every American -- school children and adults alike. We salute yau, not only for your adherence to democratic principles in your e-wn country, but also for your continuing contributions to hemispheric solidarity, to the Organization of the American States, and to the United Nations. By deeds, you have eloquently demonstrated your devotion to the concept of building a world characterized by peace, justice, and freedom. I bring you this heartfelt message from all the people of my country: We treasure our partnership with you, and all our sister Re- publics in this Hemisphere. We want this partnership to be a model of mutually helpful cooperation among sovereign states -- some large, some small, but each equally contributing to the unity of purpose and effectiveness of the whole. How to make our partnership better shire as a beacon light to mankind will be the substance of my conversatic ns with you, Mr. President, and with your associates in government. I am delighted to be here, and look forward eagerly to meeting many of you during my short stay. Thank you very much. Approved For Release4 2924p841 # CkA-I DF480B01676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY, MARCH 2, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to President Eisenhower (AS ACTUALLY DELIVERED) THE WHITE HOUSE (Montevideo, Uruguay) (6:05 P.M., LOCAL ': IME1, ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT EISENHOWER BEFORE THE JOINT SESSION OF THE NATIONAL CONGRESS OF URUGUAY, AT THE LEGISLATIVE PALACE, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY, MARCH 2, 1960 Mr. President, Distinguished Members of the Congress, Ladies and Gentlemen, Citizens of Uruguay: Before I give to you my communications, the thoughts that I hav=' wanted to say to you, I want to express something of my feelings concern- ing the welcome that has been given me by Montevideo -- all the way along the beaches, through the streets with their majestic buildings, and by a people that seemed to be expressing the utmost in friendship. My only regret is that every member in every dwelling in the farms and cities of my country could not have seen this day, because they would have realized that this people was trying to say "We are wit;.: you, in believing in freedom, in our dedication to liberty, and because we are so joined with you we send across these oceans to you from Nor:h America, our very best wishes. I deem it a high honor to address you, the democratically elected representatives of the people of Uruguay. I bring you from my people and my government earnest expressions of friendship and good will. The United States shares with Uruguay an abiding desire to live in freedom, human dignity, and peace with justice. The great wonder of history is that leaders -- knowing that peoples everywhere, regardless of economic station, race, or creed, possess a burning desire to achieve these values -- and still have been :na.tle to prevent the world from becoming tragically divided by mistrust, threat, and even overt hostility. In our time, the destructive power available for misuse is awesome.. We have now reached the point in human progress where the choice before us is mutual annihilation or abiding cooperation in the construction of the peace that lives as a cherished dream in the hearts of people everywhere. At this fateful time, the people of the United States find themseNes carrying unbelievably heavy burdens. They do this not just in their own interest, but for the benefit of all who cherish freedom -- all who believe that human affairs should be 'managed in harmony with basic moral law. They do this for all who are deeply convinced that peoples have the inalienable right to live in peace, with their creative energies devoted exclusively to building the .social,, cultural, and economic institutions consonant with their own desires. Approved For Release 200 ?08%21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 (OVER) Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 My country makes these sacrifices with no avaricious end in view. The United States does not covet a single acre of land that belongs to another. We do not wish to control or dictate to another government. We do not desire to impose our concepts of political, cultural, or economic life upon either the largest or the smallest, the strongest or the weakest, of the nations of the earth. We believe that the people of every nation are endowed with the right of free choice, and that the most sacred obligation of the world community is to guarantee such choice to all. Need I document these assertions? The Philippines today are independe it -- by their own choice. Alaska and Hawaii are now, proudly, equal partners in our federated, democratic enterprise -- by their own choice. Puerto Rico is a Commonwealth within the United States system -- by its own choice. After World War 1, World War II, and the Korean War, the United States did not in any way enrich itself at another's expense -- even from former enemies. Indeed, it did the opposite. We offered substantive help to others, first for reconstruction, and then, because of thundering threats, for the creation of a cooperative defense system to protect the free world from deliberate attack or the miscalculation of arrogance. I am aware of the feeling of many people in Latin America that the United States, while giving bounteously for postwar reconstruction and mutual security, has been less generous with our good neighbors of this hemisphere. I am the first to acknowledge the fallibility of nations and leaders, even those with the best intentions. But I ask you and all our good friends of the Americas to consider this: The aid we gave to. Europe after the Great War helped restore that area as a producer and buyer, to the benefit of Latin America as well as to ourselves. During the war, the trade of Latin America with the United States increased six-fold, and has been sustained at a higher level since then. The resources we have exported for the construction of a defense perimeter have been for the benefi"- o'L all who desire freedom, independence and the right to be unmolested as they work for the improved well-being of their own people. These efforts have required our people to impose upon themselves the most burdensome levels of taxation in our national history. They have caused us to forego doing as much as we otherwise would in some internal projects. They have brought difficulties in our international financial affairs. But -- let me emphasize this -- the assistance flowing to Latin America from the United States, in the form of private and public loans and technical aid, has been higher in recent years than ever before. Indeed I wonder if many realize the extent, both in mass and beneficial effect, of the capital going into Latin American enterprises from United States sources ? In the last fiscal year, for example, the private and public funds made available in Latin America from the United States and its companies approximated one billion dollars -- and it is difficult to set a figure representing the subsidiary benefits brought about by the creation of new jobs, now markets, and new enterprises. Yes, while we have known holocausts of anxiety, suffering, and great human tragedy three times in this century, we have not turned inward to indulge in self-pity. We have willingly extended the hand of friendship and cooperation, and in this process we have attached no greater importance to solid, abiding partnerships with any area than we have with those of the American republics. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 more Approved For Release 2002/08/21: CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 -3- Of course we face vexatious problems requiring constant atte.ition. We have ahem. You do. As for our bi-.lateral problems, the record clearly revYatr3 that they have been susceptible of solution when the healing bairn of ui?.der- standing has been applied. I am keenly aware that all of Latin America -- and Uruguay if; no exception -- is plagued by the fluctuation of raw commodity prices. Latin America has need for industrialization, diversification, education, health facilities, and capital to speed development. Progress in any nation is and must be largely the task of its own people, institutions, and leaders. But the United States stands ready to help in any way it soundly can, within the framework of our world responsibilities and the limits of our resources. Further, we work for the time -- not distant 1 hope -- when all the nations of the world in attaining greater prosperity will progressively share in programs of assistance to less developed countries. Indeed, I would go further: believe it is the duty of every nation, no matter how large or small, how weak or strong, to contribute to the well-being of the world conirnunii.y of free men. For a time, perhaps some can supply only certain skills, or personnel, or spiritual support. The important consideration is that we should all accept a common sense of responsibility for our common destiny. I am sure you hold the concept, as we do, that every human being.,._ given an oppoa tunity to do so, will make his contribution to the gener d welfare. You must feel, as we surely do, that hunger and privation Must be eliminated from the earth by the cooperative effort of peoples and of governments of good will. WVe are certain, as you must be, that the cooperative effort of free working men and women, dedicated to and 1__vinr under democratic principles, can out-produce the regimented workir force of any nation suffering under dictatorial control. Nations must constantly explore new opportunities to be helpful to one another. Who would have thought, a few years ago, that six nations of Europe would now be joined in a common effort to enlarge trade optnor- tunities, to lower production costs, and thus to improve living standards? Or that seven other nations would develop a loose confederation for cooperation with those six? Yet these developments are under way. They can contribute to the growth of the free world, provided of course that both blocs operate with due regard for the interests of other countries. Here in Montevideo last month, you were host to a meeting of the representatives of eight nations, at which was taken an important formal step toward the creation of a common market in which Uruguay would il-)e a participant. You are dealing here with the possibility of widening each nation?s markets in such a way that you increase the efficiency of many industries and thus greatly enhance the opportunity to obtain credits to hasten development. I congratulate you. The beginning point of all cooperation -- or between individuals, or between groups within a single society, or between nations -- is genuine human understanding. The conclusion, within the next few days,of a Fulbright Agreement between Uruguay and the United States for the exchange of students anc. professors is an important step in this direction. Surely we of Uruguay and the United States should not fail in developing the knowledge about one another, and the abiding understanding. on which dependable cooperation can be based. I know you respect our democratic processes, our system of economic freedom, our adherence to those cardinal concepts of human dignity and consecrated intelligence v'hich we draw from our religious phiJ.oso h , Approved For Release 2002 f f CIA-RDP80BOl676R000900?MJk5 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Certainly we admire you. The people of Uruguay, like the people of the United States, came from many different places, but all were guided by passionate desires for freedom, justice, and opportunity. Under a great leader, Jose Artigas, you struggled for independence, even as we did under George Washington. And then you set to work. We have watched the development of democratic institutions in Uruguay with unbounded admiration. We have been impressed with your individualism -- with the development of the flaming spirit of liberty, justice, and self-discipline in the citizens of Uruguay. And we have applauded your successes as you have battled against human want, withoi:t sacrifice of human liberty. It is no wonder that, in a world in which millions have been subjected to the philosophy and fetters of vicious tyranny, we feel a deep spiritual relationship to you. We have worked well together in helping build the most influential regional organization on earth, the Organization of American States .. . in helping make the United Nations an instrument of true promise for international cooperation ... and in seeking the solution to the problem of transcendent importance: Peace, with justice, in freedom. Controlled, universal disarmament is now imperative. The billions now living demand it. That we can make it our children's inheritance is our fondest hope. The United States is deeply committed to a ceaseless search for genuine disarmament, with guarantees that remove suspicions and fears. Nearly seven years ago I said what I now re-pledge: The United States "is ready to ask its people to join with all nations in devoting a substantial percentage of its savings achieved by disarmament to a fund for world aid and reconstruction. it Members of the Congress: I profoundly thank you for the honor of meeting with you, for your generous hospitality and for the friendly greetings of the Uruguayan people whom you represent. May Cod favor you in your efforts to promote the interests of your people in freedom, and inspire you to still greater effort in our common struggle to achieve a world which lives in harmony under moral. law. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 IMMEDIATE RELEASE, March 2, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to President Eisenhower THE WHITE HOUSE (Montevideo, Uruguay) REMARKS BY PRESIDENT EISENHOWER AT THE OBELISK CEREMONY, MONTEVIDEO, URUGUAY - March 2, 1960 Mr. President, Mr. Mayor, and Members of the City Council of Montevideo: It is indeed a very great honor that you do me to give me this medal as a symbol of the medal of honor of Montevideo. It is indeed a unique occasion. To stand here in the shadow of this obelisk, a memorial to constitutional government, in a country that worships -.. venerates the doctrines of Artigas, one of the great champions of liberty and freedom of all time, this is an occasion that warms the very depths of my heart. I could only say that this medal, if ever earned at all, has been earned by the people of the United States, who with the people of Uruguay have been champions of freedom, have worked for freedom, have been ready to sacrifice for freedom. And no stronger bonds could hold together two people more firmly. So, Sir, as I thank you, the citizens of Montevideo, as a matter of fact, all Uruguay -- I do so as one who believes in exactly the same sentiments that you have just expressed concerning liberty, independence, and human dignity. Thank you. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 FOR RELEASE ON DELIVERY, MARCH 4, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - (AS ACTUALLY DELIVERED) THE WHITE HOUSE (Ramey AFB, Puerto Rico) REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT AT THE LUNCHEON MEETING OF THE AMERICAN ASSEMBLY, DORADO BEACH HOTEL, DORADO, PUERTO RICO Governor Munoz-Marin, President Wriston, Members of the Assembly, and Fellow Citizens of this Hemisphere. I should apologize, I think, before beginning this little talk, because I face a distinguished people who !snow a very great deal about the subjR=ct that I expect to talk about; and the other is that I have just learned, while sitting at the head table, that your Report has been completed. And after I gave my conclusions, they said, well it's identical, and I think they should have added: well, then, you don't have to give the speech. But in the hope that there may be one or two points of some interest, I will indulge: myself to take advantage of you for a few minutes. When I first visited the proposed site for the American Assembly at Arden House ten years ago, I could hardly have foreseen that in the year 1960 I should be addressing a regional meeting of the Assembly in Puerto Rico; or that I would come before you having just completed two journeys, totalling almost forty thousand miles, with visits to fifteen countries on four continents. But I assure you I am delighted to be with you here in a renewal of my personal association with the American Assembly. And I must confs3ss to some pride that this meeting is a major expansion of what was for me little more than a dream ten years ago. You will permit me, I hope, a few minutes of reminiscence about my early thinking on the Assembly and my participation in its establishment. Even before I went to Columbia as its President, out of some experience in war and in Washington, I had come to feel very strongly that there was a need for a forum or council in which could be utilized the best minds of the nation. To do this, my associates and I believed, we should attempt to set up specific problems of national interest, where in a proper setting the best academic and practical minds could be assembled for the neces.:ary analyses. Their examination of each of these could take place in an atmosphere free from the pressures of partisan politics and special interests. Then, solutions might be suggested, founded in sound principle and wide knowledge, undistorted by pleas for the expedient and immediatf ty popular. We felt that many of the problems confronting the American people often were apparently impossible of solution, and hopelessly confused, because even the most critical question could easily become a political football or an excuse for sensationalism and even hysteria. more (0 vER) Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Matters affecting the future of the Republic, its world leadership and responsibilities deserved, we thought, the serious, deliberate, calm study their importance merited. Shortly after my arrival at Columbia, I was invited by the present President of the American Assembly, my friend, Henry Wriston, to participate in the monthly deliberations of the Council on Foreign Relations. There in our discussions of various international concerns we tried, with the help of expert and specialized counsel, to suggest courses of action in the field of foreign relations that were designed directly for the correction, improvement or clarification of the situation udder study. Our proposals were formulated within the context of the enlightened self-interest of the United States of America. They were not reached under the influence of the politically palatable, the quick and easy, the supposedly popular. The same quality of work on a much larger scale -- the study of all problems affecting our people and the future of the Republic - - could be ideally undertaken,. I thought, at Columbia University. There we had available immense resources in the faculty and libraries and trained research people -- a unique pool of human knowledge and written knowledge. By testing faculty proposals before groups of businessmen and leaders in all professions, we felt vie would provide for such proposals a validity not otherwise likely to be had. In 1949, with the trustees and my associates on the campus, we began work on this idea. By early 1950 we had a home for the American Assembly, at Arden House, given to the University by Governor Averell Harriman. I thought this venture so important that I wrote hundreds of letters and flew the length and breadth of this country time and again to raise the necessary money. It came in -- often in generous amounts -- and before I left for SHAPE in January of 1951 a healthy start for the American Assembly was assured. As you know, the studies of the Assembly have been many and varied, ranging from our relations with Western Europe to Wages, Prices, Profits and Productivity. They have had a substantial impact on American thinking throughout government and in the communities of our own country. But even in the planning days, a decade ago, I felt that the Assembly's deliberations eventually should be concerned with the subject on which I expect to speak briefly today -- the common destiny, the common interests, the common aspirations of the American Republics and Commonwealth members, Netherlands and French communities. Our hemisphere, from the polar cap to the Antarctic ice, is a geographical unity. For the advantages of all its nations the hemispheres should be characterized by mutually-helpful economic cooperation. With proper respect to the sovereignty of its states and the cultural heritages of its peoples, there should be a mutual security unity and, in its philosophy of representative free government, complete political harmony. These purposes, it seems to me, indicate a need to exploit for the good of almost half a billion people of the Americas -- and their numbers daily increase -- the new mastery of space and natural resources, of science and machines. If I have to apologize for my voice, I could do so by saying I left most of it in South America. Ignorance of each other, misunderstanding of each other, lack of mutual and cooperative planning in our common purposes: these, I think, are the principal obstacles in our path. To do something toward their reduction was a principal purpose of the journey I have just finished. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 -3 - Wherever I went, I stated again and again the basic principles and attitudes that govern our country's relationships in this hemisphere. For example: Our good neighbor -- good partner policy is a permanent guide, encompassing nonintervention, mutual respect, and juridical equality of States. We wish, for every American nation, a rapid economic progress, with its blessings reaching all the people. We are always eager to cooperate in fostering sound development within the limits of practical capabilities; further, we shall continue to urge every nation to join in help to the less fortunate. We declare our faith in the rule of law, our determination to abide by treaty commitments, and our insistence that other nations do likewise. Everywhere I found in the nations I visited a general agreement that these principles have been actually practiced by the United States. I found. too, inescapable evidence that many in every country knew little of our record and more who misunderstand our purposes. But identically the same can be said of North Americans in their ignorance and misunderstanding of Latin America. Here the American Assembly can play a tremendous and useful rob! Its participants are recognized everywhere for their experience in human affairs, their broad knowledge, their professional competence -- and above all their good will and their dedication to truth. Particularly -- to the young people, those who will manage the affairs of this hemisphere in a few years, the members of the Assembly can be honest teachers and wise counsellors. And the problems that confront us are immense. Many countries of Latin America desperately need long-term financing of their development projects; technical assistance in their planning and execution; escape from dependence on one crop or one mineral; help in balancing budgets an substituting productive work for bureaucratic make-work; and end tc inflation and a start on solidly, widely-based economics. And their needs must be answered soon and effectively. Panacea proposals, facile solutions, will lead only to disillusionment. Above all, any thought of the United States alone developing a so-called master plan for the raising of living standards throughout tie hemisphere has been rejected by us and by the leaders of the states I have just visited, including Surinam, and is foredoomed to failure. Each nation of Latin America is highly individual. Each must analyze its own human and material resources, and develop a program of action, with priorities assigned. Then, national and international credit agencies should stand ready to be of assistance in making the program a reality. Obviously the major responsibility for a nation's development devolves upon its own people, its own leaders, its own pride, its own self- respect, its own self-interest demand that this be so. And, parenthetically, may I say I saw many evidences of this on the trip I have just completed. I visited what was nothing but a rural slum outside of Santiago. Thousands of people living in hovels, whose poverty beggared description. But the government gave them a start. The government owned the ground of the area and then it laid out plots, and it built concrete floors. On each of these= floors were two families, in the center where the normal washroom and Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062(8.rFR ) Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 toilet facilities were. Then, they've got a new system of construction, one I had never seen, and yet may be a very practical thing in many countri es. It is the amkin of bsickks out of wood, and these bricks instead of being put together by cement, they have very heavy glue, and then they are nailed down to the block below -- each block is about a foot long and about four inches Square is cross-section. Now the point is that all the rest of the work is done by self-help. Before work in the morning,after work in the evening, these families do this. The particular project I visited, I believe there were 4, 102 cottages, of which about six hundred have been developed in the weeks so far past, and they are going to have it finished before snow flies -- before winter comes. Now here is the point: Never have I seen such a happy people, because they were doing this themselves, in crowds -- and crowded around -- workman after workman coming running to me, would I autograph one of the blocks that was going in his house, he wanted to show this as a show piece to his -- even to his grandchildren, I suppose. And all he needed is a plumb bob, because once you get the walls straight, it seems like they are very, very strong. The inventor is convinced that he has hold of a very good idea, and these people are show- ing what self-respect and pride can be developed out of your ability to do something yourself, with a little bit of help -- a helping hand from someone outside. I assure you I think that the government is reaping great benefits, not only for the individuals thus helped, but for what it means in under- standing on the part of all these people of its own government. But nations which desire to advance rapidly surely do need public and private funds from abroad. And funds are available. First there is private capital always seeking good investment opportunity. The International Bank and the Export-Import Bank have had their funds greatly increased, and the new inter-American Bank will soon be functioning. And behind all these is the instant readiness of the United States, on a government-to-government basis, to investigate cooperatively any special problem or need, and to make such arrangements as seem to fill the requirements. As I said a few days ago to the Uruguayan Congress: "We work for the time -- not distant, I hope -- when all the nations of the world in attaining greater prosperity will progressively share in programs of assistance to less developed countries. Indeed I would go further: I believe it is the duty of every nation, no matter how large or small, how weak or strong, how rich or poor, to contribute to the well-being of the world's co:;:cnn.iunity of free men. For a time, perhaps some can supply only certain skills, or knowledge, or personnel, or spiritual support. But all these are important too. And the most important consideration is that we should all accept a common sense of responsibility for our common destiny." Only hard thinking and hard work will do the job. And they must be accompanied by a most determined drive to eliminate ignorance and to correct misunderstanding. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80B01676R000900010062-6 r Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 -5- Here the American Assembly can help greatly. The need for your help is, I think, the greatest challenge to confront you since the founding of the Assembly ten years ago. So I congratulate the American Assembly for its venture into this whole area of study which is so profoundly important to the millions w .o inhabit this hemisphere -- indeed, to all the free world. Thank you very much. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 ' Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 FOR RELEASE AT 7:00 P.M. EST, TUESDAY, MARCH 8, 1960 James C. Hagerty, Press Secretary to the President (AS ACTUALLY DEI IVERE I) , (7:00 PM, EST) THE WHITE HOUSE TEXT OF THE REPORT TO THE NATION BY PRESIDENT EISENHOWER ON HIS SOUTH AMERICAN TRIP, DELIVERED FROM HIS OFFICE AT THE WHITE HOUSE TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1960 Good Evening, Friends: My first words upon my return from the four American republics I have just visited must be a heartfelt expression of gratitude for the friendly receptions my associates and I experienced, wherever we went. Millions endured for long hours along the streets the hot summer sun -- and occasionally rain -- to let us know of the enthusiastic good will they have for the government and people of the United States. In the nations of Latin America --- indeed as I have found in all of the eighteen countries I have visited in my trips of recent months -- there is a vast reservoir of respect, admiration and affection for the United States of America. The expressions of this attitude by Latin American peoples and their leaders were so enthusiastic and so often repeated as to admit:. fo possibility of mistake. Two or three insignificant exceptions to this may have made a headline, but they were only minor incidents, lost in the massed welcome. This was a good will trip -,; but it was also much more. Members of my party and I held serious conversations and exchanged infoi rnation on bilateral, hemispheric, and global problems with the four Pleads of States, with Cabinet members, with leaders of labor, education, .financ , and business. Two impressions are highlighted in my mind. First -- Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Uruguay treasure as much as we do freedom, human dignity, equality, and peace with justice. In freedom, they are determined to progress -- to improve and diversify their economies -- to provide better housing and education -- to work ceaselessly for rising levels of human well being. Second, while certain problems are continental in scope, nonetheJ . each of the countries I visited -- indeed, each of the twenty republics of Latin America -- is highly individual. Each has its own unique pvobiems and ideas regarding future development. Hence, our cooperation with each republic must be tailored to its particular situation. I was gratified to learn that, as the indispensable basis for their self-improvement, comprehensive surveys of resources, capacities, objectives, and costs have progressed rapidly in recent years. But each nation feels it must do more in this regard, and seeks help for this purpe.=e. The United Nations has funds for su..i pre-development studies. The new Inter-American Bank also should be able to lend technical help. The more Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 (OVER) Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 studies of each country called for under "Operation Pan America" will likewise contribute to this k nd. Once sound plaxrnixg has rn ade.-signifir-ant progress, a nation can formulate specific projects for action, with priorities established, and with confidence that each do eft will open still further opportunity to speed the spiral of growth. The execution of any development program will of course depend primarily upon the dedicated efforts of the peoples themselves. I was impressed, for example, by what I saw in Chile, I visited a low-cost housing project. The government had provided land and utilities. The home owners were helping one another build the new houses. They will pay for them monthly, over a period of years. Personal accomplishments brought pride to their eyes; self-reliance to their bearing Their new homes are modest in size and character -- but I cannot possibly describe: the intense satisfaction they take in the knowledge that they themselves have brought about this great forward step in their living conditions. In Argentina and Uruguay I witnessed encouraging sights -- men building schools, homes, and roads -- and, in Brazil, erecting a wholly new capital city. The people of Latin America know that poverty, ignorance, and ill-health are not inevitable. They are determined to have their resources and labors yield a better life for themselves and for their children. I assured them that most earnestly, we of the United States want them to succeed. We realize that to speed improvement, they need foreign capital. They want sound loans, public and private. Their repayment record on loans previously made is noteworthy. International and United States lending agencies have recently had their funds greatly increased. The new Inter-American Development Bank will soon be functioning. I believe that each. nation which has produced a well-conceived development program will find that these lending institutions will respond to their needs. Should this not be so in a particular situation, we of the United States would want to know the circumstances and do what we could to help to rectify the difficulty. In our discussions, I stressed that all nations -- large or small, powerful or weak -- should assume some responsibility for the advance- ment of humankind, in freedom. Though we of the United States will, within the framework of our world situation and economic capacity, assist all we can. we look for the time when a:.l t 'e free nations will feel a common responsibility for our common destiny. Cooperation among free nations is the key to common progress. Aid from one to another, if on a one way street basis only, and indefinitely continued, is not of itself truly productive. The peoples of Latin America appreciate that our assistance in recent years has reached new heights, and that this has required sacrifice on our part. I must repeat, however, what I said several times during my trip: Serious misunderstandings of the United States do exist in Latin America. And, indeed, we are not as well informed of them as we should be. Many persons do not realize the United States is just as committed as are the other republics to the principles of the Rio Treaty of 1947. This Treaty declares that an attack on one American republic will in effect be Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 more ,r' Approved For Release 2002/08/21.: CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 an attack on all. We stand firmly by this commitment. This mutual security systex,proved by time, should now enable some of the Americsr republics to reduce expenditures for armaments, and thus make fundF; available for constructive purposes. One editorial allegod that the Uaitod States did not accept the principle of non-intervention urtil 1959. In fact, our country has con- sistently abided by this hemispheric concept for more than a quarter of a century. Another persistent misunderstanding which I sought to cnrrect wherever I travelled is- that we sometimes support dictators. Of tour;-,e we abhor all tyrannical forms of government, whether of the left or of the right. This I made clear. In Brazil, I explained another important item of our policy: We believe in the rights of people to ch6ose their own form of govern- ment, to build their own institutions, to abide by their own philo.scphy. But if a tyrannical form of government were imposed upon any of the Americas from outside or with outside support -- by force, threat, or subversion -- we would certainly deem this to be a violation of the principle of non-intervention and would expect the Organization of American States, acting under pertinent solemn commitments, to take appropriate collective action. On occasion I heard it said that economic advance in some American republics only makes the rich richer, and the pour poorer, and that the United States should take the initiative in correcting this evil. This is a view fomented by communists, but often repeated by well-meaning people. If there should be any truth in this charge whatsoever, it is not the fault of the United States. So far as our purpose is involved, projects financed by our institutions are expected to yield widespread benefits to all, and, at the same time to conform to our policy of non-intervention. I know that the Latin American leaders I met also seek this same result. Moreover, when internal social reform is required, it is -purely an internal matter. One of the most far-reaching problems of continental scope is this: In their exports, the Latin American republics are largely single commodity countries. The world market prices of what they sell fluctuate widely, whereas the prices of things they buy keep going up, We have tried to be helpful in the cooperative study of this vexing situation, Many facts about supply, demand, production are widely comprehended for the first time. Thus, for example, with the facts about coffee understood, producing nations are cooperating in orderly marketing for this commodity with beneficial results. The real solution is in agricultural and industrial diversifi- cation. Here, we are encouraged by the progress being made toward the creation of common markets. Large areas, relatively free of trade restrictions, will make for greater efficiency in production and distribution, and will attract new capital to speed development. Despite such problems as these, our relationships with our sister republics have, with notable -- but very few -- exceptions, reached an all-time high. Leaders and populations alike attested to this truth. But an even firmer partnership must be our goal. Approved For Release 2062O N21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 (OVER) Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 The republics of this hemisphere have a special relationship to one another. The United Stases is important to al. of Latin America, as its largest buyer, as the main source of foreign investment capita., and as a bastion of freedom. our southern neighbors are important to us, economically, politica Uy, culturally. militarily. Indeed, no other area of the world is of more vital significance to our own future. This interdependence must be c u rehended by us, and by them. Each should know the policies, s; itudes, aspirations, and capacities of the other. F'er, as I have srld time and egalr, *U fruitful, abiding cooperation must be bused upon genuine mutual understanding of vital facts. Exchanges of students, teachers, labor leadore, and others are helpful. Newspapers, magazines, all means of communication should accept the responsibility not merely of trax emitting spectacular news, but of helping build the knowledge on which cooperative action may flourish. In one respect our neighbors put us to shame. English is rapidly spreading as the second language in Latin America. Business executives, labor leaders, taxi drivers -- most speak English well, learned in school or in bi-national institutes. The study of Spanish is increasing in our schools, but I wish that literally millions of Americans would learn to speak Spanish or Portugese fluently, and to read the literature, histories, and periodicals of our sister republics. H. G. Wells once said that civilization is a race between education and catastrophe. His thought is applicable to hemispheric relations. With common dedication to the highest ideals of mankind, including shared aspirations for a world at peace, freedom and progress, there is no insurmountable impediment to fruitful cooperation, save only insufficiency in mutual understanding. This is something that you and I -- every single citizen, simply by informing himself -- can do something about. I hope each of us will do so. Again, I express my gratitude to President Kubitschek, President Frondizi, President Alessandri, and President Nardone and all their peoples for providing me with a most instructive and rewarding experience. And I convey to you their best wishes and warm greetings. Thank you, and good night. Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6 MEMORAND41 FOR: DCI Herewith is one complete set. Four Copies of each release have been received from the White House; one will be sent to WH Division, e.nd2 will be retained here for what- ever use you may have. STAT AU NO. jGH RELACES MAY FORM BE USED. I AUG 54 WH Approved For Release 2002/08/21 : CIA-RDP80BO1676R000900010062-6