MEMORANDUM FOR MR. KNOCHE FROM M.S.C.

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R001300070061-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 27, 2004
• Sequence Number: 61
• Publication Date: May 9, 1963
• Content Type: MF

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9 May 1963
MEMORANDUM FOR MR. KNOCHE
1. Attached is my M/R on the meeting of the 7th. This was
the only subject discussed. I did not take up or discuss the items
under 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, or 7.
2. 1 understand that the State Department as well as Tommy
Thompson are preparing papers on the international repercussions
of low-level flights (Item 7).
3. In the sealed, stapled envelope are two "talking papers"
from Sid Gottlieb in connection with Item 2 of the notebook. I do
not recommend either one and I certainly would not make any
distribution to anyone other than the Director and myself.
4. The minutes of the 30 April meeting as distributed by
Bundy with instructions for action in his May 2 memorandum are
in accord with my notes.
M. S. C.
MSC:bec
Orig - Mr. Knoche (by hand - w/Standing Group book & original att'd letter)
1 - DDCI
STATE & NSC reviews completed
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9 May 1963
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD
SUBJECT: National Security Council Standing Group Meeting of
May 7th
1. Mr. Bundy announced that the next meeting would be on
Tuesday, 14 May, in the afternoon and that the agenda would probably
be large. Mr. Wilson of USIA stated that USIA. was concentrating on
five themes as regards Cuba: (1) Economic deterioration of Castro;
(2) Castro betrayed the purpose of the original revolution; (3) Cuba
was isolated from its Latin American neighbors; {4) Soviet Communism
had been imposed on Cuba; and (5) the U. S. policy was that some day
Cuba would be free. Wilson pointed out that only Number 5 was a
positive theme. There then followed a discussion of the paper proposed
by USIA. as a statement of U. S. policy. Bundy pointed out that it appeared
to Say that any Cuba not Soviet/ Communist dominated was acceptable
to the United States. He did not feel this was our policy. Sorenson said
that we needed more specifics and suggested a study jointly by State and
CIA which would attempt to tabulate under fifteen or twenty headings,
such as: (1) religion; (2) race relations; (3) housing; (4) education, etc.,
(a) the situation in Cuba under Batista, (b) under Castro (what he prom-
ised and what he gave); (c) what the U. S. would be prepared to accept
in a post-Castro regime, and finally (d) what help the United States
might give.
2. It was generally agreed that a statement was needed by USIA
but who would give it and when was inconclusive.
3. Upon conclusion of the meeting,. I informed Sheldon and asked
him to seat that ONE and OCI started thinking about the foregoing. I
then assigned action to I, told him to touch base with ONE and
OCI, and I subsequently Informed Helms of this assignment of responsi-
bility.
ICI . ca/+t
M.S..C.
MSC:bec (9 May 63)
Orig - O/DCI (Mr. Knoche by hand)
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 %W *AO
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Executive Registry
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL STANDING GROUP
RECORD OF ACTIONS
Meeting No. 4/63, May 7, 1963 -- 10:30 AM
There was a discussion of a U.S. program and policy toward post-
Castro Cuba.
a. There was preliminary agreement on the need by
mid=summer for a U. S. Government statement from a high source,
possibly the President, expressing our view of post-Castro Cuba.
b. An analysis is to be prepared by State, CIA, and USIA
covering specific aspects of the Cuban society (1) under Batista;
(Z) under Castro, including the revolution's aims as stated and as
realized to date; and (3) under a post-Castro regime,. including ac-
tions we would be prepared to take to help in the reconstruction of
Cuba. Among the subjects to be included in the comparison are:
education, tax system, defense, housing, land ownership, economic
development, religion, and civil rights, including press freedom,
race relations, and the administration of justice.
c. There was a recognized need to interest non-governmental
institutions such as the Council on Foreign Relations or the Brookings
Institution in preparing studies on post-Castro Cuba. A White House
officer is to initiate action on this problem.
Under Secretary of State (Ball)
Attorney General
Deputy Secretary of Defense
Acting Director of Central Intelligence
Administrator of AID
Deputy Director of USIA
Deputy Under Secretary of State
(Johns on)
Major General A. J. Goodpaster
(JCS)
Special Counsel
Special Assistant for National
Security Affairs
Executive Secretary, National
Security Council
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May i, R t, "
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL STANDING GROUP
RECORD OF ACTIONS
Meeting No. 3/63, April 30, 1963 -- 10:30 AM
There was agreement on a list of appraisals and studies
with respect to Cuba which are to be prepared for consideration
at the May 1-lth meeting. A memorandum giving specific assign-
ments was circulated to the members by :McGeorge Bundy on
Mxy Znd.
Special Counsel
Secretary of Defense
Attorney General Special Assistant for National
Acting Director of Central Intelligence F %cci tive Security r Affairs National
Director of USL4 Security Council
Under Secretary of State (13 all)
Under Secretary of State (Harriman)
Deputy Secretary of Defense
Assistant Secretary of State (Martin)
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 .9CL .f 5C/SC !' iJ '/'/G
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CONFIDENTIAL
May 4, 1963
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Honorable
McGeorge Bundy
The White House
USIA has been endeavoring for some time to talk in positive
terms to the people of Cuba about the post-Castro period. We seek to
assure them that we do not wish to turn back the clock but rather look
to the day when free Cabans will rejoin the family of American nations
and participate in the constructive economic and social reforms of the
Alliance for Progress.
In order to provide an authoritative basis for our information
programs we need. a strong statement from a high USG source expressing
anew the determination of this government that Cuba shall be free and,
for the first time, listing specifics of the assistance we will offer to the
people of Cuba after Castro's fall. We had hoped to have the Organization
of American States issue such a statement, but U. S. representatives
there felt it would. be virtually impossible since five American Republics
still maintain diplomatic relations with Cuba. It is the current policy
of the U. S. delegation to the OAS to urge that the strongest possible
statements about the future of Cuba be included in public declarations
of that body. However, the fare will be thin indeed.
We believe that issuance of a USG statement at an appropriate
moment, when our public posture is one of active movement toward a
free Cuba, would buoy up the hopes of the Cuban people, reassure them
that they are not alone, and give them positive guarantees of our intention
to help make their legitimate revolution a success. In addition, such a
statement would strengthen our psychological position in Latin America.
CONFIDENTIAL
GROUP 4
Downgraded at 3-year intervals.
Declassified 12 years after
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CONFIDENTIAL
At present our position, which is essentially anti-Castro
in nature, suffers from a lack of positiveness. From the Agency's
standpoint, the proposed statement would allow us to adopt a much
more constructive tone in our output to Cuba. Further, it would not
commit us to a fixed timetable and would make our output more
sustainable during the intervening period until the fall of Castro.
Attached is a draft statement.
Donald M. Wilson
Deputy Director
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CONFIDENTIAL May 4, 1963
PROPOSED STATEMENT.
During recent months I have said many times that our Cuba policy
looks to the day when the people of that unhappy isle shall be truly free.
This is our purpose and hope and it is shared by the other republics of our
hemisphere.
At San Jose, Costa Rica, in March we joined with the Presidents
of Central America and Panama to "reaffirm the conviction that Cuba will
soon join the family of free nations".
In the Declaration of Central America, we said that we had "no
doubt that a genuine Cuban revolution will live again, that its betrayers
will fall into the shadows of history and that the martyred people of that
oppressed isle of the Caribbean will be free from Communist domination,
free to choose for themselves the kind of government they wish to have,
and free to join their brothers of the hemisphere in a common undertaking
to secure for each individual liberty, dignity and well being, which are
the objectives of all free societies't.
When the time comes, as it shall, for a free Cuba to sweep up
the destruction of communist rule and begin the reconstruction of her
economy and democratic institutions, she can count on the United States
CONFIDENTIAL
GROUP 4
~ 3-ye
De,c as st ie ar intervals.
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would support the legitimate aims and reforms of the early days of the
Cuban revolution, before it was betrayed by Castro, and help Cubans to
not only for sympathy and understanding, but for effective financial and
technical aid-as well.
Our hopes for a free Cuba point to the future, not to the past. The
Cuban people's choice of government is not limited, as Castro would have
them believe, to communism or return to a rightist dictatorship. We
build their future on a foundation of social and economic betterment.
A free Cuba will be invited to join her sister republics in the vast
cooperative programs of the Alliance for Progress, through which we
support for all the people of this hemisphere, including Cubans, the right
of free elections, and the free exercise of basic human freedoms. Under
the Alliance, we support equitable land reform; accelerated economic
progress to build industries and provide more jobs; programs to provide
decent housing to the people; fair wages and satisfactory working conditions
for all workers; greatly increased educational opportunities for all; health
and sanitation programs; sound governmental monetary and fiscal policies;
and solutions to Latin America's traditional problem of excessive price
fluctuations of basic exports.
CONFIDENTIAL
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CONFIDENTIAL
-3-
The Cuban people will make their own blueprint. But we expect
them to require special help, aside from participation in the Alliance for
Progress, and we will be prepared to give it, with no strings attached and
in the spirit of friendship that has been traditional between our two countries.
The post-Castro Cubans will be in immediate dire need of many
things. They will require food, medicines, clothes, machinery, tools,
transport, and other commodities that Castro's reckless policies have made
scarce. We will be prepared to provide these needs promptly, and in
substantial amounts.
I am confident that the Organization of American States will offer
its good. offices to help organize and supervise free elections, so as to
assure the exercise of complete freedom at the polling place. OAS technical
assistance will also be made available, I am certain, to repair the ravages
wrought by the Soviet-dictated military build-up and communist agricultural
mismanagement. In the important field of education, the OAS can be of
valuable assistance in helping Cuba to regain academic freedom and to
reorient its educational system on democratic concepts.
There will be many tasks that the free Cuban people can accomplish
themselves, with little or no assistance from their neighbors. After years
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CONFIDENTIAL
of a deliberate communist effort to stifle the spark of democracy, they
will want to build a system of law and justice in which all share equally,
establish a free press and radio, liberate their once strong unions from
the control of the state, and reconstitute their political and economic ties
with the other American Republics.
I firmly believe that the majority of the Cuban people, including
many thousands who have been forced to appear as supporters of the
communist regime, hold to their faith in freedom and are determined to
regain their independence. They have learned that the path down which
their communist leaders have taken them does not lead to the original
goals of the revolution. In freedom, and in association with their fellow
American Republics, their revolution can live again.
CONFIDENTIAL
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