VISIT OF BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST DELEGATION TO CHINA, USSR AND SATELLITES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80B01676R002700060010-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 33
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 24, 2006
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: March 31, 1960
• Content Type: MF

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VISIT OF
BRAZILIAN COMMUNIST DELEGATION
TO CHINA, USSR AND SATELLITES
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I
a. It will be recalled that before and after the 2lst
Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU)
(Moscow, 27 January - 5 February 1959) officials of the CPSU
held secret discussions with representatives of the Communist
parties in attendance in order to assess developments in the
International Communist Movement since the last general
meeting of Communist parties in November 1957. The discus -
sions ranged from a consideration of broad questions of
Communist propaganda and relations between parties to an
examination of tactics and operations. A special clandestine
conference of Latin American Communist party delegates
brought out the high degree of interest of the USSR and the
CPSU in developments in Latin America, and made more
concrete the program of action, developed for Latin America
in Moscow during the November 1957 special meetings. When
the foreign delegates later traveled to China, Chinese Com-
munist leaders gave them strong indications of their desire to
expand Peiping's influence, ar_.d made offers of training in
Chinese experience onary- tactics. This was
reported i ~ 6 April 1959. The following
report furnishes further evidence of the importance of Latin
America to the CPSU and the Communist Party of China, and
of their efforts to strengthen the Latin American Communist
parties.
b. Luiz Carlos Prestes, secretary-general of
the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB)l, met with members of
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I
the Central Committee of the PCB residing in the area of Sao
Paulo on 16 January 1960 to discuss the trip to Communist
China and the Soviet Union during 29 September - 9 December
1959 of a delegation from the PCB, consisting of Prestes, 25X1
Carlos Nicolau Danielli, and Ramiro Luches '
Section VI, which has been issued separately
of 10 March 1960), is included here for purposes
of completeness.
2. The Delegation's Visit to China.
a. Mao Tse-tung criticized the way the CPSU-
handled the denigration of Stalin, praised Molotov, and
asserted that peaceful disentanglement is a theory which has
no historical precedent and that all Communist parties
throughout the world should be ready to fight.
b. The Brazilian delegation was given several
lectures, one of them reportedly by Mao Tse-tung, on Chinese
Communist party and governmental problems. A significant
point made was that the class struggle in China will not end
for another twenty to fifty years. The Chinese Revolution,
and others throughout the world, are a continuation of the
October Revolution, and China is following the struggles of
the Communist parties in Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, and
other Latin American countries with considerable interest.
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c. The Brazilian delegation itself gave talks and
lectures in different places, including a school for Latin
American Communists which formerly gave courses on an
informal basis for visiting Communists, but has now developed
a formal curriculum and school program.
d. Several meetings of all of the Latin American
delegations were planned, but none actually took place. In the
course of informal talks the following was decided:
(1) In the event of imperialist intervention in
Cuba, other Latin American countries, led by their Communist
parties, will give complete support to the Castro government.
(2) An armed revolution in Argentina in the
near future is inevitable and the Communist Party of Argentina
will probably align itself with the Peronists.
(3) A Latin American Congress must be held
to discuss the formation of a Latin American labor organization
to replace the moribund Confederation of Latin American
Workers, the regional WFTU affiliate.
a. The Brazilian delegation met in Moscow with
Khrushchev and with members of the Secretariat and Presidium
of the CPSU. Although CPSU leaders agreed with the present
policies of the PCB, they believed that the PCB should attempt
to gain greater mass influence over workers and farmers and
participate more actively in mass movements, even when it is
unable to play the leading role in these movements at the outset.
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b. M. A. Suslov stated that the class struggle
should be stimulated, pointing out that the principal danger of
the PCB today is revisionism, reformism and opportunism
because of the strong penetration of bourgeois ideology. He
remarked that Moscow viewed the PCB's support of the presi-
dential candidacy of the reactionary Marshal Henrique
Teixeira Lott as a matter of tactics rather than principle. He
told the Brazilians that the revolution might be carried out
peacefully, but he added that they must "be prepared for the
other possibility. " He stressed the need for discipline and the
importance of elevating the prestige of the PCB's Central
Committee since the struggle against the personality cult tends
to reduce the prestige of Party leaders.
c. O. V. Kuusinen remarked to the delegation
that it was important to remember that Brazil is not a colony
but an independent nation reduced by imperialism to the
conditions of a monocultured country. He stated that he did
not understand why the PCB's policy declaration of March 1958
did not call for the confiscation of North American businesses
and capital and the annulment of all treaties and agreements
prejudicial to the best interests of Brazil. (The above contrasts
with the views expressed by Mao to members of the Chilean
delegation visiting Peiping in October 1959, in which he referred
to Latin America as a colonial area still dominated by the forces
of imperialism and in which he urged the Latin American people
to unite in a struggle for liberation. )
d. After leaving the Soviet Union, the Brazilian
delegation visited Poland, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany.
In Poland, Gomulka outlined some of the problems the
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Communist Party of Poland has had to face, such as farm
collectivization and the rapid decline in coal exports which
had created a serious economic problem. In East Germany,
the PCB was invited to send a journalist to co-ordinate
propaganda and write articles about Latin America, and was
also requested to send films showing strikes and describing
the economic plight of the masses in Brazil.
4. Special Treatment of Brazil. Delegations repre-
senting seventy-one Communist parties, including eighteen
Latin American Communist parties, were in Communist China
to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the Chinese Communist
revolution. The Communist parties of the Dominican Republic
and of Haiti were not represented. The delegation representing
the Communist Party of Peru arrived too late to take part in the
ceremonies. The ceremonies were held in the Chinese Com-
munist parliament (apparently the Great Hall of the People --
the assembly hall of the National People's Congress), where all
of the representatives of the foreign Communist parties spoke,
congratulating Communist China on its official birthday, and
lauding the regime for its achievements. The Brazilian dele-
gation was treated as the representative of one of the world's
most important Communist parties outside the Communist bloc.
At the commemorative celebrations the foreign delegations were
invited to speak in the order of their importance. After the
Communist countries came France, Italy, Indonesia, Japan,
and Brazil. The Brazilian delegation was treated with respect
and deference out of proportion to that accorded to delegations
representing other Communist parties.
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5. Lectures Attended. The Brazilian delegation
attended a series of lectures on the following subjects: the
great leap forward, the internal party struggle, communes,
construction of the party, the united front, relations with the
bourgeoisie, social problems such as elimination of gangsterism
and prostitution, hygiene and public health in Shanghai, work
among agricultural communities, and the armed struggle. (It
has also been reported that the PCB delegation attended three
lectures in all during its stay in China. Another Latin American
CP delegation in China, that of Panama, is also known to have
attended at least one lecture. It is probable that other CP
delegations besides that of the PCB were at these lectures,
although Prestes does not reveal this information.) All of the
lectures on the above subjects were given in either Peiping or
Shanghai. The Brazilian delegation also travelled to other
cities, visiting factories, collective farms, and universities
6. School for Latin American Communists, The
Brazilian delegation gave talks and lectures in different places
in Communist China, including one which was given at a school
for Latin American Communists. (The school for Latin
American Communists is undoubtedly the one which, beginning
in 1958, has scheduled a new course each year for Latin
American Communist trainees. No PCB members have been
reported in this school to date.) The courses offered at this
school last between three and four months, and consist of both
lectures and field trips. Formerly, the trips and lectures
were given on an informal basis for visiting Communists, but
they have now developed into a formal curriculum and school
program. Lectures along the lines of those mentioned above
are given, but they are on practical rather than theoretical
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Communist problems. The Brazilian delegation was invited to
send members of the PCB to this school.
7. Meetings with Mao.
a. The Brazilian delegation met briefly with Mao
Tse -tung, who spoke almost exclusively on Communist China
and its problems, making little mention of other Communist
parties. Mao did, however, tell the Brazilian delegation that
the PCB should stress work among the Brazilian farmers,
despite the continued industrial growth of the country. Mao
also mentioned the problem of internal party dissension, saying
that many Communist parties had had to fight leftist deviation
for so long that the had lost sight of the necessity for curbing
rightist deviation.
24 February 1960, states that during its
stay in Communist China the Brazilian delegation was warned
by leaders of the Communist Party of China, including Mao
Tse-tung, not to lose sight of curbing rightist deviation. In-a
meeting with leaders of the CPSU in Moscow, the Brazilian
delegation was criticized for allowing bourgeois ideology to
penetrate the PCB and for not placing sufficient emphasis on
the class struggle and efforts to gain control of the worker-
farmer proletarian masses. In line with this criticism have
been the views of a significant group of leftist members of the
PCB Central Committee. These members do not disagree with
the strong emphasis on the anti-imperialist struggle as out-
lined in the document prepared by the Theses Commission for
the 5th PCB National Congress, but insist that sufficient
importance be given to the struggle of workers and farmers
against exploitation by capitalists and large landowners. They
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8. Meetings with other Latin American Groups. The
Brazilian delegation also met with many members of other
Latin American delegations. I I another CP has
reported that the Latin American delegates in China held a
conference to discuss matters of common interest. No
Chinese CP representatives were present at the conference.
The agenda was reported as defense of the Cuban revolution,
the Latin American Peoples' Congress in defense of national
resources, and the peace congress.) Several meetings of all
of the Latin American delegations were planned, but none
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also believe that the basic aim of the party should be to control
and lead the proletariat and that the PCB should not abandon
the class struggle by overemphasizing alliances with the
bourgeoisie for electoral and other purposes. )
b. Mao made the following statements to visiting
delegations from foreign Communist parties regarding CPSU
policies:
(1) The denigration of Josef Stalin was
handled by the CPSU in a very negative and abrupt manner,
which dismissed all the merits which Stalin had.
(2) Molotov is a valiant party member with a
world of experience.
(3) Peaceful disentanglement is a theory
which has no historical precedent. Those who want peace
must prepare themselves. for war. All Communist parties
throughout the world should be ready to fight.
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actually took place. One such meeting was planned to discuss
Cuba and the coming Latin American Peoples' Congress. (In
late November 1959 the same source reported that Pedro
Ventura de Araujo Pomar, a member of the CC of the PCB,
had recently returned from a trip to Cuba, where he had met
with representatives of the Communist parties of Cuba,
Venezuela, Chile, and Argentina to discuss the organization
of the Latin American Peoples' Congress. March 1960 was set
as the tentative date for the holding of this congress.) It was
later decided that, since representatives of different Latin
American Communist parties were, at that very moment,
meeting in Cuba to discuss the same matter, it would not be
worthwhile to hold another meeting 12, 000 miles away.
25X1
9. Relations between the PCB and other Latin
American CP's, Relations between the PCB and other Latin
American Communist parties have been somewhat strained in
recent years, and the PCB has been partly responsible for
this situation. Much of the hostility was caused by Diogenes
Lopes de Arruda Camara, who was formerly responsible for
dealing with other Latin American Communist parties.
Camara was disliked by most of the leaders of the other Latin
American Communist parties with whom he was in contact.
The relation between the PCB and other Latin American Com-
munist parties was improved as a result of informal talks held
in Communist China. Other Latin American. Communist parties
are in accord with the present policies of the PCB, especially
the policy of stressing the struggle against imperialism. In
the course of the informal talks the following was decided-
a. In the event of imperialist intervention in
Cuba, other Latin American countries, led by their Communist
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10
parties, will give complete support to the government of
Fidel Castro.
b. An armed revolution in Argentina in the near
future is inevitable. The Peronistas are making preparations
for this revolution, and they have the support of some of the
military. This revolution will be cruel and bloody. Although
the Communist Party of Argentina (PCA) has not yet decided
on a definite position, it will probably align itself with the
Peronistas, because the main concern of the PCA is to depose
Arturo Frondizi, president of Argentina, and this can only be
accomplished with the aid of the Peronistas. Frondizi is
completely controlled by the United States, as can be seen from
his efforts to bring Argentina under the domination of the Inter-
national Monetary Fund and the Export-Import Bank. Unfortu-
nately, the Peronistas will gain control of the government after
the overthrow of Frondizi. The PCA hopes to be able to obtain
favor by supporting the future government in its quest for power.
Other Latin American Communist parties will be greatly
affected by the outcome of the struggle in Argentina, and they
must begin to formulate a unified position. (Since the time of
this account, the head of the PCA, Victorio Codovilla, has
made it clear, in an article in the February 1960 issue of
Problems of Peace and Socialism, that the Party plans to act
jointly with the Peronistas to counter an alleged attempt by
"reactionaries" to establish a "naked dictatorship -- with or
without Frondizi. " Codovilla states that the Communists will
take advantage of "democratic and nationalist forces" in the
ranks of the armed services to prevent a military coup, and to
push for the establishment of a "broad democratic coalition
government" that will be more radical than previous regimes.)
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c. A Latin American congress must be held to
discuss the formation of a Latin American labor organization
to replace the Confederacao dos Trabalhadores da America
Latina (Confederation of Latin American Workers, CTAL).
During a recent international trade union meeting in Chile,
work was started on this. (The Second National Congress of
the Single Center of Chilean Workers (CUTCh) was held in
Santiago from 4 to 8 December 1959, and was attended by trade
union delegations from Argentina, Bolivia, Cuba, Czechoslovakia,
Communist China, France, Uruguay, Venezuela, and the USSR.
Many of these delegations included members who were also
officials of the World Federation of Trade Unions. During the
course of the congress it was resolved to organize a new Latin
American trade union federation which would be independent
of both the ORIT and the CTAL. At a meeting of the WFTU
Executive Committee in Bucharest in December 1959 it was
decided quietly to dissolve the CTAL. A WFTU official has
stated that the WFTU would attempt to promote the establish-
ment of a new regional organization which would encompass
worker groups of all political sentiments. )
III. LECTURE ON THE LESSONS FROM THE CHINESE
RE VOLUTION.
10. Lessons from the Chinese Revolution. The -
following is the translation of an internal document of the PCB
composed from notes taken on one of the lectures given in
October 1959 in Shanghai or Peiping for the Brazilian delegation.
(It should be noted that other Latin American CP delegations may
have attended these lectures also. This lecture seems note-
worthy for its mildness and frankness of tone. )
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a. Help and Hindrance. The aid that the Com-
munist parties of the world have given the people of China in
their struggle is greatly appreciated. The Latin American
Communist parties have been especially sympathetic toward
the Chinese people, because the people of Latin America are
also oppressed. China continues to be oppressed in the sense
that the western world continues to oppose recognition of
China, and that China continues to be economically under-
developed. The Communist Party of China realizes that it is
necessary to aid the masses, both during the revolution and in
the construction of socialism.
b. Comparison with Brazil. The Brazilian
bourgeoisie is more powerful than the Chinese bourgeoisie.
The people of Brazil have a higher living standard than that
enjoyed by the people of China before the revolution. Brazil
will develop even further through socialism. Brazil now has
problems which only socialism can solve. For this reason,
the leaders of the Communist Party of Brazil and of the
Brazilian working class must strive to\reach the next step
toward socialism.
c. Past Errors. In the past, one of our mis-
takes in the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle was the
speed with which we attempted to conquer the large cities,
where opposition was the strongest. We should have con-
centrated our strength in the rural areas, where the reactionary
forces were weakest. From there, we should have moved on to
the large cities. We have since corrected this mistake, how-
ever, and the situation has improved. In the beginning we were
guilty of leftist errors in our agrarian reform movement. We
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confiscated the land of the large landholders without returning
any land for them to work. In China the class struggle is very
violent. It cannot be said that we should only confiscate land-
holdings of more than 500 hectares. It is necessary to
confiscate all land, and to redistribute this land on a basis
whereby the wealthy farmers are given the same amount of
land to work as other farmers. China has a large population
and a scarcity of land. In China, 200 --Trillion ..of the 500
'million farmers have only one mou (one-sixth of an acre).
Before the revolution, sixty percent of the land in China was
in the hands of large landholders. Although the poor and
middle-class farmers made up ninety percent of the rural
population, eighty percent of the land was in the hands of
large landholders or rich farmers. The agrarian revolution
in China was, therefore, very violent. Brazil, on the other
hand, does not have a scarcity of land. In China there is no
longer any problem regarding large landholders and rich
farmers. There is, however, a problem regarding a certain
group of middle-class farmers who favor capitalism over
socialism. Rather than confiscate the land of this group, we
must persuade it to change its way of thinking. The Communist
Party of China is attempting to accomplish this through the
education of this group. We are supported by ninety percent
of the farmers, and the other ten percent are not in a position
to offer opposition. The class struggle is still going on in
China, and will not end for another. twenty to fifty years..
Although the capitalist regime has ended, the bourgeois
ideology remains. Industrialization has increased greatly in
China, and agriculture has become more mechanized. The
number of people's communes is increasing. The desire to do
things on an individual basis is decreasing. Collective life and
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production-are becoming a custom. Bourgeois ideology is spread
by means of the intellectual bourgeoisie and capitalists, and, in
rural areas, by the rich farmers and the obstinate group of
middle-class farmers. A long struggle will be required to
liquidate this ideology.
d. The Future. We are planning to overtake
Great Britain in the most important aspects of industrial and
agricultural production. Even after doing this, however, we
will not have solved the most important problems, because
China has 650 million people, as compared with 50 million
people in Great Britain. We originally planned to surpass
Great Britain in per capita production within fifty years, and
ten years have already passed. We hope that you will help us
to carry out our plan, and that the world situation will remain
peaceful. We are familiar with the class struggle. Today,
however, we are struggling against nature, and we are not as
familiar with this struggle. The socialist revolution requires
technical knowledge. We are being aided, however, by the
Soviet Union and other advanced socialist countries. We can
learn from these countries, but we cannot copy everything
because conditions in China are different from what they are
in other socialist countries. In the past, the CCP has been
guilty of committing dogmatic errors and of following an
erratic line, but this has now been corrected.
IV. LECTURE ON THE HISTORY OF THE CHINESE
REVOLUTION.
11. Survey of the Chinese Revolution. The following
is the translation of an internal document of the PCB composed
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from notes taken on one of the lectures given in October 1959
in Shanghai or Peiping for the Brazilian delegation. This
lecture was reported as given by Mao Tse-tung.
a. Preparation for the Construction of Socialism.
The way for the construction of socialism has been opened up
in our country in the past ten years, but the construction itself
has just begun. It is not an easy task to reach the point where
the construction of socialism can be started. Some years ago
we experienced the old democratic revolution, which was with-
out the direction of the working class. This period of the
Chinese revolution started in 1840 (Opium War). In 1911 a
victory was achieved against the Manchu government; and the
Nanking government, a bourgeois type of republic directed by
Sun Yat-sen, was established. The Communist Party did not
exist at that time, being established ten years later. The
establishment of the Communist Party changed the complexion
of the revolution. In the beginning, the Communist Party was
made up of a small group of revolutionary intellectuals. The
first party congress was attended by only twelve delegates.
The revolution of 1911 was a failure, and the bourgeois govern-
ment lasted only three months. Political power fell into the
hands of the large landholders. Earlier, it had fallen into the
hands of military leaders. Neither the landowners, the
militarists, nor the bourgeoisie granted any liberties.
b. The Struggle against Chiang Kai-shek. The
Communist Party was formed. in such an environment. From
1927 to 1949, Chiang Kai-shek maintained a military dictatorship
in China. It was a cruel dictatorship, such as is still found in
some Asian and Latin American countries. We co-operated
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-with Sun Yat-sen, and, after his death, with Chiang Kai-shek.
The bourgeoisie came to power with the aid of the Communist
Party, and, in return, the Communist Party was made illegal.
The leaders of the Communist Party were not ideologically
prepared, and did.not realize that friends could turn into
oppressive enemies. We had no choice other than to fight.
The guerrilla wars lasted from 1927 until 1937. When the
Japanese invaded China, Chiang decided to co-operate with the
Communist Party. However, at the same time that Chiang
was co-operating with the Communist Party in fighting the
Japanese, he was carrying out anti-Communist activities. The
Communist Party was caught between Chiang and the Japanese.
We were co-operating with Chiang and fighting him at the same
time. This continued from 1937 until 1945. It was during this
time that the necessary conditions for our assumption of
political power were achieved. At the end of the Second World
War we were in a position to confront Chiang when he attacked
us. We were preparing ourselves ideologically. Twice we had
co-operated with the bourgeoisie. The first time, we were not
prepared, and, as a result, the party was made illegal. The
second time, however, we were prepared for the counter-
attack. The period between the summer of 1945 and the summer
of 1946 was one of negotiations, without any violent struggles.
We were prepared ideologically when Chiang began his general
offensive in 1946, and we were able to run him off the continent
and set up a popular government.
c. The Bourgeoisie. Each country has its
different conditions. In each, however, it is necessary to
distinguish between the two groups of bourgeoisie, namely
the national bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie linked with
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imperialism. In our three and one-half year struggle, our
targets were the imperialists and the bourgeoisie headed by
Chiang. We never fought against the national bourgeoisie.
Even now, the national bourgeoisie is co-operating with us and
is represented in the government. In China there are eight
political parties representing the interests of the national
bourgeoisie, none of which had liberty under the Kuomintang.
One can see that the bourgeoisie cannot achieve victory in the
nationalist and democratic revolution against imperialism and
feudalism without the aid of the Communist Party and the
working class. Imperialism and feudalism were destroyed in
China between 1840 and 1949.
d. The Dictatorship of the Proletariat. The
bourgeoisie participated in the revolution of 1911 and in the war
against Japan, but was not able to establish a democratic
republic with a broad anti-imperialist program. Only with the
aid of the Communist Party could feudalism and imperialism be
destroyed. This revolution did not infringe upon the lands of
the national bourgeoisie or the individual farmers. The
bourgeois democratic revolution in China lasted 109 years, and
opened the way for the socialist revolution. For the past ten
years we have been carrying on a socialist revolution. The
mere destruction of imperialism and feudalism does not open
the way for a socialist revolution. Hegemony of the working
class and a dictatorship of the proletariat are prerequisites for
opening the way for a socialist revolution. In referring to a
dictatorship of the proletariat, I am referring to a dictatorship
of the farmers and workers. A dictatorship of the proletariat
cannot be achieved without the aid of the farmers. The farmers
played an important part in both our revolution and the October
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Revolution in the Soviet Union. Lenin pointed out the need for
a worker-farmer alliance. In a country such as China, where
80 percent of the population is rural, a regime cannot be con-
solidated without the aid of the farmers.
e. Economic Construction. We have achieved
considerable success in the past ten years. It is generally
said that the revolution and the construction of socialism can
be carried out at the same time. During our first eight years,
however, emphasis was placed on the revolution, clearing the
way for the construction of socialism. In the last two years we
have concentrated on economic construction, and this economic
construction will be our principal consideration for the next ten
to twenty years. Obstacles in the interior of the country have
been eliminated. Besides the support of the Soviet Union and
other socialist countries, we have the support of all of the
Communists in the world. We also have the support of many
people who, although not Communists, are anti-imperialist and
in favor of peace and democracy.
f. The Russian Revolution. Our revolution, and
others throughout the world, are a continuation of the October
Revolution. Both the Communist parties which have gained
power and those which have not are part of the revolutionary
forces. Their objectives are the same. We are following the
struggles of the Communist parties in Argentina, Brazil,
Venezuela, and other Latin American countries with considerable
interest.
g. The Growth of Communism. The situation
today is quite different from what it used to be. There are
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Communist parties in almost all of the countries of the world.
Of the eighty-three Communist parties in the world, seventy-
one sent delegates to China for the commemoration of the tenth
anniversary of the revolution. Three others did not send
dele-gates because the invitations were received too late. Nine
Communist parties which were invited to send delegates did not
do so. San Marino, with a population of 26, 000, has its Com-
munist party. Great changes have taken place in recent years,
and even greater changes will take place in the next ten to
fifteen years. It is possible that, even in China, further
changes will take place. Fourteen years have passed since the
end of the Second World War, and we have made every possible
effort to maintain peace during which time we can obtain more
successes in our economic construction. All of the Communist
parties in the world are striving for peace. With another
fifteen years of peace, the socialist world, headed by the Soviet
Union, will be far more advanced than the capitalist countries.
There are more than one billion inhabitants in the socialist
countries, only slightly less than half of the world's population.
The rest of the population of the world is not united. The
majority of Latin Americans, Asians, and Africans are
struggling against imperialism. The imperialist countries
(United States, Canada, France, West Germany, England, New
Zealand, and part of South Africa) have only 400 million
inhabitants in all. Moreover, the population in these countries
is divided into classes. They have bourgeois and Communist
political parties. There are differences among the members
of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie of England, France, and
the United States are not the same. We have every reason to
be optimistic. Our prospects are bright. The future is for the
Communists and not the bourgeoisie, a fact which has been
evident since the October Revolution.
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h. The CP of China. Before the October Revolu-
tion there were only isolated groups of Communists, but
immediately before the revolution, these groups merged into a
-great party. The history of the Communist Party of China,
which is thirty,-eight years old, is similar. In 1921 a small
group of Communists elected twelve delegates to the first
party congress. We suffered setbacks, and we committed
errors. We committed our first rightist error in 1927. The
Kuomintang forced us into clandestinity. We suffered our
second setback in 1934, and we were forced to make the long
march. We lost our bases in the south and went to the north.
We were guilty of leftist errors. These errors are very
important in the education of the party. After 1934, during the
period of Japanese resistance, we developed a correct political
line in accordance with the conditions in China. We began to
make a distinction between the two groups of bourgeoisie, a
distinction which-we had been a long time in understanding. We
began to understand the farmers, and the distinction between the
classes existing among this group. We had the large landholders
and the farmers. The large landholders fell into three groups,
according to the amount of land they owned. The farmers also
fell into three groups, these being the poor, the middle class,
and the rich, which had capitalist tendencies. We did not fight
against the rich farmer at the same time that we fought the
large landholders. Moreover, when we fought against the large
landholders, we left those with smaller holdings for the last.
i. Imperialists and Landowners. A distinction
must be made among the imperialists. It was a long time
before we recognized the distinction between the masses and
the imperialist leaders. We must distinguish between the
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imperialists with whom we have immediate and direct conflicts
and those with whom we do not. With regard to capitalist
-countries, there are periods when we can fight them, and there
are periods when we can live at peace with them. In Brazil at
the present time,, the farmers' principal conflict is not with the
large landholders but with the imperialists. There are many
large landholders who are opposed to imperialism, and these
large landholders should not be fought at the present time.
V. THE DELEGATION'S VISIT TO THE USSR AND
SATELLITES.
12. Visit to the USSR. After leaving Communist
China, the Brazilian delegation visited the Soviet Union, arriv-
ing there in time for the commemoration of the thirty-second
anniversary of the Russian Revolution. The delegation made a
tour of Soviet factories and visited an atomic energy plant in
the Moscow area. Soon after its arrival the delegation met
briefly with Nikita Khrushchev. The Brazilian delegation also
met with a commission made up of two members of the Secre-
tariat and three members of the Presidium of the CPSU.
.(According to Izvestiya of 18 November 1959, the Brazilian
delegation was received on 17 November in Moscow by M. A.
Suslov, Presidium and Secretariat member; O. V. Kuusinen,
Presidium and Secretariat member; P. N. Pospelov, candidate
of the Presidium and member of the Secretariat; and B. N.
Ponomarev, Central Committee member.) The members of
this commission explained that Khrushchev had gone to the
Crimea to rest up before attending a congress of the Communist
Party of Hungary. Prestes was told that, if he wished to dis-
cuss any matters personally with Khrushchev, he would be
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flown to the Crimea. Although the leaders of the CPSU agree
with the present policies of the PCB, they believe--that the PCB
should attempt to gain greater mass support and participate
more actively in mass meetings. The PCB should actively
participate in mass movements even when it is unable to play
the leading role in these movements. The PCB should not
strive to achieve hegemony of the proletariat immediately
where this is an impossibility. Naturally, in joining mass
movements, the Party should seek to gain control of these
movements but should not insist upon leadership as a pre-
requisite for participation. Before leaving the Soviet Union,
Prestes gave a speech at the Higher Party School in Moscow.
(The Higher Party School in Moscow is the CPSU establish-
ment used for most of the training given to foreign Communists
in the USSR.)
13. Visit to Poland. After leaving the Soviet Union,
where it had remained for twenty days, the Brazilian delega-
tion visited Poland, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany. The
delegation spent about four days in each of these countries.
In Poland the delegation was received by Wladislaw Gomulka,
who outlined some of the problems that the Communist Party
of Poland has had to face. The main problem has been that of
farm collectivization. The piety and individuality of the Polish
farmers make them radically hostile to a Communist state and
to collectivization. Many of the Polish people have refused to
accept Soviet leadership in the Communist movement because
of traditional hostility toward the Soviet Union. Gomulka said
that a serious economic problem has been created in Poland by
a rapid decline in coal exports. Western Europe, under pres-
sure from the United States, has turned to the use of oil instead
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of coal for many of its fuel needs. This has resulted in a coal
surplus, and many mines have been forced to shut down,
creating unemployment or the placement of miners in other
work for which they have no skill. Collectivization is progres-
sing in Poland, although on a much slower scale than originally
envisioned. There is no solution for the coal problem other
than developing other exports, and Poland has been quite
successful in this.
14. Visit to Czechoslovakia. In Czechoslovakia the
Brazilian delegation was received by one Novotny (undoubtedly
Antonin Novotny, president and first secretary of the Czech
Party). While in Prague, the delegation met with the Soviet
editor-in-chief of Problems of Peace and Socialism, an inter-
national Communist publication. This man complained that the
PCB had not submitted articles for publication in this magazine,
and suggested that it might be interested in contributing some
articles for the current debate going on in the magazine on the
bourgeoisie. He said that a debate on contemporary colonialism
would soon be started, and he invited the PCB to start off this
debate by submitting an article on the colonial position of
Brazil. This man said that the staff of Problems of Peace and
Socialism was satisfied with the Brazilian representative on the
magazine, who was not a part of the editorial staff. (A usually
reliable source recently reported that Fued Saad, a Brazilian
medical doctor and a member of the PCB, was in Prague as the
head of the Brazilian section of Problems of Peace and
Socialism, as of late November 1959.) Prestes spoke before a
group of CzechoslovakiaaCommunists in Prague.
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15. Visit to East Germany. In- East- Germany the
Brazilian delegation met with many Communist leaders. As
in other countries visited, Prestes made several speeches and
the delegation visited many factories and schools. The East
Germans have a tremendous propaganda machine, and one of
the major activities of the Party is the preparation of propaganda
to be sent into West Germany. Refugees are now coming into
East Germany from West Germany, instead of leaving East
Germany as they had been doing in the past. (Refugees are
still leaving East Germany for West Germany although in
smaller numbers than before.) The PCB was invited to send a
journalist to East Germany to co-ordinate propaganda and
write articles about Latin America. The East German govern-
ment offered to pay the salary and expenses of this journalist.
The PCB was requested to send films to East Germany, showing
strikes and.describing the economic plight of the masses in
Brazil. During his stay in East Germany Prestes visited the
concentration camp where his wife died during the Second
World War. Prestes also laid a wreath on the tomb of Harry
Berger, an international Communist leader who, at one time,
served in Brazil. The East German party is now trying to
reclaim Berger, who was condemned by the party as a
deviationist. Articles have recently appeared in newspapers
in East Germany, pointing out that many of Berger's deviations
later became party policy.
VI. DISCUSSION OF PCB POLICIES IN MOSCOW.
The following is the translation of an internal docu-
ment of the PCB composed from notes taken by the Brazilian
delegation during its discussions with members of the Presidium
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and Central Committee of the CPSU in Moscow in November
1959. These remarks were made by CPSU leaders M. A. Suslov
and O. V. Kuusinen.
16. Need for Closer Party Ties with Workers and
Farmers.
Suslov. Soon after the Twenty-First Congress of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), a delegation
representing your Central Committee (CC), headed by Carlos
Marighella, visited our country and met with our CC. At the
request of this delegation, we expressed opinions on some of
the documents of the PCB. Our opinions were essentially as
follows: Some of the documents, especially the Political
Declaration of March 1958, did not devote sufficient attention
to the demands of the workers and farmers. The Party cannot
win the support of the masses in the anti-imperialist and anti-
feudal struggle without devoting attention to these demands.
We were afraid that the PCB would lose its link with the masses.
We stressed the necessity for maintaining closer connections
with the working class, because without the overwhelming
support of the working class and the farmers, the Party cannot
carry out its revolutionary tasks. In order to gain this over-
whelming support, the Party must devote sufficient attention to
the defense of the material interests of the workers and
farmers. Other classes, such as the national bourgeoisie, the
petty bourgeoisie, and the intellectuals, naturally play an
important part in the revolution, and it is necessary to strive
for an alliance with these classes in the anti-imperialist and
anti-feudal struggle. The broader this alliance is, the easier
it is for the Party to carry out its tasks. Even the large
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landowners and monopolists can take a certain role in the anti-
imperialist struggle, but only in a given stage of the revolution.
These groups cannot, however, be mixed with the working class
or the national bourgeoisie.
17. Anti-Imperialist vs. Anti-Feudal Struggle.
We familiarized ourselves with your documents
on the international situation, the balance of discussion, and
the labor resolution. We were well impressed with these docu-
ments because they indicated that your Party was seriously
preparing for its national congress. In general, your Party
is well oriented. If we were Brazilians, we would sign these
documents and vote for them. We do, however, have some
suggestions as to how these documents could be improved
upon. You were correct in stressing the anti-imperialist
struggle. You must be careful in this regard, however, not
to forget the anti-feudal struggle. These two aspects of the
revolution are intimately connected. By stressing the anti-
feudal aspects of the revolution you can win the support of the
farmers in your anti-imperialist struggle. It is possible that
it will be necessary to take certain. action in the course of the
anti-feudal struggle which will bring about the loss of support
from certain of the large landowners. This will result in less
harm, however, than accepting the backward situation of the
farmers and losing their valuable support. You mentioned the
necessity for stimulating the class struggle, and this should be
done. If the working class remains silent, without stating its
demands, it receives no consideration whatsoever. From this
point of view, we were pleased with the documents on the labor
movement and the balance of discussion. It seems to us that
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same joint demands of the farmers and workers should be out-
lined in order to aid them in their struggle. When the workers
and farmers overcome their enemies, they will have more
consideration for our forces.
18. Revisionism the Current Danger.
We would like to make a comment in regard to the
principal danger of the Party at the present time. Since you
are naturally in a better position to judge this than we are, we
do not expect you to accept our opinions without qualification.
We have the following impression: The principal danger to a
Party changes from time to time. At one time it might be
revisionism, and another time it might be dogmatism and
sectarianism. In 1957 the principal danger to your Party was
dogmatism. Two years later leftist deviation became a serious
problem, although dogmatism and sectarianism, which are
never completely eliminated, still remained a problem. A
question comes to mind: Has not the situation changed now?
Are not revisionism, reformism, opportunism, and related
problems the principal danger to your Party at the present
time? Your Party has been penetrated by a strong bourgeois
ideology, stronger than that found in many Communist parties
in capitalist countries. North American imperialists are
making an effort to subordinate the working class to their
influence and, through revisionism, opportunism, and
reformism, to destroy the party of the workers. We just want
to plant a seed of doubt in your minds so that you will carefully
examine your position.
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19. Recognition of Vacillation of Bourgeoisie.
Kuusinen. I have something to add in connection
with what Suslov has said. Sectarians are not able to take
advantage of the points of conflict existing among our enemies.
As a rule, the sectarians are not understood by the masses.
They are dogmatists who cannot adapt themselves to the
peculiarities of their area. We want you to study the situation
in Brazil. We have always advised Party members to take into
consideration the peculiarities of their area. An important
thing to remember is that Brazil is not a colony, but an inde-
pendent nation reduced by imperialism to the conditions of a
monocultured country. The Brazilians are aware of the fact
that the differences between their country and North American
imperialism are increasing. These differences, however, are
complex. It is important to take advantage of the differences
existing among the bourgeoisie. It is wrong, however, to
exaggerate these differences. This group will join with you
when it is in its interest, but cannot be counted on for contin-
uous aid, because it has its connections with the reactionary
forces. The bourgeoisie wants to be assured of the support of
the masses, and, in Brazil, is attempting to assure this, to a
great extent, through the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB).
The PTB is attempting to make the masses subservient to the
bourgeoisie. In struggling against imperialism, the national
bourgeoisie is gaining the support of the masses. This does
not contribute to the advance of nationalist tasks. in the anti-
imperialist struggle. The PCB must always take into con-
sideration the vacillation of the bourgeoisie. I do not understand
why the Declaration of March did not call for the confiscation of
North American businesses and capital, and the annulment of all
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treaties and agreements which are prejudicial-to -the best
interests of Brazil. Nor do I understand why any clashes
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie should be con-
sidered harmful at this state of the revolution. Strikes are
considered clashes with the bourgeoisie, and the PCB is
certainly not opposed to strikes. Certain clashes with the
bourgeoisie are inevitable. The desire to form a united front
of democratic forces and to form a democratic coalition
government is justified. Suslov was correct in saying that
the revolution cannot be successful without the aid of the
masses, and this aid can only be achieved through supporting
the daily and immediate demands of the masses.
20. Hegemony of the Working Class.
Suslov, The most important issue is that of
hegemony. I want to alert you to the sectarian approach to
this issue. The revisionists avoid the issue of the hegemony
of the working class. The sectarians consider the question
of the hegemony of the working class to be one to be con-
sidered in the beginning stages of the revolution. This question
of hegemony is one which must be considered in all stages of
the revolution. This hegemony of the working class is the
result of the tremendous struggle of the Communist party.
This hegemony is created in the course of the struggle. The
task of the Party is to work daily to gain the support of the
masses, gaining hegemony of the working class day by day.
You must strengthen your connections with the working classes
and the labor unions. You must aid the farmers and help to
strengthen their organizations. You must penetrate different
organizations. The Cubans are correct in saying that they
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must strive for the hegemony of the working class. Even Fidel
Castro cannot remain immune to this idea.
21. Support of Lott a Tactical Maneuver.
We consider your support of the presidential
candidacy of Marshal Henrique Teixeira Lott to be a matter of
tactics' rather than principle. It is. important in this class
struggle for the Party to retain its identity, exerting its
influence among the masses and clarifying its position before
the masses. If Lott is elected, even though he is a reactionary,
the Party will gain through his election. If Lott, on the other
hand, were a democrat, and the Party supported him without
clarifying its position before the masses, It would gain nothing.
At a given moment, the Party might make a gain, but, in the
end, the masses would not be able to distinguish between the
PCB and the bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties.
22. Need to be Prepared for Armed Struggle.
We believe that it is possible that the Brazilian
revolution can be carried out peacefully, but you must be
prepared for the other possibility.
23. Need for Discipline.
Your system of internal democracy and collective
leadership is good. You must not neglect discipline, however.
Once passed, a resolution cannot be applied without discipline.
It is important to elevate the prestige of the CC. The struggle
against the personality cult tends to reduce the prestige of Party
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leaders. We are in favor of Party leaders enjoying a special
prestige. We are in favor of having the prestige of Party
leaders elevated through internal democracy and collective
leadership. This will help to speed up the consolidation of the
Party.
1. comment. All of the members of the CCPCB
residing in a area of the City of Sao Paulo attended this
meeting with Prestes with the exception of Antonio Chamorro.
The complete list of persons in attendance was as follows:
Luiz Carlos Prestes
Ramiro Luchesi
Calil Chadde
Sergio Alves Holmos
Moises Waischenker
Pedro Ventura de Araujo Pomar
Orlando Luiz Piotto
Nestor Vera
Artigas (fnu), in whose home the
meeting was held
"Pepe" (PCB alias)
Maria Salas
Herondina Arruda
Armando Mazzo
Angelo de Arroyo
Orli Andrezzo
Lourival Costa Vilar
Domingos Pereira Marques
Artigas (fnu), an engineer, resides in the Santo Amaro area
of the City of Sao Paulo. OComment. Artigas (fnu) is
possibly identifiable with Joao Batista Vilanova Artigas, an
engineer and a long-time member of the PCB in the area of the
City of Sao Paulo.
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