LETTER TO THE VICE PRESIDENT FROM C. P. CABELL HOLD FOR SRS TICKET (SANITIZED)
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CIA-RDP80B01676R004300040020-1
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Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
20
Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
July 27, 2006
Sequence Number:
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Case Number:
Publication Date:
September 3, 1959
Content Type:
LETTER
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0& the 26th of AnVast General Cusbwm of ymr uffiae asked
that we provide Y M wltlb a compilation of the color:
s the threatening aenti.i'estem *t t is made publicly by
1[r. Khrusbchev during past two yearn.
In the interest of brevity no attempt ' been made to
extract all such statements fr the Sian press and radio.
The ett robed sate al represents, sel eeted statements chosen
primarily from 11ad Moscow or s .
I trust that this i terieal reets your root
DAD/0 - gwb - 3 Sept 59
ta.
C. P. esb.u
lei,
Acting Dir for
Distribution: I/ Pages 3 th~y,
2 - ADCI, w/2 sets enclosures
1 - DD/I, w/l set enclosures
1 - Return to 00
1 -AD/0
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MEMORANDUM FOR: Acting Director of Central Intelligence
SUBJECT: Request from the Vice President for a Sampling
of Threatening Statements, Colorful Statements
and Anti-Western Statements by Khrushchev Over
the Past Few 'Years.
1. This memorandum suggests action on the part of the Acting DCI.
Such requested action is contained in paragraph four.
2. On 26 August General Cushman, Office of the Vice President,
called and stated that Mr. Nixon would like to have from us all of the
most colorful statements and all of the most threatening anti-Western
statements made by Khrushchev from the time when he assumed supreme power
in the USSR.
3. After further discussions with General Cushman it was decided
that we would not attempt to screen out and list all such statements
but would instead provide a selection covering the last two years.
This has now been done and the statements are herewith forwarded.
4. It is recommended that the attached letter to the Vice President
enclosing the requested material be signed by you.
Assistant Director for Operat ons
Enclosure:
Proposed letter to Vice
President w/enclosures
cc: DDCI
DD/I
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OFFICIAL USE ONLY 3 September 1959
SELECTED STAT:ENIEN S BY G USHCHEV
On Retaliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Al
On Soviet and Bloc Strength . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B1
On the Destruction of Capitalism . . . . . . . . . . . . Cl
On the Bloc versus the West . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dl
On Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D2
On Friendship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . w . . . . D2
On Secrets and Confidences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D3
On the Press and Propaganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D3
On Agriculture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D
On Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D
On Religion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D6
About Himself . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . D6
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Part I of this collation reproduces a selection of threat-
ening statements made publicly by Khrushchev during the
past two years. The statements are reproduced in reverse
chronological order within each of three categories--
(A) retaliation, (B) Soviet and bloc strength, and (C) the
"destruction of capitalism." Introductory remarks on
pages Al, Bi, and Cl indicate the degree to which the
statements included in the compilation are typical.
Part II reproduces a selection of colorful statements--
metaphors, maxims, coined phrases--used by Khrushchev in
speeches during the past two years. A selection of speeches
made both in the USSR and abroad were examined. Most of
the speeches were made during 1959. Several were broad-
cast live.
The source of all the statements in tris compilation is
Radio .Moscow or TASS unless otherwise noted.
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I. THREATENING STATEMENTS
A. ON RETALIATION
Khrushchev has invariably accompanied his charges of
Western "agZressave plans" with warnings of Soviet or
bloc retaliation. In many cases he has warned simply
that the USSR would give "due rebuff" to any Western
aggression.. But on some occasions he has specified that
the USSR would destroy the bases from which aggression was
launched or that the USSR "can hit any point on the
globe."
Soviet capability to deal retaliatory blows directly
against the United States was emphasized by Khrushchev
particularly in the period following the USSR's August
1957 ICBM test and the subsequent sputnik launchings.
Some of Khrushchev's explicit saber-rattling statements
are reproducett in this section, followed by a selection
of his moreene:al zed threats.
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1. Atypically Harsh Statements
At present only wild people can dream about revenge. at would
happen, for instance, if West Germany with the support of its allies
would start war against us? It would surely be defeated in a brief
time in the same manner the whole grouping of enemy forces would be
defeated. On what are such suppositions. based? You probably have
an idea how many nuclear bombs with a capacity of 3 to 5 million
tons would have to be exploded over the territory of West Germany
in order to put it out of action.
(Editor G. Braune: Eight Hydrogen Bombs.)
Obviously not more, And what do you think, do we have eight
hydrogen bombs?
(G. Braune: Surely, even more.)
And how many are needed for putting out of action other West
European countries? Obviously not more.
You may say: But, would the Soviet Union suffer no losses in the
event of war? Yes, it would have losses, and great ones. But,
while we would suffer losses, the Western powers would be literally
wiped off the face of the earth. And the first to suffer in this
connection would be the countries in which the Americans are locat-
ing their rocket bases. (interview with SPD editors, 5 May 1959)
Some exceedingly boastful American generals and admirals say that
the United States, if it started a war now, would destroy the USSR
in several days. Obviously they are weak in mathematics. Otherwise
they might ask themselves the question: and how long would it take
to destroy the United States if it unleashed a war? For war is not
a one-sided operat.o ; it can turn badly against the side which
begins it. It is common knowledge that the other side has no fewer
forces and possibilivies than those represented by Taylor and
Burke. (in Moscow, 19 March 1959)
If a war is unleashed now by the aggressive circles of the United
States, it will be waged not only in Europe, in Asia, or Africa.
This war will immediately be carried on to the territory of the
United States because intercontinental ballistic missiles now
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make it possible to hit a target in any area of the globe.
this case, the American people will suffer enormous losses.
A3
All means-intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine missiles,
and other means which now exist--will be used in case of an
armed conflict. You yourself understand that is the logic of
war, the logic of struggle. (in an interview with Hearst,
22 November 1957)
If war is not averted, the Americans will experience the most
devastating war ever known by mankind. It will rage not only in
Europe and Asia but, with no lesser fury in the United States.
... it should be borne in mind that modern military techniques
make it possible to keep all of America's vital centers under
fire from submarines and with the help of ballistic missiles,
and to blockade the U.S. coast. This means that the United
States is now just as vulnerable as any other country. (in an
interview with Shapiro, 14 November 1957)
You insist on this flying business and looking at our factories.
You know those rockets made the situation more frightful. Now
we can destroy countries in a few minutes. How many bombs does
it take to destroy V'est Germany? How many for France? How
many for England? Just a few. We have now H-bombs and rockets.
We do not even have to send any bombers. (in an interview with
Mrs. Roosevelt, 29 September 1957, not released by Moscow)
2. Examples of Routine Statements
I also told CM-r. Nixo7 that if the West German militarists start
a war, we could with our retaliatory actions in several hours
wipe from the face of the'earth West Germany and other countries
with military bases directed against the Soviet Union and Warsaw
Treaty countries. (in Dnepropetrovsk, 28 July 1959)
When the imperialists dare attack you or us or any other country
of the socialist camp, we will be able to deal them a smashing,
annihilating repulse. (in "Tirana, 30 Way 1959)
Everyone knows that the Soviet Union threatens nobody, and no
one with common sense ai1i start war against our country, for
this threatens them witn a crushing defeat. (in Kishinev, 14 May
1959)
We are not among the fainthearted, and we are ready togive the due
rebuff to any attempt to use force against us or our friends. (in
Berliaa, 9 March 1959)
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A4
We do not want war and we will do everything to prevent it. But
if the Western powers were to start war, its outcome, g l,'en the
modern military techniques, would be fatal to them. Ater all,
when they say that they have military bases close to our frontiers,
it is to be understood that these bases are not located on the
moon, but in densely populated areas. And if these bases are
close to us, this means that we are close to them. (in Leipzig,
4 March 1959)
We do not want to go to war, and we have no intention of crossing
the frontiers of other states. We do not need anyone else's land
or wealth. Vie have vast lands and inexhaustible riches of our
own. Yet should our frontiers or those of our allies be violated,
we cannot remain inactive. 'Mtoever tries to violate these frontiers
and to implement his predatory aims by the force of arms will be
given a crushing rebuff. (in Tula, 17 February 1959)
In point of fact, the Soy let Union today has the means to deliver
a crushing blow to the aggressor at any point on the globe. (in
Moscow, 5 February 1959)
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Q FICIAL USE MY 01
ON SOVIET
AND BLOC X1'1;EN~TH
IU3rushohev compares Soviet or bloc strength with that of the West in
the following selection of public statements made during the past two
years.
Although most of the statements cited deal with military power, it should
be noted that explicit characterizations of over-all Soviet strength in
terms of military might are the exception rather than the rule, both
for Rhrushchev and for Soviet propaganda as a whole. Soviet propa-
ganda, unlike that of Communist China, never portrays the United States
as militarily weak. The vast majority of Soviet statements about the
USSR's or the bloc's prowess are couched in general terms--references
to the bloc as "strong" or "mighty" or to the socialist system as superior.
The atypically explicit statements quoted here include Xhruahchev's
unprecedented claim--in his 20 July 1959 speech in Rzeszow, Poland--that
Soviet bombers are superior to those of the United States. This claim
was reported by the Polish Press Agency but was not mentioned in PRAVDA's
account of the speech. In prior speeches IQurushchev had denigrated the
role of bomber aircraft in a war but had not explicitly disparaged U.S.
as compared with Soviet bombers.
Also reproduced here are a few of the statements in which IO rushchev
discussed all-around bloc strength and the "balance of forces." The
term "balance of forces," as used in Soviet propaganda, has only once
been clearly defined: In his interview with a Danish paper (page D3 of
this compilation), Khrushchev explained that political, economic, and
military factors were all involved.
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ON SOVIT AND BLOC STRENGTH
It should be borne in mind that if the West Germans use all the
economic potential and manpower resources of their country for
creating the most powerful army in West Europe, even the strength
of that army would not be equal to the power of our army and those
of our allies. Even with its allies the Federal R,-Public would
not be able to equal our strength and power. (in a letter to
Adenauer, 19 August 1959)
The Americans boast that they have long-range heavy bombers. The
role of bombers is no longer so great as formerly. We build
bombers just to keep in practice. Americans boast about the record
range and ceiling of their bombers, but these records belong to
the Soviet Air Force--a fact recently reported in the press. The
capitalist world maintains that it will catch up with us in the
field of technology, but it seems that nobody doubts that we will
not stand still and passively watch their endeavors. (in Rzeszow,
Poland, 20 July 1959, as reported by the Polish News Agency)
If the imperiali-ts attempt to attack us, we are capable of
inflicting such a blow on them that they will be unable to recover.
...The imperialists know our might. To attack us is tantamount to
suicide; one would be insane to do so. I do not believe they are
as stupid as all that; I believe they are aware of the consequences
which the unleashing of a war against the socialist countries may
have for them. (in Vlore, 31 May 1959)
We, too, can do some scaring--the more so since we have what is
needed to scare them with. Indeed, they are threatening us because
they are afraid of our successes. The Soviet Union's successes
in peaceful development, the impetuous growth of our peaceful
economy--that is what the smiler al sts now fear in particular. They
are in no position to stop our forward movement. They understand
that it is not wise to go to war with us. Vichy? It is because war
promises them nothing good. The imperialists can, of course, inflict
no little destruction on our country. But our country is big; it
is difficult to defeat it in war. If the i erialists unleash war
they will be threatened with inevitable catastrophe. (in Kiev,
11 May 1959)
It is time to understand twat the days when the imperialists could
act with impunity from the -position of strength are gone beyond recall.
Whatever the military may trry, they are unable to change the cor-
relation of forces to their advantage They cannot forget the
geographical situation of hest Germany which, with the present military
techniques, would not last a day in a modern war. (in Moscow,
10 November 1958)
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B3
Those who now want to come out again under the shabby flag of the
fight against communism should not forget the` fiasco experienced
by all kinds of anticommunist "axes" and "triangles" in the recent
past. It would also be profitable for them to keep it in mind that
the balance of2ower in the international arena has radically changed
compared with the years before the Second lorld War, in favor of the
forces of peace and progress. It is understandable that in these
conditions any government which allows itself to be carried away
with hatred for the peoples which are building a new society would
embark on an extremely dangerous road at the and of which it
would be awaited by an inevitable catastrophe and no axes or blocs
could be of any help.. (in an interview with DIE ZEIT) 23 September
1958)
The launching of the Soviet sputniks first of all shows the out-
standing successes scored by the Soviet Union in the development
of science and technology ar?d also that the USSR has outstripped the
leading capitalist country, the United States, in the field of
scientific and technical progress. The launching of the sputniks
also shows without doubt that a serious chime has occurred in the
balance of forces between the countries of socialism and capitalism
in favor of the socialist nations. Balance of forces is a broad
conception which includes political, economic, and military factors.
(in an interview with DANSK FOLKFSTYRE, 15 January 1958)
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2. ONT E 3TRUCTION OF CAPITALISM
This section reproduces a selection of statements since the
20th CPSU Congress (February 1956) in which lirushchev has forecast
the "destruction of capitalism" in the event of global war.
Vhile Khrushchev continues to reiterate this orthodox communist
thesis on the ultimate consequences of world war, he has at the
same time become increasingly frank about the mutual destruction
that would result from a thermonuclear war. In UDscow on 14 November
1958 he declared t:~st with the push of one button "whole cities
will be blown sky-high, whole cities can be destroyed." In a
letter to a Japanese anti-nuclear-weapons group on 14 April 1958 he
spoke of the importance of preventing "a rocket and nuclear war which
would spell ruin for all mankind." And in Moscow on 14 March 1958
he declared that use of nuclear weapons would "poison the atmosphere
with radioactive fallout, and this may lead to the destruction of
nearly all living organisms."
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ON THE DESTRUCTION OF CAPITALISM
As a result of a third world war, should one ever be launched by
the imperialists, capitalism will be eliminated. We are con-
vinced of this. We hope that the imperialists also understand
this and will not play with fire. (in Dnepropetrovsk, 28 July 1959)
The imperialists would like to make short shrift of the socialist
camp, to wipe the socialist countries off the face of the earth,
but they are powerless to do so. They realize that a war can be
started--one need not be too clever for that--but how will it end?
We are convinced that should the imperialists touch off such a war
it will end in the destruction of capitalism. (in Leipzig,
7 March 1959)
The situation is now such that the imperialists will hardly dare
to unleash a war against the countries of the socialist camp.
Everyone who is capable of thinking and considering soundly, cannot
fail to see that she USSR and countries of the socialist camp are
now at such a high level of development that an attempt to unleash
a new war against these countries will end in the collapse of the
capitalist systei. (in Krasnodar, 16 October 1958
The aggressive blo3 of the Western powers has up to now refused to
take any earnest steps to save peace, but on the contrary is ag-
gravating international tension unscrupulously, thus bringing man-
kind to the brink of a war catastrophe. They should know, however,
that if the imperialist war maniacs should dare to impose war on
the people of the world, all. the countries and people who love peace
and freedom will unite closely to wipe out clean the i erialist a -
ressors and so establish everlasting world peace. (in the com-
munique signed with Mao Tse-tung, 3 August 1958)
We need not be scientists or military experts to understand that a
future war, if it were unleashed by criminal forces, would cause
immeasurable harm to all mankind.... It is our firm conviction
that in the event of an armed conflict, the socialist system would
be victorious and the capitalist s stem would be unable to weather
the-grave--ordeals. in Budapest, 3 April 195
The process of historic development is inexorable. It cannot be
stopped by any reactionary forces. Should they trX - to .do s__ o by
force of arms and unleash ua:r. they will dig their graves with
their own hands. The peoples will no longer tolerate a system
which gives birth to wars and brings to mankind torment and
suffering. (in Moscow, 21 December 1957)
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This does not mean that war cannot flare up. As I have said, one
cannot vouch for a madman. But the actual correlation of forces
is such that the militarists and monopolists would do well to
pause and think--and think hard--before starting a war. It is our
conviction that if a war is started--and only i_tperialist countries
can do it because no socialist state is interested in war--capitalism
will be routed. And it will be the last suffering that the capitalist
world will have inflicted on mankind, for capitalism will be done
with once and for all. (in 11ioscow, 14 November 1957)
With the contemporary development of military technique, an attempt
of the imperialists to unleash a world war would lead to incon-
ceivably great destruction and losses. The use of atomic and
hydrogen weapons, of ballistic rockets,would result in enormous
calamity for all mankind. In provoki this calamity the capitalist
regime will doom itself to an inevitable end. The peoples will no
longer countenance a system which brings torment and suffering to
mankind and unleashes bloody aggressive wars.
Although we are convinced that as a result of a new war, should it
be unleashed by capitalist circles, the system which creates wars
the capitalist system, would perish and the socialist system would
win, we Communists do not aspire for victory in this way; we Com-
munists have never striven and will never strive to achieve our
aims by such terrible means. (in Moscow, 6 November 1957)
Some reproach me for allegedly changing my point of view, since
I once said that if an atomic war came about it would be capitalism
that would perish in that war. This I repeat today, But we think
that capitalism should be destroyed not by means of war and military
conflicts but through an ideological and economic struggle....
5Cutl.er, referring to Khrushchev's remark that a future war would
destroy capitalism, asked him whether he thought a future war would
destroy Communism as Yvelij No it would not. It would bring man-
kind great calamities, great; losses in men, destruction of wealth,
but mankind would not perish after all. And since mankind would
continue to exist, the Ideas of Marxism-Leninism are immortal. That
is why mankind would be rid of capitalism, But war is such a price
that we should not resort to it. It would be harmful to the socialist
countries as well as to the capitalist countries. (in Moscow,
28 May 1957)
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II. COLORFUL S"TATFaVIWS
ON THE BLOC_ VERSUS THE WEST
Now the United States and several other Western countries refuse
to recognize the CPR, a great country with a population of over
650 million. But this does not alter the fact that the CPR exists
and is gathering great strength. Speaking figuratively, if all
the people of People's China wereo sneeze there would be a
storm in some countries not recognizing the CPR at present.
Speech to the Moldavian Supreme Soviet, 14 May 1959)
They say that they have more bombers, and the Soviet Union has
fewer bombers. They allege that the Soviet Union has but few
intercontinental rockets. ...It should be pointed out that it
is always better to count in one's own Docket than in someone else's.
Interview with SPA editors, May 1959)
Eminent Social Democratic leaders, who called themselves Marxists,
asserted that the birth of the Soviet state was unlawful, that
the socialist revolution in. Russia was an illegitimate revolu-
tion. ...You know how they illegitimate children are regarded
in the capitalist society. And yet, illegitimate children are
frequently far stronger and more flitted than legitimate children.
(Speech in Leipzig, 7 March 1959)
The imperialists would like to destroy the socialist countries as
a hungry wolf would like to kill a lion but here is the rub: stomach is too small and the teeth, too, are not what they were--
worn down, you know. (Spee(3h in Leipaig,,7 March 1959)
Regarding intervention in Lebanon and Jordan ...it is high time
to understand that lions can no longer frighten people by their
row that it is a thing of the past when countries could be
seized with impunity and peoples plundered. (at a Moscow reception
for UAR Defense Minister Am:ir, 21 October 1958)
W. do not want to be like the lamb who is defenseless againgt the
wolf. Both the lamb and the wolf live on the same earth. But
the wolf devours the lamb by the right of strength. We do not
want to be in the position of the lamb. We must have teeth so that
the wolves know they cannot attack peace-loving countries with
impunity. The wolves may lose their skins and maybe even more--
their heads. (Interview with the Tokyo ABAHI SHTh UN, 18 June 195'7)
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ON g MM
...are we supposed to compel the workers of the ODR to go back to
the capitalist slavery of West Germany? No: The capitalist
gentlemen will have to wait for this till the shrimp whistles, as
the saying goes. Anyway, who knows if a shrimp whistles at all?
(Moldavian Supreme Soviet, 14 May 1959)
What can I say about Chancellor Adenauer? He is quarrelsome like
a young fighting cook. (Kremlin press conference, 19 March 1959)
To do so reunify Germany at the expense of the GDR and the socialist
from would be to imitate the proverbial crucian carp which
wanted to jump into the pike's mouth, and in such a way as not to
scratch its throat. (Speech in Leipzig, 7 March 1959)
In Germany, there always were so many trends and hues in the labor
movement that--as the Russian saying goes--the devil himself would
break a leg before he makes head or tail of it. (Speech in Leipzig)
7 March 1959)
...Herr Adenauer, the Chancellor of West Germany... banks on a
continuation of the cold war and the pursuance of the positions-
of-strength policy. You, Herr Kanzler, are sitting on the river
bank with a fishing rod and waiting for a fish to bite. But the
fish-you-want does not live in that river. Is it not time you
gave up-dreams that cannot come true? (At the 21st CPSU Congress,
5 February 1959)
ODN FRIENDSHIP
We want to be friends with the bited States and all other countries.
So let us stop talking about diktat and ultimatums. Let us stop
dragging a dead cat about by its tail. ...I pulled a dead cat by
the tail to liven up our conversation. (During exchange with
Nixon at U. S. exhibition; M)scow, 29 July 1959)
Our country is larger Shan IraaJ; our territory is boundless. So
we thought: Well, why should we act like hairsplitters and split
hairs? ...we would rather not bargain about an extra penny; it is
worth more to gain friends than to have an extra penny in our pocket.
Fre-election speech in Moscow, 24 February 1959)
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ON SECRETS AND CONFIDENCES
LT-he Shah of Ira/ had developed behind-the-scenes activity. You
know how secrets are kept. I think that the Shah of Iran knows
himself. And if he does not..., may I tell him that many secrets
are not kept for more than a week or two before everybody finds
them out. Anyone who has a secret has most intimate friends to
whom he confides one's most cherished secret. But anyone who is
told such a secret has his own friends of this kind. And he
will also want to tell his friends "most confidentially," "just
between himself, his friend, and the lamppost." The latter will
then tell this to his oun friend, and so the whole world learns
these secrets. (Preelection speech in Moscow, 24 February 1959)
You will remember that this Senator [Hu rphrey7 recently visited
the Soviet Union and I had a talk with him. In the expectation
of a noisy sensation, Humphrey, in his speeches and articles, told
fairy tales three bags full, such as the story that he brought a
special message from the Soviet Government to President Eisenhower--
of course no su^'i message existed at all--and that I had confided
two important secrets to him.. Indeed, I could not find a better
partner to share secrets with than W. Humphrey: Senator Humphrey's
wild imagination ran riot when he began to make up his inventions
about the relations between the Soviet Union and the Cqj,.nese
People's Republic. In this he even exceeded the well --.'~:ncmm
compiler of fabrications, Baron M enehausen. (at the 21st CPSU
Congress, 5 February 1959)
ON THE PRESS AND PROPAGANDA
. t, I would like to tell you a funny stern anecdc to, W. Nixon.
A mullah once walked along the road. When he was asked where he
was going he said: Up there, that mountain; they say you can get
food free there. People went in crowds to the place pointed out by
the mullah. When the mullah save this he himself believed in his
lie: Is it possible that they are really giving out food for noth-
ing up there? And he joii.ed the crowds. This is just like your
propaganda. (during exchange with Vice President Nixon at U.S.
exhibition, 24 July 19 9)
Among the hundreds of thousands of kind and joyful faces of the
people who welcomed us here, I have also seen people at some
meetings whose faces were rather sad. And when I nad a good
look at them I was convinced that I had seen many of them before.
They are, as it were, my traveling companions (sputniki) who
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accompany me on my visits to various countries. They are some of
the journalists of the bourgeois newspapers of Western countries.
(speech in V1arsaw, 21 July 1959)
I like very much the words of August Bebel: If the energy praises
you, think what folly you have committed, think what is he praising
you for. I am happy that we communists need not trouble ourselves
about this because we have never heard any praise from the capitalist
world. I sincerely wish you the same. (speech in Leipzig, 7 March
1959)
This /Yugoslav revisionist) reminds me of the way perky newsvenders
sold their gutter papers in tsarist Russia. The newsvendors would
come running along shouting "Extraordinary occurence! Woman gives
birth to a girl with whiskers:" And the inexperienced reader, of
course, would grab the newspaper and look for the report of that
event and would find nothing of the sort. But the newevendor had
sold his paper; he had done his job. It seems to me that Senator
Humphrey and the Yugoslavs who broadcast his inventions have some-
thing in common with salesmen of the yellow press. (at the 21st
CPSU Congress, 5 February 1959)
013 AGRICULTURE
[The best variety of wheat in the Ukraine is "Ukrainka" If you
want to have a buxom wife, sow "Ukrainka" wheat. (speech in
Poznan, Poland, 18 July 1959)
5-egarding low-quality ju-V'tings planted in vineyard ...instead
of good grapes you will produce grapes so sour as to make the blind
see and the seeing blind. (speech in Kiev, 11 May 1959)
Old LITERATURE
I have already said that I shall not mention the names of either
embellishers or nonembellishers, that is, the people who wish to
show only the negative. You won't get out of the bog if you ride
a "nee ative" hack, nor will you get far on a good road,
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story about corn seedlings grown in a hothouse and transplanted
versus corn planted in the fiel7 Look at the transplanted corn.
It is sickly and yellow. There is no green. It look like the
suntan of a man who has been under an umbrella. ...To a certain
extent, certain of our budding writers remind me of corn which,
before being planted out, has been raised in a hothouse.
When you read books, some will move you and give you pleasure;
others will anger you and make you indignant at this or that
phenomenon reflected in the work. Others will cause your eyelids
to droop. You want to read it because your comrades, who read it,
talked about it, you want to form your own opinion of it--but it is
difficult to read, your eyelids droop once again and you rub them
and when you resume your reading they droop once more. To read
the book despite everything, you might take a pin and prick your-
self to keep yourself awake to finish the book.
jegarding DudintsevIs "Not by Bread Alone" ...it was there that
such a sweet-smelling bouquet was gathered: Of course, everything
that was said there was not badly said. I read this book and must
say that I read it without needing a pin. There are some pages
in the book which deserve attention. Anastas Ivanovich Mikoyan,
who read this work before I did, said to me: "Read it: He has got
arguments which sound as if he heard them from you."
You are well aware that in analyzing literary works one must praise
one, criticize another, and place the third in the middle. You
cannot present the matter as if a man had come along with two bags,
one containing sweets, the other bitter pills, and started distribut-
ing them: one sweet for one, two sweets for another and a bitter
pill for the third. It would be much more proper for you to share
the sweets and swallow pills among yourselves, deciding when this
is necessary and who is in need of what.
A good literary critic can do very much even for the veiny best
writer. A clever critical article is a kind of birch switch for
a man who likes to steam himself in the Banya. He steams himself
and flicts himself with the switch, and if he does not want to do
this for himself, then someone else will do it for him; it is not
a bad thing to steam oneself with a switch, because one's pores
open up and begin to breathe better; it becomes easier to live.
(to the Soviet Writers Congress, 23 May 1959)
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ON RELIGION
D6
Although I am an atheist, I do not want to give offense to religious
people. I think they will take no offense if I say: destroy the
myth about the devil and the priest will be out of a job. Whom
will he save the peoples from if they would not believe in the
devil? (speech in Leipzig, 7 March 1959)
ABOUT HIMSELF
You obviously know that I am not placid by temperment anddo not
like chewing the cud. Everyone at his post must be active.
...thanks to you for your attention, for having listened to me. If
I said anything inopportune I think you will forgive me. I admit
I got very agitated and worked up. I thought first of speaking
with a prepared text, but you know my character: I do not like
to read, I liketG talk. You, comrades, know how difficult it
can be to make a speech. When the speech is written and prepared
you can sleep sour d_y, but when it is necessary to speak without
a text, then you can't sleep well. You wake up and begin to think
how best to formulate this or that question. You begin to argue
with yourself. A speech without a text is a very heavy cross for
a speaker to bear. Iof course, am not insured against slips of
the tongue. Therefore, I beg you not to be severe judges. If you
noticed any slips, do not judge too harshly.
I read what the President of the United States of America said that
the Prime Minister of this or that country said. I read much more
of such literature than of your works. Not, of course, because I
like this literature better than your books, but because, in my
position, it is impossible not to read it. (to the Soviet Writers
Congress, 23 May 1959)
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