DR. ALLEN'S REMARKS AT CHAPEL HILL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP80R01731R003300130016-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 19
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 2, 2005
• Sequence Number: 16
• Publication Date: August 15, 1952
• Content Type: MEMO

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MEMORANDUM TO: MR. DULLES
Subject your approval I will telephone the
gist of this memorandum to Dr. Allen's Executive
Assistant.
25X1
It u~Ej952
NSC review(s) completed.
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SUBJECT: Dr. Allen's Remarks at Chapel Hill
1. Mr. Dulles does not presume to censor what Dr. Allen will say
in his remarks or in his discussion with the Press and in view of other
engagements this morning he has not had time to do more than glance
through the paper. He has not had a chance to discuss it with the Director.
However, he desires to make the following observations:
a. It is assumed that there is no intention to distribute the
text in view of the classification which a portion of it bears, for
in its present form no one who has not been cleared for "Secret" may
be permitted to have information with that classification.
b. In his remarks as outlined on the bottom of page 7,
Dr. Allen should avoid the suggestion that the Director of Central
Intelligence is an executive agent who carries out PSB programs,
as this aspect of the Agency's work exceeds the classification here
placed on it.
c. If the sketch of PSB procedures begun on page 8 were made less
specific without weakening the force of the example it could presumably
carry a lower classification. Reference to specific plans, if
25X1
published, would only invite inquiry. Examples:
l5-point program for Korea.
NSC review(s) completed.
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15 August 1952
10:15 AM
This was hand carried in from PSB on an URGENT
basis.
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 Security Information r3 - / 9g3
ADDRESS OFFICIAL COMMUI,Applr ed For Release 2005/06/0PMTRDP80R01731 R003300130016-9
THE DIRECTOR OF
PSYCHOLOGICAL. STRATEGY BOARC
WASHINGTON 25. D. C. PSYCHOLOGICAL STRATEGY BOARD
.
August 15, 1952
I attach a copy of a paper from which I will address a
group of Naval Reserve officers at Chapel Hill this evening.
The bulk of the paper is "Restricted" only to prevent un-
authorized disclosure. A few sections on pages 8, 9 and 10
are either secret or confidential.
This paper expresses my views generally on the nature
of the struggle in which we are engaged and what I feel is
needed to pursue the issues to a successful conclusion.
I have been alerted that there will be some effort by
the press to obtain a statement from me after the meeting
this evening. I believe that a statement from me at this
particular time would be helpful and desirable. I should
like very much to be able to use the restricted portion of
this paper as a basis for, my conference with the press.
Before I do so, however, I would appreciate receiving your
views on the matter.
Inasmuch as I am leaving immediately for Chapel Hill
would you please, if it is at all possible, phone your views
on the matter to Chuck Johnson, my Executive Assistant,
(code 1201, ext. 3651) this afternoon so that he can get
word to me at Chapel Hill this evening.
RaMond-1 Allen
SECRET
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 / th4,~ -t
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Closing Lecture 25X1
Psychological Warfare Seminar CIA SSIFICATION
University of North Carolina
Sponsored by Office of Naval Research In large part RESTRICTED
August 15, 1952 In small part SECRET n
By Raymond B. Allen In small part CONFIDENTIAL tig
THE TOTAL PROBLEM
(RESTRICTED)
What is the Problem?
The problem is how to fight a war in a period of "no war and yet
no peace" but a mixture of war and peace. The problem was created by
the'Bolsheviki when they continued to foment world revolution while
at the same time they entered a collective security system, The United
Nations, which outlawed international war. They believe in a "one
world" concept alright but they have made it crystal clear that the
world must be organized according to their blueprint. It would be a
peaceful world but the "peace" of complete tyranny, no doubt, a world
in which very few Americans would find much happiness to pursue, many
would certainly have their lives taken away, and there would be little
or no liberty as Americans understand the word. So we have decided
that this is too high a price to pay -- our fundamental national prin-
ciples by which we live ~ the right to Life, Liberty and the pursuit
of Happiness - for a peaceful world.
Americans feel that these principles of our Declaration of
Independence are for export. We are prudent trustee of them for all
mankindo You will remember, of course, that the American Declaration
of Independence said that these rights are unalienable for all men -
and that to secure these rights governments are instituted among Men -
governinents, which, according to the American idea, must be responsive
to and responsible to the people who are the sovereign temporal will.
This concept grew out of the centuries of bloody struggle men have
waged to be secure as individuals and at the same time free men. But
the idea that government is sovereign hasr3magylves. In its modern
form it is called the "dictatorship of the proletariat" and this is
described as merely the "anteroom for ushering in socialism" to bring
about the "withering away" of the coercive apparatus of the state.
This is the red form of tyranny. It takes a slightly different form
in Fascism and Nazism but it is still the same old tyranny with
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different colors, Black and Brown. These colors are no more accept-
able to men who have the wit to see that they were born to be free
than the Red or diabolical tyranny.
It took two world wars and a great depression to convince the
people of this country that America is not an island that could be
isolated from the raging storms arising elsewhere and that to secure
freedom for Americans in a fast chaning and revolutionary world - it
had to defend freedom everywhere. In short, we have finally learned
that freedom is indivisible and that if America is to remain free
and healthy, it can only do so in a healthy world. Like freedom,
the health of men the world over is indivisible; this is as true
economically and politically as it is true physically and mentally.
We hoped, of course, that the Red tyranny would accommodate
itself to the collective security principle embodied in the charter
of the United Nations. But we soon learned that the accommodating
would have to be by one side - our side - if the system was to bring
security. But as I have suggested, this kind of Red security was the
security of the grave, a kind of security that has never appealed to
red-blooded Americans.
Personally, I an glad that we made this effort to "live and let
live" with the Bolsheviki. We are a people who .ant to believe the
best of others. If we had not made the effort to do this we would
not be in the position of moral strength we stand on today in fight..
ing for our principles and our very lives today.
Our disillusionment has been gradual. It began, the historians
will perhaps say, in Christmas Week of 19144 when communist guerrilla
forces attacked British forces, their allies, in Athens. " This, they
The Sixth Comintern, held in 1928, outlined the policies., tactics
and slogans for the use of communism in its plan for seizure of world
power. A particular chapter dealt with "colonial and semi-colonial
areas," primarily with Asia. This carefully documented section out-
lined the steps by which imperialistic colonialism would be destroyed
and culminate in "annexation to the Soviet Union" of the area under
colonial power. It was a declaration of intent for continuous war
against the non-communist world. A committee of 18 for action inclu-
ded Stalin, Molotov, Manvilsky and other leaders of the present USSR.
Because of relative world stability at that time the timing of
this Soviet aggrandizement was left to events. A pact with the Germans
in 1939-4t0 (Nazi-Soviet Relations) afforded a first step in enlarge-
ment of the USSR in the Baltic and Balkans., but this came to an end in
June 1941. But France and Great Britain were so weakened by World War
II that the USSR decided the next move would be in the Near East. By
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(Continuation of footnote)
fal of 19 W, the outcome of World War II was inevitable - Germany
would be defeated. So the Soviet put into motion the first steps
for wresting the Near East from the weary western allies. These
moves were three in number.
1) A demand in September 1944 by the USSR that Iran give con-
cessions in an area of 214,000 square miles of northern Iran border-
ing the USSR, including all minerals, communications and development
projects. Such a concession given with Red troops in occupation
would have meant an advance of the Soviet Union 200 miles southward.
This concession excuse failed, so in the spring of 1945, the Soviet
Union arranged for the establishment of two "autonomous peoples demo-
cratic governments in Azerbaijan" which would have destroyed Iran's
viability, paralysed any resistance, and made of Iran a Soviet satel-
lite. This too failed in 1946.
2) In Greece, the communists had organized a militant revolu-
tionary force prior to World War II which organized a coalition anti-
German underground in 1941-44 with a political facade party known as
EAM. While including many liberal elements, its direction was com-
munist. In late 1944 British and Greek forces re-entered Greece and
re-established the Monarchy. An agreer^er_t (the Caeserta agreement)
was made between the EAM, the UK and the Greek goverm-Went, that as
rapidly as the Greek government forces occupied any liberated areas,
EAM would disarm and disband its military forces. In December 1944s
the British discovered large numbers of Greek guerillas converging
on Athens and discovered large cachesof hidden arms. When the Brit-
ish forces ordered a stop of this armed movements EAN seized parts of
Athens and the Greek so-called "civil war!' began. It was really a
USSR war against the non-communist west and lasted until 1949 when
U.S. aid finally enabled the Greek government to drive the communist
guerillas across the borders.
3) In 1945, the Soviet Union began by direct foreign office
pressure and through the Soviet press to demand the cessation of two
provinces of Turkey to the Soviet Union plus the right to modify the
Montreaux Convention. The USSR demanded the right to establish naval,
military and air bases in Turkey on the Dardanelles.
Looking at these concerted moves in Iran, Greece and Turkey in
1944-45, it is evident that the Soviet Committee of Action (1928) had
decided the year 1944-45 was the propitious time to start its annex-
ation of the Near East in its global plan toward eventual world con-
quest.
(By Edwin No Wright,, State Department, GTI)
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may say, is the date of the beginning of World War III, a new kind
of war which it is the purpose of this paper to examine.
Of course, the ideological declaration of war against western
civilization occurred when the Bolsheviki seized power in Russia on
October 17, 1918, the way for which was prepared by Karl Marx and
Frederick Engels in their Communist Manifesto of 1848. The organi-
zational declaration of war occurred in 1928 at the Sixth Comintern,
(See footnote by Mr. Wright).
The war is called a "cold war" but you of the Navy know that
this is a misnomer for surely it has gotten awfully "hot" in Korea
and off its shores and in its skies, just as your fellow fighters of
the Marines, the Army, and Air Force have learned the same thing.
Some have called it an "International Civil War" which is descriptive
of many of its characteristics. Actually, of courses the wars thus
far in the Twentieth Century are World Revolutionary Wars and they
are, perhaps, phases of but one war. These great climactic wars may
some day be called "The World Revolutionary Wars of Interdependence."
Whatever its name should be, we can all agree that this war to end
wars, for whatever happens this will be its outcome, however long or
violent the struggle, we are living in an apocalyptic period of "no
peace and no ware" This is a paradox arising out of the confused
and contradictory relations between sovereign states, some of which
refuse to behave according to the rules of civilized international
relations which they, in fact, helped to write.
This is where the issue is joined. It is a moral issue involv-
ing the noblest principles men have evolved to guide their conduct
as men and as peoples. It is deeply rooted in the history of man
from earliest times of record when men learned that to survive as
individuals they must organize collectively as a tribe and later
as a nation to gather strength for the hunt to provide food and for
security from the bandit, be he a robber baron or the head of another
tribe or state. History is a story of the bloody struggle for indi-
vidual security and liberty in an increasingly interdependent world.
Ours is the challenge of living at a time when this issue is joined
by protagonists commanding and contending for resources of material
and manpower of proportions beyond calculation. This war, whatever
its name, dramatizes the same age-old issue but its resolution can
destroy civilization or it can usher in, not socialism and "pie-in-
the sky by and by," to paraphrase Marx, but the opportunity and chal-
lenge for men everywhere to be independent and free under forms of
government of their own devising, governments which recognize the
interdependence, the brotherhood of all mankind. Whether you and I
live long enough to see this result or not, I cannot say, but our
faces are firmly set along the right road.
Two things we should never forget in the years ahead. First,
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that we are right let there be no least doubt about that. Second,
that the great majority of the peoples whom the Bolsheviki have en-
slaved are with us. Nor should we ever forget their suffering. They
suffer the tragedy of all mankind when liberty is lost.
Their souls, as well as our own, are at stake in this historic,
epic struggle. If we and men of good will and like mind elsewhere
have sufficient humbleness of spirit and recognize our kinship with
men everywhere, sufficient moral fibre, steadiness of nerve, resolu-
tion and management skills to deal with the play of forces sweeping
mankind all will yet be well.
This is our problem, perhaps the greatest in scope any people
have faced in history. How are we doing in fighting this new kind
of undeclared war which the Bolsheviki have thrust upon the free
world? I should say that we are bringing the enemyts offensive in
some parts of the world to a halt. His fifth column in this country
is taking a severe licking in the courts, His propaganda and sub-
version is recognized for what it is. But perpetual vigilance is
the price of liberty.
In Europe, beginning with his defeat in Greece and Berlin, he
is not doing well but he never gives up. Our security systems are
gathering strength but some of the links in the coalition which
NATO represents would probably not withstand much additional pressure.
In the Far East we took a disastrous defeat when China fell to
the Reds, But when the enemyliket his confidence in his own strength
and our weakness get the better of his judgment and invaded South
Korea, the free world decided it was time to use force to stop him.
He has been stopped and pushed back to where he started and there
he is being held,
In Southeast Asia the free world is holding its own and begin-
ning to build greater strength though it is touch and go in Indo?*
china,
In South Asia our friends are becoming alert to the peril.
In tha Middle East there is an acute revolutionary situation
which will be critical for some time. The Bolshevi;kai know, however,
that an overt act of aggression will be met with forcre. This is
the lesson of Korea which they will not soon forget. Their techni-
ques of internal subversion, however, are in full play in Iran and
elsewhere,
In Africa the agents of Soviet imperialism are hard at their
divisive work but the free world is at its work also of consolida-
ting its strength,
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In Latin America the enemy took a real licking in Panama in
the last elections, and elsewhere among our South and Central Ameri-
can neighbors there is increasing awareness of their peril if they
fail to build strength in their own countries as parts of the free
world coalition..
Recently ANZUS was formed in the South Pacific as the latest
collective security system to build together the strength this im-
portant region should have.
And we should remember also the lesson of the Philippines, our
heroic partner in 'Iorld War II, now an independent nation, which
knows how to fight and win against subversion and social economic
weakness.
Asiatic nations are pondering the contrast between our treatment
of the Philippines, giving her independence, and of Japan - so recent-
ly our mortal enemy - with the Soviet system which enslaves any state
she can entice or subvert into her orbit.
Considering the fact that we were the only large industrial
power in the free world that had not been devastated by World War II
and that we almost corTletely dismounted our military power when the
shooting ended and the further fact that we almost alone had the
means and the goods to initiate the rehabilitation and reconstruct-
ion of the war torn countries of Europe and Asia while the Bolsheviki
did not dismount their military machine' I suggest that the last five
years is a remarkable record of achievement of which every American
has reason to be proud. To paraphrase a Churchillian phrase of an
epic period when the British alone defended the ramparts of the west
never in history have so few done so irach for so many in so short a
time - and this on top of lend lease for the war-time coalition in-
cluding Russia which continued for a time even after the shooting
stopped? The conception of post-war mutual aid and security, like
that of war-time lead lease, was not the conception of an imperial-
istic= real estate hungry, power mad nation. No, when the judgment
of the history of the first half of the Twentieth Century is in, the
Bolsheviki like the Fascists before theft, will be convicted of mon-
ster crimes against the very basis of civilization.
THE FUTURE
But what of the second half of the century? That depends upon use
The first rule of war is to know your own strength and how to use
it and the strength of the enemy and how he is using and likely to use
it.
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The.first'rule of strategic planning in any kind of war includ-
ing the present unconventional one is to so dispose and use your
strength and. striking power as to reduce and ultimately destroy the
enemy's will to fight.
The period now coming to a close has been a defensive one dur-
ing which we have been tooling up on every front of the war, research
and development and testing which will continue indefinitely in every
fields including, for the psychological front; the social sciences;
stock piling of material, techniques, industrial capacity, trained
manpower in reserve? like yourselves; perfecting coalition alliances
in collective security systems; fighting holding actions in Berlin,
the Middle East, Korea and elsewhere; and finally, offering our pro-
tective shield to those who are too weak to contribute much strength
and who need and want time and help to adapt themselves to present
day requirements of a people's sovereignty. Time presses heavily
and will not wait for those governments which fail to meet their
responsibilities. Farouk of Egypt discovered this just the other day
You have had a full review of the organization of the governmental
departments which carry the main responsibility for psychological opera-
tions. During the past year many organizational changes have been
made which reflect growing awareness of the importance of these opera-
tions. I am glad to report that these improvements are bringing re-
sults,; There is better and faster coordination in planning and execu-
ting departmental policies and programs.
THE PSYCHQLOGICAL STRATEGY BOARD
The Psychological Strategy Board was established by directive
of the President on April 4, 1951 and its first Director,, Mr. Gordon
Grays the distinguished President of this fine University and an ex-
perienced and wise governmental official, began work on July 1. He
organized the office? largely completed its staffing and established
its operational policies by January 1 when he had to return to the
University. I had the honor of succeeding him as Director on January
L,of< 111( 'year r,
The responsibilities of the Board are three: (1) to develop
strategic psychological plans for the guidance of departmental psycho-
logical operations; (2) to see to it that psychological operations are
adequately coordinated under strategic guidance and (3) to evaluate
the effect or impact of the national psychological effort.
Inasmuch as the Board consists of the Under Secretary of State,
the Deputy Secretary of Defense and the Director of the Central Intel-
ligence Agency, they become, when wearing their departmental hats, the
principal executive agents to see to it that the plans they have ap-
proved as a Board aro actually carried out. _`n ,hart, just ao o