PCCH CONCEPTION OF RELATION OF THE COMINFORM TO CHILEAN COMMUNISM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00457R002700480009-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: November 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 22, 1999
• Sequence Number: 9
• Publication Date: March 31, 1949
• Content Type: REPORT

CLASSIFICATION
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INFORM%1
~O REPORT
COUNTRY Chile/USSR
SUBJECT PCB Conception of Relation of the Cominfom to
Chilean Communism
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SUPPLEMENT TO
REPORT NO.
MOSCOW DIRECTION OF LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST PARTIES
1. Leaders of the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) have expressed to source
their ideas of the role of the Cominform in the affairs of the Chilean
Party, and of the manner in which the Party receives instructions and
guidance from Moscow.
2. Chilean Communist leaders apparently differentiate between tactical and
strategic direction and emphasize that no tactical direction is given to:
the PCCh by an international organization. Strict political lines or
policies are never sent from Moscow or Western European countries, although
the Chilean Party has adapted its own policy to the line of the Zhdanov
speech made at the founding conference of the Cominform. Source states
that the Latin American Parties are not subject to tactical direction.
However, for reasons of international political solidarity, the Latin
American Parties voluntarily submit to the strategic direction emanating
from the Cominform,
3. The general political line was last set forth in the report made by
Manuilski to the 18th Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) Congress
held in Aoscow in 1939. The report of Zhdanov served to make this line
more definite. Source emphasized that this line, in its general term:,
has not been changed. The Communist Parties form their own national com-
binations but always use this line In determining their policy. Before
the founding of the Cominform, instructions had been issued to the Chilean
Party concerning nationalism, but since the line of the Cominform was not
that of a "national union", the policy in Chile was changed and adapted to
the internat..onalism of the Zhdanov report.
To the Chilean Communist, international political solidarity has never
ceased to exist. Moreover, the present tendency is toward "international
labor solidarity" which consists not in sending money or in making col-
lections as was done in the case of the Spanish Civil War, but in having
a political. line which favors conditions for world revolution. The ul-
timate interest is in world revolution, not merely war. The capitalist
bloc may promote a war in order to avoid the Comunist revolution, but
Communists can be alert to take advantage of such a war, and use it to
rON ClF'NTIAI no cr
S
CHA.N q TS
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accelerate the revolutionary process. Thus guidance furnished by the
Cominforin is not intended to direct the various Parties in immediate
political action of a national character, but toward movements of a
wider international scope.
CO AL! TNIST INTERNATIONAL
The Communist International, as loosely referred to by members of the
PCCh, is the meeting of leaders of high rank who determine the world-
wide Party line. The latter do not determine the details, but furnish
the broad ideas which the national leaders of the various countries en-
deavor to put into practice. Chilean Communists stick to the old no-
menclature because in practice the directions come from Europe. For, in
spite of the fact that there is now no higher authority in each Party
than its own National Congress, the international tradition remains:
the national Congresses are inspired by their national leaders, and these
leaders are always consulting with the Communist Parties of Europe,, or
now, with the actual offices of the Cominform. There is no relation es-
tablished between the Parties by regulation or statute., but as a matter
of practice the relation is close. Thus informally the Parties coordinate
their activities at the various international meetings, conferences and
congresses. Source placed great emphasis on the lack of formalized in-
ternational organization.
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE COMINFORM AND THE COMMUNIST INTERN&TIONAL
6. PCCh leaders also gave their impression of the difference between the
Coudnform and the Communist International. The Communist International
grouped together all the Communist Parties which were members. of the
International and which bore the name of Communist Party. Not every
group had the right to use the name of Communist Party. The Cominfarm,
on the other hand, is a group of the Communist Parties which are carrying
out at this moment a specific function in Europe. Chilean Communists be-
lieve that this at least was the original idea. Efforts were made to
create an organism which would serve for liaison and information between
the Communist Parties which were able to work in an effective manner for
the world-wide revolution. The organism is not concerned with maintaining
a specific policy, but rather with bringing about a complete revolution in
the countries of "popular democracies". Chilean Communist leaders fear
that this idea has-become somewhat lost, and they blame this on the con-
fusion which is produced by the press reports of capitalist origin.
As Chilean Communists understand the organization of Communist Parties,
there are three types of Parties in Europe. In the first place, there
are the Communist Parties in the Soviet Union. Second,. there are the
Communist Parties which have their center of activity in the countries
which have created "popular democraciesft as forms of government. Third
are the Communist Parties which have sufficient strength to work in con-
junction with these other parties. To this last class belong the Parties
of Italy, France and Germany. The English Party is not included in this
list, and is considered to be of no consequence to the British govertnt.
COMINFORM AUTHORITY OVER LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST PARTIES
8. Since the Cominform has studied and planned the situation in Europe, it has
created "study commLissionst" for other problems such as those of colonial
countries, and these problems concern Chile as well as all countries with a
colonial economy. Source reaffirms that the classification "Marxist"s is of
an economic and not a political character.
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9. Leaders of the PCCh state that neither Chile nor any other Latin American
country belongs to the Cominform, nor to any other international organi-
zation. Its activities as a Party at international meetings are subject
to the rules existing for conferences, congresses, and meetings, which
are occasionally held. The PCCh was catalogued among those Communist
Parties with influence on the national life of their country, and there-
fore, it had a certain importance in the international meetings. Now,
its importance has dwindled but its experience has been used to advantage
by Cominform leaders.
10. It does not now appear probable that a kind of Cominform can be consti-
tuted for Latin America. It is possible that developments in Europe must
unfold before such a step can be taken. If the situation in Europe pro-
gresses, then the future of a Latin American Cominform can be clarified.
The problems of Latin America are studied so that data from their expe-
riences may be gathered for use in preparing plans for the world-wide
revolution. The Cominform gathers information from all over the world
and study groups evaluate and analyze it. The experience gained in Asia,
for example, or in any country of a colonial nature, can be studied by
the countries of Latin America which have a similar economy and which may
at any moment face the same problems of imperialism.
11. The Cominform collects background information and supplies it to the vari-
ous Communist Parties. Its functions are now much more complex than those
it had when it was first founded. Practically speaking, the Cominform is
serving as a point of departure for reconstruction of the old "functional
body" of the Communist International.* The resolutions of the Cominform
are made by its Council or Secretariat, which discusses and adopts resolu-
tions in accordance with the progress of events.
12. The Soviet Union works closely with the Cominform, adjusts its policy and
influences it, and operates abroad through it. This method of operation is
felt to give the USSR its greatest advantage over the Western Powers,
RELATIONSHIP OF VICTOR CONTF RAS TAPIA TO THE COMINFORU
13. Victor Contreras Tapia was invited by the Cominform to observe it and
study reports of the experiences of other Parties which it has gathered.
Source states that the invitation for the trip was received directly from
the USSR, although the channels through which the invitation came are not
specified. It is further stated that the USSR has financed all his ex-
penses to enable him to remain in Europe as an observer of the Comiinform's.
activities. Contreras Tapia was, in turn, expected to explain-to the
Cominformn the policy of the PCCh while it was solidly in the Chilean govern-
ment, before it failed and fell from power. It was thought that a study of
the PCChQs experiences would provide a valuable lesson for other Parties,
if the causes for its failure could be found. Its faulty political line
and tactical errors could be pointed out so that similar failures in other
Parties might be avoided.
14. At present, Victor Contreras Tapia is an observer at the meetings and dis-
cussions of the Cominform. He has already submitted his report on the
policy of the PCCh, and is being taught the workings of the Cominform
through attendance at all meetings in which he can gain valuable experi-
ence. His position in Europe is similar to that of those Chilean regional
leaders who are invited to Santiago to receive instruction in methods of
organization, interpretation, and action.
15. This is the theory of the functioning of the Cominfora, according to
Chilean Communist leaders, who believe, however, that in practice, the
Communist International is being. reborn. The observers who are invited to
Europe act. as lieisc non, hence it is felt that the Cominform is recon-
structing the old organization. This is not its ostensible task, but
through its study com i.I ssions it is 'accnmplistdng this end.
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CONTREPAS TOPIA We POSITION IN THE CHIIMN CO1 M1JNIST PARTY
16. Victor Contreras Tapia is not directing the policy of the ;ACC,, although
he is having a great deal of influence on it indirectly. He reportedly
writes to various friends in Chile, not always to the sane one and not
always using the same name. Chilean Comiiuniets do not write to him in
the name of Victor Contreras but use various names. His wife also re-
ceives letters and writes to him under different names. In these letters
he relates various experiences, but does not risk going into much detail,,
The PCCh expects to learn specifically vhat has happened and what should
be done in the future when he returns to Santiago. When he does return
to Chile, he will not be the main leader nor the new chief. His work in
Europe is simply that of receiving instruction, but is not intended to
prepare him to act as a future executive.
Comanent. It is believed that the "functional. body" of the
Communist Ilntrn tional possibly refers to the regional secretariats of
the Comintern.
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