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Document Creation Date: 
November 9, 2016
Document Release Date: 
January 22, 1999
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Publication Date: 
March 31, 1949
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PDF icon CIA-RDP82-00457R002700480009-5.pdf426.69 KB
CLASSIFICATION Approved For Rele/MLI(;RR}4b7R0027 INFORM%1 ~O REPORT COUNTRY Chile/USSR SUBJECT PCB Conception of Relation of the Cominfom to Chilean Communism 25X1A6a PLACE ACQUIRED TURK TO OIA , A T DATE OF I 25X1X6 . 25X1A2g CD NO. DATE DISTR. 26 MAY 1949 N^ OF PAGE'S 125X1A2g NO. OF ENCLS. (LISTED BELOW) SUPPLEMENT TO REPORT NO. MOSCOW DIRECTION OF LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST PARTIES 1. Leaders of the Communist Party of Chile (PCCh) have expressed to source their ideas of the role of the Cominform in the affairs of the Chilean Party, and of the manner in which the Party receives instructions and guidance from Moscow. 2. Chilean Communist leaders apparently differentiate between tactical and strategic direction and emphasize that no tactical direction is given to: the PCCh by an international organization. Strict political lines or policies are never sent from Moscow or Western European countries, although the Chilean Party has adapted its own policy to the line of the Zhdanov speech made at the founding conference of the Cominform. Source states that the Latin American Parties are not subject to tactical direction. However, for reasons of international political solidarity, the Latin American Parties voluntarily submit to the strategic direction emanating from the Cominform, 3. The general political line was last set forth in the report made by Manuilski to the 18th Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) Congress held in Aoscow in 1939. The report of Zhdanov served to make this line more definite. Source emphasized that this line, in its general term:, has not been changed. The Communist Parties form their own national com- binations but always use this line In determining their policy. Before the founding of the Cominform, instructions had been issued to the Chilean Party concerning nationalism, but since the line of the Cominform was not that of a "national union", the policy in Chile was changed and adapted to the internat..onalism of the Zhdanov report. To the Chilean Communist, international political solidarity has never ceased to exist. Moreover, the present tendency is toward "international labor solidarity" which consists not in sending money or in making col- lections as was done in the case of the Spanish Civil War, but in having a political. line which favors conditions for world revolution. The ul- timate interest is in world revolution, not merely war. The capitalist bloc may promote a war in order to avoid the Comunist revolution, but Communists can be alert to take advantage of such a war, and use it to rON ClF'NTIAI no cr S CHA.N q TS Approved For Release 1999/09/09: CIA-RDP82-00457 U7 DDA MOn9., 4 ^ 77 DDA RE_- 77 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : C 00457R002700480009.5 CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY 25X1A2g L accelerate the revolutionary process. Thus guidance furnished by the Cominforin is not intended to direct the various Parties in immediate political action of a national character, but toward movements of a wider international scope. CO AL! TNIST INTERNATIONAL The Communist International, as loosely referred to by members of the PCCh, is the meeting of leaders of high rank who determine the world- wide Party line. The latter do not determine the details, but furnish the broad ideas which the national leaders of the various countries en- deavor to put into practice. Chilean Communists stick to the old no- menclature because in practice the directions come from Europe. For, in spite of the fact that there is now no higher authority in each Party than its own National Congress, the international tradition remains: the national Congresses are inspired by their national leaders, and these leaders are always consulting with the Communist Parties of Europe,, or now, with the actual offices of the Cominform. There is no relation es- tablished between the Parties by regulation or statute., but as a matter of practice the relation is close. Thus informally the Parties coordinate their activities at the various international meetings, conferences and congresses. Source placed great emphasis on the lack of formalized in- ternational organization. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE COMINFORM AND THE COMMUNIST INTERN&TIONAL 6. PCCh leaders also gave their impression of the difference between the Coudnform and the Communist International. The Communist International grouped together all the Communist Parties which were members. of the International and which bore the name of Communist Party. Not every group had the right to use the name of Communist Party. The Cominfarm, on the other hand, is a group of the Communist Parties which are carrying out at this moment a specific function in Europe. Chilean Communists be- lieve that this at least was the original idea. Efforts were made to create an organism which would serve for liaison and information between the Communist Parties which were able to work in an effective manner for the world-wide revolution. The organism is not concerned with maintaining a specific policy, but rather with bringing about a complete revolution in the countries of "popular democracies". Chilean Communist leaders fear that this idea has-become somewhat lost, and they blame this on the con- fusion which is produced by the press reports of capitalist origin. As Chilean Communists understand the organization of Communist Parties, there are three types of Parties in Europe. In the first place, there are the Communist Parties in the Soviet Union. Second,. there are the Communist Parties which have their center of activity in the countries which have created "popular democraciesft as forms of government. Third are the Communist Parties which have sufficient strength to work in con- junction with these other parties. To this last class belong the Parties of Italy, France and Germany. The English Party is not included in this list, and is considered to be of no consequence to the British govertnt. COMINFORM AUTHORITY OVER LATIN AMERICAN COMMUNIST PARTIES 8. Since the Cominform has studied and planned the situation in Europe, it has created "study commLissionst" for other problems such as those of colonial countries, and these problems concern Chile as well as all countries with a colonial economy. Source reaffirms that the classification "Marxist"s is of an economic and not a political character. Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R002700480009-5 Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-F P O'O457R002700480009-5 CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY 25X1A2g _3_ 9. Leaders of the PCCh state that neither Chile nor any other Latin American country belongs to the Cominform, nor to any other international organi- zation. Its activities as a Party at international meetings are subject to the rules existing for conferences, congresses, and meetings, which are occasionally held. The PCCh was catalogued among those Communist Parties with influence on the national life of their country, and there- fore, it had a certain importance in the international meetings. Now, its importance has dwindled but its experience has been used to advantage by Cominform leaders. 10. It does not now appear probable that a kind of Cominform can be consti- tuted for Latin America. It is possible that developments in Europe must unfold before such a step can be taken. If the situation in Europe pro- gresses, then the future of a Latin American Cominform can be clarified. The problems of Latin America are studied so that data from their expe- riences may be gathered for use in preparing plans for the world-wide revolution. The Cominform gathers information from all over the world and study groups evaluate and analyze it. The experience gained in Asia, for example, or in any country of a colonial nature, can be studied by the countries of Latin America which have a similar economy and which may at any moment face the same problems of imperialism. 11. The Cominform collects background information and supplies it to the vari- ous Communist Parties. Its functions are now much more complex than those it had when it was first founded. Practically speaking, the Cominform is serving as a point of departure for reconstruction of the old "functional body" of the Communist International.* The resolutions of the Cominform are made by its Council or Secretariat, which discusses and adopts resolu- tions in accordance with the progress of events. 12. The Soviet Union works closely with the Cominform, adjusts its policy and influences it, and operates abroad through it. This method of operation is felt to give the USSR its greatest advantage over the Western Powers, RELATIONSHIP OF VICTOR CONTF RAS TAPIA TO THE COMINFORU 13. Victor Contreras Tapia was invited by the Cominform to observe it and study reports of the experiences of other Parties which it has gathered. Source states that the invitation for the trip was received directly from the USSR, although the channels through which the invitation came are not specified. It is further stated that the USSR has financed all his ex- penses to enable him to remain in Europe as an observer of the Comiinform's. activities. Contreras Tapia was, in turn, expected to explain-to the Cominformn the policy of the PCCh while it was solidly in the Chilean govern- ment, before it failed and fell from power. It was thought that a study of the PCChQs experiences would provide a valuable lesson for other Parties, if the causes for its failure could be found. Its faulty political line and tactical errors could be pointed out so that similar failures in other Parties might be avoided. 14. At present, Victor Contreras Tapia is an observer at the meetings and dis- cussions of the Cominform. He has already submitted his report on the policy of the PCCh, and is being taught the workings of the Cominform through attendance at all meetings in which he can gain valuable experi- ence. His position in Europe is similar to that of those Chilean regional leaders who are invited to Santiago to receive instruction in methods of organization, interpretation, and action. 15. This is the theory of the functioning of the Cominfora, according to Chilean Communist leaders, who believe, however, that in practice, the Communist International is being. reborn. The observers who are invited to Europe act. as lieisc non, hence it is felt that the Cominform is recon- structing the old organization. This is not its ostensible task, but through its study com i.I ssions it is 'accnmplistdng this end. Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R002700480009-5 Approved For Release 1999/09/09: CIAtM00 CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY 25X1A2g CONTREPAS TOPIA We POSITION IN THE CHIIMN CO1 M1JNIST PARTY 16. Victor Contreras Tapia is not directing the policy of the ;ACC,, although he is having a great deal of influence on it indirectly. He reportedly writes to various friends in Chile, not always to the sane one and not always using the same name. Chilean Comiiuniets do not write to him in the name of Victor Contreras but use various names. His wife also re- ceives letters and writes to him under different names. In these letters he relates various experiences, but does not risk going into much detail,, The PCCh expects to learn specifically vhat has happened and what should be done in the future when he returns to Santiago. When he does return to Chile, he will not be the main leader nor the new chief. His work in Europe is simply that of receiving instruction, but is not intended to prepare him to act as a future executive. Comanent. It is believed that the "functional. body" of the Communist Ilntrn tional possibly refers to the regional secretariats of the Comintern. Approved For Release 1999/09/09 : CIA-RDP82-00457R002700480009-5