Document Type: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
Release Decision: 
Original Classification: 
Document Page Count: 
Document Creation Date: 
November 1, 2016
Sequence Number: 
Case Number: 
Content Type: 
PDF icon CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9.pdf1.73 MB
APPROVE~ FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-R~P82-00850R000'100'100037-9 ~ ~ ~ ~ RF ~ 23 OCT06ER i9T9 CFOUO i4lT9) i OF i APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 - F~~R OFNIC'IAL l1SH. nN1.Y JPRS L/8728 23 October 1979 = ~JSSR Re ort p - POLlTICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS CFOUO 14/79, FBIS FOREIGN BRO~DCAST INFORMATION SERVICE FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 NOTE ~ JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language sources are translated; those from English-language sources are transcribed or reprinted, with thP original phrasing and other characteristics retained. Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [TextJ or ~Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the last line ~f a brief, indicate how the original information was processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor- mation was summarized or extracted. Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques- tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the original but have been supplied as appropriate in context. Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an item originate with the source. Times within items are as given by source. The contents of this publicatioti in no way represent the poli- cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government. ~ For further_ information on report content . call (703) 351-2938 (economic); 3468 ' (political, sociological, military); 2726 (life sciences); ~725 (physical sciences). COPYRIGHT LP.WS AND REGUI~ATIONS GOVERNING OWNERSHIP OF MATERIALS REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUIRE THAT DISSEMINATION OF THIS PUBLICATION BE RESTRICTED FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY . JPRS L/8728 - = 23 October 1979 _ , USSR REPORT . . POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS - (FOUO 1.4/79 ) CONTENTS PAGE ~ NATIONAL Book an Present Political Systems Reviewed (L. B. Volkov, et al.; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA. l, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMU1vIZMA, No 4, 1979) ~ REG IONAL Books on Kirgiz and Tatar SSRS Reviewed (OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA l, PROBLEMY ~ rr~uc~voGO xor~nvszr~a, rro 1979 ) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Equalizing the Standard of Living in Kirgiz, by , A. N. Vinogradov Book on Siberian Tatars Reviewed, Uy A. F. Tsyrkun _ Development of Armenia.n Dissident Movement Reviewed (E. Oganesyan; POSEV, No 7, 1979) l~+ , - . - a - [III - U5S12 - 35 FOUO) - FOR OFFICIAL USE vNLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 � ror, c~rrr.c rni. ust: c~rvt,Y NAT ~ONAL ~ _ BOOK ON PRESE~IT POLITICAL SYSTEM5 REVIEWED ` Mosc~ow OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERSYA 1, PR03LEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMIJNIZMA in Rus;~ian No L~, 1979 pp ~ 20-126 - . ~ ~eview by L. B. Volkov of the book POLITICHESKI~ SISTEMY SQVFtEMENNOSTI OCHERKI) by F. M. Bw~latskiy, G. N. Manoy, V. G. Kalenskiy, ei; al, USSR Acacie~y of Sciences, Tzdatel~stvo gosudarstva i prava, Moscow, Nauka, 1978, 253 pages7 ~Text] The monograph which was assembled by a collective of authors (edited by Yrofessor F. M. Burlatskiy and Professor V. Ye. Ghirkin) is composed of five chapters. The brief introduction to the book tells how various political systems of ;;oday are studied in it in accordance with the existing types of societies as systems of socialistic, capitalistic and developing nations. The book has made an attempt ~~to more widely show the methodology of studying politi- cal systems which reflect new potentials which arise under the conditions o.f a scientific and technical revolution~~ (page 4). The first and second chapters are devoted to the features of fundamental ideas and methods of studying politicai systems. The authors study the political system of any society as a complex formation which insures the existence of a society as a single boc~y which is centrally controlled by a political power. Up to the present tht funetioning and development of this formstion, as a ru1e, is divided (state, law, administration and so on) with = an emphasis on discussing the institutions and not analyzing interrelations among all elements of a single integrated system of political relations. There has been very little work done in stuc~ying the behavior of people in ' the system of these relations. The Marxist dialectic syst�emic analysis of these relations intends to study the func~ions "as an element of the devel- opment of the system~~ (page 6). It also s~~zpposes a consideration for the specifics of a social system in comparison with a biological oz� cybernetic, - , as well as specifics of a political system. It assumes the study of conflict _ as a unity and struggle of contradictiong and it intends to pick out the main factors of change of political systems of economics and the social structure of society. 1 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY The study of the characteristic traits of a political system on the basis - of the dialectic systemic approach, as the book indicates, allows one clearly to delimi.t it from the economic and spiritual system having picked out a number of its particular �eat~res: 1) A political system, as opposed to other systems, attains the greatest ' power in society; 2) This system is dete~mi.ned by the economic, social and cultural structures of t,he society; 3) It possesses relative independ~nce and a high degree of activity which is determined by the ~~presence of a power mechanism, capability and right to be in charge of the resources for the entire society~~ (page 9); 4) It is concentrated on the tasks of governing, and although in the process - of management other systems are also drawn in, ~~it becomes a manifestation of its essence only for the political system~~ (page 9). - Of particular importance for understanding what is presented in the work on , the approach is the more precise definition of the idea of ~~function~~ which - has been defined in Soviet and foreign literature in more than one way. De- fining the latter as a characteristic of substance, which becomes manifested in work, the authors list the basic functions of a political system: 1) Determining the goals and tasks of the society (developing programs for its vital activity primarily in accordance with the interests of the ruling or classes); 2) Mobilization of resourcea in order to attain the established goals; 3) Integration of all elements of the society on the basis of the goals; Distribution of wealth in the society ~~prim.arily in accordance with the interests of the ruling and managing classes~~ (page 10). With such an approach, the study of. politics as a whole and in its individual aspects (social, economic, cultural areas and so on) becomras parti.cularly significant. As criteria for determining the ele~ents of political systems, the autonomy of these elements and the presence of ~~specific tasks, roles, functions, standards, traditions, ana stereotypes" were selected i.n the book (page 12), � The political elements which were selected in accordance with the specified ~ crii;eria composed four groups: political structure (or political organiza- tion); political and legal standards; political relations; political culture. What concerns the interrelations of the political system and the social and economic sphere, the authors analyze thn thesis of the classics of Marxism-- Leninism and indicate ~~the groundless attempt of certain bourgeois authors to 2 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY " APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 ~~u~t c>~~~~ ~c:in?, u~~~: ~~N~,Y de~cribe the matter as though Marxism leads the entire process of political d~velopment to a direct and i.mmediate dependenc;~ on production relations. Along with the defined influence of economics, other various factors have a tremendaus influence on all areas of social life, part;.cularly on such an active part as the political process. These factors include class structure, the national composition of the society, its ethics, sense of justice, ide- ology, culture, political traditions, inte:rnational situation and others~~ (page 19). In particular, the spiritual culture comes forth as a most i~portant factor of influence on the political relations and political struggle and to a great extent determines the methods and means of functioning political institutes and the goals themselves. The central point of the theory of the political system is the idea of power which is revealed as ~'a real capability to realize its will in social life, _ and bind it, if necessary, to others; the political power as or,.e of the most important m~nifestations of power is characterized by a real capability of a given class, broup, individual to exercise his will which is expressed in politics and law~' (page 26). The concept of political power is considerably - broader than the idea of state power. As r.egards the state as an institute of a political system, its way of governing, political z~egime, ftmctions in a political organization of society, as it is noted in the work, no light can be shed on these questions ~~without considering political relations, the role of the parties, other social organ- izat;ions, political traditions, idaology, mass consciousness and so on~~ (page 34). As a result of this, the ~~inadequacy of the treatment of the state only as an apparatus of public power~~ (Ibid) became clear. In accord- ance with the sociological idea o.f the state, its format also must be studied sociologically, that is, as principles o.f state organization (polit- ica~ structure), which express the true existing ties between the social strticture and the institution of public power. From this standpoint the idea . of demo~~racy is interpreted as ~~the main idea of the science of' government~~ (pa~;e 35)� Dem~~cracy is the ~~ideal form of government structure owing to which it becomes a definite objective valuable item~~ (Ibid.). But apart from sucYi ideal forms, there were always other types o.f political ruling struc- ~ures and representations of class interests under which even the majority classes were removed from partici~ation in government m~nagement, were de- prived of the possibility to influence State resolutions and to control the government. It is possible t~ est~blish autocratic, olig~rchic or democratic stru~t~zres of political pown= un~~er~ a monarchy and republic~n i'oz^ns of guvernment. By itsal� a republic~n form of governmen~t is not identified with de-no~~.racy and o.ften saraed 3s a mere covar for an oli~~rchi~ or indi- vidual dict~t~rial ~~w�ar. On the other han3, a monarchy is also not always iden~tified with autocracy and often is presented as quite a stable ~type of bourgeois democracy. C~nsidsring these observations, the book studies the - questions of correlating the forms of State, types of governmer~t and the pol_t,ical regime. In fu.rther the morphology of a political culture, the authors in- clude in it types of the nolitical process, stereotypes of political 3 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOk OFFICIAL USli ONLY beh~~vior, polit.ical rc~les, political traditions and othe.r ~~mearis of orga- niz::ing pol.itical life (page !~3), as well as political at~titudes, accom- plishment:, religious beliefs, political directions, po:;.iticsl values and ide~~J_s, tY~�st is, fact~~rs which motivate political activity. In the book cotn?nunicative ~nd significant functions of a political c~alture are picked � _ out; the first of which serves the political interaction of inembers of the so~~iety, and the second is tied in with the title, an~~ evalw~ting fea-tures in order to determine their place ~~in the overall context of a social experience" (page ~.8). The authors put the question of political con- sciousness and its relations with the activity of the groups and individusls - _ intc~ the framewc~rks oi' the general study of a political culturE;. Political _ con:~ciousness is �a fundamental link and a totally realistic paint in the proc:ess of political rule~~ (page /~9) . The fourth chapt,er is devote~3 to the fundamental features and i;endencies of the development of a political system in a socialist society. Governing a soc ~alist societ,y on the political power and is realizec~ thro~agh a specific social struci;ure--the political system of the society. In this way, it has the characteristic of a social and political government. Pol~_tical power and a political system are not idantical but are mutuslly rel~.ted social phenomena. ~~There is no and cannot be a st~ble political power without a corresponding political system~~ (page 9g). According to the autYiors, a political system is the birth of power and its incaznation. In the book the political. system of socialism is characterized as a flexible, d.ynamic and efficient social mechanism. The political system af a socialist society is not confined by only for.n,al and informr~l organizatians. It also incl.udes rules, traditions and standards of s~cial and politic~zl life, on which to a great exten.t itsstability depends. '~In the life of the society, trsclitions of socialist democracy are important. They reflect Le;~in~s ideas on t;he more and mo.ra broad and effective participation of the working masses in managing the affa,irs of the society~~ (page 99). In the development of a political syste~ of socialism, the political culttare of the wide spread - working masses, which as the authors write, is expressed in a de,~ply con- - scious, active ralation o.f the citizens towards politics is of no less importance. In characterizing the perspective future improvement of governing the society and the development of democracy under socialism, the authors oppose con- - , trasting governrnent and democracy. They that further increasing tYie social effectiveness of a political system must be accomplished on the basis of combining two ~spects: professionalism and democracy. In connec- tion with this, and particularly it is noted that under socialism the scientific and technical revolution by no means weakens the de~ocractic basis of the power struct~~re. Under the conditions of a socialist society, the scientific and techr.ical revolution promotes raising the level of education in the construction and function of all li~-~.ks of the power stru.cture without excepti~~n and it promotes '~the complete and effective blending of science, politics and democracy~~ (page 112). 4 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FUR OFFICIAL USE ONI,Y Tne fourth chapter is devoted to some of the aspects of ~.;he fe~,.tures of a - political system of modern capitalism. At the base of the political organi- zation of a bourgeois society is the political power strizcture of monopoly, ms thn chr~pter indic~tes. It dominstes in the political org~nization within the �ramework of which there is a struggle of claaaes, pr.irtios, organiza- tions and so on. The basic link of this structure is tho govez~nm~nt which is characterized by a tendency to strengthen bureaucracy, rulinb power and by reducing the real amount of power of the parliamentary institutions. At the same time, in the political system of a capitalist society the struct~are of political parties plays an important role. As.the book indicates, the _ inc~~ease in the role of the political parties is caused by both attempting to ~~dapt the general elpction'right to the tasks of the ?nonopo~y and by the attenpt, with the help of the parties, to manipulate the people, and finally, by ~ittempts to lead the activity of the masses into the areas necessary for the monopolies and contrast them, with the help of a party system, to the Fro.r~t of communis~ and working parties. In t;tie fifth chapter the question of the political systems of developing nat~_ons is treated. The authors give the general featurss of i;he systems ind::cated: the revolutionary character of their emergence; thc~ combination and interlacing into fi,he political systems of the old and the i~iew, of tra- dit~ional elemsn~;s, institutions which reflect the influence of capitalism, - and elements determined by the influence of the system of socialism (for exaraple, government planning); the unclear expression ~~one class character of a political power~~; the particular feature of the role of the government connected with the development of a state structure of the economy and the task of solving the problem of the scientific and technical revolution, as well as with the fact that in a political system the ariqy usually plays an _ important role and the parties are given a secondary place. Howe�Jer this e~ernal, and in many ways formal commun~ty of characters, is less important than the featlares connected with one or some other path of devslopment which is chosen by the countries--with an orie:~~tation towards c~pitalism or with an orientation towards socialism. From this point of view, the fzatures of the political systems of individual developing nations are detailed in the work. COPYRIGHT: INION AN SSR 871 ~ : 1800 � 5 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02108: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ! RrGIONAL ' - ~ BOOhS ON KIRGIZ AND TATAR SSRS REVIEWED ~ Equalizing the Standard of Living in Kirgiz Mosc:ow OB5HCHESTVENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA 1, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in ' ~ Russian No l~, 1A79 pp 100-106 fRe~riew by A. N. Vinogradov of the book REGIONAL'~r1YYE PROBLEMY VYRAVNIVANIYA - URCti'NEY ZHTZNI GORODSKOGO I SEL?SKOGO NASELENIYA by A. M. Moldc,kulov, ~ Kyrgyzstan, Fr.unze, 197$, 105 pages] _ ~ext7 The book consists of a preface and five chapters. The first chapter is "The Objective Necessity and Practical Means of Equali- zing the Urban and Rural Population�s Standard of Living Under Socialism.~~ The idea of ~~standard of living~~ is a broad social and economic classifica- tion which is influenced by the ki.nds of property used as a means of pro- - duction, the type and class essence of the economics and social relations, culture and so on. The Marxist-Leninist concept of raising the standard of living not only means providing the people with an adequate amount of material wealth, but also their social, spiritual and moral nee~s. The further strengthening of the material ar_d technical base for agriculture and the gradual merging of the two forms of property for px~oduction resources _ _ into a single co~maon property promote carry'ing out the tasks of equalizing - the urban and rural standard of living at the stage of mature socialism. On _ ~the whole in the USSR the level of real incomes for kolkhoz workers ir~ rela- tion to the ruxal income of workers and employees increased from 75 percent in 1965 to 85 in 1976 per family member (page 11), Moreover, the introduc- tion of guaranteed labor wage on the ko].l~hozes, a single aystem of pension - and social insurance, more rapid rates of inareasing real incomes for kolkhcz workers, the capability for workers, employees, kolkhoL workers to equally use social funds for consumption was signi~icant. The differences in the standards of living between rural and urban popula- are greater in those areas where the proportion of rural population is relatively high, the prevalence here of cooperative and kolkhoz property determ~~es certain differences in comparison with the ci�ties on the level of produ~;tion development as well as in the distribution of newly created ~ ~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007102/48: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100144437-9 FOR OFFICIAL US}~ ONLY products. In K:irgiz over 60 percent of the population lives in rural areas (the total for the USSR is 39 percent). The rate o.f gro~~rth for the urban popt~lation due ~l,o the migration from the rural areay is i~ot si~nificRnt ti11d the absolute munber of' those working on agriculture farm;:s as opposed to other - repL~blics is not decreasing but increasing. The second chapter is ~~The Problem of Equalizing the Level of Earnings for the Population.~~ Increasing salaries for the rural population is promoted by i;he inclusio~ of those working ~.t home and on subsidiary farms into social _ production, improving the distribution of industrial branches with considera- tiori given to the sex and age composition of labor resources, the approach of enterprises to the source of labor power and so on. The employment of labc>r resources in Kirgiz in agriculture is higher than in other republics of C~entral Asia, but somewhat lower than the Union averr~ge lev~el. The pro- portion of those uneraployed in public production and studying in rural ai�eas is somewhat greater than in the cities of the republic (in recent years it has even increased in individual cases). This is explained by the greater proportion of children in kolkhoz workers'families (high rat~ of growth for the rural population continues i.n the future also) and the low mobilizati~n of the rural population. Although the absolute number and the proportion of young people who are leaving their native village has a tendency to be increasing, the working class of Kirgiz continues to inerease because of ttie migi~ation of the urban population from other areas of the country. It is the author~s opinion that the rese~xcners who feel that the reason for the low mobility of the rural population is having man~r children and being unpre- parEd for work in industrial bi�anches is incorrect., The rural popuJ_ation of Central Asia, primarily the young people, basically~ has a complete or not com~lete secondary education, which easily allows them to transfer to work in industrial branches. However, such a transfer in a certain way is held . back by the fact that in the city housing and other conditions are not readily available. e In Kirgiz the niunber of workers and employees living in rural areas increased by 16 percent for 1971-1976 (to a certain extent this is connected with the reorganization of the kolkhozes and sovkhoz~s), and the proportion of kolkhoz workers in the overall num'oer in the rural population decreased from 1~6.1 percent in 1971 to /~3.6 percent i.n 1975. In 1976 l~9,000 kolkhoz workers a living in rural areas, were constantly busy in indus~ry, transportation and in Fnterprises of the interkolkhoz associations. However,for 1960-1g75 the proportion of those working in industry located in rural areas decreased - from 15 percent to 13.1 percent with an absolute increase in their number (page 15-16). For 1970-1975 ir.. Kirgiz the salary in the families of workers and employees - incrsased by 16 percent, and ~or the families of kolkhoz workerss the earnings fron~ the kolkhozes increased by 2l~ percent. The portion of wages on the kolkhozes in the combined income of the kolkhoz workers increa~ed from 39�5 percent in 1953 to l~7.3 percent in 1975, while the incom~ received in state and cooperative organizations (including pension, grants, benefits), increased 'from U tc~ 23.5 percent. In 1975 the income from subsidiary farms, which were 7 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02108: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 FOR O1~rT.CIA1, USE ONLY having the tendHncy of decreasing, compr3_sed 27.5 percen~ of th~ combined inccme in kolkhoz workers~families, and in the families of workers and em- ployees it was '7.~3 percen~t (page 2~-26) . The difference;; in the wages for - kol~:hoz workers and tre workers ar~d employees in the repi~blic are leas than in t:,he nation as a whole. - In Kirgiz, as in al1 of the USSR, solving the problem of equalizing the income level of rural and uxban populations supposes the approach of the salary of kolkhoz workers to the level of sovkhoz workers~ wages, and sub- ~ sequently having it reach the level of industrial workers~ salary. This primarily requires an increase in the productivity of labor in agriculture - on ~he basis of growth in the power available and funds available, and the improvement in the structure of fixed capital. F'or 1970-1976 in the reptiblic~s industry,the productivity of l~bor increased by 31 percent, and in agriculture--by 8 percent. This is partially connected with the defi- ciezices in the deliveries of industrial products to the r.ountryside. Thus, accurding to the data of the interbranch balance sheet, the deliveries of industrial goods to agrictuture sites in the countr,y for 1966-1972 increased by a factor of 2.7, and in Kirgiz--by a factor of 1,~ (p~,ge 3~). The classi- fication of workers greatly influences the salary level. For 1965-1975 the J number of inechanical experts in the republic incr~ased by 35.9 percent, with an ~_ncrease of 7.9 percent of those working in agriculture. At the same timo, the propoi-tion c~i classified personn~l in agriculture, particularly amor~g women, wa~ insi~nnificant. The social consumptiori funds play an impoztant ~ole in equalizing the per capita income. On the whole in the country, the proportion of public funds , in the combined income for wor.kers as well as kolkhoz workers has a tendency to increase and grow closer. The voltune of public f~ands depends upon the growth and distribution of the national income. In Kirgiz the increase in the national income for 1970-1975 comprised 27.8 percent with a 12.5 percent _ growth in the population. During 1965-~975 the payments and services from the public funds increased by a factor of 2.g (from 357.5 to 99$.9 million rubles). According to the data of the budget surveys of the Kirgiz SSR Central Statistical Administration, the proportion of social consumption funds in the combined income of industrial workers'families of the republic for 1976 amounted to 10.9 percent, and in k-~lkhoz workers~ fami.lies it was 13.5 percent. These figures were one-half and two-thirds as much as the corresp~nding All-iTnion figures. Expenditures from pub'lic funds for social and cultural measures were five-elevenths as mucY. as for the USSR as a whole, whiah is explairied by an inadequate developm~nt ^f the area of services in _ the republic (page l~3) . The author feel5 that to agree with the proposals of individual economists to ~:stablish the level of expenditures for social and cultural measures for the union renublics ir~ such a way that it depends on the extent; of the nat~_onal income created by them ~~not only weakens the economic; integration betweer_ Lulion republics, but can also damage it~~ (page 45). Under such an appro=~ch, the republic spe~ializing in the production of raw m~terials will try ~t,u develor a more profitable industrial processing branch (for example, ~3 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02108: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 FOR OT'FICIAL USE ONLY in k~ringing out cotton and fiber, the proceeds are less than in producing fin~.shed fabric), which would lead to an inadequate utilization of the republics~ capacitiea, which are based on the raw materials of o~her areas. ~~Therefore, it is more proper if economic unity insures both the soli- dar~ty of division and exchange. Only in this manner can the level of the uti~~_ization of social cons~ption funds in various areas be equalized~~ ~Pa~,e 46) � Chapter Three is ~~Probl.ems of Equalizing Consumption.~~ In Kirgiz the mone- tary income of the people for 1976 increased in com~arison with.1g60 by a fact;or of 3.7. The real per capita income of the people for 1g65-1976 in- creased by 65.3 percent, while the sale of foodstuffs increaseC, by 61~.3 per- cent (page 49). The proportion of the money spent for food in the workers~ families decreased from 1~9.4 percent in 1965 to 36.7 percent, i.n the kolkhoz _ wor~:ers ~ famili~,s it c~ecreased fr~m 50 to l~3.6 percont. In 1975 the average anntial consumption in the republ.ic compared to the average All-Union figure was: for meat--67 pex^cent, dairy products--56 percent, sugar---75 percent and so on (page 50-5~). These differences are partially determined by na- tiorial trad~tior~s and in part by the sex and age composi~tion of' the popula- tior~. ~~At the same time, in supplying the republic~s populace with food by caloricity in individual types of foodstuffs, cons~amption by r~tional stand- ard~ is not attained~~ (page 51 In comparison with fa~nilies of workers and employees, the families of kolkhoz workers conslune 35.~ percent less meat products, 2g.3 percent lesa dairy proclucts, and 25 percent less eggs; however,they consume 13.7 percent more baked goods and 39.1 percent more In 1976 the workers and employees consumed 60 percent of the meat intended for sale through State and Coopera- tive trade, 18 percent on the market and 19 percent from subsidiary farms. Kolkhoz workers bought 47 percent of the meat from subsidiary farms, 19 per- cent was purchased in State trade, 6 percent on kolkhozes and 25 percent in kolkhoz markets. Almost the same correlation of sources of conswnption pay- ment is true for other type~ of agricultural foodstuffs (page 54-55). The constunption of all types of non-foodatutfs in the republic has a tendency ~ to increase and almost exists on the Union level. In 1975 the amount of expenditures for the purchase of social amenities in the families of kolkhoz - workers was 34 percent less than in the families of industrial workers (page 60). One of the reasons for such a situation is the inadequate development of trade in non-foodstuffs in agricultural areas. The proportion of expendi- tures among kolkhoz workers for the purchase of non-foodstuffs among indi- viduals in the overall expenditures of the family for these goods was 13 pe~- cent in 1975 (for urban dwellers it was less than half as much), and it decreased during the Ninth Five-Year Plan by 3 percent (page 61). The fourth chapter is ~~Problems of Equalizing the Services Rendered to the Popu?ace.~~ In 1976 the expenditures for education in Kirgiz were greater by a fact~r of aimost 8 than in 1950; however, in calculating the per pupil _ and student expenditures, they have not yet reached the All-Union level. In 1y~~5 a4�2 percent cf those finishing eight grades continued their educa- tion in secandary school. 9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02108: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 t~oii orr~ ~c;rnl, i~5~~: ~~rai.,Y - Altr.ough during 1 ti39.- I~~'7C) tne ritunber o.f people having an incamplote higher, incampls~e secoi�idary and second~ry educt~tiori increased iti the cities of Kir~;iz by a fac~tor of "I E,; in the rural areas it increased by a factor of 22. The nwnber of persons having a higher education in the countryside wae one-- third as much as that and the nuuiber of persoris wi~;h unfiniahed higher, secondary and. incomplete szcondary educa~tion was l~.3.6 percen~t leas than in the city (page 67; . Such a diffe.rcrice is pr3lnarily explairied by the inade- quscy of' secondary schools in the i~uxal. areas. ~ In the 1977/78 ac~deiaic year ~Lhere were 3/ second~ry vocational and technical - schc~ois in the republic wY~re 22,300 persons studied. In 17 of them, located in t,he rural areas, working personnel were ~rained in 50 specialized fields ( pa~;e 71) ~ In the republic oF trie t,otal riwnbEr of stucleiits, the proportion oF warkers~ children increased from 2h.'1 percent in t~he 196~/69 academic yE;ar to 32.9 per~;ent in the 1976~7& acadeulic year; for ~hose of kollchoz workers--from 20.5 percent to 25.5 percerit with t~ ciecrea~e in the proportion of employees~ chi.ldren f.rom 52.~ percerit to L,.1 .6 percent (page 72) . For 1970--1~75 the number of' doctors provided for the rural population in- creased by more than a factor of 2, although it is significantly lower than in Lhe city. Differences in providing doctors and beds are equalized to a cer-tain extent by the fact that a J.arge portion of the rural poptLation (for 1971~--27.2 percent) is cared fcr in urban hospitals (page 77-78). The elim3.- _ natian of sparsely populated areas promotes an improvement in medical ser- vic~~s . ~ There are n~? differences between the cities and the countryside ii~ providing living space. In recent years in the rural areas, the rate of construction was greate.r than in the city. However, in the rtual area individual construction is prevalenf. which has a negative influence on the budget of rural inhabitan~~s. The volume of social ser~ri.ces pex~ capita in Kirgiz is steadily approaching the All-Uni~~n level. For 1960-1976 the n~ber of enterprises for social services in the republic increased by a factor of 2.5, in the rural area-- by a factor 3, and the vulume of services rendered rose accordingly by a factor of 7.l~ and 2.3.~. However in the coun~ryside it was still ten-- nineteenths as mucYi (page 93). The proportion of kolkhoz workers' expenses by individuals was fairly high f'or repair work (in 1975 from 26 to 32 per- cent of the overal7. volume of corresponding expenditures), although they did not have a tendenc;y to decrease (page 9~, Table). In Ch ~pter Five ~~Some Problems of the Econoinic; Development of Kirgiz and Their Influence on the Improvement of the Well-Being of the Po~,~ulation" the autnor notes tha-L Ly the measure of the development o� specialization, and the i:icrease it1 mutt;al dependence between regiuns when satisfying the needs of tha population oYten is carried out at the expense of other republics and areas, the significar_ce of' the further improvement of inter- and inner-- repuolicar_ ecanomic ties increases. - cor~YP,lrE:z~: i~ro~~ ~N sssr~ _LO FOk ~FFICIAL JSE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Book on Siberian Tatars Reviewed Mosc�ow OBSHCHES'1~'VENNYYE NAUKI, SERIYA 1, PROBLEMY NAUCHNOGO KOMMUNIZMA in Rus;;ian No 4, 1 y79, pp 116-119 ~Review by A. F. Tsyrkun of the book SOVREMENNYYE ETNICHESKI~ PROTSESSY SREDI SIBIRSKIKH TATAR by N. 1_. Tomilov, Iomsk, Izdatel~stvo Tomskogo - Universiteta, 1978, 208 pages~ ~ext~ The modern Siberian Tatars are the ethnic heirs of the ancient Turkic heat;hen population of Western Siberia of which a considerable portion be- lon~;ed to the Siberian ~atar khanate before the arrival of the Russians. The main area of this settling--the region from Tyumen~ and Tobol~sk to Tomsk ar~d Kemerovo--is not solid: the Tobol~sk-Irtyshsk, Barabinsk and Tom;k Tatars arQ the fundamental ethnic groups of the Siberian Tatars who - are territorially divided by the surrounding Russian settlements. The total - number of people in 1887 was 75,200; in 1926 it was 11$,300; in 1959 it was 11~7,~00; and in ~970 it was 191,200 persons. Before the revolution the ethnic processes among Siberian Tatai�s develaped in several directions: the consolidation of the Turkic heathen population of the cent,ral portion of Western Siberia~ into large territorial and ethnic groups, the par~ial consolidation of the~e groups into a broader ethnic comiaunity of Siberian Tatars, their approach to the newly arrived Volga and Ura1 area Tat~rs, as well as to the surrounding Russian populat,ion. Before the revolution the Siberian Tatars did not make up a single etnnic group and were only a very weakly integrated ethnic community. The mass relocation to Siberia by Russian and later also by Volga and Tatar inhabitants led to the _ weakening of inter-group ties of the original Tatars and to their coming closer to the newly arrived inhabitants. The author disputes the opinion th~:�t there was a consolidation of Siberian Tatars occurring among the Volga _ area inhabitants within the framework of the form.ation of a Tatar bourgeois - nation. Kazan~ had more of a religious and enlightened role than one of an economic center. During the first ten years of Soviet power, certain tendencies for the con- solidation of Siberian Tatars into a single ethnic community were preserved-- the dialects grew more si_mi.lar, differences in cultural and living str~ndards among the groups of Siberian Tatars were reduced, local ethnic entities were forced out, and the name ~~Siberian Tatars" itself was spreading. But their wide territorial scattering and the intensified process of the etilni.cs of tt,e inhabitants and increased similarity between ethnic groups (particularly with the Volga Tatars and Russian) ~~did not lead to the consolidation of internal ties...and prr~ctically eliminated the significance of the processes - of internal ~onsolidation for Siberian Tatars for the present and ftizture~~ (page 151) . The author writes that it~ is incorrect to consider that the Siuerian Tatara have 7ow consolidated with the Tatar nation and now comprise part of it. The ~;nity of their ethnic origin (their ancient Tatar community), literary lang-aage and the ethr.ic entity (~~Tatars~~ ) are not a ~ all decisive indicators . 11 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 rort orrzcrAi. ~JSf, o[vi,Y The abaence of the to~;al of tho indicators of an ethnic comruunity which is - the only one for all Siberian and Volga area Tatars, thus far does not allow thom to be ccmpletoly identified and uni.te~l ini;o one nation. At the same time, the developing processes of consolid~tion for Siberian Tatara ' with Volga area and Uz�al area reached a level wh.ere the dialects of Siberian TatFirs entered into the system of thP modern Tatar langu~ge. A definite lay~r af common phenomena manifests itself ~;z the t~adit:ional d.nd everyday liv`~ng cultux'e. In the Siberian Tatars' consciousness the idea of their - kindred to the Volga area and Ural area Tatars and so on ia growing stronger. As a result ~'at the p.resent tiune Siberian Tatars are completely included in- to ~;he Tatar ethnic community on the ethno-linguis~ic level, aX~parently, as its particular regional ethnic community and the,y are part of all the USSR Tatars'~ (page 103), In i;he last decade the process of drawing together Siberian Ta~Lars with the suxrounding Russian inhabit�ants is developing faster. 'Phis process is mani- festin~ itself through bilingual Tatars, the adaptation o� many Russian and - All--Union cultux�al aspects, and through an increase in mixed mn.rriages and partial assimilation of individual Russian groups. This direction of ethnic processes is growing stronger and becoming primary. At the present time, from 7/~.95 percent to 61~./*1~, percent of the people have a command of the Tatar language, f`rom 61.5 percent to 77.2g percent of the Siberian Tatars have a comma,nd of the Russian langurage; that i.s, bilinguali9m , is ti~ide spread. At trie same time, in 1970 ~g.2 percent of the Siberian Tatars (including 9y..o percent of the rural inhabitants) considered their native language to be Tatar, which indicates that for a long time it will play an important role. In t~he cit~es the processes of growing closer and blending on an inter- ethnic level are considerably more intense. Here the local Tatars which make up the majority blend in with Volga area Tatar groups. The process of drawing closer among the city Tatars and Russians which leads ~Lo the break-- down of endogamy and to the assi.milation of sections of the Tat;ars by the Russians which is natural and progressive is developing with greater inten- sity than in rural areas. The territorial factar significantly influenced the development of ethnic processes among Siberian Tatars. Their widespread settling and relativPly - few nlunbers are not favorable for internal consolidation. In the future the ethno-cultuxal processes among them will continue separa~tely in individual ethnic groups. The definite process of a comprehensive internationalization, consolidating inhabited areas with a mixed na~Lional composition, increasing the role of the new generation in the life of the Siberian Tatars, particu7_arly the Siberian Tatar vi1]_ages, the disappearance of vestiges in relation to women in the `['atar ciz'.r,les~ raising the cultural and educational level of the Tatar~ from various social and professional groups, and the eradication of relig;_ous superstitions are the main factors insuring the intensive approach 12 ~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY of Siberian Tatars to the other peoples of the USSR and primarily to the Russians. ~~This process is gart of a general ethno-political integration _ which is developing ae a result of the interaction of nationalities and nations in our country~' (page 151~-155) . This process is most clearly re- flected in the area of cultuxe and everyday life of the ;iberian Tatars. Whi~.e during tha first '~ecades of Soviet power, the influence o~ everyday lif~: and spiritual cu].ture of the Volga area Tatars played an important role - in the process of tra.nsforming the cultural and everyday living aspect of the Siberian Tatars, recently the influence of Russians on the entire country- wide aspects of culture and everyday life prevails. At the same time individual traditional elements in the famili~s and social customs and rites, national ideas and religious beliefs, and the folklore of t;he Siberian Tatar~ are being preserved. In the area of everyday family l~fe as well as in the spiritual culture of Siberian Tatars, traditional _ ch~i�acteristics preserve the more firm positions than in the m~.terial culture, although there is also present here a tendency towards weakening the ethnic specificity. ~ On the whole, 5iberian Tatars ~~apparently...among other fundamental ethnic formations of Western Siberia are more strongly included, at the present timE:, by the processes of ethnic integration with other groups" (page 157). COPYRIGHT: INION AN SSR - 8714 CSO; 1800 ~ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 rvn vrrl~ltw uJG UIVLY REG.IONAI, DEV~LOPMENT OF ARMENIAN DISSIDENT MOVII~IENT REVIEWID Fra~kfurt/Main POSEV in Russian No 7, 1g79 pp 28-32 [Ar-ticle by E. Oganesyan: "Armenian Dissidence"] [Text] The Munich Institute for Armenian Problems has published in Armenian a book eiititled "Voices from the Motherland" in which the author, Levon Mkr~tchyan, has rollec~~ed and analyzed materials on Armenian dissidence over _ tYie last 15 I have prepared the present article for the Russian rea~3er on the basis of this book and from the stories of' dissidents who have immigrated from the USSR. Dissidence is called dissidence as this form of thinking differs from the forms which are acceptable and to the liking of the authorities. The history of ~issidence begins simultaneously with the history of power and authority in Soviet society. And Soviet dissidence arose along with Soviet power and, in r.unning through the Gulag Archipelago and sometimes in bypassing it, has come down to our times. If the dissident movement is viewed a.s a manifestation of different minded- ness, that is the dissemination of ideas not approved by the au+..horities, ~ then this manifestation has occurred through three channels: Samizdat, Tamizdat and open protests. All three fortns for the manifestation of dis- sidence in Armenia began 15-17 years ago. At that time, in 1962, during the period of the flourishing of national self-awareness, the book of Magda - Ney:nan "Armyarie" wa~ revised, reprinted, photographed and distributed. This book provided an authentic history of Armenia and was written with great sympa+hy for the Armenian people. At the same time the residents of Yerevan found in their post boxes leaflets with nationalistic appeals and Samizda.t newspapers such as "Paros" ("Beacon") and "Yerkunk" ("Ventures"). And in 1.965, a large demonstration was held in Yerevan involving virtually all the population of the Armenian capital. The demonstration was so im- _ pressive that the police did not dare to prPVent it, and the a.uthorities did not dare to order the police to do this. Moreover, during the evening government meeting in the capital's opera house, when t11e demonstrators l~+ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FUR OFFICIAL USE ONLY broke in, the members of the ~overnment fled, leaving th~~ pc~pie to the - charge of the Catholicos of all the Armenians (the head ~f the Armenian Church, editors), and in the name of God he began to calm the excited Komsomol members. = ~ In truth, the demonstration was timed for the 50th anniv~~rsary of the ~enocide of the Armenians in Turkey, arid formally did not have a,n anti- Soviet nature, but in the process of the demonstration, ~I'urkey moved into the background. On Lenin Square the demonstrators demanded that the monu- ment to Lenin be removed, in shouting: "Why should a monument to this person stand in Armenia which he sold out to Turkey and Azerbaijan?" _ Al1 these events which occurred in Armenia 15 years ago ~1ere ve~ry storrr~y, but they were not supported in the West and for this reason they were easily - suppressed. They were not supported for two reasons. In the first place, bec~.use these fi.rst Armenian dissidents did not have contact with those who would send on such information to the West. These ties appeared much ~ late~r, when the dissid.ents themselves were in prison and there became ac- quainted with tY~e Jewish and Russian dissidents~ Secondly, because Armenian dissidence of tnose times had a purely local national nature a,nd did not fit inta the overall struggle for "our and your freedor.:," "for the rights of man," and for democracy. I~ was strictly Armenian and in this quality was of interest neither to the West, to the Russians, to the Jews, or even to - the overseas Armenians who, in investing all of their sparse farces into the anti-Tux�kish struggle, could not invest anything in the struggle on the Soviet front. At present, wr.en Armenian dissidence, due to contacts with the human rights movement, has adopted forms which are more acceptable for the West and certain circles, it has become better known and has come to have greater support. But still ~he beginning to this movement was made by people the names of whom are known to few and who�unstintingly fought under conditions of com- plete isolation from the outside world. And we may begin the history of Armenian dissidence with them. On 26 November 1961, in Warsaw, the Polish catholic newspaper KIERUNKI pub- lished an article by the Polish art historian Bogdan Genbarski entitled "A Letter to My Old Tu.rkish Friend," in which the author with g;reat sympathy - referred to the Armenians and proposed forms for solving the Armenian problem. In January .1962, this same journal published an article by anot;her Polish - author Genrich BatowSki, and this was written in reply to the Genbarski article and had a clearly anti-Armenian nature. The author felt that the Armenian problem had already been settled by Soviet power. And then, in June of the same year, the same magazine published an article by the his- torian from Soviet Armenia, Nikos Karapetyan entitled "No, You are Mistaken, Genrich Batowski!" Then this article was reprinted by many foreign news- _ papers. Soon thereafter its au~hor was deprived of all scientific titles as well as his positions. For what rea~on? The justification was simple: "Karapetyan on the questions of the higtory of the Armenian people has shown 15 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 ~ F(1R OFFT.CTAI. USF, ~NI,Y a nationalistic approach instead of a class approach." ~tVatura:~ly, we can- not give Karapetyan's article which was very extensive. We would merely poi.nt out ~that the deviation from the class approach was in the fact that the aui;hor sharply criticized Lenin's poli~y in the Caucssus, beginning wi~tti the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and ending with the "great friendship of , Lenin--Ataturk." In order to show how sharp his criticism was, we have merely to give one excerpt from his article: "The boundaxy which was established for Armenia in 1921, on the one hand, meant the confiscation of the right to a sovereign existence fi�om the Armf:nian people, and on the other, meant the justification and support for the policy of genocide." And this was about Lenin! The next document which I would like to mention is the letter of 2,500 ArmE~nians from the Na~orno-Ka,rabakhskaya Autonomous Oblast sent; to Khrushchev. In i;his letter, the inhabitants of Karabakh, in describing the intolerable Arme~nian-Azerbaijani relations, asked Khrushchev to include the Karabakhskaya Oblast as part af Soviet Armenia as this oblast was 80 percent populated by Arme,nians and historically had.always belonged to Armenia. Thc~ letter also poirited out that a declaration to transfer l{arabakh and Nakhichevan' to Armenia had been signed in 1920 and had been proclaimed at a ceremony of the Baku Soviet. But under the treaty with Turkey, Nakhichevan' was turned over to Azerbaijan, and in 1923, Karabakh was. After this letter, persecution began in Karabakh. Virtually all the leaders of the oblast were removed from their posts, arrests followed, but what was even worse, Armenian and Azerbaijani relations deteriorated further. The "friendship of Soviet peoples" devolved into drawn daggers. Subsequently events in Armenia developed in the following manner. After the large demonstration in Yerevan in April 1965, the secretary of the Komsomol Cent.ral Committee Kamshalov, at a mecting of the youth organizations in Moscow; stated that the events in Yerevan were related to the riationalistic tend.encies of the Armenian youth and that these tendencies had been in- spired in the youth by a handful of the intelligentsia which w~.s contami- nated by anti-Soviet views and wanted to separate Armenia from Russia. And then, on the eve of the 24th Congress of the Armenian Communist Party, at one of the meetings of the party aktiv of the city of Yereva.n, the poetess Sil'va Kaputikyan gave a report in wh~ch she criticized the statements of the secreta,ry of the Iiomsomol Central Committee Kamshalov on the Armenian events. Her speech was completely devoted to the national problems and its main thought was that the events in Armenia had been related to an increase in the national self-awareness of the people, and not to the propaganda of a ha.ndful of intellectuals. She emphasized that the party shottl.d not com- plain of the youth and not persecute it, but rather understand it and en- deavor to satisfy its aspirations. She concluded her speech with the follow- ing bold st~,tement: 16 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FC)R OFFICIAL USE ONLY "('u:~~rc~~l~~:;~ Lhc n;il.iou;~.l i Ly yucr;.l,iori :i.~ a carn~,l~cr~i.t.c~d oue:. lli..~~,ot�y kric~w:; nc~i~,~ c~x;.un~~1c;, whrn vr~,�ious ~overnments, without bein~; .tiLile Lo :,o:lvc~ tlic � nr~.l;i~inr~iil.y ~rcblc~rn:;, ~~~r~i:,h~rd. The a.lrnost '~0-y~~~,r ~~xi:;te~ic~~ r~f' t,lic U~~;;li li:~:; ;,li~,wii LIuiL I,tu~ l~ciiini:,t, ntli.ion;~.~l.ii.:,y ~~o.Licy h~~r 1,~~~~ii u:;c~l'ul ici c�r~~n,l..iti~; - r1 ma.I.L in~~Lioti~.l st~,te, t~ut at the i;ime many nt~.tional ques ~.iona arc still iiot resolved. Por this reason I feel that the central bodies of our - part,y shoulci be more soundly concerned with the national problems." Although the speech oF Sil'va Kaputikyan was published in many i'oreign news- papers, she wa.s not subjected to serious persecution. Of course, she fell out of favor, and temporarily she was not permitted to travel abroad, but still her fate was not what usually happened in similar instances. And ~t present she again is traveling abroad and is writing little articles whic:~ please tne authorities. At i;he time, in the Samizdat, there appeared a letter from the CPSU member Ye. G. Ovar~esyan sent to the CPSU Central Committee. The letter was pub~ished in POSEV (28 October 1966), and I will not take it u?~ in detail. I wc~uld merel,y point out that it dealt with the anti-Armenian uiews of ceri;ain consultants of PRAVDA who, as the author wrote, depicted lies and injtistice as truth. In partieular, a certain Ikenitskiy was s}larply criti- cize:d as on the pages of PFtAVDA he had voiced anti-Armenian views. Durin~ the period in Armenia manuscripts were circulated which sharply criti- cized tlie entire Leninist nationality policy in the Transcaucasus. And the:~e works were written on a high scientific level and with a profound his- tor~_cal and political analysis of events. This showed that the authors of the manuscripts were prominent historians and literary figures of the re- publ.ic. Their riames tirere known to everyone, but no one said them out loud. GenE:rally, the dissidence of this period, that is, 1.96~+-1968, could be de- scri.bed a.s universal dissidence, dissidence that was national ~,nd in official- age terms, solid. Those who "dissented" were leading scientists, writers, artists, and even certain members of the departments of the Central Committee of the Armenian Communist Party. This all-encompassing nationalism appeared everywhere. Thus, the rule was introduced in the Academy of Sciences that for receiving an academic degree in any area of science, it was essential to pass examinations in Armenia. And children were not registered at the Civil Registry if their parents had given them non-Armenian names such as Nikolay or Eduard. The musical collectives began to perform forgotten Medieval Armenian music (basically church music). The youth began to ~et married in churches. Many books appeared out of the historic past of Armenia. In the theaters plays were given on historical subjects. Armenian coins appeared at home. We were hissed at when we spoke in Russian at meet- ings. Parents began to send their children to Armenian schools. All of this could not help but alarm Moscow. Initially the fir�st secretary of the Central Committee, Zarubyan, was removed, and then, for the first time in a11 the history of Soviet power, a Russian secretary of the Central Committee anc3 minister of the KGB [State Security Co;nmittee] appeared in 17 - FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 F~R OFFICIAL i1SF. ONLY l~rrnen i~.. nna since the dissidence derived from i;he "solid" strata., it wr~s i�e_Latively easy to stop it: some were intimidated, some were persuaded, - others were punished, some escaped abroad, and others shut up. But then the baton of dissidence was picked up by the youth from the "solid ones" and Lhey followed their own youthfu]. path which knew r.either fear nor caution. Initially the youth followed the national path set by th~ elders. But soon ~thereafter contacts with the dissidents of other republics gave a more inter- national cast to its movement. Recently a member of the Group for Assist- ing in the FLlfillment of the Helsinki Agreements in the USSR, Lyudmila Alekseyeva, ~resently living in the United States, told how the "Chronicle of Current ~vents" treated the national and dissident movement in Armenia. Her story relates to the last stage of dissidence in Armenia and is a con- tinuation of my tale. She stated that the first news on Armenia in the "Ch~-onicle of Current Events" appeared in May 1970 and it was received not i'rom ~rmenia but rather from a Mordovian camp where ther~ were six Arm~nians at Camp Point No 3. ~~ubsequently, in the 16th issue of "Chron~cle" infor- mat~.on was published on the political trials in Yerevan a,t whic:h 12 partici- pani;s of the national movement in Armenia were convicted. The first Yerevan trial was held in February 196g, the second just a year late~r, in February 1970, but the "Chronicle" announced them in October 1970, that is, with a great delay. And this was because there were no direct coni;acts between the editors of the "Chronicle" and Armenia. lnformation on 1lrmenia was received only through the political camps. The oldest of the persons convicted in Yerevan in 1969 was Babayan, a pa,rtici- _ pant of the Patriotic War who at the noment of the trial was 5~+. The young- est was a 30-year-old design engineer named Gyunashyan. The defendants were accused of setting up an anti-Soviet organization which disseminated leaf- lets with appeals to create an independent Armenia and of preparing a jour.nal VO IMYA RODINY [In the Name of the Motherland] totaling 3~+3 copies. In ~~ebruary 1970, five 20-year-old participants of the Armenian movement were convicted in Yerevan. Three of them--Ayrikyan, Asatryan and Khac:hatryan, were students, and two of them--Navasardyan and Ba,rse~o~r--were wor}cers. The defendants were charged with organizing an illeg~~l group in 196'T tYi~ purpose of wtiich w�as to study the history of Armenia, the strug~le i'or the purity of the Arm~nian language and for the unification of Armenia, the western por~Lion of which is presently in Turkey, and Karab~,kh in A zer�bai j an . AftE>r these trials for 3 years the "Chronicle" did not receive information about Armenia. Only in 1973 was word received on a series of political tri~ils which occurred in Armenia in 1973-197~+� From December 1973 through November ~974, nine cases were tried in Armeni~. at which 18 persons were coridemned for periods from 6 months to 10 years. These were cases involving members of the National United Party of Armenia 18 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY - which }~ad as ii;s the holding of a referendum on the qucst:ion of.' seces- . si~ii of' Az~menia from i:he USSR. (At one time this party was su~~ported by the NTS [the anti-Soviet organization].) The founder an~i leadE~r of the p~~r~;y, PZruyr� Ayrikyari, previously had already served ,y~ar:; :i.n i;he Mor- dov i~.n c:~nps. lZeleased in March 1973, 11 months 1a~:en c~ was rearrested ~~.n~l rentenced to 7 ye~rs in the camps and 3 Years of exi.le. l~~~r. il:ya,n re- rused a lawyer and in his speech of defense stated that a.s before lie the ~oals and the program of his party. In his final speech, Paruyr Ayr:ikyan sai~: "I know that as long ~.s there is no independent Armenia my place is in a prison cell. Only the very weak fear words and reply to a word with a fist. Your attitude toward me shows the weakness of your ideology. This is not my last word. Long live a free and independent Armenia!" The Ayrikyan trial became known in Moscow and Tat'yana Khodorovich and Yuriy Orlov arrived in Yerevan for the trial. `i'he members of the National United Party of Armenia continued their struggle also in the poli~ical camps. In February 1976, Ashot Navasardyan refused to ~o to work demanding that in. Armenia a referendum be held under UN cuper~- vision for legalizing the National United Party of Armenia. In addition he demanded that the Armenian political prisoners be moved to camps on Armenian territory. ~ In zhe autumrL of 1.976, Paruyr Ayrikyan was moved for 3 months ~o Yerevan. Ash~~t Nava.sardyan was brought here from near Perm'. Both were promised re- duc~d sentences if they rejected their party. Ayrikyan outright refused - tllis and wa,s returned to the camp. Navasardyan signed a paper of denunci- ation and gained his freedom. Azat Arshakyan was released from the camp at tlie same price. The others continued to serve their sentences. In the political camps, th~ participants of the Armenian national movement bec~,me acquainted with and friends of the political prisoners of other nationalities. Paruyr Ayrikyan, along with the editor of the ma~azine VECHE [Assembly], Vladimir Osipov, and the editor of the UKRAINSKTY VESTNIK [Ukrainian Herald], Vyacheslav Chernovol, drew up a Statute of Political Prisoners in the USSR. In addition to an improvement in the quality of food, housing and the abolishment of humiliating punishment, they demanded that the political prisoners be kept on the territory of their national republics, the elimination of forced labor, and so forth. And when the Ilrmenians demanded the legalization of their party, this demand was supported by the political prisoners of other nationalities, having stated that they would go on a hunger strike. IIowever t}ie National United Party oi' Armenia did not establish ties with the human rights movement. The Armenian Group for Assisting in the Fu].fill- ment of the Helsinki Agreements appeared independently of the national party. It was foiinded by the economist Eduard Arutyunyan, the deacon Robert Nazar�yan ~9 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000100104437-9 ' FUR OFFICIAL USE ONLY r~cl~l t;tic student ol' thc polytechnical institute Samvel Usyr~n. 1.,~~.ter the gr~uF~ included the workers Ambartsum Khachatryan and Shagen Arutyunyan, ~ both members of the national movement. The Armenian Helsinki Group an- nounced a declaration which proclaimed its aims and provided sever~.l an- nouncements on the violation of rights of Armenian residents. One of the announcem.ents was addressed to the Belgrad Conference, and con-L-ained facts on ~;he suppression of the national Armenian culture, discrimination ap;ain~t the llrmenian language, and so forth. In I)ecember 1977, two members of the Armenian Helsinki Group, Robert Naz~~ryan and Shagen Arutyunyan, were arrested. Nazaryan was accused of anti-Soviet~agitation and propaganda, and sentenced to 5 years in the ca.mps and 2 years of exile, while Arutyunyan was condemnzd und~r an accu- sat~.on of "malicious Yiooliganism." Seertin~ly, these activities of the youth which were followed bti� persecution, _ the political trials in Moscow, and al1 the political tension ~ahich rei~ned - in ~l.he nation ar~d which had begun to be reminiscent of 1937 should have fin~tilly eradicated dissidence among the "solid ones." But evidently this is riot the case. In September 19f7, one of the foreign newspapers published a letter by a. wel7_-known Armenian writer, a member of the CPSU, and member o~' the board of the USSR Writers Union, Sero Khanzadyan, in which the authoi� again raised the question of trarisferring the Nagorno-Karabakhskaya Oblast to Armenia. Alon~ with this letter which was direc+ed to Brezhnev, the newspaper pub- lisYied a commentary on it by an unknown author (from the s~tyl~ and profound knowled~e it is obvious that the author is a prominent persona]_ity). From these two documents it follows that at present a true slaughter of the ArmEnian intelligentsi.a is occurring in Karabakh. ~lccording to unsubstan- tiat,ed da.ta, the murder of the Azerbaijani minister of internal affairs and his deputy (see POSEV, No 8, 1978--editor) was related precisely to these events. In direct affirmation of this story would be the fact that the announced name of the murderer--Muradov--could be Muradyan, since this name is widely found both among the Armenians and among the Azerbaijani. Only Lhe first name of the murderer could disclose the secret of his nationa.lity, ~ but precisely his first name is carefully concealed. Moreover, Shchusha, the prison chief' of which was the murderer, is located in Karabakh. However, re~a.rdless of the correctness of this story, the fact remains the fact that ArmFnian--Azerbaijani relations are strained to a maximum. Thus, along with the so-called human rights movement, within Armenia,n dissi- dence there continue to mature purely national ideas which at some time can burst forth and, if they receive the appropriate support, can become very dange.rous for the Soviet leadership. At present there is a certain decline in Armenia of active resistance to the regime. This decline, as was related by persons who have recently left Armenia, is related to two factors. 20 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY T;sV, : APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007102/48: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100144437-9 i ; FUR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ! `('he I'irst and probably the main reason is the execution of Stenan 7a~ikyan and hi:, two com~~ades, Saven. Bagdasaryan and Akop Stepany~.n. I1; i; noi: that ~ tlii:, execution has ini;imidated the dissidents. Simply the not com~letely ~ comprehensible and unexamined action by Zatikyan somewhat troubled the i Armc>nian dissidents and introduced confusion in their ranks. _ i = ! . I3ut possibly the bomb was destined for another uninhabited place and by = ~ accident exploded in the subway while being carried. Possibly Zatikyan and - ~ his comrades were not involved in this at all (a number of witnesses saw ! therl at the time of the explosion in Armenia). This is all far from clear, I the authorities have carefully concealed all the circumstances of this case, and for this reason I as yet am unablE to make any estimate of this event. i However, the innocent victims in the Moscow subway could not help but cast - ~ a shadow on the other dissidents, and this could not in some way psycho- J.ogically help but impede their activity. i I ~ The second factor for the decline is related to events in Lebanon where ~ 260�000 Armenians live or around 10 ' , percent of the nation's population. ~ Lebanon is called -the second Armenia, because there the Armenians, as no- whe~�e else in the world, have been able to organize a na~tional life. For a long time the Armenians succeeded in maintaining neutrality in the Lebanese ~ conflict, but at the beginning of this year they were subjected to attack ~ by detachments and this ended with high losses on both sides. ' The public of the USSR and Armenia did not respond to this in any way as Armenians were being killed by the allies of the USSR and with Soviet weapons. ; But when the Armenians were attacked by the Lebanese Christian:;, demanding j from them participatic~n in the conflict on their side, the Armenian intelli- gPnt,sia in the USSR imr~ediately raised a protest against this. In the i given instance the very Armenian government acted as the expressor of ' ArmEnian interests, arid this in a certain sense impeded the ardor of the i nati.onally thinking youth, particularly as Moscow supported this protest. ~ In such a.n instance it is somewhat inconvenient to act against the govern- ment, . i I Thi~;, incidentally, was the case with the first actions which, as I said, ~ were related to the demands of condemning the genocide of the Armenians. ~ The ~overnment built a monument to the victims of the genocide, the press ; officially condemned this genocide, and these actions immediately ceased ( having a dissident nature. ; ~ `i'hus, in Armenia at present there is a certain decline in the dissident rnovement as here it has not so much a human rights nature as a national ~ character, that is, it is a question not so much of defending the rights ' of individual citizens as it is defending the national rights of all the I Armenian people. i - ~ And the defense of these rights is much more complicated. ! COPYRIGHT: Possev-Verlag, 1979 10272 ~ Cso: So~+4/176~+ ~D ' 21 ; FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY ~ i APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000100100037-9