JPRS ID: 74612 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200020041-2
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 157
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 41
• Content Type: REPORTS

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21 NQVEIlBER 1979
CIA-ROP82-00850R000200020041-2
No. 21047
i OF 2
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JPRS 74612
- 21 November 1979
Near East/North Africa Report
- No. 2047
FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFOR(1JIATION SERVICE
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NOTE
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~ 50272 ,
REPORT DOCUMENfATION I 1. REPORT NO.
JPRS 74612
2.
3. Racipient's Accession t+o.
Pace ~
t. litle and Subtitl.
5. RepoR Date
NF.AR EAS'1'/NORTH AFRICA REPORT, No. 2047
21 November 1979
6.
7. Autfior(s)
S. PerforminQ Organi:ation Rrpt. No
9. PeAorminQ Organization Name and Address
10. Project/Task/Work Unit No.
Joint Yublications Research Service
1000 North Glebe Road
cont.acac) or Grant(G) No.
Arlington, Virginia 22201
cc>
(G)
12. Spensorfna OrRan{zatlon Name and Address
13. Type of Report 6 Period Covercd
As above
14.
15. Supplementary Notes
16. Abatract (Umit 200 ~vords)
This serial report contains informatton on
socioeconomic, government, political,
and techr.ical. developments in the countries of the Near East and North Africa.
17. Uocument Analysis a. Destripton
Political Science x Inter-Arab Affairs
Libya Sultanate
Sociology North African
Mauritania of Oman
Lconomics Affairs
x Morocco x Syria
Cultiire (Social Afglianistan
People's Demo- Tunisia
Sciences) _ Algeria
cratic Republic United Arab
Fthnology x Bahrain
of Yemen Emirates
Geography x Egypt
Persian Guli We:;tern Sahara
'
Techol.ogical x Iran
Area Yemen Arab
Military Scieilces Iraq
x Qatar Republic
x Israel
Salidi Arabia
x Jordan
i Spanish North
Kuwait
Africa
Lebanon
X Sudan
b. IAenNlien/Opan�Ended Terms
c. COSATI fielct/Group 5D, SC, SK, 15
18. Availability Stetument
tJI111T111LE~d Availability
19. Seeurity Class (This Report) 21. No. of Pages
UNCLASSIFIED 152
SO1 hy '`'11S
20. SawrilY Clsss (This Paee) 22. Prite
S{>ringf i.e.l_d, Virginia 22161
UNCLt15SIFIFD
(See nN51-Z39.1P) SN Inrfrucfions on Feven� or11u1Vw1- wnre tic N-111
(FOrmerly NTIS-35)
Department of Cernmprc�
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JPRS 74612
21 November 1979
NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT
No. 2047
CON TENTS
iP1TER-ARAB AFr'AIRS
Kreisky Intsrviewed on Arab, Mideast Problems

~i~runo Kreisky Interview; AL-QABAS, 1 Sep 79
PI,O Leader in Kuwait Corrnrents on Young Resignation
(AL-QABAS, 17 Aug 79)
Greece, Arabs Try To Right Faltering Relationship
(Muriarrunad Musta.fa Mahmud; AL-WAS, 25 Aug 79)
BAHRAIN
Student Leader Explains Oppositiori to Government
(Mu'tazz Maydani; AI,-SAFIR, 11 Sep 79)
- EGYPT
National Forces I}iscuss Democracy, Press Freedom, Parties
_ (AI,-SAFIR, 4 Oct 79)
A.1-Sadat Addresses Muslim Scholars
- (AL-A7HAR, Sep 79) ....................................e
PAGE
1
10
12
IRAN
- Legal Rel at ionship of Islam and Constitutional Autho rity
- Discussed
(KEYHAN, 14 Aug 79)
How the Moslem Proletariat Surprised toe Bourgeoisie
(KEYHAN, 12 Sep 79)
Defense Minister Explains Details of Future Army Plans
(ETTELA'AT, 6 Oct 79)
- _ a NE & A - 1211
16
19
25
43
47
52
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I
- CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Reader Castigates Rebellious Kurds
- (Ahmad Ali Baba'i; ETTELA'AT, 9 Oct 79)
59
National Front Gives Views on Theocracy
(BAMDAD, 25 Oct 79) .......................o..........
62
University Students Take Over Some Hotels in Tehran
(BAMDAD, 25 Oct 79)
70
- New Groups Denied Exit From Iran
(ETTELA'AT, 13 Aug 79)
74
Experts Diocuss Solving Economic Problems
(KEYh4N, 18 Sep 79)
76
Economic ProblemS To Be Discussed at Seminar
(AYANDEGAN, 31 Jul 79)
80
Train Stoppage by Azarbaijani Tribes Explained
(AFANDEGAN, 31 Jul 79)
82
Fatalities Reported After Clash in Bandar Anzali
(BAMDAD, 18 Oct 79)
83
' New Land Reform Plan I}isciissed
(ETTELA'AT, 13 Aug 79)
87
Briefs
Candidate Withdraws 90
Anvaxi Withdraws 90
Political Groups Shun Election 91
Iraqi Islamic Group 91
- Condemnation of Iraqi Claim 91
ISRAEL
Poll Indicates Weizman's Leadership Preferred to Peres
(HA'ARETZ, 4 Nov 79) 92
Herut Chairman's Election Analyzed
(HA'ARETZ, 4 Oct 79) 94
Air Batt]_es With Syrians Fxpected To Continue
(Zelev Shif; HA'ARETZ, 11 Oct 79) 96
Earnest Approach to Autonorry Ta1ks Urged.
(HA'ARETZ, 5 Oct 79) 99
- - b -
~
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- CONTENTS (Continued) Page
Stricter Controls Over IDF Personnel Files Needed
(HA'ARETZ, 5 Oct 79) 103
Briefs
Set+lement Policy Harms Israel 107
Nabulus Mayor Justifies Terrorist Act 107
JORDAN
Jordan Sai d Still Toaing U.S. Settlement Policy Line
- (Ba ssam Haddadin; EiL-HURRIYAH, 17 Sep 79) 108
Regime's Position on PLO netainees Criticized
(AL-HIJRRIYAH, 17 Sep 79) 110
_ FRG To Supply Country With Security, Riot Control Equipment
(F. 'Abbas; AI,-HURRIYAH, 17 Sep 79) 112
Country's Energy Sources Said To Be Zimited
(Aizmad al-Dabbas; AL-RA'Y, 18 Sep 79) 114
Benefits of New Labor Bill Discussed
_ (Hamid al-Sa'ayidah; AL-DUSTUR, 8 Sep 79) 119
MOROCCO
23 Mars Le ader Bensaid Discusses Sahara Problem
(Moh amed Bensaid Interview; AL-DUSTUR, 15-21 Oct 79). 125
Q}1TA.R
Shaykh Said To Have Opted for Bahraini Method To Settle
Succession Issue
- ('A1i Hashim; AL-NAHAR AL-'ARABI WA AL-DUWALI,
16 Sep 79) 130
SUDAN
Opposition I,eader Rejects Compromise With Numayri
(Sharif al-Hindi Interview; AL-SAFIR, 25 Sep 79) 134
Briefs
Detainee List
- c -
t .
141
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CONTENTS (Continued) Page
SYRIA
Savings Encouraged, Loan Services Expanded
(TISHRIN, 4 Sep 79) 142
- Report Given on New Dam Project
(TISHRIN, 7 Sep 79) 144
Briefs
New Cana1
~
- d -
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INTER-aFA3 ?FFAIRS
,
KREISKY INTERVIEWED ON AR.AB, MIDEAST PkOBLEMS
Kuwait AL-QABAS in Arabic 1 Sep 79 p 15
[Interview with Dr Bruno Kreisky, Austria's Chancellor, by Ibrahim Abu-Nab;
"Kreisky: It Is Possible to Solve Palestinian Issue in 3 Years; Entire
"'vJorld Now Acknowledges That PLO Represents Palestinians; Lebanese Problem
Is Not Separate and We Must Discuss Problems of Four Political Entities:
Jordan, Lebanon, Palestinain Entity and Israel"]
_ [Text] Austrian Chancellor Dr Bruno Kreisky told me when I went to inter-
view him at his office in the chancellery, which is tantamount to the
, council of ministers, that he could sit with me for a very short time be-
cause of his being very busy on that day, Friday, the 24th of last month.
Almost the entire state was busy with the U.N. conference for the employ-
- ment of science and technology to serve development which was attended
by 5,000 participants from all countries. One day before our meeting,
Kreisky inaugurated the new buildings of the United Nations in Vienna
which cost the city one billion dollars and which were leased to the
- United Nations at a symbolic rent of one Austrian shilling annually.
Kreisky was under the international spotlights and three television teams
from Europe and America were waiting to interview him.
I talked to Dr Kreisky and when the interview ended under the urgen*_ de-
- mands of his other engagements, I discovered that the interview had lasted
twice the time set for it at the beginning.
_ [Question] I began the interview with Kreisky with the following story,
saying: 4]e in our Arab countries recount this story about a cat which
used to kill a mfluse every day. So the mice held a conference to discuss
the problem and one of them said: There is no solution better than hanging
a bell around the cat's neck so that every time the cat approaches to attack
the mice, they can hear it and run away. The mice thought that this solu-
tion was excellent but the problem was...
[Fnswer] Kreisky interrupted me to say: Who would hang the bell?
1
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[Question] I said: Exactly. This is tt;e problem. From what we have
read about you in our country, you seem to us to have er.ough courage to
try to hang the bell in Europe.
Story of Meeting With 'Abd-al-Nasir
Naturally, we were talking about the Palestinian issue and the Mideast
crisis without direct reference to either. Kreisky understood what was
meant and said:
[Answer] It is a good story. As far as I am concerned, it is true because
I have created a big uproar in Europe and I have always created uproar
since I went to meet Jamal 'Abd-al-Nasir, the late Egyptian p resident,
= 10 years ago. I provoked many people here in Europe with that action of
~ mine.
Insofar as I am concerned, I must say that this issue is not connected
mainly with the oil problem because I started my efforts long ago and when
the oil price was of no signif icance other than to those engaged in the
oil industry. The price was important'to the companies and to the refineries
but not to us as consumers.
I met 'Abd-al-Nasir, as I have already said, when going to Cairo was not
at all encouraged in Europe, contrary to the present time when going to
it is popular and common among the European politicans. I was perhaps
the first European foreign minister to go there. This is why the oil issue
does not constitute a factor in my case. I am an old socialist democrat,
I learned a lot in Karl Marx's school and I know that the economic facts
are not usually tied to ethics and moral principles. Therefo re, I believe
that if the Middle East problem is solved suddenly tomorrow in some way,
this solution will not affect the oil price equation.
There are two important ispects for me in this issue, namely that there
is an existing problem in this regard and I, as a human being and a soci-
alist, wish to overcome human suffering wherever it exists in the world.
� The second aspect is that this problem constitutes a danger to world peace,
to European peace and to detente because the major powers are involved
in it. As a political human being engaged in politics, I support finding
a solution for this problem.
As for the oil issue, there is one aspect, namely that this issue has
made the politicians and others and the public opinion more sensitive
to the problem. To return to the story of the bell, I have tried as hard
as I can to ring the bell. For 20 years, I have been talking about the
need to find a peaceful solution to the Mideast problem.
[Question] Do you think that you have achieved success, Mr Chancellor?
[Answer] I believe that after nearly a quarter century of active work
in politics, I have developed the ability to judge whether success has
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been achieved or not. I am deepiy convinced that enormous and important
, success has been achieved. I can give you three proofs of the soundness
- of this statement.
Palestinians and Rfght to Self-Determination
[Question] Let us hear them.
[Answer] First, the Palestinians were present, but not to the world public
- opinion. I remember a conversation with Golda Meir, it was more of a sharp
argument than a conversation, which took place when I presented my view-
point and she posed the question to the leaders of the socialist parties.
Their answer was that there were no Palestinians. There are Arabs but
- theze are no Palestinians.
Today, nobody doubts that the Palestinians a.re present and that their
presence is recognized.
Second, the presence of the Palestinians as a people with their private
entity, and who must therefore have their rights, is recognized. In the
equation that says that all the aspects of the Palestinian problem must
be solved, it is meant that the solution must include the Palestinian
rights.
[Question] Do you mean by rights their right to establish their own
state also?
[Answer] I said a week ago when President Carter stated that he does not
favor the establishment of a Palestinian state--I said with utter cordi-
ality that we the politicians abroad are not here to create states as
states hecause we have enough states. I understood from this [President
Carter's statement] that he does not wish to be the founder of [another]
state. Therefore, I prefer the formula that says that what we should
struggle for is the right of the Palestinians to self-determination. They
are then free as to what to do with their future. This is my answer.
As to whether they get their own state, be with another Arab state or
establish a confederation with Israel, all this is something that should
be negotiable and it will be negotiable if the fundamental principle, namely
the principle of thP right to self-determination, is recognized.
[Question] When you say the ]Palestinians, do you mean 'jy this all the
Palestinians who were Palestinians before 1948?
[Answer] I mean by the Palestinians those Palestinians who view themselves
as Palestinians. If there is anybody who insists that he is a Palestinian, -
then he should have that right. I am not called upon to put borders
[demarcation lines] between them.
3
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[Question] Sorry for interrupting you. You said that there are three
proofs of the progress in the Palestinian issue. 'vJhat is the third
_ proof?
[Answer] The third proof is that the world is more aware, and its aware-
ness is still rising, that the PLO is the Palestinian people's representa-
tive. There is an escalating conviction in this regard. Anything else
is impossible at present. Here is another way of talking about the method
of Shimon Perez who says that the Palestini>117ty. They are intelligent to the degree that usually
makes them quarrel. Ttie problem is t-iow to make the goliticians agree be-
cause they must have a dialogue among [hem.
It would be very nice to gather university professors in an intellectual
meeting. This will be a great event. But in tense atmospheres, the
- politicians pay no attention to scientists and intellectuals and even use
them f or their ends everywliere. The Peace Now Movement in Israel is not
only a movement of soldiers but also a movement of univeristy professors.
The politicians must f ind the way,
~ [Question] But isn't there the danger that tlie apple cart may turn over
nnd its lond l)st through another war before a solution is reached?
[Answer] Yes. We must prevent the eruption of such a war. This is some-
thing that the United States and the major powers should do.
[Ques tionj Do you think ttiat the major powers are doing enough to prevent
the e ruption of such a war? _
[Answ er] No, they have not done this so far. However, I believe that they
must do so.
[Ques tion] It seems to me from the science and technology conference
that I have seen held in vienna that a new role is emerging for Vienna
in international affairs?
[Answer] This is not a new role but a wide-scale x'eaffirmation of what
is actually happening in our country. We must be fully aware and must
acknowledge that it is a role with a li.mited scope. We are not natural
middlemen. I am not a natural middleman because I do not enjoy the same
confidence on the Israeli side as I do in some Arab countries. A middle-
man rnust have the confideiice of both sides.
I will do my share because I am deeply bound to the problem. I will con-
tinue this work even though it is very tiring and unpleasant at times.
However, I am not here solely for the purpose of seeking a pleasant life.
Moral Commitment or Economic Interest?
[Que stion] What makes you engage in this work? Is it moral commitment,
economic interest or geo-political considerations?
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[Answer] I want to be crank iqith yot and tell you that the motives are
a combination of several things. I am fundamentally a socialist and,
therefore, I work as a socialist. Al1 my life has been guided by these
principles. Secondly, I believe in firm caoperation between Europe and
the Arab world and this cooperation is the most natural thing I can think
of. Thirdly, I am thinking of the political necessity of establishing
peace because if there is no peace, there will be a confrontation between
the major powers. You cannot have detente and relaxation in Europe when
you have a confrontation in the Middle East.
[Question] What is the significance of your recent meeting with Yasir
'Arafat and what has this meeting produced?
[Answerl This is very interesting. You are asking me this question in
the city where Sigmund Freud was born and started his work. The Austrian
scientists did not understand him and he was given greater credit outside
his country than he was given in his own country.
But Sigmund Freud used the word "embodiment"
that which does exist but is invisible. What
toward the attempt to embody the problem more
me?
[Question] Yes, I understaiid yau.
which means making corporeal
I have done is to contribute
clearly. Do you understand
[AnswerJ This also happened at the (Socialist International). There was
only one speaker at that meeting of the leaders of the socialist parties
who opposed negotiation with the Palestinians. But they ult?.mately agreed
[with this one speaker].
Shimon Perez was the one who opposed and the one who made all those
present, including myself, agree that terrorism is bad, fearful and must
be ended. He made them all understand that Israel must survive. But at
the same time, he had to understand that we all approve negotiation with
the Palestinians and with their true zepresentatives and that these
representatives cannot be chosen by the Israeli Government.
Palestinians Must Show Their Willingness to Deal
[Question] Are there certain signals that the Palestinians must give to
indicate their desire for a certain solution?
_ [Answer] I will tell you frankly that Mr 'Arafat, if he wants to speed
up this process, must, along with his colleagues, have the strong nerve
to display their desire for a solution and must not turn back to the rigid
and violent means because they will then destroy the process. Yes, they
will destroy the process. Now, and while the Israeli Government's position
is getting more rigid, the Palestinians must demonstrate their willingness
to deal. This will be the policy of true statesmen because they will
- then win the entire world over to their side.
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[Questior_] But reducing the Palestinian pressure will not encourage the
world to take quick action.
[Answer] No, no, no. You cannot pressure the world with force. How can
you force us? Terrorism consists of operations that are not very effec-
tive but that will destroy the public opinion that has reached the point
of supporting the Palestinians.
- 8494 -
CSO: 4802
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4
INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
PLO LEADER IN KL"FJAIT COMMENTS ON YOUNG RESIGNATION
~ Kuwait AL-QABAS in Arabic 17 Aug 79 p 3
[Article: "Battash: Young Issue Has Confirmed Failure of Policy of _
Wagering on United States; Carter Administration Incapable of Taking Posi-
tion That Serves Its People; Arabs Required to Utilize This Opportunir_y _
Politically and Informationally; Palestinian-European Contacts to Find
Formula for Joint Dialogue"]
[Text] 'Awni Battash, director of the PLO Office in Kuwait, has stated
that the resignation of Andrew Young, the U.S. delegate to the United
Nations, is the biggest proof of the potency of the Zionist movement's
influence in the United States and of the impact of this movement's plans
- on the U.S. administration. The resignation also proves Washington's
inability to find a just and lasting solution to the Middle East issue,
thus confirming that the policy of wagering on the United States followed
by President Anwar al-Sadat on the grounds that 99 percent of the cards
of the issue are in the hands of the United States is a false and faulty
policy.
Battash added that the PLO has been aware of this position and cognizant
of its dimensions. The events have proven decisively that the U.S. ad-
ministration is incapable of taking a position that serves the interests
of the U.S. people who pay the price of the Zionist domination of their _
fates.
Battash further said: We expect wide-scale popular reaction of sympathy -
with Andrew Young and with the Palestinian cause inside the United States.
- We also ask President Carter: Has racial disc"-.imination started anew and
where are the human rights prograzn and President Lincoln's principles?
Battash urged the Arab countries to utilize this position politically and
informati.onally inside and outside tt:,:: United States and to use this _
opportunity to bolster the Arab causes.
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- Concltiding his statement, the PLO office director lauded the courage of
Andrew Young, the U.S. delegate to the United Nations, who has confronted
the Z.ionist tyranny to tell his people the truth.
On the otner hand, Arab diplomatic sources have revealed that contacts
- are currentl,, underway between the Common European Market group and the
PLO through the embassy of one of the members of this group in one of the
- Gulf capitals. These diplomatic sources have said ttiat the French ambas-
sador to one of thE Gulf countries met more than four times with the
director af the PLO office in this country in the past 2 weeks to discuss
the possibility of finding a base or formula for joint dialogue and to
- prepare for the visit of Yasir 'Arafat, the PLO chairman, to a number of _
capitals of the European group.
The sources added that the European group's goal behind this calm dialogue
is to bolster the mutual confidence, especially since Europe has advised
the PLO to escalate its diplomatic activity and to curtail its military
_ operations because the war of attrition launched by Israel against the
resistance in southern Lebanon has affected the resistance's military _
strength. These sources have pointed out that this European position
has been conveyed officially to the resistance.
8494
CSO: 4802
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
GREECE, ARABS TRY TO RIGHT FALTERING RELATIONSHIP
Kuwait AL-QABAS in Arabic 25 Aug 79 p 15
[Article by Muhammad Mustafa Mahmud: "Signs of Danger in Arab-Greek
Relations; Why Doesn't Greece Recognize PLO, Facilitate Construction of _
Islamic Center in Athens and Give Go-Ahead Signal to Joint Economic Estab-
lishments"]
[Text] For a considerable time now, the Arab-Greek relations have occupied
- the front pages of the major Greek papers in an attempt on the part of
these papers to familiarize the Greek public opinion with its government's
policy toward the Arab countries and to acquaint this opinion with the
facts cor_cerning what facilities the Arab countries are offering the
Greek Government and what the Greek Government is offering in return.
AL-QABAS has taken this opportunity and participated with the Greek papers
with this report to place the Arab-Greek relations in the balance of d;.s-
cussion.
Observers of the Greek Government's policy toward the Arab countries do
- not know whether this policy is proceeding along the right or the wrong
path. It is well-known that Greece is undergoing a difficult economic
phase as a result of the rise of oil prices and of the shortage of oil.
This crisis started in 1973 and the Greek Government has not been able
- to utilize it in its favor, considering that openness to the policy of
the Arab countries did not require at the time more than $ Greek state-
- ment supporting the policy of these countries. This would have been
enough to lay down firm foundations for the Arab-Greek relations and for
securing the Greek requirements of Arab oil in the long range with big
facilities.
The essential shortcoming in that period emanated from the failure of the
Greek Government to open a new era for its relations with the Arab countries.
Greek openness to relations with the ALab countries has been late, has
lacked a clear program and has been dominated by responsibility [sic].
Instead of personally visiting the important Arab oil exporting countries
in 1976 and of endeavoring to establish complete openness toward these
countries, Greek Prime Minister Constantine Karamanlis delayed such action
until 1978.
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But what is important in the Arab-Greek relations is that Greece is not
exerting efforts to enhance these relations and to raise them to a good
level by fulfilling a part of the just and legitimate demands of the Arab
countries, and this is acknowledged by the Greek popular circles and by
- the opposition parties. This failure to exert efforts includes the issue
_ of recogr:izing the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people. All the Arab erdeavors to make Greece recognize the
PLO officially have failed so far. This is due to the Greek Government's
~ foreign policy that took a generally negative course toward the friendly
Arab countries between 1974 and 1977.
It is true that Greece does not exchange diplomatic representation with
Israel and this is something that the Arab countries have appreciated and
_ continue to appreciate. However, this position continues to fall short
of putting the Arab-Greek relations on a firm and sound course. This
position is most like middle-of-the-way policy. What is required now is
more than this policy, considering the new changes.
Sign of Danger
- The red light or the sign of danger, according to the phrase used by some
Athenian papers, turned on last May when more than an Arab ambassador
complained of the lukewarm or negative off icial positions toward what
concerns the Arab countries.
Arab diplomats say: We are dealing with people who are in their entirety
friendly to the Arabs but who are led by a government that is neutral to-
ward our problems.
The fact is that the existing relations between the Arab countries and
Greece demonstrate the slow pace of the Greek Government in bolstering
these relations at a time when the Arab countries constitute the sole
source of Greek oil and when they let no opportunity pass without proving
their feeling of friendship toward Greece.
Arab Initiatives
A short time ago, the Greek Gove- -azment was reassured regarding the energy
- problem for the next 3 years when Saudi Arabia agreed to supply Greece
with 8 million tons of oil during these 3 years. Libya has also agreed
to supply Greece with 3 million tons.
It has been pointed out that the Greek Government has received assurances
that Arab oil supplies to Greece will not be cut off even if a new oil
embargo is imposed.
A sign of the Arab goodwill is the fact that when the OPEC started raising
its oil prices in 1977, beginning with a five percent increase, Saudi -
Arabia sent Athens a memorandum through tlne Arab-Greek rriendship Society
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to the effect that the agreed upon 3 million tons would be delivered at
- the old price without any increase and with payment facilities allowing
for the payment to start 6 months after delivery.
~ Until now, the Greek Government has not recognized the PLO. Moreover,
- the Greek relations with numerous Arab countries are still limited. A
proof of this is the fact that these countries have no ambassadors and are
still represented by charges d'affaires in Athens.
The Arab diplomatic circles believe that for the relations to be bolstered
seriously, the Greek Government must go beyond the sphere of stressing its
friendship for the Arab countries with statements and similar utterances
to the sphere of adopting practical measures and initiatives.
Negative Stances
These sources censure the Greek Government for numerous negative stances,
including:
The issuance of a law ratified by the Greek Parliament imposing difficult
conditions on the Arab studetits studying in Greek universities. When thP
Arab embassies protested, the Greek Government reconsidered the law with
the aim of abolishing many of its provisions. This law has caused numerous
_ Arab students to withdraw from these universities.
- When the Kuwaiti consul in Athens visited the Greek Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in 1978 to ask the Greek Government to spell out its stance toward
the Israeli attacks against southern Lebanon and against the Palestinian
camps, the consul was not pleased with the stance he met--a lukewarm stance
_ --even though he represented all.the Arab diplomats in Athens on that visit.
When Mr (Papaoglu), the chairman of the Greek-Arab Friendship Society
who was also governor of Athens, invited a PLO delegation to visit Athens,
he was summoned to the Ministry of Interior to cancel the invitation and
to stop holding discussions in this regard or give up his position as
governor.
Bargaining Over Organization!
The stance toward the Palestinian issue continues to top the negative
aspects in the relations witiz the Arab countries.
It has become knawn that the Greek Government makes it a condition to
recognize the PLO that it establish with Israel at the same time, rela-
tions at the ambassadorial lev,el instead of the current consular relations.
It is worth noting that the Israeli consular outfit in Athens is very
active and wo'rks in an atmosg;nere of full freedom.
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Obstruction of Islamic Center
There is another very expressive indicator embodied in the fact that the
Greek Government had promised a long time ago several Arab countries that
it would permit the construction of an Islamic center and a mosque in
Athens. A sum of 22 million drachmas were allocated by these countries
for this purpose and the site for the center was chosen. But nothing has
been done yet because there are obstacles.
Economic Aspect
Economically, there is more than one problem:
Three years have passed and the Greek side has not yet made a decision
on the issue of opening an Arab-Greek bank in Athens, keeping in mind that
t'ne basic provisions have already been agreed upon and that a place has
been leased. But the issue encis at this point (30 percent of the bank
capital is to come from Kuwait, 30 percent from Libya and 40 percent
' from Greece). Iraq has also shown interest in the issue.
Concludin,? an agreement to establish an Arab-Greek chamber of commerce
in Athens: Even though 90 percent of the benefits of this chamber will
be in. favor of Greece, the Arab side wants the chamber to avoid problems
between Arab and Greek businessmen and to help in the delivery of good
Greek products t4 the Arab countries and, what is more important, to pre-
vent the infiltration of Israeli production to the Arab countries under
the guise of being Greek production now that it has become obvious that
quantities of Israeli commodities enter the Arab countries under the guise
of being Greek commodities.
Now the issue of the Arab-Greek relations is raised in all its aspects
and is highlighted by the Greek press and political circles. There is
full conviction among most sectors that the Greek interest lies primarily
in putting these relations on the right course and in bolstering them.
The question is: Will Karamanlis's government respond and move in this
direction seriously.
8494
CSO: 4802
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BAHRAIN
STUDENT LEADER EXPLAINS OPPOSITION TO GOVERNMENT
Beirut AL-SAFIR in Arabic 11 Sep 79 p 5
[Article by Mu'tazz rlaydani: "Bahrain Student Federation: We Are Seeking
- Right of Travei Like Other Citizens; We Resorted to Demonstration After
Failure of Dialogue and Memorandums"]
[Text] Bahrain has witnessed recently a series of popular movements generally,
and student movements in particular, that have accompanied the developments
experienced by the Arab Gulf area since the Iranian revolution's triumph.
- AL-SAFIR has interviewed Ahmad 'Ali Bu Shulaybi, memb er of the Executive
Committee of the National Federation of Bahrain Students and the official in
charge of culture and information, who has talked about the conditions of the
student movement in Bahrain, saying:
The Bahrain student movement is struggling against four decisions and measures
adopted by the government against the students, namely:
l. Banning a large number of students, amounting to 212 students since 1977,
from traveling abroad. A small number of these students did travel later.
However, there are still more than 100 male and female students (not 40
students, as the minister of interior has stated) who are denied travel.
- 2. Forcing students to renew their passports annually in Bahrain, keeping
in mind that the passports of the other citizens are renewed every 5 years.
This constitutes discrimination among the citizens violating the internationa2
- charters and conventions, especially the human rights charter, and conflicting
with the constitution in force in the country.
3. The innovation of the travel permits is imposed on the students alone
whereas the other citizens can travel without acquiring these pertnits. We,
as a federation, believe that the citizens should be given equal rightr: as
- long as they have equal duties.
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4. The measures to seize public liberties which started with dissolving the L
Bahraini National Council in 1975 and banning open activities by the National
Federation of Bahraini 5tudents. This is something that has forced the
federation to engage in activities at branch level but not at the central _
level.
Regarding the student movements witnessed by Bahrain last August, Bu Shulaybi
- said: The federation's Executive Committee met during the sum.ner and found
that there are changes capable of enabling the federation to make more
concerted and open moves. These changes are represented in the triumph of
the Iranian revolution and the maturity of the student movement in Bahrain.
- This is whv the Executive Committee drew up an advanced program, including:
First, carrying out open social, athletic and unionist student activities.
= Second, a number of organizational steps.
Third, confronting and foiling the four decisions under the slogan of "let
us escalate our struggle to foil all the decisions that are unfair to the
- students."
He added: The federation started to carry out its program, holding acquaintance
parties and organizing cultural trips which were an occasion for large-scale
meetings to discuss the issues of which the student movement is complaining.
He further said: As for confronting the unjust decisions, the federation
presented to Shaykh 'Isa ibn Salman A1 Khalifah, Crown Prince Hamad ibn 'Isa
A1 Khalifah, the prime minister and the ministers of education and of the
_ interior memorandums demanding cancellation of the decision banning travel.
In addition to the memorandums, the federation started to hold dialogue meetings
with the official authorities. But those meetings, which lasted from the
middle of July to the end of August, produced no positive results. For
example, Salman al-Mahamid, chairman of the student delegation that visited
the country's ruler to discuss with him the issue of the students banned from
travel, was arrested and later released a.s a result of the student and popular
movements. Moreover, the ministers described the students as troublemakers
because they demanded rights stipulated in the human rights charter and in
the country's constitution.
Bu Shulaybi sa".d that the official authorities asked the students to sign
pledges not to engage in any activity harmful to the state's security aad
interests" as a condition to permit them to travel. The federation rejected
this and made other moves which proceeded hand in hand with the meetings
held with the officials, including the staging of a big student demonstration
that marched through the streets of al-Muharraq at the beginning of the
current month of September.
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He also said that the authorities permitted nearly 30 students to travel
without signing these pledges as a result of the federation's struggle.
He also pointed out that the Bahraini students at home have other demands
concerned with giving them the opportunity to higher education. F'or example,
the Education College students are demanding that the fees imposed on them and
amounting to 160 dinars (nearly 1,360 Lebanese pounds) annually be reduced.
He said that the special section, namely the intelligence agency, is headed
by a Briton named Henderson who interferes in the country's various affairs.
He pointed out that the Bahrain authorities subsidize three clubs which they
have established in Kuwait, Cairo and Alexandria to divert the student
attention from politics and focus it on recreation. However, these clubs have
not been able to polarize the students and the number of those participating
in them has remained very small.
8494
CSO: 4802
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EGYPT
_ NATIONAL FORCES DISCUSS DEMOCRACY, PRESS FREEDOM, PARTIES
Beirut AL-SAFIR in Arabic 4 Oct 79 p 11
[Article: "Dialogue Between National, Progressive and Democratic Forces in
Egypt; Khalid Muhyi-al-Din: National Concessions Are Linked to Attack Against
Democracy; 'Abd-al-'Aziz al-Shurbaji: Boycotting al-Sadat Is Solution; Dr
'Abd-al-Salam al-Zayyat: Socialism Is Inevitable Solution; Kamil Zuhayri:
Freedom of Press Is Sacred; Dr 'Ismat Sayf-al-DawlaYi: A1-Sadat Is Symbol of
Capitalism"]
- [Text) The first dialogue has started in Cairo between the representatives of
the Egyptian national, progressive and democratic forces on the national and
_ democratic issue, on the freedom of the press, on the formation of parties, on
the economic crisis and on the new alliance in the Arab area between Israel
aiid al-Sadat's regime.
The "future of democracy, public liberties and of economic and national issues"
_ symposium was held on the night of Tuesday, 18 September, at the headquarters
~ of NPUG [The National Progressive Unionist Grouping]. Participating in the
symposium were representatives of the Grouping, the New al-Wafd and National
Front parties and independenes from the various national political currents.
The symposium was also attended by more than 1,000 guests, including Islamic
writer Dr Muhammad Ahmad Khalafallah, Nasirist thinker Muhammad `Awdah,
university professor and lady writer Dr Latifah al-Zayyat, journalist Abu.-Sayf
Yusuf, history professor Dr 'Abd-al-'Azim Ramadan, former People's Assembly
members Ahmad Taha, Ahmad riujahid, Ahmad Qabbari 'Abdallah and 'Abd-al-Khaliq
al-Shinnawi, a former minister of irrigation and member of al-Wafd Party's
Higher Council. The symposium was also attended by Dr 'Awatif 'Abd-al-Rahman,
_ a professor at the College of Sciences; Hilmi Sha'rawi, an expert on African
affairs; Dr Lutfi 'Abd-al-'Azim, the former chief editor of AL-AHRAM AL-IQTISADI;
artist Jamil Ratib, impressionist artist Anji Aflatun, poetess Malak 'Abd-al-
'Aziz, university professor Dr Amirah Matar and other writers, authors, artists,
journalists, university professors and students.
_ The meeting started with an address from Dr Yahya al-Jamal, a lawyer, the deputy
- rapporteur of the Grouping Party and a former minister of state, in which he
explained that in its invitation to this dialogue, the party proceeds on the
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basis of the fact that Egypt's prublems and issues belong to all of Egypt's
sons and not to anybody else. Even thuugh the Grouping has a program in which
1tS meiiiu2TS bclieve, ir rinN-- nn[ r i_A1ID that lt possesses ttle entire truth OY'
denies the rights of others to express their opinions. This is where the idea
came for the open dialogue in which the numerous national currents meet to
~ discuss and debLtite matters. Through this dialogue, we can reach intellectual
convictions which we then transform into actions for ttie future of Egypt and
of the Arab homeland in this decisive phase ot nur nation's history.
Democracy Is Key to Situation
Khalid hiuhyi-al-Din, the Grouping Party rapporteur, then spoke. He said that -
- the issue projected is no longer the peace treaty but national sovereignty and
rights over which we are witnessing constant concessions. Many supported _
Camp David but were apprehensive of the many concessions made daily for the
so-called peace--the latest being the announcement about the sale of Nil.e River
water to irrigate the Negev desert and the Israeli Governmeni,'s decisions per-
mitting its citizens to purchase land in the West Bank and Gaza.
The concessions of the national issue are always tied with the onslaught against
democracy. Since the Jerusalem visit and until now, there have been numerous
retreats in democracy. Law No 33 of 1978 was issued under the name of 'the
law to protect the national front' whereas its real goal is to keep the national
and democratic forces out of the sYhere of legal political action. Then the
so-called political interrogation was devised and, consequently, it has become the right of the socialist prosecutor to isolate politically any citizen he
wants and to abolish any parties he wants! We are then surprised by an attempt
to impose the democratic socialism ideology even though there is no such thing
as a democratic socialism ideology in the world. There are democratic socialist
l parties but nobody has claimed that there is a democratic socialist ideology. _
This was followed by the first violation of the constitution through the dis-
solution of the People's Assembly. It is not permissible in accordance with
the constitution to dissolve the People's Assembly except for an urgent necessity, _
_ such as a constitutional crisis or an objection to a number of important laws.
Such a thing did not happen. Rather, the last action taken by the previous
People's Assembly was its approval of the Camp David accords. Still, the people
were asked to participate in a referendum which ended with dissolving the
assembly and with the promulgation of a number of new laws, such as the new
- parties law which bans the creation of parties opposed to the Egyptian-Israeli
treaty. They thus gave the treaty a power stronger than that of the constitution
itself. Nothing of the sort has ever happened in our history. The 1923 con- _
stitution does rot stipulate that whoever opposes the 1936 [sic] treaty has no =
right to political action! Moreover, another law has been issued giving the _
Supreme Press Councii the right to own 51 percent of the shares of new papers.
This means that the ruling party will appoint the chief editor of any partisan
paper that disagrees with it in opinion! Al1 these are just examples of the
- attacks launched against democracy.
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_ This has been coupled with a policy tnat undermines ti>sj ciepict thP Fgyprian government which
has given all this 'Lfreedomi ss a government that rece_~ves [instructions] from
- the United States or from oLhzr.s Lelling it r_o rou,:d ut: ?-+he Islamic groups?
This is sabotage. Ic saLntages ou: voutr wilu wi:iJ_ i.t_a,ine, regrettably, that
these statements ccnc:iin tiie trut'r.. ~lion't you _er!eiTib~-r the time when there was
semi-Soviet interven--lion hefore i prepared for my bat'_le and when I was in the
direst need of the Soviet union to supply, me with ar~r~,= ro wage my battle, when
my relations with tne. t'ni :_ed '-)rates were severed Anr1 whEIn I was attacking the
_ United States violently? At thc.t time, Li1ere Wa, su.;picion that they [Soviets]
wanted to interfere and I ordered 17,000 Soviet experC= to leave Egypt within
a week. I set the deadli.ne and 1_4 hours before thzt deadl_ine, the Soviets
carried out the order. I w-+nt us to build cur youths on right, strength and
_ genuiness and not on ruinors I also -want the coursr ()t' tne Muslim Brotherhood
to be different from its past course before 23 July (.1952].
Why hasn't anybody harassed you':'
I attest--and you know, everybody knows and Shaykh 'f\bd-a:(-Rahman knows--that
my hand was in che hand of Shaykh al-Banna, may God have mercy upon his soul.
The secret organization with i.ts personalities is before me [known to me].
There were weapons in it. But wizat have we done? Despite all this, nobody has
harassed you and I have not shut down your paper. But I have asked the minister
of interior to tell you: This is disgraceful. He did actually tell you this.
_ Al1 I want is for us to fraCe;nize fnata'ukha] and to build our sons with the
- provisions that top educat.i_on and top everything---with Eaith. [With faith]
the Egyptian citizen, man or woman, can enter the tire and emerge unharmed.
I want us to build t7is religion un the truth arid oii goodness. I have absolutely
no power to impose authority [sic], to open detentioti camps, to take revenge or
to harbor malice, as 'Umar himself has said. The Muslim soul harbors no malice
and no ma]ice lives in it. I thank God that malice never lives in my chest,
especially since I know my limits before my God, may He be praised, and since
I know that I am responsible for rhe remotest sand of grain in Egypt, from the
east to the west and from the north to the south, and that I will be brought
to account for it.
This Should not Be Repeated:
This is why I want this to be the conduct of every one of us who deals with
religion and who teaches religion to our future generations. As a result of
this--of the old course--I demand that this course not be followed again be-
cause I will block it before the people. I do not do things behind closed
doors. I do everything in the open. As a result of this [old course], young
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~
F
~

kids attacked the Technical rlilitary [College], as you know, and slaughtered
its guards like sheep in the name of religion--in the name of religion. They _
~ were Muslim Brothers. 'rhey were one of the branches that emerged from the
Muslim Brotherhood. Shurkri Mustafa assassinated Dr al-Dahabi. Who of us did
not condemn what happened to Dr al-Dahabi. This ie shameful. Shukri Mustafa
was originally a Muslim Brother. I am taking this opportunity to speak frankly
before you as the man iil charge. I am not the president of the republic now.
The president of the republie should abolish the Muslim Brotherhood and abolish
its paper until it registers itself anew because it has no legal presence. I ,
~ am not the president of the Lepublic itself anew because it has no legal
presence. I am not the oresident of the republic to do this. No, I am the ~
head of the family and God, may He be praised, has put me in charge of you.
I do not ask what I should do with each of you [sic]. ~
Tslamic Group
~ ThiG is why I am speaking frankly. Now some so-called Islamic groups have
emerged with calls tliat mislead our sons. In whose interest is their deception?
If we want to give our children lessons from history, then let us give them
complete an3 undiminished lessons and not have some people who focus on the _
tender youth to incite them, and they are by their nature easy to incite and
_ instigate, against this or that. Matters have reached with the Islamic groups
the point where one oF their members went to tell his father: The money you _
take from the state is illi.cit and I don't want your money. Their acts then
turned into crimes. Yot, heard me say in a1-Minya and Asyut tha't these groups
- burn [newspaper] kiosks and that some of them enter the auditoriums and kick
- out tF.e professors to stop teaching. Is this Islam? They saw a man walking with his daughter in al-Minya and said to him: How can you walk with a girl.
He answered: This is my daughter. So, they asked him for a birth certificate ~
[to px'ove that she was his daughter]. God, may He be praised, said to Muhammad:
"You will not control them. Call to your God's path with wi5dom and exhortation."
_ I am taking this opportunity to tell you all that is in my heart because after
this I will not, by God, have mercy [for crimes committed in the name of] Islam
and religion. I can never put the interest of the group and of Egypt in a
balance with which the 1 ikes of such people tamper. Tney push matters too far.
A young kid from al-Minya belonging to these groups was printing pamphlets in
Cairo. When he wa.s seized, he had in his possession 800 pounds and pamphlets
' full of attacks on the regime and the state. I am saying this after having told
. you about the challenge we are facing, both domestically or externally. At
home, we have to solve the difficult problems and externally, we have to face,
regrettably, our brotYiers, put them in their place and teach them what Egypt
is. But first we must set ourselves aright from within.
No Religion in Politics
This is why I have declared and said that ther.e is no religion in politics and
no politics in religion. Some tried to exploit these words. I will now repeat
them: No relibi.on in politics and no politics in religion. For anybody who
~ wants to engage in political action, tne parties are present and so let him -
1
34
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proceed and t:xercise hi:> cu11 righr But Cor rel.igl.on to be exploited to pounce
on the state or to attack tlie stace, no. This is shameful. This is why there
is a number of imams--som.~ 01 whom, brother 'Umury are Piuslim Brothers and
some supporters ot the :~'usl icr. Brotherhood--who use the mosques to attack the
state.
State Will not Be Tolerant:
Let them all know thar tiie state will not be tolerant with anybody from now on.
I owe you advice and .C have given it to you and L owe you a chance and I have
_ given it to you. The responsibilities racing ti-, at home and abroad require us, ~
- as I have told you, to strike this deviation--Lo str_ike it. I ask you to strike
it. You must strike it witli your conduct first and by teaching our children,
secondly, the sound facts about our history, our religion, our efforts and our
work.
Nine years ago, the der_er.tion camps were closed finall.y and have never been re-
- opened. I promise you that they will not be reopened in my time. You must tell
_ those who follow me this fact. But in ~uv time, the detention camps will never. _
be opened, God willing. In -my time, I have not resorted to the martial law
until this moment, even though it is present.
In my time, there has been security, safety and full freedom. But [we say] no _
to the attempt to exploit freedom. The state is hospitable to itself and dear to itself and it is notia ti-ine for a1J, to know that the state is above all these
trivialities and above those who accept them under any slogan--and the biggest catastrophe is for reli-gion to be this slogan. No.
Brotherhood and Communists
What was *.he reason for my saying no religion in politics and no politics in
- religion? I also sent to youu, 'Umar [sentence incomplete]. In the [election]
battle for the chairmanship of one of the professional unions, a very strange
thing happened. I was surprised to find the Brotherhood, the communists, the _
old Wafdists and all the opportunists rallying behind a certain candidate be-
cause he insults the state.
I sent to 'Umar telling him: 'Umar, this is shameful. Does religion call for
- electing whoever insults the state or elect somebody whose sole qualification
is foulness? All the qualifications of that man were nis foul attacks on the
regime and on me. Insofar as I am concerned, you know that I am tolerant _
because God has wanted me to be in this place and to suppress my wrath. I -
have completely memcrized the Koran and God has ordered me to suppress wrath.
/1t this noint, 'Umar al-Talmasani said: Isn't it my right to answer?
- The president said: Let me finish, 'Umar. -
- The president then went on to say: Is it possible to have in the same boat a =
- Muslim Brother, a communist and a new Wafdist who destroyed all the old corrup-
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tion of the opportunists before 23 July [1952]? I am placing these facts
beEore you for the first time. I have never disclosPd them before and I am =
divulginK them now because we are approaching the new phase and we must all
stand like a single family and one man to face the challenge, to solve the
problems at home and to face the midgets and the dwarfs abroad and teach them -
what their true dimension is. I only ask for one thing of our religious groups,
- namely not to accept money from those dwarfs because we have the (report). If
the money is intended for the service of Islam, then it is welcome, provided
that it is given openly. But if given in other ways, then no.
_ 'Umar wants to def end himsel.f and he has the right to because I may have con-
centrated on him a little bit. He had asked to see me and I refused to meet
him until today so that he may speak before the people bacause this is my
method. I coill only speak before the people so that they may learn the full
truth. I harbor malice toward no one, otherwise I would have taken the necessary
measures at the time and given myself rest.
President al-Sadat addressing 'Umar al-Talmasani: Please go ahead, 'Umar.
We are not With Communists
'Umar al-Talmasani: The communist party leaders invited me more than once to
attend their symposiums and I turned down the invitation every time because I
know what enmity exists between Islam and the communists and I know that the
- two cannot meet in the same bandwagon or march in the same procession. I am
fully aware that they invited me to attend the symposiums not because they
cooperate and want to participate in the same direction but because they want
to publish to the people the picture of 'Umar al-Talmasani sitting with the
communist leaders so that it may be said that the Brothers and the communists
are united. The Brothers and the communists will never be united.
Some of the parties about which your excellency has spoken also invited me to
visit them and I said: If it is a visit for greetings and for inquiring about
ordinary matters, then the invitations are welcome. But if they are for the
- purpose of political discussions about fronts, then the Muslim �rotherhood
will not march in a front with anybody because its history is a well-known
_ Islamic history.
British Embassy:
Mr President, the British Embassy sent me a letter informing me that an ofticial
of the Foreign Office was to visit Egypt and visit me at 1200 on 22 June. I
sent the letter to the minister of the interior, attaching to it a letter of my
own in which I said that I would not allow the visit unless given the permission
to do so [by the government]. Only if the visit is for press landmarks, then it
is welcome. If it is political, I will not talk to a foreigner on Egypt's
policy. Had somebody other than you [president] accused me, I would have
appealed to you. But now to whom can I appeal. I appeal to God. I am innocent
of all that you have said. I am free of all you have said. I am clean. I am
a Muslim aiid I am er.tremely loyal. Many hear me. I have implored God to make
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al-Sadat's rule last as long as possible. We are enjoying our freedom under it.
If this is my reward from Anwar al-Sadat, then I thank God and God's pEiace
and mercy be upon you.
Epitome of Democratic Dialogue:
President al-Sadat: I am afraid that you want to show me as having exploited my
position to address these words to you, 'Umar. No. ilow many times did the
minister of the interior summon you, 'Umar?
'Umar al-Talmasani: You know, your excellency, that I was in Saudi Arabia during
the elections. One of the brothers informed one of the prominent mir.isters of
this fact. I was making my pilgrimage.
President: No, during the union elections?
y 'Umar al-Talmasani: The elections concerning Ahmad al-Khawajah and al-Shurbaji?
The papers published the names of lawyers belonging to the Muslim Brotherhood
and I was astounded and inquired of one of these lawyers. If you want me, I
will bring hifi to your excellency to visit you and tell you [what happened].
This lawyer told me that both sides used our names without our permission. These
are election matters and we have nothing to do with either side. If anyone says
that I ordered or instructed so and so to support so and so, then I deserve all
you have said about me.
President al-Sadat: 'Umar, to make matters clear and so that I may not be unfair,
did not the minister of interior inform you of this and notify you on the issue
of the article? So, I have not mentioned incidents in which I have been unfair
and which did not take place. I have taken no measures and I will take no
- measures [against you]. Otherwise, the approach would not have been this _
approach that we are following today. So, you have no right to complain about _
me to God hecause I fear Him. I truly fear Him. 'Umar, had there been a pre-
meditated intention or opinion, I would not have let your paper go on publishing
without a legal basis and I would not have let the Muslim Brotherhood continue
to exist on an illegal basis, and it is still existing illegally until this =
moment. If there had been premeditated intentions, I would have taken the
necessary measures, and the law is on my side. No, I am ta'Lking today as the
head of the family whom God has wil.led to fill this seat.
God knows that I want to have rest from all this. This is, by God, true. But
I have preferred to postpone. This thing has been going on for months and here
we are meeting today. Perhaps ycu don't remember or you don't know that I
asked Mansur [minister of state for presidency], telling him that I want 'Umar
to be present [at this meeting] because it had not been originally ptanned for
you to attend. I told him: I want 'Umar to come in the sense that I have made
clear, namely that we are one family and should sit together and discuss matters
with utter frankness. Then, whoever is wrong must shoulder the consequences of
his mistake. Had I�ormed a premeditated opinion or condemnation, I would have
taken the measure [necessary] and there would be no reason for you to be here
today.
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do
So, wLtiidraw your complaint to Cod. [Laughter and applause]
`Umar a1-Talmasani: The socialist prosecutor summoned and interrogated me.
May, June, July and August have passed since the interrogation and I don't
know what has been done. However, I believe that if there had been any wrong-
doing or violation, the socialist prosecutor would not have hesitated to sue me
and ta adopt a legam m.easure. This has not happened. I am fully prepared to
state in the presence of Muhammad Anwar al-Sadat, the President of the Arab
Republic of Egypt and the Muslim, that the ethics, religion and upbringing
of 'Umar al-Talmasani cannot permit him to plot, lie or utter insults. No, by
God, never. The first words my tongue uttered when I was in the detention
-A
camp and was awakened to be told that so and so [Jamal 'Abd-al-Nasir] had died
were--after having spent 17 years in jail: May God have mercy upon him. Not
a single word of abuse came out of my mouth, not even after 17 years in jail.
The first words were: May God have mercy upon him. I am not the one to plot,
lie or vituperate. I have reached an age that does not permit me to follow
such a course.
I beg your pardon, Mr President, but you are going to cause me to be bedridden
- for months now because of what has been ad3resse3 to my ears psychologically
and morally. I implore God to be kind to me at this age, not to let me be
bedridden and to let me depart this world i.mmediately rather than be bedridden
with illness.
If I complain to God, I complain to the Just and if I have made unfair accusations,
then God will know. I do not appeal to the unjust. I appeal to the Just Who
has the power and with Whom all fates end. Instead of my withdrawing my com-
plaint, your excellency should follow a path to deal with all the trouble I have
- suffered.
We Start Anew:
President al-Sadat: The best way to deal with all this is [to realize that] all
we have talked about has taken place and is past history. We should all now
start with unity to build the edifice.
'Umar al-Talmasani: I want a private meeting with your excellency. I have a lot
to tell you and I cannot say it now.
President al-Sadat: I am sorry I have kept you so long and the session has
gone on for such a long time. My concern is to give you a picture [of the
situation]. Despite the exchange with 'Umar, is my purpose to hurt 'Umar?
No, I do not harm the Brothers or the Muslim Brotherhood. They know that one
_ day I had my hand in Shaykh al-Banna's hand when we were struggling against a
common enemy--the British, the king and the parties.
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Supreme Islamic Council:
I believe that we should save you time and I propose that we, his eminence the
_ grand imam and you, brothers, should take this opportunity to form a supreme
Islamic council in which all the Islamic societies and Islamic activities are
represented. It will be a family council. Should aaything develop, we will
hold the council to discuss everything with utter frankness, fraternity and
- friendship and with all the tolerance, truthfulness and trust that Islam has
taught. I ask God to give them all success in overcoming this tribulation.
Thank you.
President al-Sadat had begun his dialogue with the Muslim clergymen at 2130 and
the meeting was attended by Husni Mubarak, the vice president of the republic;
by 'Abd-al-Rahman Bisar, the grand imam and the shaykh of al-Azhar; Hasan
al-Tuhami, the deputy prime minister; Dr 'Abd-al-Mun'im al-Nimr, the minister
_ of Awqaf; Shaykh Jad al-Haqq, the mufti of Egypt; Sufi Abu-Talib, the People's
Assembly speaker; Mansur Hasan, the minister of state for the presidency; the
heads of the Islamic sects and the Koran Memorization Society. ,
Text of Addresses:
The session started with an address from Dr Ahmad al-Hufi, chairman of the
Nritional Party's Religious Affairs Committee, who said:
In the name of Cod, the merciful and the compassionate:
_ Mr President Anwar al-Sadat, the head of the Egyptian family: We are here to
' exchange views on what the family should do with its future. I� we try to _
enumerate your numerous virtues and feats, we would need a long time. We have -
known you since your youth w-riting articles and leading people in prayer. We
have known you as a most pious president who fears God in word and in deed.
We, the custodians of religious education, want to implant that simple piety -
in the souls of our children because Islam is a faith founded on simplicity _
and accessibility. As for those who turn radical and fanatic and who proscribe
what God has permitted, they have nothing to do with religion. We want to build -
a religious education on a sound basis. We also want to tell you, Mr President, -
= about the impact of your religion on Egypt's victory in 1973. It was a victory
that was not due to heroism alone or to weapons alone but to the fear of God
primarily. We all know your heart, your justice, your peacefulness and your
compassion for the entire people. This is where Islam is. War in Islam is a
necessity and peace is the rule: "If they tend toward peace, then you too turn
to peace and trust in God." We tell you that the people are behind you and _
that they support and back you up in your position toward those who oppose
peace. We, the clergymen and the custodians of religion, are with you and
around you. We support and back you and beseech God, may He be praised, to
keep you for Egypt so that you may achieve for us every aspiration. God's
peace, mercy and blessings be upon you.
Shaykh Muhammad al-Sutuhi, the grand shaykh of t::e Sufi ways of life [brother-
hoods), then delivered an address in which he said:
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In the name of God, the merciful and the compassionate:
Faithfiil president and head of the family, the meeting with your ex~eslhumanis
an affirmation of the principle of consultation. God willing, Egyp
and civilizational edifice will be buiit on your hands. A country whose slogan
is science and faith and which contains al-Azhar will continue to be a vanguard
of the Islamic world. We, the Sufists everywhere, are immune to the radical
atheism and communism. We ask for greater coopex'ation from al-Azhar in support-
ing our message and religion basically. Religion is love and a Muslim is a
person who does the Muslims no harm with his orloveshis him doiitewell.
requires efforts. If one of you does his work, God
Mr President, we request support for our group because it incurs expenses of
nearly 6,000 pounds in publishing its magazine. God give you success and His
peace and mercy be upon you.
Muha-iunad 'Awadayn then dani for e Eaasolely hilelthe headiof the,family ish,
have no demands other th gYpt
sitting with the sons of the people. There is z starting point that is most
important to the issue of amending the constitution, and even our life and our
continued survival. This point is to rule in accordance with what God has
revealed [the Koran]. Many have spoken on this P~eed othertthan ruleain that
there is nothing on which all the parties have ag
accordance with God's revelation.
The last [sic] address was by Muhammad 'Abd-�al-Maqsud, the chairman of the
General Society for the Preservation of the Venerable Koran, who said: tha In the name of God, the mercifu~~ anhashgatheredsusnhere for thesgoodt, We arenk
God, the wisest of all rulers,
in dire need of spiritual security, in addition to the food, intellectual and G
itdplthe easesmmeototpresentral
social security. In the nameff venerable
Society for the Preservation o
to you some of the recommendations reached by the society:
It proposes the formation of a specialized higher committee to purge the
sources of Islamic tratonMuslimsslate
Koran into all language
all parts of the world.
Gradual efforts to unify the sources of education and to direct it toward a
- Koran-oriented course.
_ The state must devote attention to the KoeSn roceed memorization
seeing that the Koran and religious studi p
studies. ,
_ Set up a modern printing press to p~int is h beVry distortionithatatakes
scripts to rest assured that the Ko a Yond an _
. place in the process of printing or of binding.
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'r\hcl-a I-Maqtiud tlien presonteci to [ho presidenC agift C(1IISLSC111g of the peace
rind viclo~ry shirl.d, anoth(,r cnn5lsting of thc venerable Koran shLeld For the
i-irst lady ol EKypt and 1.5 more copies of tlie Koran for the president .3nd his
family.
'Umar al-Talmasani, the chief editor of AL-DA'WAH, delivered an address in which
he said:
In the name of God, the merciful and the compassionate, and prayers and peace
- be upon the noblest of the messengers:
Mr President, the citizens follow up these meetings with interest, imploring
God that the meetings may produce good and big benefi.ts for the homeland. They
are right in this. However, the citizens censure a little some of those who
attended the previous sucti meetings and made special requests. These meetings
are not meant to serve the interest of a special group. They are for the entire
nation and this is why your excellency will not hear a special request from the
Islamic call campaign. Mr President, when you came to power, jails and detention
~ camps were abounding with chains. But you opened their doors [releasing their
_ residents], allowed the holding of celebrations and symposiums where people can
speak with utter freedom and permitted the press to be bold and to criticize.
Those who emerged from the prisons proceeded to this nation with the message
of peace, spreading love and harmony which are more important than any law.
_ As long as the hearts are bound together, they will provide the protection,
guard and support. It is out of God's favors on us that people have proceeded
to speak of this.
- It remains for us to say that whoever attends [these meetings] demands reforming
the broadcasting stations, the street and everything in this country. We can
all do without these details and apply God's law. People can proceed everywhere,
_ restricted by God's book and his prophet's sunna. This is sufficient security
- and safety. When our hearts are tied to God and when you call for the jihad,
you wil.l find everybody behind you--you who call for the jihad. We will all
thus be one heart abounds with faith and who turns his face sincerely toward
God never harbors malice for anybody. A Muslim wants good for people, so how
can an advocate calling for God bear malice for people? We all want what is
good for you. May God preserve you for this country ta set God's shari'a in
it aright. A single word will see the people's hearts devoted to Muhammad
Anwar al-Sadat. Lead us by God's book and you will find from us what pleases
you. We love and do not hate and we wish you all the good from God, may He
be praised. March with God's blessing and peace and God's mercy be upon you.
'Abd-al-Rahman al-Banna, the brother of Shaykh Hasan al-Banna [the late founder
= and lead2r of the Muslim Brotherhood), delivered a word in which he said:
In the name of God, the merciful and the compassionate:
Mr President, you invited us to Islam and we owed it to you to respond. We owe
it to the people to explain Islam as the law, the justice and the final judge.
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The venerable Hadith says: "The dearest among you to Me are those with tlie
highest ethics, those who are humble and those who are sociable." [Loose
translation]. Our teacher Shaykh Hasan al-Banna, may God's mercy be upon his
soul, used to advocate God's path with wisdom and gentle exhortation. Ttle
youth must know this and anybody who has such a character will have a simple
ancl gentle call that harbors no fear and no terror. "Good deeds and bad (lerds
cannot be equated. Try with good deeds and you will find that he with whom
you have enmity shall turn into a dear friend."
We demand, Mr President, that we abide by God's book in all our legislation
and our law-making. I have this invocation of God for you: God open his heart
to the guidance of your book, open for him the gates of your mercy and protect
him. God's peace, mercy and blessings be upon you.
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IRAN
T,F7GAT, RF.TATION.SHIP QF ISI,AM AND CONgTIT[TTIpNAL AUI'HORITY DISCUSSID
Tehran KEYHIIN ir: Persian 14 Aug 79 p 10
lZlext] Finally Iran's representatives have been selected. Naw, according
tA Fhan Khaneyni, our major task is to review the Canstitution. But reviewing
only the actual law without deliberating the ttearetical principles and philo-
sophical faundations of Islamic jurisprudence does not represent the review
contanplated by Etnan Klcmyni, Attex the establishm.ent of the Council of
Experts we will naturall,y bring our issues in line with those under discussion
in that Council. Since that Couuicil has not yet been established, we are goincJ
to analyze basics in this article, so as to provide an introduction for future
deliberations in: that Council.
A- Why have we entitled our articie "I,egal Relationship of Isa.aan and
Constitutional Authority?" The answer to this questim must be sought in the
connectioal with the bloodstained Isl.ami.c Revolution and the glariaus referendun
of 10 Farvardin [30 March] when the heroic Iraniari people has cast its decisive
vote for the establisYment of the Islamic Republic. Generally, after a nation
chooses its political systsn throuqh a referendiun, the Constituents' Assenbly
ar the Council of Experts may no lonqer draw up a Draft Constitutiori which might
contravene the political system already chosen. For example, if tha Irani.an
nation had chosen a people's demcratic republic as its political systen, the
Constitution wauld have to be formulated alrng Marxist legal and ghilosoghical
principles. Since Irani.ans have nvw wted for a theoGracy and, mreover, Sinve
Islam is a vomprehensive $ystem, enccnipassing all individual and social facets
of life along with detailed rules governing them, the Constitution and all laws
to be approved frrni naw onin Iran will have to be consist.ent with the averall
spirit and detailed Islaanic rules. Precisely because cif this we are carryinq out
our review of the Ccrostitutiori iri coalfcarmancE with Islam.
B- What is the Constitution?
Itie sec;k'd ':.~5u� to be discussed hexe is to see what is the Constitution, what
areas does i.t cover, and, generally, Yow does it diffF;r fran other laws?
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The subject matter of the Constitution fundamentally differs fran that of
other laws. Issues ooverad by the Constitution, and mare genes'ally by
constitutional authority, deal with "public powex'" and the ways and mean.s
qoverning the establisYment of ties with the gwernment- Issues covered by
- the Constitution consist of three chapters:
1- Public Pcywer Source and the Individual' s Rights ancl Obligatims In
Relatian to Public Paaer.
This chapter deals with the source of public paaex, its legitim-ucy, and
~ the individual's obligations vis-a-vis the ruling body�
2- Establishment of Crganizational Relations Within the Public PowPx.
Usually, in order to forestall the "snowballing of powex," public power is
divided into three or so branches. Hereafter, in this article, we are going
to discuss the separatian of political pawers, the jurisdiction of the
country' s three branches of gaverrment, and their respmsibilities vis-a-vis
one anather.
7n 18th and 19th centuries' classical and liberal laws, lawmakers thought
that by merely separating political pawe-r s and defini.ng the rights and
respansibilities of the individual in relation to the gvverrucient-afid vice
versa, they could establish justice in society. They soon reali.zed, hawever,
, t1hat besides the official ruling body, there were athP-r centex's af power
many of which surpassed in impartance the goverrment, Parliament, etc.,
nanely evonanic tycoons and centexs of "srx7wballing wealth. "
2hat is why, since the early 20th century, countries wlwse peoples have
revolted ayainst mpitalism have generally enacted laws limiting the extent
of property and the eoonanic regime of the oountry involved. Well before
20th century's lawnakers, Islamic jurispn,tidence had provided for detailed
and precise rules gaverning the econonic regime, which ar'e readily available
- in the texts of Mos]:eqn jurispnidence and other sources. It must be pointed
out that the i.mportance of tycoons with snowballing wealth is not only npt
infericr to that of the official ruling body, lxit in caPitalist caantries,
especially the Lhiited States, the control of the caantry's political life is
paractically directly influenced by czars with srnawballing wealth and nxonopolies.
Articles dealing withthe establisYment of the eooncmic system and the
oauntry's financial regime have been added to the text of the Draft Constitu-
, tion. Herebelaw w are going to autline Islam's constitutional tl'iecries
while reviewing the Draft Constit%tion.
_ C- What is the Source of Public Pdwps in Islam?
In view of the many Koranic Verses and Traditions which demnstrate the
unquesticeiable and carrplete dcminion of the Iord oves' all the affairs of
existenoe, we deen it superfluous to elaborate cn this issue. Hawever,
the issue which we naast discuss here is how slich a dcninion manifests itself
in politics.
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In reply to this issue we must say that, in principle, God's rule manifests
itself in two ways:
1- Creation: both the }ahysical and non-physical worlds of existence are
influenced and governed by God`s laws and camnandments. 'I'he wYnle universe
is run by a series of precise and systematic laws and is tatally dependent
on the ccenplete donninion of God, which is a source of wonderment to any
thinkex.
2- Prophets and their Messages: the seoond type of God's manifestation,
the manifestation of God's dcrninion, is the enactment of laws and thpir
ammunication through prophets to people, purporting that all people are
abligated to observe ttiem and that whoever violates then is Satan or blasphen-
ous.
= Islam's Shariat rules have been interpreted and explained in detail in
Nbslen jurispnidence.
Public power, as one of the important issues of social an& political lif.e
has been reviewed. We naw must see haw God's ocirplete dani.nion manifes}s
itself in the area of public pvwer.
We said that the whole universe depends and is gaverned by a series of
arderly laws and is subjugated to God's will. Consequently all beings are
a manifestation of divine pawer and each beinq is part and parcel of the
manifestation of the absolute dccninim of God. Likewise, in the area of
aonstitutianal authority and public power, such an absolute dcmini.on is
manifested in Man. And, as evidenced by the Karan, the Lord has chosen
Man on earth for His caliphate. And, as evidenced kry mst Koranic oamnentators,
such caliphates have been extended to all htunan beings, and not just to a
few of them. ("Standards," pages 115 and 116, Voltune I). We tYnas realize
that public or political pawer has been entrusted by the Lcrd to Man. Hence,
in the Draft Constitutiori, the source of pawex ha.s been traced to public
vot,e, that is, national elections, and plebiscite. Why? Because althaugh
_ rule stens fran God and this rule is unquestionable and absolute, as
evidenced by the Karan, such a rule has been entrusted to Man. Ttnis, in
Koran's Verse 73, in the Chapter on "Parties," the Lord speaks abaut the
Caliphate as trust. And because every trustee is obligated to carefully
- presexve and safeguard the trust, Man is likewise abligated to preserve
that most precious jewel of society, namely political power, and prevent
- the hand of Satan car the blasphanous frcm reaching it. Shwld Man shirk
fram this respansibility, he will be accountable, just as any trustee is.
The responsi.bility far protecting public pawer fram the blaspherous is only
a feature of Islam: other philosaphies consi.der participation in public
powr as part of l.aws of Man, but not part of Man's obligations. For
- example, Man is free to participate in the electicns of the Republic. If he
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abstains fran such a participation, he would not oomnit a crime. However,
in Islam, being involved in public pawer is considered both a Man's right
and his obligation. It is hoped that the Nbslem naticn of Iran may be able
tA act upon this divine message. Here we feel it is imperative to point out
that, as mentioned abave, in Koran's civil laws and the Prophet Nbhanmad's
Traditicns, rule has been interpreted as trust which great prophets, in
turn, entrust to their ccmmitted and responsible Islamic jurisprudents.
Great Islamic jurisprudents, such as Sheykh Ansari, Ashtiani, and Rrkarn
Khatteyni, have interpreted gwerrment and public pvwer as the trusteeship of
Islamic jurisprudence.
_ Consequently all public figures and statesnen are ccnsidered "amin" [trustees] ~
= in an Islamic gwerrment. Thus, it would be fitting if the Draft Cons}itution
uses the noble Islamic term "amin". Hawever, it is a shame that, like scores
of other noble legal Koranic terms, the wnrd "amin" has been forgotten.
In any event, for present and future statesnen arr3 public f igures of the
Islamic Republic, we fervently pray that they might undertake to safeguard _
this respcnsi.bility imposed by the Shariat, which has been entrusted to than.
, In closing 2propose that the text of Article 3 of t.he Draft Constitution be
amended as follaws:
"The saurce of public pawer is divine rule which has been entrusted to Man and
manifests itself through a plebiscite."
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IRAN
HOW THE MOSLFrM PROLETARIAT SURPRISED THE BOURGEOISIE
Tehran KEYHAN in Persian 12 Sep 79 p 10
- / Text / The feeble mind of the superficial intellectuals could not even fore-
see the revolution, much less lead it:
Revolutionary decisiveness is a pressing need of our time under the present
conditions.
_ The movement of the Moslem People of Iran, which has been sat an the ideologic
- course under the guidance and leadership of Emam Khomeyni, has f rightened the
forces of alignment.
The Imam frequently has urged revolutionary decisiveness and, f inally, as a
- result of the recent anti-revolutionary plots in every part of the country,
he has assumed full command of the Armed Forces with his characteristic .
bravery and courage. The reason for writing these lines is that, under the
present condi'_iuas, the recent events in the country require a special analysis.
John F. Kennedy, the deceased American President, who, from the very beginning,
was one of the smugglers of narcotics and wine in the United States of America
and, ultimately, was killed by those very same people and on behalf of rival
companies, stated the facts regarding subjugated and aligned countries in
the book "S rategy for Peace." Since America is one cf the practitioners of -
imperialist policy, it might be a good idea to point ouc to the American
population his view, which had been a warning. He said, "1n subj ugated
countries aligned with us, when suddenly we realize that the aid we are
_ giving them is only filling ttie pockets of the ca,..:upt and vile leaders that
are subjugating the people and this aid, which amounts to checks for severa1
billion dollars, is cut off or we claim financial weakness vis-a-vis these
governments, immediately, huge leftist demonstrations are staged in their
streets, and the corrupt leaders, who again want tribute from us, immediately
threaten us with these leftist forces and their power and say that, if the
money does not arrive within the next few days, a communist revolution will
take place there:: For the most gart, however, oux experience in oppressed
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countries has heen that, i( a revol.uti,on has raken place, initially it took
- its inspiratio:i from the nationalist forces; then it was corrupted by these
same street leftists; and, ultimately, the military assumed power." At first,
the Cuhan Revolution wa5 nol a communist revolution but ridel Castro, as a
result ot the pressure of American Imperialism, was forced to rely on the
Social- Imperialism of Russia; even so, Cuba, a small country in the heart of
America, still has not actively and against its will become a tool of Russian
Imperialism. They say that, once, one of the American statesmen claimed that -
Cuba was like a club in the Soviet Union's hand and that, whenever the Soviet
~ Union so desired, it could hit the West on the nead. The Russians sent him
a message saying, "You have it wrong. Now, it is the Soviet Union that is
Cuba's club and is in Castro's nand and, whenever he so desires, he will hit .
_ America on the head." In our own country, however, if we look at the history
" of the struggles of leFtist and comr.iunist groups, we realize that, basically,
the communist forces were members oF the bourgeoisie from the start and, for
the most part, their financial position was secure and they did not need a
revolution. Therefore, whEnever the Moslem people of Iran started an uprising
or movement, the first force that always started thinking of ways to exploit
the freedom gained was this same bourgeoisie, which was aligned with the _
dictatorial regime. They would emerge from their shell and vilely disgrace
the leaders of the people and, pretending to be leftists, they portrayed the
leaders of the people as rightists and agents of Imperialism, and they paved
the way for the reacti_onary Right to seize power. Then, they would withdraw
into their shells and not say a word for years.
_ Street Demonstrations
During the term of Dr Mosaddeq, `.he deceased leader of the anti-imperialist strug-
gles of eastern nations, when we were attacking the worZd-wide Imperialism -
of that time, i.e., the English, each time tYiat Dr Mosaddeq, in the World
i Court, the Security Council, or.the U.N., needed to have the complete
solidarity of the Iranian people behind him, these people staged street `
demonstrations and, when we looked into these demonstrations, we found the ~
dirty finger of the Pahlavi Court involved in them, because the Court wanted
_ to demonstrate that the people of Iran did not solidly back Mosaddeq and his
ideas. At the start of the nationalization of oil, the Nationalists' slogan was, "Nationalization of Oil Throughout the Country" and then the National
Front of that time, when it announced a rally in Baharestan Square and when
all of the groups had proclaimed their solidarity and participation, these -
people made public a society upon whose placards was written, "The Society
to Combat the Imperialist Oil Companies of the South." It mioht be a good
idea to go back a little way in order ttiat we might understand the reason
= that the above slogan appeared. Let us discuss our situation after the
Second World War, when a small measure of freedom had slipped into the ,
subjugated countries because the superpawers were pr2occupied The allies
had brazenly expelled Reza Khan Mir Panj from Iran, the Tudeh Party had become
active, and the democrats in Azerbaijan had formed their own government
through Pishevari and Gholam Yahya. Although the government was a good govern-
ment and was made up of the proletarian class, nevertheless, when Qavamol-
saltaneh, that agent of international Reactionism, visited the Soviet Union,
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Social.-lmperialism persuaded the Russians to abandon Azarbaijan and with-
draw support from the so-called ruling pxoletari.&t in exchange for the oil
of the North. In view of the agreement concluded by the U.N. that the
superpowers would divide the world's resources among themselves, with only
a litlle pressure, the Russians evacuated Azarbaijan. Later, Qavamol-
Snltzneh invited Kaftaradzeh to Iran and the communists of that era lin^'
thE- sCreets cheering him. In the end, Qavam, by order of *.he West} r.:.,_oned
and the commitment he had made regarding the oil of the North was not ful-
- Li11ed, but the Government of Iran has never received permission to produce,
drill L'or and extract the oil of Seranan because the Caucasus oil fields were
damaged. This was the Soviet Government's fi.rst step when it abandonned its
clients. During the time of Dr Mosaddeq, we saw that the leftists were the
agents of the vile and conspiritorial Royal Court of that time and that
numerous street marches and demonstrations were staged at a time when the
country needed complete harmony. The leftists undermined the nationalist
- movement and, today, after 25 years, they consider that a mistake.
The Nationalist, Anti-Imperialist Movement
- It might be a good idea to tell you who owns the social and dacision-naking
clubs of these so-called democrats and leftist elements:
1. The House of Peace was in Ferdowsi Avenue, opposite the cooperative and
distribution store called Kucheh Sirk, and the house belonged to Major
General Zahedi, who later staged the coup d'etat of 28 Mordad / 19 August /
with CIA's backing. Most of their meetings were held here and, frequentl;r
,
prominent Freemasons assembled in this house and spoke most eloquently with
the comrades against the fascist government of Mosaddeq::
2, The Democratic Youth House was on the former Qavamolsaltaneh Street in an -
_ old h.ouse which belonged to the Queen Mother, and once, when Mesaddeq was
busy defending Iran in the Security Council,these people staged a riot around
the house which resulted in intervention by the Army and the killing of a
number of people. At that same time, the West was portraying Mosaddeq to the _
world as a fascist and an assassin by means of its ma.ss media. (One should
not ignore the fact that,at that time, the Shah was Commander-in-Chief. of the
Armed Forces.)
Although we conversed with these comrades in the old days, under the present
conditions where we have driven Imperialism back a step, we must preserve our _
unity so that we can give permanence to our nationalist, anti-imperialist
movement. These people are still trying to generate strife among Iran's
classes, ant it was net clear with which class they identified. It is _
- sufficient to say that, at that time, these people were called star.ched-collar
communists because, basically, the forces of these people, who considered _
themselves against the superficial manner of thinking of the intellectuals,
~ were very modern and more advanced than everyone else from the standpoint of -
thinking and dress.
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In early May, these people staged a huge demonstration of brick factory ~
workers %hich proceeded up to Mokhberoldowleh Square. England, not only
terrified the national bourgeoisie which probably still exi.sted at that time,
but it announced to the world that Iran was on the verge of falling into the
lap ot Communism. Then, too, from 25-27 Mordad / 16-18 August / and until the
shameful coup d'etat of 28 'rlordad was carried out, these people staged such _
disturbances and riots in every avenue, street and quarter that the over-
whelming majority of the Iranian people (this majority exists in every
country and will blindly go along with any incident as loug as it does not
damage its manner of thinking or life style) became fearful of the consequences
of Mosaddeq's democratic government and it was persuaded to remain silent vis-
a-vis the shameful coup d'etat. We saw that, with a few bankrupt military men, -
even though a strong, pro-Tudeh Party organization existed in the Army, they -
embarked on that disgraceful coup d'etat which, today, after 25 years and the
sacrifice of approximately 60,000 martyrs, we still have not been able to
eradicate. -
Revolutionary Movement of the Moslem People
It should not be left unsaid that, on numerous occasions during Mosaddeq's
term, these people unloaded trucks full of rocks, bricks and clubs along the
route of the marches and used them against Mosad3eq's security police. Once, _
156 policemen *,ere wounded. After the coup d'etat, however, all at once there
was no news about those marches and demonstrations, assuming they had taken
place. Members of the Central Committze preferred fleeing to remaining behind,
and they abandonned this place to the power of world-engulfing Imperialism
and departed. Only Khosrow Ruzbeh remained, and even he, according to a
member of this same bourgeoisie, was betrayed and arrested by the comrades
bec.ause he opposed the policy of the Central Committee. He said, "[,rhy flee?
If our military forces are stronger, why not fight"? Today, we see that, on
the one hand, Fereydun Keshavarz and, on the other hand, the coL:_,,des are -
accusing one another from every direction; whereas, the peflple of laan a;,eady
have condemned these people in their court and have acknowledged tneir
accusations.
Today, the revolutionary movement of the Moalem people of Iran has succeeded -
under the guidance and leadership of Emam Khomeyni and it has been set on
ideologic course. This has terrifie3 the pro-alignment forces, because, fro.m
one direction, it promises to sever r_Yie interests of the imperialists and,
from the other direction, it is seriously threatening the market of imported
ideologies. Basically, the socialist economy does not have anything to offer ~
compared to the monolithic economy that Islam sets forth. Therefore, we see
that the forces of the Left are sitting shamefully along side the reactionary -
Right, like so many Matin Daftaris, and they are inciting street riots on
= one hand and border clashes on the other, and they are introducing all of
these things in tae name of democracy and the rights of laborers. Finally,
they are giving America credit for the Moslem people of Iran's Islamic and
- ideologic revolution, even though it is 100 percent anti-American. . 50 _
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'I'hc Feeble, Extiausted Brain of the Superficial Intellectuals
Ttiey may not know it but, if we try to study our revolution with their formulas
and consider the weak masses which rose up from the lowliest quarter of the
city and carried to fruition the revolution by relying on the true ideology
oC Islam, we realize that the rioslem proletariat and pious laborers, by relying
on ttie philosophy of martyrdom which considers death for God eternal life,
- uprooted the aligned and vile regime of Pahlavi Capitalism and that the feeble,
- worn out brains of the superficial intellectuals could not even predict that
revolution with their imported rormulas, much less lead it. This is where the
- aligned bourgeoisie and its intellectual cohorts and friends were taken by
surprise and were beating a dead horse in vain. _
Revolutionary decisiveness is an urgent need of our time under the present
conditions and, certainly, it should have come about six months ago. It was
and is perhaps the lack of attention of all of the popular forces from the
standpoint of consultation with the Emam that created today's difficulties.
It is necessary to admit that this decisiveness must be exercised by a council
- of recognized, Moslem men, endors,:~d by the committee, under the leadership of
the Emam, lest, along the way, some special group establish a dictatorship or,
later, opportunists, who are everywhere, exploit the revolution.
8514
CSO: 4906
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IRAN
DEFENSE MINISTER EXPLAiNS DETAILS OF FUT'JRE ARMY PLANS
Tehran ETTELA'AT in Persian 6 Oct 79 p 15
- /Article: "Defense riinister Explains Details of Future Army Plans
/Text/ In a special interview with PARS NEWS AGENCY's correspondetit,
Dr Mostafa Chamran, minister of national defense, reiterated his views
regarding reconstruction, purges, and the establishment of councils in the
army and the creation of a unificationist society in the army.
At the beginning of this interview, regarding purges in the army, the min-
ister of national defense stated "In gPneral this army is the offspring of
the government of satan, and tl:e �lations and regulations which dominated
it in past years are not acceptable from the point of view of the Islamic
Republic of Iran.
Therefc,re, qualitative changes will occur in the atructure of the army and
purges will also be made in terms of individuals and their ways of think-
' ing and conduct. Of course purges will not be in the sense of executions
or, God forbid, prison or the like--our criterion in this process, going
by Emam Khomeyni's statement, will be founded on three fundamental prin-�
ciples: first, persons who have killed or tortured people or taken them
to trial and executed some; tortunately, the period for this group has come
to an end. The secorLd purge group is people who stole from the public
treasury. This oroup is being brought to trial and will have to return
the money to the treasury. The third group, by Emam Khomeyni's categor-
ization, are perpetrators of small crimes; he has forgiven them all and
our view is that they will not bother anyone any more. In facing the prob-
lem of former officers and men of rank, a philosophical, humanitarian view
is being taken. In other words, we will not take a person who acted under
- compulsion to court or convict him; rather, we will consider people respon-
sible in proportion to the free choice and wi11 they had. We are well
aware tha[ people were subjected to a uniform intellectual and political
platform under the conditions of the previous satanic regime and in the
- context of the atmosphere and environment whieh dominated the society, and
they were so brainwashed that they committed acts without possessing the
will or the power of decision to do so. Therefose auch individuals' acts
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are considered acts of conipulaion and for tklia reason one muat not consid- -
er this type of person, especially those personnel from lower classes, re-
_ aponsible, and trying or puniahing them seems unjust. Likewiae there are
large numbers who for some reason are terrified of purges and think that
that such a purge will revolve around traditional behavior and customa or
even personal and family relationa, although this is not the case and un- -
der no circumstances do we want to engage in peripheral matters instead of
this important one, nor will we emphasize it. The essential criterion in
purges is self-sacrifice and loyalty to the Islamic revolution and the
present government of Iran; that is, we will conaider the extent to which
an individual is loyal and conanitted to this regime and thi;: system. If,
God forbid, he does not believe in and have faith in this regime and this
- system, he will be removed. Aside from this, three basic principles will
govern and control the purge process in the new criteria. First is reli-
ance on Iran's independence and territorial integrity and aelf-sacrifice
- to the last drop of blood in guarding the Iranian revolution from north to
south and from east to west; that is, persons who are not committed to -
Iran's independence and territorial integrity will clearly be part of the
_ purge. We expect an officer, a soldier, to consider thase his first
national duty and his goal. Second is reliance on the Islamic revolution
of Iran and its leader, Emam Khomeyni. Therefore we will not put pressure
on people who at times do not believe and have faith in this revolution
from the intellectual and ideological point of view, in accordance with
the criterion "there is no compulsion in religion," in order that these
- people will positively obey our beliefs and ideas, but we do believe that
, this government is an Islamic government and that anyone who wants to co-
operate with it muat believe in its ideoiogies in his heart, and we give
- ourselves the right respectfully to request a peraon, if he does not be-
Lieve in this ideology, to work elsewhere in anoCher job and leave this .
organization. Qur third basic criterion is the government's sovereignty
_ over its inatitutions, or:e of which ia the army. That is, people serving
in the army must be comnitted to the army command, the army laws and the
sovereignty of the government. If someone wants to destroy the army's com-
mand and organization and the basis of the government's sovereigitty by tur-
moil and acts of sabotage, he is in our opinion a counterrevolutionary and =
will therefore be included in the purge by virtue of these criteria. At
the present time, however, people who believe in theae three criteria and _
- work in accordance wi.th them are to be honored by us, since we need them,
and their past, their conduct, their personal morals and family conduct
are not that great an object of attention as far as we are concerned."
In anawer to the question whether the Army of Guards would be part of the
army, the minister of national defense stated "The Army of Guarda will not
be included in the army. The philosophy behind the existence of the Army -
of Guards has always been that it must preserve its independence from the
army and at the present time it is being administered under the eupervision -
- of the Council of the Revolution. Therefore it will also have an independ-
ent platform in the future." _
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The Army's Tactical Policy
-T
Regarding the army's tactical policy, he said "We believe that in the -
future the entire Iranian nation must consist of revolutionary aoldiers, _
n,ist bear arma in case of need and muat fight foreign enemies and domestic =
- conspirators, and the army will aleo emerge as a more technical epecial-
ized, modernized institution, in the sense that ordinary people who acquire
military training over a period of a few months will in no way be able to
use heavy weapons, airplanes, heavy artillery, large machine guns, rockets
r and so forth but that specialists are required to employ this new tech-
nology. Therefore our army will attract personnel who as a group will per- _
form the role of such specialists and will put this system and this tech-
nology into operation, although ultimately the entire nation will consti- _
tute its troops. We are trying to set out plans where as in the Army of -
Guards, and similar to it, all the people will receive military training,
- will be armed in times of necessity, and, as soldiers joined together in
the army, will fight against domestic and foreign conspiraciea."
Modernization of the Army
Regarding modernizatior, of the army, the minister of national defense said
~ "We will strive to raise the level of our army above that of others in the
international or regional context from the scientific and technological _
standpoint, or at least keep our army at the average level of the others,
and the units of the nation will constitute the ordinary soldiers of such
an army."
The question was raised that since, from the standpoint of armaments, our
_ army is dependent on the west and there is no poasibility ot changing this
system, what, therefc,re, our relations with the west, from the armament
standpoint and the matter of Western military advisors, will be? Dr Chamran
said, "In the past, the west tried to make Iran dependent on it and, where-
as we are certainly of the belief that we must preserve our political,
- economic and military independence from the east and the west, we there-
fore will enter discussions with the west concerning arms and advisors
when they impose no condition or conditions upon us. We buy arms from
them on a commercial basis and as long as they are ready to give us arms
from the commercial standpoint we will accept them, but, if they want to _
ic*rpose conditions on us from the political standpoint, we will not accept
them. At the present time the American government, from which a large
anount of our arms has been purchased, is not prepared to give us large
quantities of electronic accessories, nor will iran be able to receive
them undPr theae conditions.
"Concerning the advisors, in the past their policy was always to have im-
portant, basic activities carried out by foreign advisors so that the
Iranian would need the foreigners. Fortunately, however, Iran's noble,
intelligent and perspicacious engineers, officers and noncommiesioned of-
ficers have to a very large extent learned military tactics and technology
and our specialists are able to perform them easily. It is slso our
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effort to keep Iran from needing any foreivn advisor in the future and,
if we c,,ll upon an advisor at the present time or if we have need for an
advisor in a temporary capacity, it will be just for the business of giv-
ing some Iranian technicians inatructions so that we may cease to iZeed
foreigners as soon as possibLe. We unanimously believe that it would be
better for us not to accept extremely heavy, complex technologies which
would cause us to develop a need for foreign advisors but to function with
simpler technologies with which Iranian specialists would be able to
operate."
Construction of the Army Infrastructure
Regardinb the infrastructure of the army of the Islamic Republic of Iran,
the minister of national defense said "As I have atated, our army was a
satanic one in the past, and it took decades to create this personnel and
system. Here we are obliged to make changes in it so that it may be justi-
fied in terms of the Islamic tevolution of Iran. In examining this matter,
we are emphasizing four subjects: first will be an intellectual and phil-
osophical infrastructure for the army; second, a goal for the army; third,
method; and fourth, results. The comparison we will make will be between
the army which existed in the past and the army which we wish to create.
"Concerning the army's intellectual and philosophical infrastructure of
the past, one can say that it was built on the basis of worship of Che
devil. Everything revolved around the axis of the Shah and all spokes
= ended at this hub. In the new system, we want to create an army which is
founded on a philosophical basis of the worship of one God and differs
= totally from the infrastructure of the worship of an individual or a person.
"The second objecti .ve: In the previous satanic regime, the goal of the
army was to preserve the privileges and advantages of a special class, in
particular the 'person of the satan,' in tha face of all other phenomena.
In reality, this was protection of this satati's tyrannical government, de-
fense of the imperialistic interests of foreign governments, defense of
pacts like the CENTO treaty which was linked with imperialism and, in shc,rt,
the promulgation of the West's doctrine in our country and conversion of
this country into a base for Western imperialism in the Middle East. The
goal of the new army, however, is to ouard the future regime, defend the
unificationist doctrine of Islam, guard the Islamic revolution of Iran,
defend the country's independence and territorial integrity, combat all
domestic and foreign conspiracies against this country`s independence, re-
ject commitments to western or eastern policies, and, in brief, continue
to perfect the revolution in order to perfect man.
"Third, method. In the new system, we believe that one must obey the law
and that cammitment must be made to Islamic and humane criteria, to an ex-
pansion of awareness and growth to the maximum possible level, to atudy,
to investigation, to education and to purification of the spirit along the
correct road toward the Islamic revolution.
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- "Fourth, which is the practical result of these objectives and methods,
one must say that the army was a club in the hands of the dictator and the
devil against the people in the previous regime, whereas we want the army
to bring about the creation of a popular system in the new regime--not to
have the country make sacrifices on its behlaf but to consider that it ex-
ists for the whole people, is at the disposal of 35 million Iranians, and
stands with strength, will and determination against enemies and conepira-
cies, guarding the country's independence and acting as the people's great-
est support in advancing the goals of the revolution and preserving the
country's territorial security.
"This is our intellectual infrastructure tor the new army system, and we
will create qualitative changes in the army which we will cause to emerge,
God willing, with education and purification."
The Councils
Concerning the re-establishment of councils in the army of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the minister of national defense said "We accept the
notion of the council and implement it.
"Three months ago a aumber of noncommissioned army officers met with the
prime minister and talked with him about the councils. The prime minister
promised them this and the limits of the councils were even determined;
these were acceptable to the officers. The councils, as an absolute prin-
ciple, will peoform a consultative role, giving ideas, requests and recom-
mendations to the command. The command will also pay attention to the
councils and make use of them in accordance with requirements and needs
but of course will not be compelled to iniplement these recommendations 100
- percent. Another matter which has been raised for the councils is that
people admitted to the councils must possess specific conditions and char-
- acteristics. No one must enter a council and speak for it. People must
be selected who accept the relations, regulations and critexia of the
- Islamic government of Iran and they must believe in these three criteris
which I previously deacribed and present their requests to the command
within the context of these criteria. For us, one of the important issues
being raised is the technical one of democracy and centralism. In every
organization democr.acy and centralism must advance shoulder to shoulder in
parallel fashion. Generally, in the technical manner, a proper organiza-
tion in modern organizational structuring takes pyramidal form; at the
apex of the pyramid is the central power, and the people and personnel de-
. scend in pyramidal fashion until they reach the base.
- "Centralism means the issuance of commands from above; when a command is
issued from above, all people underneath must perforce carry out the orders
of the commander; denocracy assumes the meaning that even at the base
peaple are able to convey requesta and views to the top (to the command).
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The issue of centralism in the religion of Islam appears in the form of
the nature of authority; in the army it takes the form of the command,
and the issue of democracy manifests itself in the form of the councils. r
"We are dealin,, with the issue of councils in accordance with this scien-
tific law, considering here that the question of council is under no cir-
cumstances one of turmoil or sabotage but is, rather, a scientific and
logical matter for the advancement of the common goals of all military
people and the whole Iranian nation. Obedience to the commander and to
superiors is also to be considered a necessary, obligatory matter, just
- as councils are."
The Unificationist System in the Army
Concerning the form in which the unificationist system will be applied in
the army of the Islamic Republic, he said "Qur philosophy of existence is
based on the unity of God. We believe that one God created the creatures
on earth and that there is powerftil coordination among all the laws exist-
ing in the world, that there is one unity, that this unity and oneness
- manifests itself in the life of humans, human society and all our life as
well, and that class differences are essentially the conaequence of idol-
atry, a philosophy which we reject, as we believe in unity. Therefore,
class differences and privileges must be eliminated. We hear that the type
of food for commanders in the army ia different from that for noncoirnnis-
sioned officers. There is a difference between coimnanders and officers in
'reliance' in obtaining hard and granulated sugar. We realize that when
a sick person in the army goes to the military hopsital, people ask him
what class he belongs to in order to give him lesser or greater privilegea.
This discrimfnation is unacceptable and we are trying to create an army
which will attain the form of unity. At the present time we know that at-
taining a unificationist system is not an easy job because it requires
conditions and principles which our people and our army are not in a posi-
tion to provide, just as implementing an Islamic regime is not 100 percent
= pr3ctical at the preaent time and a large amount of work will have to be
_ done in the form of education, resources and conditions to reach this
stage. Nor can one implement the unificationist system 100 percent from
. the standpoint of the army. Our objective is to attain a unificationist
_ system, and since the unificationist system is our overall c�ojective, w`
are trying at the present time--in the first stage of belief, faith, reli-
ance on morality, prcper eaucation in the army and purification of the
spirit--to prepare tne ground for acceptance of the unificationist system,
second, to establish councils and consultation between the various classes
of officers and noncommi.ssioned officers as soon as possible so that they
may come closer to one another, and third, in regard to the preparation
and codification of laws and review of the armed forces laws and decrees
which have been set forth, we will try gradually to orient all these laws
_ toward a unificationist system and we hope to proceed step by step toward
the unificationist system in the proper manner."
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Welfare Services
?,egarding future welfare services for military people, Dr Chamran said _
"We know that injustice has been done to a Large number in the army and
we will strive to have revolutionary decisions made in this area of wel-
fare problems such as annual bonuses, housing, and medical and supply ser-
vices. We will strive to have differences and discriminations which have
resulted f rom various group classifications eliminated, to have officers
and noncommissioned officers be equal before the law and be considered _
equal from the humanitarian standpoint, and have the discomforts which ~
plagued a large number o� pilots and noncommissioned officers totally elim-
inated. Our criterion of judgment in the army is not rank. Just as we do
not want to consider a higher rank to be proof of virtue and superiority,
we must not consider it to be proof of evil and corruption either. Our criterinn is belief, faith and loyalty to the Islamic revolution of Iran
and if sometimes a conmander is discovered who is valuable in terms of
these criteria, we will accept him; we have no fanaticisms." _
The minister of national defense added, "At the conclusion of my statement
I would like to make the point that we want an army which is popular, works
- for 35 million people and exists to serve the people in the holy war of
construction and other activities which the arnny is pursuing, with all ita
resources. Secondly, it should protect the borders, defen3 the independence -
and territorial integrity of our country and in the case of attack by a ~
foreign enemy stand against them with all its force and defend it to its !
last drop of blood. Third, the army must be the guardian of the Islamic '
revolution of Iran and neutralize all conspiracies which foreign agents
are carrying out against our revolution inside the country. In a word, it
must support and aid our nation in our movement toward perfection in this
miraculous Islamic revolution."
11887
CSO: 4906
5$
~
~
;
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IRAN
READER CASTIGATES REBELLIOUS KURDS
Tehran ETTELA'AT in Persian 9 Oct 79 pp 1, 2
i /Article by Ahmad Ali Baba'i: "Where Are the 'Supermen' of Kordestaxi?"
/Excerpt7 Mr Ali Baba'i submitted this
article to the newspaper ETTEI,A'AT 3 days ago; in view
of an orderly turnover of backlog, it was to have been
published in tomorrow's paper on an ordinary basis.
- However, the bloody episode in Kordestan prompted the
editorial board to present this article today as the
_ paper's lead editorial. May the publication of this
- article persuade patriotic, realistic people to take
- constructive action in the heat of the shock result-
_ ing �rom this episode.
_ Tu the Board of Editors of ETTELA'AT Newspaper:
_ There is no roon, for doubt that the country's supervisorial and executive
system has committed mistakes in the issue of Kordestan, not only as a
consequence of a lack of awarenesa of the problems of Kordestan. People
who carried a little of the weight of the revolution on their shoulders in
the days of the revolution and were far removed from opportunism, or the
desire to gain status, have been upset at the thoughts which have been
given to this vast country and its various problems:
We served in the house of our father Taleqani. During the Last 2 months
of disturbance of blood and fire we have been in contact with Kordestan
every day; chere was not a day when we were not in touch and conversation
with Mr Moftizadeh and some other experts from Sanandaj, with the Sheykh
or Seyyed Ezzoddin and Mr Safdar (the Shiite spiritual man representing
the gentleman from Qom), and local officials in these and other areas of
Kordestan. I remember that Ezzoddin gave an ear to Brig Gen Pezeshkpur,
coumiander of the Mahabad brigade, and said:
"May Isuggest to your excellence that your mind should be at rest concern-
ing Mahabad and its outlying area. There are no confrontations or
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- misunderstandings between the people and the army; we have succeeded in
lceeping the arr,iy totally removed from the problems; thanks be to God, no
important iiicident has yet occurred," and so on and so forth.
God knows that I have not been storing up excessive glee in my hide. In