JPRS ID: 9134 JAPAN REPORT

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POL I T _oG ~ ~ I I RS
i8 MARCH 1980 CFOUO 6180) 1 OF 1

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JPRS L/8979
18 March 198a
; USSR Re ort . ~
p
= POIITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
~
- (FOUO 6/80) _
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JPRS L/8979
18 March 1980
USSR REPORT
PeLITICAL AND $OCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS -
- (FOUO 6/80)
CONTENTS PAGE
TM'F~EiNATIONAL
Yu. A. Krasin Discusses Revolutionary Processes
(Yu. A. Krasin; ~'OPROSY FTLOSOFTI, No 11, 1979) 1 ~
REGIOIIAL
Development of' Uzbek-RSFSR Economic Ties
(M. Islamdzhanova, T. Fayzulla,yev; OBSHCHESTVENNYYE ~
NAIJKI V ITLB~KTSTANE, No 6, 1979) 2U
~
Kirgiz Use Visual Aids in Teaching Russian
(M. K. Mydykova; RUSSKIY YAZYK I L1~ERATURA V
KIRGI'LSKOY S~COLYE, MaY 79~ 26
- a' [III - USS R- 35 FOUO]
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- I NTF.RNAT l ONAL
~
- YU. A. KRASIN nISCUSSES REVOLUTIONARY PROCESSES
Moscow VOPROSY FILOSOFII in Russian No 11, 1979 pp 90-104
[Article by Yu. A. Krasln: "The Dialectic of the General and the Specific
in the Modern Revolutionary Process"J
, [TextJ The revolutionary age of change from capitalism to socialism which
mankind is now experiencing is distinguished by a depth of social trans-
formations and rates of s~cial progress, the likes of which have never be-
fore been known in history. New social phenomena and processes originate
practically every day and the t-urbulent flow of revolutionary cl~anges, pre-
viously unknown forms of economic, social and political relations arise and
the arsenal of ineans, devices and methods for the historical activity of
the masses, classes and parties is augmented.
7'lie inexhaustible diversity of the modern world revolutionary process is
striking and it incites the imagination. It can not be accomodated by any
previously developed theoretical schemes and one sometimes unwittj.ngly
doubts that it is even possible to contain the changes that are taking place
within the framework of a s~.ngle theoretical idea. What is new, original
and specific each day, erupting to the surface, ends up in the foreground,
as if it is shielding general, profound, stable connections and making it
difficult to recognize them. It becomes possible to make one-sided, erro-
neous evaluations. One step in this dLrection and the chain of time dis-
integrates and the overall patterns of the modern social revolution dis-
solve into,an infinite diversity of specific peculiarities. In order to -
avoid this and to understand the diversity of revolutionary transformations
in their internal unity, to perceive the connection of times in this dyna- _
mic age and its overall patterns, it is necessary to apply a dialectical
means of thinking which discloses the dialectic between the general and the
particular in the process of mankind's change from capitalism to socialism.
The relationship between the general and the specific is one of the essen-
tial problems of the philosophy of history. It is that eternal problem
which arises anew in ea~h stage of historical development. In our time
this problem is especially crucial because of two circumstances. First,
in the revolutionary process n~w and unusual phenomena are revealed to an
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ever increasing degree. Thexe arises a critical need for a creative
- search for answers to new questions that are advanced by revolutionary
practice. Marxist-Leninist parties are engag~d in this search. And yet
in this uniqueness, as L. I..Brezhnev emphasized in a speech devoted to
the 60th anniversary of Great October, one can clearly trace all those
common features and problems that the working class has faced in the past. -
Second, the problem of the general and the specific has ioecome the focus -
of the modern ideological struggle of the workers' and communist movements. `
One can say that the question of the relationship between the ~eneral and
the particular in the revolutionary process is that nexis in which the most
important methodologtcal problems of the theory of tt?e socialist revolution
are joined together.
A Dialectical Understanding of the Patte~ns oF the P.evolutionary Process
An explanation of ~he telationship between the general and the specific pro-
vides a key to a dialectical understanding of the patterns of the change-
over from capitalism to socialism. These patterns also reflect ~hose gen-
eral features and general connections which, with r.ll the uniqueness of the
revolutionary movement in various countries, are ;..:evitably manifested in
the struggle o� the working class and its allies for a socialist trar,sfor-
mation of society.
In recer~t years certain theoreticians, claiming a cr~ative development of
~farxism, are again casting doubt on the existence of general patterns in ~
the development of the revolutionary process. In the majority of cases
these patterns are recognized in ~yords. But at the same time it is noted
that they produce very little for an understanding of the actual situation
' in one specific country or another or for the development of a str.ategy and
tactics for the communist party of a ~iven country.
Tf~e theoretical basis of this skeptical position is not at all new. ThP
basic theoretical arguments in ciefense of this position have already been
exha�sted by representstives of.the so-called Freiburg School of Neokanti-
anism--W. Windelband, H. Rickert and othArs. It is quite appropriate to
recall the half-forgotten works of th~se philosophers since today, under
r.he guise o.f theoretical innovations, essentially the same arguments as
those made by the Neokantians are reproduced. H. Rickert, for example, -
stated: "History ~~n tr~ to depict reality not with a v:iew to what is `
general, but only with a view to the particular, since only the particular
actually takes place."1 _
The main argument of the Neokantians was this reference to the uniqueness
of tiistorical events. Their uniqueness is interpreted as an absence of ~
tftat common nature which compr3.ses the basis cf the action of law. In fact,
present theoreticians who deny the objective laws of social development or ~
minimize their role are using the same argutaent. '
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In their interpretation of history the 1Veokantians ~inally arrived at a
teleological position. Since from their point of view there are no laws
in history, a generalized description of it is possible only as a result of
the correlation of,unique phenomena and events with a certain system of -
values a,nd goals. in no case are there laws," H. Rickert wrote
regarding this, "only values shosld ever be applied as a guiding principle -
for interpreting any single series of stages of development since only with
respect to them can the individual become e5sential."2 Epigons of Neo-
kantian philosophy, no matter how they try to conceal it under the name of
creative Marxism, arrive at the same teleological positions that were held
by H. Rickert. Defaming the conquests of the real socialist society, they
interpret socialism as some abstract system of "model" of values. Such is
actual development of philosophical thought. A~ early as the end of the
19th and the beginning of the 20th~centuries Marxists gave battle to Neo-
kantianisms on essential questions of the philosophy of history. One must
re~all this because we are again dealing with similar attempts using the
same methods to refute the essential premises of a Marxist materialist
. understanding of Y~istory. -
Usually ideological opponents of communism represent the Marxist under- -
standing of the dialectic of the general and the specific in a distorted
form. They ascribe t.o Marxists an idealistic idea, according to which the
general is considered to be independent of actual social relationc, It is
not specific history that giyes it content but, on the contrary, content
gives history life, initially in relation to it. As distinct from Hegeli-
- anism, in the Marxist understanding the general is always organically link-
ed to the particular and exists only in it and through it. In his "philo-
sophical notebooks" V. I. Lenin especially emphasized that the general,
talcen abstractly, is dead and incn~~plete. He thought that Marxists should
consider the universal as that which embodies the wealth of the specific,
the individual and the separate."3 '
Preceding from the insoluable unity of the general and the specific, V. I.
Lenin spoke resolutely against a doctrinaire understanding of general pat-
terns of historical development and against the doctrinaire mode of think-
ing that ensues from such a made of understanding. He decisively condemned
a"striving to distort answers to specific problems in the simple logical
development of general truth . . ,."4
It is instructive that this idea was expressed by Lenin in direct conne~ti~n
with his evaluation of the development of the revolutionary process, in a
polemic with ideologues of Menschavism regarding the nature of the Russian
revolution. The mode of thinking of the latter is typically doctrinaire. -
The overall doctrine is placed above reality. Since the revolution in
Russia is bourgeois, these doctrinaire thinkers considered, it means that
the main motive force of this revolution is bourgeois. In this thinkinR
there is nat a trace of specific analysis of the actual historical situa-
tion. Lenin decisively moves away from doctrinairism and turns toward the
actual Russian reality. He places the general truth of Marxism concerning
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character of the revolution on the actual soil of Russian rea~ity and dis-
covers that, althought the revolution is bourgeois in nature, certain
- qualitative characteristics of a new historic age are inherent in it. ThP
revolution approached under conditions wherein capitalism itself as a social
system had entered a stage of decline, when the iatzrnational working class
had come to the forefront of political life. These changes in the align-
ment of social and class forr..es coi~ld not but be refl.ected in the content
- and character of the Russian revolution. It was impossible ::o bypass the
bo;.~rgeois-democratic. revolution. But it opened up r.eal possibilities for
the worlcing class to take over hegemony in it. Thus real prospects were
established for this revolution to grow into a socialist revolution.
The Leninist dialectical method of thinking places the problem of analyzing
- the nature of the revolutionary process on the soil of the specific inves-
tigation of the actual situation. This approach makes it possible to under-
_ sCand those particular features and directions of the development of the
revolutionary process which ensue from the uniqueness'of the historical
conditions of one age or another and of one country or another. The vitali-
ty and immediate importance of the Leninist approach consists in that it is
oriented toward a specific analysis of a specific situation. Only in this
case does the general cease to be an abstract rule and appear as a reality
, which lives and deve.lops in the buundless diversity of social life. -
The Leninist approach aiso corresponds completely ~oith the views of the
toi~nders of Marxism. In "economic manuscripts of 1857-1859" Marx writes
_ about the need to apply in the analysis of historical activity the method '
of "moving from the abstract to the concrete," which is "that method where-
by thinking assimilates the concrete and reproduces it as so*nething spiri-
tually concrete."5
Ln Marx's opinion, as we see, abstrar_t aspects which constitute the content
of the patterns of the historical process should not be imposed upon
reality from above. Concrete reality should not be adjusted to fit within -
these abstract aspects. If this were the case one could find nothing in
them other than the same abstractions. The content of the general patterns
should be included in thair specific form and traced in the development of
actual processes of live~history. Any other approach means a construction
of artificial dead systems which hamper revolutionary iorces in utilizing
the possibilities of a concrete situation.
li~ characterizing the overall patterns of the changeover from capitalism
_ to socialism, the CPSU and its theoretical personnel adhere to a Marxise-
Leninist dialectical'understanding of the relationship between the general
and the specific. Defending this position, Ni. A. Suslov writes about the
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over.all patterns of the socia?ist revolution and socialist construction:
"These patterns are not a code of abstract `rules,' but the sum of refer-
ence points for action that have been established and verified in practice
and that require, of course, creative application."6 The overall patterns
of historical development are not anything dead or frozen; they are always
embodied in the di~�ersity of real life, they are also sub~ect to the ef-
fects of sacial development and they change form and become richer.
The question of the patterns of the patterns of a revolutionary process is
_ certainly not a purely academic problem; it is organically linked to poli-
tical practice. A certain political position always lies beneath one solu-
tion to this problem or another. The point of denying the general laws in
the process of the changeover from capitalism to s~cialism, as a rule, con-
sists in a desire to reject Leninism as an ideology and policy for the
working class under modern conditions.
, Under the influence of changes that have taken place in recent years, cer-
tain theoreticians assert that Leninism has become or is becoming outdated.
In their words, there is no longer a need to adhere to the ideas of Lenin-
ism since now the conditi~ns of the changeover to socialism and the con-
struction of a socialist society are absolutely dif.ferent from what they
wer~ in 1917. -
At the basis of such views lies a denial of the fact that Leninism reflects
the overall changeover from capitalism to socialism. It is precisely to
substantiate this polirical pasition that they draw from the history of
philosophical thought Neokantian arguments whose groundlessness was proved
. long ago by Marxists.
~ Frequently the universal character is Leninism is denied not directly, but
, in degrees through the juxtapusition of inethodological and theoretical as-
pects of Leninist teaching. For the former universal significance is recog-
nized, but the latter is presented as a national or regional variant of -
Marxist theory. Those who adhere to this point of view assert that the
Leninist method is timely even today, but that his theory has transient -
significance; it played its role in Russia but is no longer applicable to
modernity, especially under the conditions of the developed capitalist
countries.
Such a position seems completely groundless. In fact, what is this method?
It is a method of analyzing and evaluating historical reality and lea~ling
the revolutionary class and its political avant garde to action. The ef-
fectiveness of this method is based on the fact that it gives true refer- -
ence points for understanding revolutionary transformation of reality as
well. These reference points are the result of theoretical generalization
and interpretar.ion of h.istorical experience. Therefore the revolutionary
method is simply unthinkable without revolutionary theory. Both !-he one
cozcept and the other can serve as a method of analysis of actual events
and processes only because they reveal general patterns in social develop-
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ment. If the method departs trom the theory that characterizes the objec-
tive patterns, then it becomes a holl.ew object, verbal exercises or sophis-
try. "The Marxist-Leninist method of analyzing social reality," notes B. N.
Ponomarov, "is inextricably related to the theory of Marxism-Leninism, to
its premises which re!~e~l the general historical patterns in the develop-
ment of a society. 'The question of precisely how these patterns are mani- ~
fested in concrete historical and national conditions is a sub~ect of
creative scientific analysis. This is why the t~[arxist-Leninist method is
also a creative method which requires a constant search for answers to new
questions that are advanced by life. Moreover, this method is strictly
scientific, relying in an integral, well-structured theory--dialectical and
historical materialism, political economics and scientific co~nunism."~
In Mar;cism-Leninism method and theory are a dialectical unity. When one
speaks about the theury one relies on the reflection in Marxist-Leninist
teachings of overall patterns of historical development; and when one speaks
about method, one has in mind, above all, the reverse link between theory
_ and reality, the practice of social development. One aspect does not exist
without the other; they are unified. This is why it is wrong to reduce
Leninism to a method. denying its theoretical significance for the modern
revolutionary process. '
rtarxist Analysis of the Particular and Creative Development of Theory
- While emphasizing tt~e significance of the general for an understanding of
socLal development it is still necessary to point out the need for constant
interpretation of the diversity of real actuality, of the particular, which
is r_onstantly appearing in the revolutionary process. If one is distracted
from the particular, it is genera~lly impossible to imagine how social de-
velop ment takes place. Relating his understanding of the relationship be-
tween the general and the particular, K. Marx wrote: the universal
- or that which is singled out by comparing the general itself is something
wh;~ch i.s repeatedly dismembered and expressed in various definitions." And
Marx goes on to write, with respect to languages: it is precisely
= their distinction from the universal and general that constitutes their
cl~_velopment."S As we Gee, accordir~g to Marx, the meaning of development
consists ~n that new distinguishing features and signs, new forms of
appearance of th~ universal arise in existing phenomena and processes. It
- follows from this that one of the most important tasks of Marxist theory
cansitits in studying the peculiarities of each revolutionary stage just as
one studies national peculiarities related to the conditions of one coun-
try o r another.
Consequently, rhe tiarxist position is not at all t~ ignore or depreciate
the significance of the particular, but always to coordinate this particu-
:tar with general patterns of development. Only thus is it possible to al-
low absolutization of the particular, the national specific, and to under-
- stand its meaning as a manifestation, a moment, a stage, an aspect of a ;
~mi.fied historical process. ~
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It is quite understandable that the Marxist revolutionary strategy in each
country is based on data from an analysis of specific features of the wor-
kers', democratic, national liberation movement in that specific country.
But V. I. Lenin noted that even so in each individual country the
movement suffers from one degree of onesidedness or another, one theoreti-
cal or practical shortcoming or another, on the part of individual social-
ist parties."9 Therefore an indispensable feature of Marxist theory and
policy is the internationalist approach, the striving the generalize the
international experience of the workers' movement. Only this way is it
possible to avoid a one-sided approach. Revolutionary theory, emphasized
V. I. Leni~i, "grows out of a totality of revolutionary experience and revo- -
lutionary thought of all countries of the world."10
A concrete analysis of a concrete situation is the only way of developing
the strategy and tactics of a revolutionary struggle in any country. But
� a concrete analysis is always made ~iithin a framework, if one can call it
that, of a certain system of coordinates which have been constructed on the
basis of tlie worldwide historical practice and reflects the overall pat-
terns of the class struggle and revolution. Modern times clearly demon-
strate the unity of the world revolutionary process. With all its diversi-
ty, dispersion and complexity, it is sti11 an integral mechanism of revo-
- lutionary development. Inherent in it are certain objective laws that
characterize the situation, the role, the interrelations of the basic re- =
volutionary forces, the interaction of the internationzl and national in
the liberation movement, and the main tendencies of t.ie age of the change-
over from capitalism to socialism. Regardless of how specific the situation
may be in one country or another, these general patterns are manifested
' there as well. One is again reminded of this by the experience of the
revolutionary movement of the 1970's. In th~ Chilean, Portugese and Nica-
raguan revolutions and in the national liber~:*ion revolutions in Africa
and Asia ttte axis of all events, although they were disting+iished by a cer-
tain uniqueness, was the question of power and the law of the opposition
between the revolution and counterrevolution was in evidence everywhere.
There is not a single country in the world which would not experience the
effec~s of international processes such, for example, the change in the
alignment of forces in the world arena, the confrontation of socialism and
capitalism, and the struggle for peaceful coexistence and detente. These
parameters are integral parts of the international revolutionary policy in
any period. And when these parameters are ignored and the emphasis is -
y placed on national peculiarities, this leads to absolutization of national
experience and to the creation of Iimited schemes to which universal signi-
ficance is frequently artifically ascribed.
There is no do~ibt that the experience of the revolutionary movement in
each country is the most valuable material for ehe development of general
principles of Marxist-Leninist policy and for the creative development of
revolutionary theory. The revolutionary process in each country is a kind
of laboratory where one searches for answers to new problems advanced by
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social practice. The historical experience of the working class, the
Marxist-Leninist parties and other revolutionary and democratic forces of
any country enrich the theory and policy of Marxism-Leninism. But on? can
not fail to see that the experience of each country is a p~~rt of a wholc~,
which is the intern.~tion~l exper~Iencc of th~ inr-~rnrittcmal warking cln~5.
And when the part is juxtaposed to the whole and even taken for the whole,
this inevitably leads to a localized, provincial pol~cy which runs counter
to the main tendencies of the world revolutionary process. It turns out
as if there were no October Socialist Revolution, no essential change in ~
the alignment of forces in the world, and no victory of socialism in the
Soviet Union and other socialist countries.
This is why it is important to establish the true significance and the
position of the undoubtedly valuable experience of the workers` movement
of each country in the overall system of the international experience.
This is why in the process of developing an internationalist approach it is
so important to compare the experience of various countries and to analyze
comparatively the strategy and tactics of the revolutionary forces. L. I.
Brezhnev spoke of this at the Berlin conference of communist and workers'
parties of Europe, emphasizing the importance of "broad comparison of
points of view and experience of various parties."11
_ The dialectic of the general and the specific in the revolutionary process
is of. primary imrortance for the development of a strategy and tactics for
communist parties. Their attitude toward the dialectic of the general and
the specific and toward the laws of revolution determines their position -
regarding the question of general principles of strategy and tactics of the
~~Smmunist movement. Sometimes the very possibility of such general princ.i- -
ples is denied. It is asserted that in each country the strategy and tac-
tics ot the communis t party are conditioned by the internal situation.
_ Nobody doubts that each communist party develops its strategy and tactics
quite independently and separately, based on internal conditions, But it
certainly does not follow from this that one sti~uld deny the general prin-
cip~les of strategy and tactics of the communist movement, in which the
l~istorical experience of the revolutionary workers' movement is accumulated
i.n ~;eneralized form. These principles include, for example, the principle
of T�evolution--the unshakeable principle of any communist party. Regard-
less of the conditions under which one party or another operares, regard- ~
- less of the broad alliances into which it has entered, regardless of the
~trategic plans it has advanced, its policy, if it is a communist policy,
must be revolutionary. Joining in the struggle against reactionary
~ircles of imperialism with broad democratic currents, en~isting social
democrats and peasants," said L. I. Brezhnev at the Berlin conference of
commi~nist and workers' parties of Europe, "communists still remain revolu-
tionaries, confirmed proponents of the replacement of the capitalist sys-
tem with the socialist system. They devote all of their activity to solv- -
ing this historical problem."12 ~
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Closely related to the question of diversity of strategies and tactics of
communist parties is the question of the so-called "new internationalism."
Of course, the diverse social and political- forces which participate under
present conditions in the revolutionary ~and "liberation movement require
very flexible interrelations among anti-imperialist forces. The principles
of these interrelations have been formulated in documents of the inter-
- national communist movement, particularly in the summary document of the
1969 conference. But there is no ~ustification for deducing from this
diversity of forces any "new internationalism" which stands in opposition
to proletarian internationalism. The diversity of forces participati.ng in
the revolutionary process and the breadth of alliances of the proletariat
with numerous nonproletarian segments of workers make it incumbent on the
revolutionary avant garde of the working class, the communist party, to
defend a clear-cut class position even more than before. One can not but
see that it is precisely proletarian internationalism that manifests the
solidarity of the most consistent revolutionary forces--the working class,
communists--and that this is the binding nucleus of the broader solidarity
of anti-imperialist ~orces.
The entire course of modern world development shows the importance o.f the
Marxist-Lenin~st understanding the dialectic of the general and the speci-
fic in the broad liberation movement of modern times and the importance of .
- studying the general patterns of the world revolutionary process. The 24th
CPSU Congress especially emphasized the significance of general patterns of
the ~hangeover from capitalism to socialism for all of the activity of
communist parties.
An understanding of the general patterns of our revolutionary age makes it
possibLe to interpret it as a unity, despite its extreme diversity, and
opens up the way to solving the complex problem of typology of various
forms of the world revolutionary process.
The Typology of Modern Revolutions
The diversity of forms and types of revolutions of modern times and their
unusual nature sets the complicated task of their typology for Marxist
theoretical thought. It is no accident that there are shar~ disputes a-
bout questions of the typology of revolfition.
. One of the main difficulties consists in thzt under present conditions it
is practically impossible to find "classical types" uf 'social revolutions.
In real li.f.e there is an interweaving, an interdependency of various kinds
of revolutionary social transformations. This circumstance is a reflection
of the complexity and contradictory nature of the world revolutionary
~ pzocess.
K. Marx`s idea cited above concerning the movement from the abstract to
l the concrete is important for solving the problem of typology of modern
revolutions. There are certain general abstract aspects in this area which
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make it possible to create a unified classification u.f revolutianary pro- -
cesses. But these general abstract aspects lose thei.r vita],i.ty anc~ become
i~relevant when they are considered without regard to a specific analysis -
of actual rev~lutions. Only when applied to concxete grocesses can these
_ abstract aspects serve as a key to the development o.f a scientific typology
oF Gccial and political revolutions.
The general principle of Marxism wt?ich lies at the basis of the typology of
revolutlons is related to the concept of the socio-economic formation.
This pr~:~ciple retains all of its force when developing a typology of
madern revolutions as well.
Certain bourgeois sociologists are trying to construct a typology of revo-
lutions based on an immanent evaluation of revolutionary processes. They
_ isolate one revolutionary process or another from the entire totality oF
social processes and then try to determine its nature. This direction of -
research is a blind alley. It is impossible to determine the nature or type
of a revolutiunary transformation.without relating it to the objective logic
of the entire historical proeess. And this logic, as is proved by Marxism-
Leninism and confirmed by all historical practice, is the development and
the replacement of socio-economic formations. This also determines the
main criterion for the classification of revolutions. It requires an answer `
to the question: which system is established objectively as a result of the
vic:tory of a revolution and against which social system is it objectively
- directed?
Here is it of de~isive importance, of course, to analyze the material and
production relations, although this does not preclude the importance of ,
analyzing ideological relations.
With al.l the diversity of the modern world, the main content of the age is
- still the changeover from capitalism to socialism. A gigantic process of _
~ransformation of the very foundation of man's social life is taking place
in the world; a change is taking place in the direction of a communist
socio-economic formation. And this comprises the content of the entire
modern age and leaves the mark of a certain influence on the entire world
revolutionary process. Of course, as uras already,noted, the revolution in
each country takes place on the basis of internal conditions and is engen-
dered by internal contradictions. But ir~ our day not a single country can
remain aloof from the general direction of mankind's development. There-
fore any revolution, regardless of where it takes place and regardless of
the unique form it requires, experiences the effects of the gigantic pro- '
- cess o[ th e establishment of a new communist civilization.
rven those revolutions which develop in countries where socio-economic
conditions are not ripe for the changeover to socialism, because of the
basic content of the age, have powerful socialist tendencies. Take, for
example, the Ethopian and Angolan revolutions. Neither with respect to ,
- Ethiopia nor with respect to Angola can one speak about a high.degree of
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readiness of material-economic and social prerequisites for the changeover
tu socialism. IE one proceeds just from the internal positions o~ these
_ countries, ~he revolution there can not proceed heyond the framework of
revolutionary transformatior.s that are limited by general democratic para-
_ meters. But under the influence of the entire world revolutionary process
and, above all, under the influence of real socialism and the dissemination
of tlie id~as cf Mai�xism, the revolution in these countries acquires social-
ist tendencies, which are not only proclaimed but are actually realized on -
ti~e path of a socialist orientation.
The main objective criterion of the typolog~ of modern revolution, which is
related to the main content of the age, requires, of course, concretization
with respect to the conditions of various regions and countries of the
world. Socialist tendencies which are stimulated by the general content
of the modern age and the movement of human ~ociety toward socialism and
communism, are interpreted as opposing tendencies engendered'by the socio-
economic heterogeneity of the modern world. Because of this, in particular,
it seems incorrect to classify modern national liberation revolutions as
any one type of. re~�olution. The reality of the national liberatiop move-
ment shows ever more clearly that an essential divergence of revolutions is
taking place within it. In essence, today the general name of national
liberation movement, which actually has unity from the point of view of
the ge,nesis of the struggle of oppressed people against colonialism and
imperialism, embraces various types of social transformations. And the
- further it proceeds, the more clearly these differences are manifested.
- Certain national liberation revolutions acquire a clearly socialist orienta-
tion while others are drawn in the direction of this orientation; other~
enter on the path of social transformations that prepare the soil for
capitalist development and sti11 others have entered firmly on the path of _
capitalism.
The typology of national liberation revolutions is also complicated by the
circumstance that in the majority of the cases they are incomplete. Various
possibilities and prospects for development open up before them. A clear
example is the revolution in Iran. The unity of social and politica? forces
in the struggle against the Shah's regimP and against the domination of
~merican imperialism in the first stage of the revolution was replaced by
a division of these forces, a struggle among them for various variants of
fur.ther development of the anti-imperialist liberation movement. Whether
or not the Iranian revolution continues along this path depends on the out-
come of the struggle of the various social forces participating in it.
The diversity of the conditions and the peculiarities of various countries
is also reflected in the typology of modern revolutions because, in addi-
tion to the main criterion for classification--the type of socio-economic
transformation--other important criteria must be taken into account. In
particular, the composition and positions of the motive forces of revolu-
tions affect their typology to a large degree.
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~s we kr.ow, the major motive force of socialist transEormati.ons is the
working class. V. I. Lenin emphasized that the main thing in Marxism is
a clarification of tlie worldwide historical role of the working class as
thc~ Krave digger of caPital3sm and the creZtor of a nc~w, soci.alis~ soc�i~[y. `
Iiut this revolutionary role oE ttte working class is certainly not re.zlized
automatically, independent of concrete conditions of time and place. The -
diversity of the modern world also exerts an influence here. The working
class does noC occupy a leading position in the revolutionary process every-
wtiere. There ar.e countries where there practically is no working elass or
it is just ~etting on its feet and being organized and still being trans-
Cormed from a"class in itself" to a"class for itself" and acquiring poli-
tical awareness. There are also countries where the working class comprises
the majority of the population but the level of its pol~.tical awareness,
which characterizes the maturity of the sub~ective factor of the revolution,
has not reached a point which would make it possible for it to be a motive -
force in a socialist revolution. This pertain.s, in particular, to those
_ capitalist countries where the overwhelming majority of the working class
still hold reEormist positions. It is understandable that in these coun- -
tries the revolutionary process can not immediately acquire a c].early ex-
pressed socialist nature either, despite the existence of objective pre-
requisites for socialism. ~
Along with the working class there are also other forces which play a posi-
tive ro.le in the socialist transformation of society today. The working
_ class has allies. Here the overall tendency inherent in the modern age
consists in that the composition of these forces that are capable of parti-
ci.pating in a socialist revolution and making a positive contribution to it
is continuously expanding. Those classes and social segments which at the
beginning of modern age were incapable of participating in a revolutionary
struggle and displayed indecision, under present conditions under the in- -
fliience of the practice of real socialism and under the influence of the
ideas of scientific socialism, are now coming out as active proponents of
socialism, as reliable allies oE the working class. And this pertains not
only'to proletarian segments of rural areas, but ilso to many urban middle j_
segments and layers of the population, to significant categories of white ~
coila: workers, the progressive~3.ntelligentsia, and so forth. New social
f~rc~es that have become able to participate in the struggle for socialist
transformations are introducing their ideas and their approach to this ~
struggle and also their own prejudices. This affects the revolutionary pro-
cess. which means that it also affects the typology of revolutions. -
~
Tt?e composition and positions of socio-political forces of the revolutionary
movement are also strongly reflected in the nature of the revolutions in ~
developing countries. In a number of these countries the responsibility for ~
foll.owing a course with a socialist orientation is taken on by revolutionary
democrats who represent the interests of the peasantry, the petit bourgeoi- .
sie, progressive segments of the intelligentsia, the military and also the
rising working class. Thts leads to a situation where the revolutionary
process acquires unusual forms and does not take shape within the standard -
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trameworks of classical typology. Socialist tendencies are frequently in-
terwoven with general democratic ones in various pxoportions in it. And in
- rertain national liberati,on revo?.scions even openly capitalist ter~dencies
sometimes take the upper hand. Here the socio-economic content of the re-
volution does not remain stable, but chan~es depending on the r.eversal oC
the struggle among various kinds of teRdencies.
A certain independence of political relations and of t;ze struggle in the -
revolutionary process are also reflected in the nature and the type of the -
revolutioc~. This has already been observed in the development ot baur~eois
revolutions. For example, the French bourgeois revolution solved its own
basic problems for practically a half a century, beginning with 1789 and
continuing right up to the revolution of 1848. During this time several
political revolutions took place on the soil of one bourgeois social revo-
lution. Similar processes are observed in the modern world. In the pro-
cess of solving objective socio-economic problems, many modern revolutions
- pass through certain political stages that involve profound changes in the
alignment of mass social and class forces as well as political changes and -
revolutions. These political processes can raise a social revolution to a
qualitatively higher level, but they can also suffocate or doom a revolu-
tion to marking time or even losing ground.
The influence of political changes on the nature of the revolutionary pro-
cess was manifested in the development of the Portugese revolution which
passed through a number of political stages. In some of them the struggle
for democratic transformations acquired such a scope that there was a real
_ possibility of solving socialist problems and certain steps were even made
in this direction. This transient nature of the revolutionary process im-
peded the determination of the type of revolution that was taking place.
It had already gone beyond the framework of an antifacist democratic revo-
lution, but it had still not acquired a clearly expressed socialist nature.
Its position on the typological l~adder could not be clearly determined be-
fore the outcome of the struggle of social and political forces. This -
struggle remained unresolved. The revolution entered the stage of defending
what it had achieved, regrouping and accumulating force for a new upsurge.
The relative independence of the political struggle in the revolutionary
process a~.so creates possibilities of carrying out a"revolution from
above." This pertains, abeve all, to countries where the archaic natu`re
of the social structures impede the active participation of the masses in
politics. Under these conditions the ruling elite who are thinking realis-
. tically somet~+.mes take on the responsibility for carrying out cextain ob-
jectively necessary tasks in the development of the society with minimum
participation of mass forces. Here the "revolution from above," as a rule,
take on an elitist nature, becoming essentially the manifestation of a com-
promise between the ruling classes and the other social st~ata. Such "eli-
tist revolutions" are carried out at the expense of the interests of the
masses of people. Moreover, their weakness, as the experience of the
Iranian "white revolution" shows consists in that the country's essential
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problems remain unsolved. This is why the "white revolution" met with in-
surmountable cantradictions and the ~nah's regime was overturned by a popu-
lar revolution.
The modern world revolutionary process demonstrates the exceptionally vari-
ed nature of the main classical types of revolutions. There is an entire
problem of classifying their varieties, many of which are transitional
variants from one type of revolution to another.
In general it should be noted that the transitional types and forms of
revolutionary transformations, whose possibility was predicted by K. Marx
and which received theoretical substantiation in the works of V. I. Lenin,
- have become a widespread phenomenon in the revolutionary processes of mo-
dern times. What caused this? The fact that the diversity of conditions
under which the liberation movements and revolutions develop and the vary-
ing degrees of readiness of objective and subjective prerequisites for
socialism, which vary from almost complete absence to a condition of "over-
readiness" met with the powerful, insurmountable socialist tendencies that
determine the main content of the modern age, an age of changeover from
capitalism to socialism. In places where conditions are not ready for the `
realization of these tendencies there appear transitional types and forms .
- of social transformations which take shape under the influence of the di-
versity of national and historical conditions.
Today the question of transitional types of revolutionary transformations
is also becoming crucial in countries of developed state-monopolistic
c.apitalism. The fact is that in the system of contradictions of modern
capitalism, the "upper layer" of contradictions is com3ng to the forefront:
between the monopolies and the people. Their immediate resolution has be-
c:ome a critical need which is recognized by increasingly larger masses of
people. But it still will not mean a changeover to socialism. This will
be a changeover to the establishmerit of an antimonopolistic democracy, to ~
the power of a union of leftist democratic forces with the hegemony of the ,
workinp, class. What are these transformations from the point of view of the '
typology of a revolution? They can not be considered to be socialist revo-
lutions but they do not take form within th~ framework of capitalism since
they undermine its present foundation--the dominance of monopolistic capi-
tal. This kind of revolutionary transformations, like the very power of a !
union of democzatic forces, is included in the transitional type of trans-
Eormations whose final result is certainly not predetermined and allows
alternatives. These deep democratic changes can evolve into a socialist
revolution. But they can also be halte~, stopped half way along the way,
if the working class does not have enough power to bring the matter to an � -
~nd. A subsequent restoration of a modernized variant of state-monopolistic
capitalism is also possible. �
Regardless of where they are, ti~e extensive spreading of transitional types
of revolutionary transformations creates immense difficulties for a typo- ~
logy of modern revolutions. And yet, for the same reason, there is a grow- '
~
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ing need to solve.this problem not only from the thearetical, but also
fr~,m the practic~tl-political standpoint. A scientific typology of modern
revolutions is extremely necessary for a correct orientation in all the
diversity of. rev~lut~onary processes that are takin~ place in various re-
_ gions and countries and �or the development of a strategy and tactics for
the revolutionary struggle that adequate to the condition.s and objective
tasks. .
It is necessary to point out one more difficulty in the typology of revo-
lutions. There are inevitably numeroua variations in the process of one
and the satne type of social revolution. Some of these are explained by the
peculiarities of the socio-economic and political structures in various
countries. And others depend on the peculiarities of one stage or another
in the deve~.opment of the modern age. After all, revolutions are en~�iched
by preceding experience and they change under its influence.
Thus within the framwork of the socialist type of revolutions one can single
out criteria for their internal typology. In terms of these criteria the
Great 6ctober Socialist Revolution is distinguished from socialist revolu-
tions of Central Eastern Europe after the Second World War. The unique
nature of these revolutions makes it possible to speak of a special variety _
of socialist revolution. The specific nature of the conditions of the
� countries of developed state-monopolistic capitalism enables us to allow
the possibility of the appearance of a new variety of socialist revolution
there (with its own typical features), whicl~ is still within the framework
of the general patterns of the changeover from capitalism to socialism.
In addition to the varieties of modern revolutions they also have differ-
ences in form. Moreover, the boundaries between varieties of revolutions
and their differences in form are not stable. The neatness of the form of
a revolution can reach a degree where there arises a new variant of one ty.pe
~ of revolution or another.
Relying on the dialectic of the general and the specific, Marxist typology
of social and political revolutions which has fairly clear cut objective �
criteria and adequate flexibility, should take into account the entire di-
versity of revolutionary processes in Che modern world while still not
forcing them into a Procrustean bed of artificial schemes. The Marxist
typology of revolutions rev~als the unity of th~ modern world revolutionary
process which clear the way to a new communist civilization.
Several Epistemological Problems
There is an entire group of complicated epistemological problems related
to the dialectic of the general and specific in the revolutionary process. _
The first of them can be designated as the problem of "recognizing" the law
in the infinite diversity of rapidly changing events of modern revolutionary
development.
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'l'I~e fact is that any general law o� changeover tu soci~~lism appc~ars in
spe~ial concrete form each time. And theoretica.l thought can not ~71w~tiy5
immediately recognize it in its new manifestation.
?t is known, for example, th~t the nationat democrntic revolutions in ~
i~umber of Furopean countries af.ter the Second l~Iorld l~ar wer~ distingu[glicd
by great uniqueness. MarxisCs ~id r.ot i:nmediately see behind this unique-
ness certain general features of socialist revolution, particularly the
need for a dictatorship of the proletariat, which originated there in a
different way than in Russia and took on different concrete historical
forms. In 1946-1947 K. Gottvald, G. Aimitrov, ~1. Torez and other imminent
activists of the communist movement discussed this repeatedly. Only after
a certain amount of time, in 1948, did the experience accumulated by na--
_ tional democratic revolutions make it possible to conclude that this was
not the disappearance of a general feature, a general law of the changeover
from capitalism to socialism, but a new variety of this changeover--a
people's democracy as a special form of political power of the working
class.
When evaluating the present situation in countries of developed capitalism
one can not but conclude that both the path of the working class to power
and this power itself there will inevitably have its own pecularities. Of
course, under the conditions of highly developed state-monopolistic capi-
talis~,~, with the present alignment of forces in the world and with the
orientation of a worldwide changeover to socialism, both the form of the
Future power of the working class and the method of its establishment must
be clifferent fr.om [hose that existed in Soviet Russia and in the countr.ies
. with popular democracy. Marxist theoretical thought is faced with an im-
portant problem of in-depth and comprehensive study of the uniqueness of
the realization of the essential idea of Marxism under specific conditions
of modern capitalism, the study of the uniqueness of the establishment
there of. the political dominance of the leading class of the age and the
- uniqueness of. the political forms of this dominance. In other words, it
is a problem of foreseeing new, previously unknown forms of manifestation
ot the general law of socialist revolution.
Aiiother epistemological problem related to the dialectic of the general and
the specific consists in precisely relating theoretical conclusions con- ~
~~erning the uniqueness of the manifestation of one law of revolution or
another with the stages of historical development. The fact is that,the
laws of revolution in various stages of transition from capitalism to
socialism can be manifested in different ways. That which is true for the
most immediate stages is not always correct for the entire process as a ~
whole. This car~ be demonstrated by the example of the so-called political
pliiralism which includes an alternation of the parties in power. This idea ~
reflects ~he practical reality of present bourgeois democracy in many coun-
tries of developed state-monopolistic capitalism. It is quite possible to
suppose that this so-called political pluralism is applicable to stages
which can be defined as stages of extremely remote approaches to a socialist
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- ~revolution, when the working ~lass is fozced to emerge ~rcm the existing
state of affaizs and, in its class struggle undex the conditions o~ the
capitalist system, to apply norms of bourgeois democracy, including the
rule of alternation of various parties in power. But it would be a mistake
to project the features of the most immediate stage onto the entire course
- oE the changeover from capitalism to socialism which, as we know, pres~~p-
poses a socialist revolution, that is, a disruption in the continuity.
The principle of alternation of political parties in power is typical of
bour~eois democracy. Proceeding from the political situation in a number
of western European countries, one can presume that this principle will also
be in effect in a system of power of a transitional type, in the first stage
of approaches and changeover to socialism and in the initial stage of the
process of political and ideological consolidation of the society.
~
But with a changeover to socialism and with the victory of socialist pro-
duction relations and the establishment of a socialist political structure,
the principle of alternation of parties in power loses all of its meaning.
The political system is cons~lidated as the system of power of the working
class. With a multiparty system this power is realized not through compe-
tition, but through cooperation of friendly parties that are united around
the political avant garde of the working class--the Marxist-Leninist party.
A socialist society is.the outco?ne of a class struggle, as a result of
which exploiting classes are eliminated and, consequently, the very ques-
tion of "alternation of power" is removed from the agenda and principles
and norms of political life that are inherent in socialism begin to be in
effect.
Another problem of social cognition is related to the fact that in the di-
versity of social life there are always exceptions to any historical laws.
_ are there historical laws," wrote Lenin, "pertaining to revolutions
that do not have exceptions? The answer would be: no, there are no such
laws. Such laws refer only to the typical."13 Consequently, regardless of
which law of revolution we take, in the complex interwe'aving of events of
- social life it is always possible to fi~nd cases and phenomena which are not
included in the scheme of the law and, moreover, contradict it. IL is pre-
cisely these cases and phenomena that revisionist elements of the workers'
and communist movQment use to cast doubt on the law.
They take, for example, cases that characterize the existence of socialist
~ tendencies in those countr~es where objective conditi~ns and the subjective
factor are not yet ready and therefore the bearers of socialist tendencies
are frequently nonproletarian political parties and organizations. These
cases are removed from the general historical context and, on ~he basis of
them. the p,eneral conclusion is drawn that Marxism, with its orientation -
toward the working class. has become outdated, that it is too narrow, that
- present reality is more correctly reflected by other socialist theories.
But the problem is also stated differently and requires a concrete analysis
of the connection between the cases that are adduced and the general course
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of historical development. If this is done, one immediate].y sees that the
very appearance of new forces narticipatin~ in the struggle for socialism
- is the result of the development of the revolurionary process precisely in
keeping with the laws discoverQd by Marxism-Leninism. These new forces re-
veal a capability of particiPatin~ in socialist transformations precisely
heca~sse there exists a practice of real socialism, a practice that is vic-
torious and exercised under the leadership of the working class of social-
ist revolutions, a practice that is Pmbodied in the reality of rhe ideas
of Marxism-Leninism. All this exerts an immense influence on the aware-
ness and political behavior of social forces that are close to the working
class and creates possibilities for expansion of the frameworks of their '
_ historical action and for the appearance of socialist tendencies in places,
from the standpoint of the internal logic of their development, it wou13
seem that they could not exist.
V. I. Lenin gave another example of a possible exception to the laws oF ,
socialist revolution. He allawed that under conditions where the socialist -
revolution has been victorious in the majority of countries of the world,
the bourgeoisie in the remaining capitalist countries that are surrounded
by socialism, recognizing the futility of resistance, voluntarily relin-
quish the power to the working class for a certain ~ompensation. It is
clear that this kind of exception only confirms the general laws of the
class struggle and revolution.
F.vents and cases pertaining the laws of the revoli~tionary process should
not be considered in isolation, but in the entire system of the changeover
from capitalism to socialism on a nationwide and even an international
scale.
- Finally, in connection with the epistemological problems that have been
considered, one should poi:nt out the importance of initial philosophical
positions when analyzing the patterns of the revolutionary process. The
' very problem of the dialectic of the general and the specific is philoso-
phical and, consequently, in order to solve it correctly it is absolutely
Tiecessary to have clear initial philosophical posit_~ions. It is important
to express this idea because recently in some places there has been a ten- _
de~icy to distort the idea of the neutrality of philosophy wi.th respect to
pnlitics. Today even more so that in the past, philosophy can not be neu-
tral with respect to politics for it comprises the base of the world view ~
with which the methodology of politics and the adoption of political de-
cisions are regarc~ed. And, finally, Marxist-Leninist philosophy, dialec- '
tical~ and historical materialism, is absolutely necessary for the develop-
ment of problems of the political history of Marxism-Leninism and for the ~
development of problems of the theory of socialist revolution and the
modern world revolutionary process.
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FOOTNOTES
1. G. Rickert, "Granitsy estestvennonauchnogo obrazovaniya ponyatiy"
_ [1"he Limits of Natural Scientific Formation of Concepts], SPB, 1903, .
p. 220.
2. Ibid., p 508.
, 3. V. I. Lenin, "Polnoye Sobraniye 5ochineniy" [Collected Works), Vol 29,
p. 90.
4. . cit., Vol 3, p 14.
S. Ibid., p 38.
6. M. A. Suslov, "Marksizm-leninizm i sovremennaya epokha" [Marxism-
Lenini~m and the Modern Age[, Moacow, 1979, p 26.
7. B. N. Ponomarev, "Zhivoye i deystvennoye ucheniye marksizma-leninizma"
[The Vital and Effective Teachings of Marxism-Leninism], Moscow, 1978,
PP 87-88.
8. K. Marx and F. Engels, Sochineniya [Works], Vol 12, p 711.
9. Lenin, ap. cit., Vol 17, p 182. .
10. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 27, p 11.
11. "For peace, security, cooperation and social p�r~~ress in Europe,"
Result~ of the ConFerence of Communist and Workers' Parties of Europe,
_ Berlin, 29-30 June 1976, Moscow, 1976, p 19.
12. Ibid., p 17.
13. Lenin, og. cit., Vol 37, pp 246-247.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy filosofii", 1979
11772
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rux urr~i~ta~, u~L UNLY
REGIONAL ~
DEVELOPMENT OF UZBEK-RSFSR EQONOMIC TIES ,
Tashkent OBSHCHESTVENNYYE NAL~KI V UZ3EKISTANE in Russian No 6, 1979 signed
to press 16 Jul 79 pp 39-42 ~
[Article by M. Islamdzhanova and T. Fayzullayev: "Developing the Economic
, Ties of the Working Class of Uzbekistan and the RSFSR": "Development of
Economic Ties"]
[Text~ It is emphasized in the CPSU Centsal Committee's decree on the 50th
anniversary of the first Soviet five-year plan that "the history of Soviet
five-year plans is the history of the creation of powerful psoduction forces
in all USSR repu�lics, the c~eation c.f the working class and qual.ified
~ personnel in all branches of the economy~ in all Zinks of state contxol, in
science, and in cuJ.ture. The present USSR economy is ~n enormous united
national economic complex,,~nd each republic economy is an inseparabl.e part
of this union-wide complex':1
During the construction of cpmmunism~.the Leninist friendship of the peo-
ples of the USSR is steadily'becoming stronger~ and their fraternal coop-
eration in all spheres of th~ economic~ social~ political and cultural life
of a developed socialist soc~ety is becoming ever cToser and more multi-
- faceted.
Directed by the CPSU,our multinational working class---the leading force of
society is playing a deci~ive role ira the development of these ob3ective- ;
ly natural pro~esses. This is clea:ly visible, for example~ in the wide- ~
sgread development of the ecpnomic ties and creative cooperation of th~
working class of Uzbekistan ~nd the other union-republics, especially the ~
RSFSR, during the present s~ge of maturs socialism. i
- ~
;
- In our republic~ there is no~t a singl.e b~anch~ a single enterp~ise which did ~
. not paxticipate in the deepening ~:.~~f extension of Uzbekistan's frui~Cful i
economic ties with the RSFSR within the united union-wide national economic ;
complex.
~ t
Thus, the central industrial region~ especially the capital of our atate-- ~
Moscow, satisfied a signifio~nt ahare of the republic's requirements for
machine tools, technical equipment for automobiles, and rolled non-ferrous i
~
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me;als. Such famous factories as the one imeni I,ikhachev, the one imeni
Il'ich, the "Di_namo" and the "Krasnyy proletariy"~ regularly send thei~
: groducts to our republic.
The workers of Yaroslavl' are sending tires and engines for the "Tashkent"
tractor to Uzbekistan~ the workers of Kuybyshev-�-Searings; of U1'yanovsk--
electxical equipment; of Volgo~rad--tractors; rr~7led steel~ and pipe~; of
the Urals--ferrous and non-ferrous metais; of Novosibirsk--e~ectT~~ engin-
eering equipment~ etc.
The Namanganskiy Silk Cloth Combine imeni 50th Anniversary of the Uzbek
SSR, whose construction was provided for by 23d CPSU Con~ess directives~
was built according to plans worked up in the central design institutes with
the help of specialis~Es from the Russian Federation~ and it was supplied
with equipment which came from RSFSR machine building factories. Famous
- Russian t.extile workers from Podmoskov'ye, Ivanov, Bryansk, Kalinin, and
other cities provided enormous help in sta,rting up the combine and in
developing its production capacities. From the first day the combine
started up, progressive weavers~ who came from the Russian Federation,
headed the professional training of the Uzbek women. Many progressive
production workers and talented organizers of industry grew from them. The
names of Raysa Kochetkova, Alevtina Tikhomolova, and Yelena Zakharova who.
were selected peoples' deputies to the city soviet~ who had performed two
five-year plans in one, and ~rho had trained hundreds of spinners among the
~ local workers~ have been eternally entered in the annals of Namagan.
Ti:e Namanganskiy Silk Combine has become the forge for cadres and for
disseminating progressive experience for the developing light industry of
_ not only Uzbekistan but of all the Central Asia economic region. In
continuing the glorious traditions of the Russian working class~ the combine's
_ collective has grovided every possible help in putting into operation the
largest enterprise of the l�~anch in the republic--the Bukharskiy Textile
Combine.
The Ferganskiy Oil Refining Plant began operating thanks to the enormous
help of the work collectives of the Russian Federation's industrial regions.
Here, engineers, technical workers, and. workers from Omsk, Volgograd,
Kuybyshev, and Ufa were the first to come ~to help the inhabitants of Ferga.na.
Among them were V. V. Verba, chief engineer of the plant; ~I. Khrulev,
chief power specialist; N. V. Shurbin~ chief inechanic; A. P. Golovan',
workshop chief; etc. They are still working here. They became genuine
or~anizers of production and trainers of highly qualified local nationality
workers.
The creative thinking of the Russian specialists helped to improve tech-
nological processes, modernize equipment, find a more effective arrangement
method~ and adjust the production of new types of production.2
Inter-republic socialist competition is an important form of work ~oopera-
tion between workers. For a long time it has been a universally recognized
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method of communisi construction which contributes to instilling a communist
attitude toward work, Soviet patxiotism an~ socialist internatior.alism in
Soviet people.
For several years now the collectives of the industrial en~erprises of -
Tashkent~ FRrgana, Namanga.-~, and Andizhan have competed with enterprises
in the cities of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Fergana oil refiners
compete �~rith the people of Volgograd, Novokuybyshev and Omsk; the chemical
workers of Namar~C~an--with the collectives of the Serpukhovskiy Artificial
Fiber Plant; the Taskikent and Namagan textile workars--with the Ivanovsk '
textile workers, e~:,c.
Socialist competition has been widely expanded between collectives of enter-
prises in one branch. As an example, one can mention the competition _
between the workers of the Leningrad Spinning Combine,"Krasnaya Nit and
the Tashkent Textile Combine. The friendship between the two colle~ctives
was born during the years of the Great Patriotic War when a batch oi equip-
- ment ~ras sent and a group of textile specialists depaxted from beseiged -
Leningra.d to Tashkent.
After the victory, the rebuilding of the enterprise began and Tashkent was
one of the first to come to help it. Twelve automatic winding machines and
many other machines were sent to "Krasnaya Nit from Uzbekistan. Later,
the people of Leningrad helped their Uzbek colleagues by ta,king part in the
- reconstruction of a number of workshops in the Tashkent Textile Combine
arid in the introduction of ul.trasonic equipment to clPan the parts of
spinning machines. This lessened the breaking of thread and considerably
- raised labor productivity. This mutual help developed into the competition
- b~tween the collectives of factories, related production enter~ises, and
individual brigades.3
- ifi e Tashkent Textile Comb~ne competes with the Ivanovskiy Mixed Fiber
Combine; and the Fer~anskiy Textile Combine--with the collecti.ve of the
Ivanovskiy Spinni.ng Factory imeni Balasheva. Technical documentation is
exchanged; and at the end of each quarter--information about work results.
Twice a year,delegate~ from the competing entergrises meet to sum up
competition results a~d familiasize themselves with the work experience of
the best sections and collectives. .
Many new forms of social~st competition appeared during the prepaxations
for the ~Oth anniversary of the USSR's jubilee. Thus, socialist competition -
was spread between the cellectives of coopsrating enterprises in the
fratexnal republics. Mutual help and mutua.l concern for the over-all
success of the job axe characteristic features of this competition. The -
weavers of the Glukhovskiy Cotton Combine imeni V.,I. Lenin were the '
initiators of this movement which was called "A Pact of Thousands." They
put forwaxd the slogan: "We are celebrating the 5pth Anniversary of the
USSR by overfulfilling the targets of the five-year plan for producing
good quality cloth. Let the textile workers, machine builers and chemists
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of Russia~ the Ukraine and Belorussia and the cotton growers of Uzbekistan
_ compete for this."
A new form of competition, which has important significance in further
strengthening friendship bE1ween the peoples of the USSR and in the inter- _
national indoctrinati.on of ;he Soviet people was also spread widely in
Uzbekistan. The textile workers of Tashkent signed a five-year agreement
on ti:ork competition with the textile workers of the city of Svano~o.
In thE spring o~ 19?6, a delegation from the Ferganskiy Textile Combine
imeni F. E. Dzerzhinskiy which had signed an"Agreement on Cooperation"
visited the Shakhtinskiy Cotton Combine. One of its members, Rozikhon
Yusupzhanova challenged Valentina Monasheva to compete. In continuing the
glorious work tr$ditions of the tPxtile shock workers and Sta.khanovites
of the first five-year plans, in supporting the initiative of A. V.
Smirnova, Z. L. Konovalova, and V. A. Loktova~pa,rticipants in the All-Union
Meeting of Progressive Work~ s in Light Industry, "Two Five-Year Plans in
0 ne; Valentina and Rozikhon assumed obligations to cross over to super-
standard maintenance. On 4 Febru~ry I.~'j7, V. Monasheva. reported on the
fulfillment of two anr.ual targets; R. Yusupzhanova also exceeded the da.ily
norm ty almost a factor of two.~' High professional skill and creative
cooperation permitted the two weavers to cope successfully with the obliga-
tions.
- Sh. Mirzababayeva, a coiling macfiine operator at the Ferganskiy Textile
Combine entered into competition with T. Kornilova, a well known weaver
in the "Krasnaya vetka" Factory in the city of Kineshma where a meeting of
shoc k workers of communist labor and progcessive w~.tch personnel was held
in honor of the jOth Anniversary of the USSR's formation. Ancient friendly
ties exist between these enterprises. Kineshma helped to build the '
Ferganskiy Textile Factory and trained personnel for it. Fergana invariably
sent and is sending cotton fibers to Kineshma.
In continuation of the trad.itions of "The Pact of Thousands", Yelena
Amosova~ Anastasiya Yerofeyeva and Bual'ma Dzhurayeva, three Heroes of
Socialist Labor and three of the countxy's distinguished spinners, concludec3.
an agreement between themselves in January 19?4 for a competition which
obliged them to overfulfill -the 1974 targets by a factor of two.
Anastasiya Fedorovna Yerofeyev~a,from the Iv~ovskiy Mixed Fiber Combine
imeni K. I. Frolov and Rokhatoy Yusupova from the Namanganskiy Silk Cloth
- Combine imeni the 50th Anniversary of the Uzbek SSR, distinguished spinners
of the country~ became acquainted and made friends in the Kremlin during
the workdays of%the 25th CPSU Gorr�gress. They adopted high obliga,tions for
themselves-- to perform two five-year plans dt~ing the lOth F'ive-Year Plan.
Numerous followers appeared after them. In Namangan alone, about 300
progressive workers are working in accordance with the initiative of A. F.
Yerofeyeti~a and R. Yusupova.
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Such a form of work cooperation between the workers of the fraternal
- republics as the regular exchange of progressive production experience is -
also being developed. ~ips of workers--progressive p~oduction personnel~
union-wide meetings, seminars, etc. are playing an important role in this.
In Ju].y 19?5, a group of female textile workors in ivanovakaya Oblast serit
a letter to all women workers calling for them to "ta?ce a very direct part
in implementing the majestic plans of the party, to make 1975 a year of
excellent quality and hign production efficiency~" The weavers of the
Namanganskiy Silk Cloth Combine imeni the 50th Anniversary of the U zbek
SSR were the first ones in Uzbekistan to study this letter. During the
- competition~ the combine's collective achieved laxge work successes and
" wa.s awarded the Red Banner of the Uzbekistan Communist Party Central Commit- .
tee, thP Uzbek Council of Ministers~ the Uzbek Trade Union Council~ and
the Uzbek Komsomol Central Committee for the year's results. -
The mutual help of fraternal republic enterprises in training qualified
personnel, especially for factories and plants being newly commissioned~
has acquired broad scope. For the Namanganskiy Silk Cloth Combine alone, _
more than 110 qualified Uzbek workers were trained in the city of Ivanovo,
about 100 in the Moscow Factory imeni Sverdlov~ and more than 100 people
in the cotton combine in the city of Kalinin.5 .
The youth,sent from Uzbekistan to the textile enterprises of central Russia~
~ receive there not only excellent professional training but also instil in
themselves the remarkable features and traditions of the Russian working
- class. Thus~ Minavar Askarova travelled from the textile combine of Fergana
to study weaving in ivanovo, The Russian friends txansmitted to her a11
the"secret s" of their skill. When she returned to her native collective,
she herself ta.ught her profession to more than 100 girls. Now, the name
oF Minavar Askarova is Irnown far beyond the limits of the republic. She
has been a deputy to the city council for more than 25,years, she has been
elected a member of the paxty gorkom many times and she wa.s a delega.te to
- the 24~th CPSU Congress and the 18th YTzbekistan Communist Party Congress.
The ~overnment has highly rated her valiant t~ork~ having awarded M. Askarova ,
the Order of Lenin and the Labor Red Banner.b
Urbek workers mention ~~.th pride the names of theis tutors--the representa- ~
tives of the Russian working class who, sparing no effort or time, trans-
mitted and are transmitting to -them their rich experience, kr,owledge and
high professional skill.
Dilyara Tashpulatova, a deputy to -the USSR Supreme Soviet, deputy chairman ~
of the Sovitt of Nationalities of the USSR Supreme Soviet, and a spinner
at the Namanganskiy Silk Cloth Combine imeni 50th Anniversary of the Uzbek
SSR, has written: "After the eighth grade, I went to the "Pya-tiletka"
Factory and became a pupil of spinner Mariya Alekseyevna Gneda. Now, when '
my work is being commended, 2 think how much my first teacher who is sti7:1
i.nterested in my work and is my considerate advisor, ga.ve me." 7
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The work cooperation and mutua,l help of the workers of Uzbekista,n and the
RSFSR are expanding with each year and are being enriched with new forms.
- Thus~ Uzbek land reclamation specialists and constxuction personnel have
taken under their pa,tronage the Ivanovskaya and Novgorodskaya oblasts.
During the lOth Five-Yeax Plan, they must.prepaxe and hand over to the
farms of Novgorodskaya,Oblast 42,000 hectares of draine' land~ create
_ irrigation systems for an area of 6,000 hectares, perform cultural and
technical work (clearing fields of scrub trees, bushes a~d boulders) on
25,000 hectares of land which does not require drainage,t~ create four new
sovkhoz9 including the laxgest vegeta,ble and dairy sovkhoz in Novgorod-
skaya Oblast--the "Tashkentskiy", three livestock breeding complexes,l0
and other ~ro j+ects.
The g~ogressive collectives of UZbekistan's irrigation specialists and
lanc? reclamation experts, by stxiving to make their contribution to the -
development of the RSFSR's non-Chernozem zone, have sprea.d. the competition
_ to carry out the measures~ which have been outlined by the paxty and
government~ ahead of schedule.
Very many examples like this of the fraternal cooperation of the Uzbekistan
and RSFSR working classes can be cited. Their number is~ being increased
with each new Soviet five-yeas plan, graphically illustxating the correct-
ness of L. I. Brezhnev's well known view about the fact that our five-
yeas plans are the Leninist friendship afpeoples translated into the language
of economics.
F~DO'I~TO TES
1. PRAVDA, 18 March 1979�
2. FERGANSKAYA PRAVDA, 16 August 1.977�
3. V. A. Yezhov, "Rabochiy Klass SSSR" ~The USSR Working Class], Leningrad,
197~, p 93.
4. TEKSTIL~SHCHIK, the factory newspa,per of the F erganskiy Textile Combine,
4 ~Iarch 1977�
5. Current p rchives of the Namanganskiy Silk Cloth Combine, d.l.
b. F'EGANSKAYA PRAYDA, 18 October 1977.
7. PRAVDA VoS7.UKA, 23 Oatober ].974. ~
8. TASHI{ENTSKAYA PRAVDA, 9 June 19?7.
9. TASHK~NTSKAYA PRAV]]A ~ 25 September 19'17.
- 10. PRAVDA VOSTOKt1, 9 January 1977
COPYRiG1iT: Izdatel'stvo "Fan" UzSSR, 1979
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K1sC IONAL
KIRGIZ USE VISUAL AIDS IN TEACHING RUSSIAN
Frunze RUSSKIY YAZYK I LITERATURA V KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLYE in Russian No.S, -
May 79 pp 29-32
[Article by M. K. Mydykova, teacher in the Secondary School imeni F. E.
Dzerzhinskogo of the Ak-Suyskiy Rayon: "From the Experience of Working
with Visual Aids in a Class with the Intensified Study of Russian"]
[Text] Vera Ivanovna Butrimova is an Honored Teacher
of the Republic, a thoughtful and industrious educa-
tor. For mar~y years she has been directing one of
the most progressive methodological sections of the
Kirgiz school. ~
The material published in this issue was prepared with
the participation of the Senior Scientific Associate
of the Russian Language Sector of the Kirgiz Scientif-
ic Research Institute for Pedagogy (KirgizNllP) M. I.
Zadorozhniy. The article lay at the basis of a paper
presented by V. I. Butrimova at the Republic Conference
on Questions of the Introduction of Effective Teaching
Methods in the Practice of Schools (11-10 May of this
year).
Classes of intensified Russian language study were introduced in our
- republic in the 1973-1974 academic year in accordance with the decree
of the Central Committee of the Kirgiz Communist Party "On the State and
~ieasures for Improving the Teaching of the Russian Language in the
General ~ducation Schools ~f t?~e Republic Using Kirgiz as the Language of
Instruction" (April 1973). Af1:er a year such a class was also intro-
duced in our boarding school.
The tasks confronting these~ classes were determined in the following
way:
- a) to present Kirgiz-speaking students with the possibility of studying
the Russian language more intensively both practically and theoreti-
c~,l.ly;
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b) to increase significantly their general education schooling by means .
of expanding their acquaintance with Russian artistic culture;
c) to inculcate in them habits of independent work for the further
mastering of Russian language and literature, training senior students
who want to specialize in this field and in the perfection of both the
spoken and the written Russian speech, for enrollment im the philolog-
cal faculties of the institutions of higher education of our republic
--in the specialization groups "teacher of Russian language and liter-
ature in the Kirgiz school".~
- In order to solve these tasks, the program provided for the introduction,
side by side with the basic course, of fbur special courses:
a) the development of spoken and written speech;
b) elocution and narration;
c) elective on the Russian language;
d) elective "Through the Pages of SovieC Literature".
Even the first acquaintance with the program on the academic disciplines
of a special course for the 8th through the lOth classes showed that its
realization opens up before us, pedagogues and specialists in Russian
philology, broad possibilities for a more thorough than usual association
of the Kirgiz students with the language of the great Lenin, the language
of peace and friendship. Already the increase itself in the weekly hours
set aside for the study of Russian language and literature had to promote
this. The main virtue of the program, in my view,' lay in the fact Chat
it oriented itself on the mastery of lively, expressive Russian speech. -
But a pro~rzm a~ith a pr~7_~-, ~d t':i~ business was nevertheless new,
and it was necessary to begin it so as to call forth at once the most
lively interest among the children in the intei:sive study of the Russian
language.
With this goal in mind I decided, first of all, to prepare complexes of
diverse illustrated-interpretive and musical materials, which in conjunc-
tion with the word, above all, had to secure the task set. The work was
conducted in close cooperation with the senior teacher of the department
of pedagogy of the Republic Institute for the Advanced Training of
Teachexs N. G. Kamenetska.
As I then became convinced, the use of complexes of artistic-interpretive
means of visual and musical accompaniment proved to be especially effec-
tive in the study of the life and creative work of the writer.
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Let us take, for example, the 8th class (the intensified study of the sub-
ject begins precisely with this class). One of the main themes in the ,
course of literature in this class is, no doubt, the life and creative
work of A. S. Pushkin. And its really profound mastery is simply not pos-
sible without the enlistment of the most diverse audio-visual aid material.
in the study of the biograp~y of the writer I made use of reproductions ~ ,
from the paintings of artists, selectively--sequences from slide films, j
" recordings. Thus, in order for the children to be able to imagine ancient
Moscow, I made use of reproductions of the pictures "Moscow" by the artist
M. N. Vorob'ev and "View of Moscow" by the artist L. A. Engel'mana, demon- ~
strated through an_episcope-slide projector.
;
The reproduction of I. E. Repin's painting "Pushkin at the Lyceum Examina- ;
tion" and the radio composition "Pushkin at the Examination" helped my
charges to better understand what an important role Pushkin's meeting with
G. R. Derzhavin played in his formation as a poet. This combination of ;
arts helped the children not only to imagine the remote epoch in which the '
writer lived and worked, but also feel the nerve-racking atmosphere of a ~
lyczum examination. , ~
Here are some fragments of a 2esson making use of the materials mentioned. ~
On the board is a large colored reproduction of the painting "Pushkin at I
the Lyceum Fxamination." Simultaneously I switch on the tape recording of
the radio composition. Then we begin to talk about the painting. The ;
discussion is greatly facilitated by the fact that immediately before this ;
lesson purposeful vocabulary work was done in the Russian language lessons ~
which consisted in the activization of words needed for conducting the
discussion. This is how it was approximately conducted. ;
On a composition screen there appear the words: festive; depict, repro-
duce; famous, distinguished, and others. The pupils select synonyms and '
interpretations for them (glad, triumphant; outline, show; well-known,
popular; belonging to an old family, high-born, distinguished), invent
sentences: The artist depicted the winter landscape. Distinguished '
people from the village came to the school festival.
;
Other words, earlier known, but possibly forgotten by the children, are '
made meaningful with the aid of synonyms, interpretations and sentences
according to the course of the discussion. For example: !
~
--What do you call a person with great abilities for something?.
--Talented, gifted, exceptional. '
~
- ilsing a typical construction, we compose the sentence: A. S. Pushkin is
a talented poet.
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Such words, for example, as energetic, surprise, and others, which do not
go into the minimtun vocabulary and therefore cause certain difficulties
in their mastery, are also made intelligible directly in the literature
leseon, but not with the aid of synonyms, but rather by means of transla-
tion into the native language or, where this is possible, with the aid of
the showing of pictures.
After such preliminary vocabulary work, the children freely answered
questions about the picture. The work on the picture usually is ended by
the writing of a composition (in the lessons on the development of spoken
and written speech) in accordance with a plan drawc~ up by the children
with my help in class.
The story of the Southern exile of the poet I accompany with the showing
of the reproduction of the painting of the artists I. E. Repin and I. K.
Ayvazovskiy "Farewell, Free ~lement!" and the reading of an excerpt from -
the poem "Odessa" by E. Bagritskiy.
The burden of the solitude, the depression of the poet in exile in the re- -
mote Mikhaylovskoe and the gladness which Pushkin experienced upon the ~
arrival of Pushchin are well rendered by a reproduction of the painting
"Pushkin and Pushchin in Mikhaylovskoe" by the artist N. N. Gye.
In pausing on the last years of the life of A. S. Pushkin, by way of
strengthening the material, I make use of the slide film "The Last Years
of the Life of Pushkin" (individual sequences without captions). And in
order for the pupils to feel the bitterness of the loss, the anger of the
people in the name of which the successor of Pushkin M. Yu. Lermontov
speaks, we listen to a tape recording of the literary-musical composition
"The Meeting That Did Not Take Place".
The composition made a very strong impression on the children. They re-
lived, as it were, the painful feeling which seized M. Yu. Lermontov,
_ when--instead of ineeting Pushkin--he heard the words: "They killed him!
They killed him!" They literally saw with their own eyeshow the poet ran
home across the bridge, over which not long ago the sleigh passed with
the mortally wounded Pushkin. In completion of the subject in the lessons
of elocution the verses of Eduard Bagritskiy "I Avenged Pushkin in the
Environs of Perekop" and Vera Inber's "Pushkin Is Alive" were heard.
With special interest and attention the children read and listened to thP
~ poems of Kirgiz poets about Pushkin: Alykul Osmonov's "To Pushkin",
Dzhoomart Bokonbaeyev's "My Friend", ICubanychbek Malykov's "Time Is Power-
less Against Your Lyre".
And this is understandable. The hearts of thz children cannot but be
touched by such lines about the poet, for example, as those belonging to
the pen of Dzh. Bokonbayev:
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In a paternal way, your Russian muse ~
Has brought us all tagether, Pushkin. ~
And in the sounds of the Komuz ~
Is heard your prophetic voice, Pushkin! '
It goes without saying that the conduct of such emotion and interest- .
filled lessons would be impossible without certain work outside of the "
lessons and outside of class, in particular group studies.3
All of this rich material, in my view, is appropriately used preciaely in
the classes involved in the intensified study of the Russian language. ~
And the oral answers and the written papers of the pupils indicate what a ~
beneficial influence on the educational process is exerted by the inter- ~
pretive material in cooperation with audio-visual aids. They are distin-
guished by a significantly higher level than in the ordinary class. In
my view this was encouraged not only by the intensified training of the
children in Russian language and literature lessons, but also the definite
Russian speech environment-,but you know, the children of more than a
dozen nationaliti~s are studying in our boarding school and instruction
is c~rried out on a parallel basis in the Kirgiz and Russian languages.
For a number of years already, I have been using didactic distributing
material of a not altogether ordinary character in literature lessons. _
These are illustrated card assignments. Such cards, as my experience
shows, stimulate the cognitive-searching activity of the pupils wiLh par-
ticular force. Work in connection *.vith the card assignments elicits among ~
them an increased interest in the process of cognition, develops in- �
quisitiveness, keenness of observati~n. The master different forms of
- intellectual activity, learn to prove and defeiid their opinion, especially
if one and the same task i.s given beforehand to two pupils. -
Here is an approximate model of the card for the subject "put of ~Iind With
r~
C~ri ef .
In the upper left hand corner a reproduction of the portrait of Chatskiy,
created by the famous illustrator N. V. Kuz'min is inserted. In the upper
right corner lines from the corner which most clearly characterize the ,
method of Chatskiy are cited: "He wants to preach freedom!" "Yes, he
does not recognize the authorities!"
~
There further follows a glossary of supporting words and combinations of
words: dignity, imitation, sincerity, and depth of feeling, which must
_ enter ~irmly from this lesson into the monologue speech of the students.
And again--words from the text which complete the portrait of Chatskiy:
"He would be glad to serve, to be servile is disgusting".
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Th~~ cac�d ends with thc question: "What does Chatskiy defend?" In so
doing it acquires an integr~l, finished-compositior~ form.
We use the card assigr~ments in the process of the exposition of new -
material and, as 3 means of consolidat3on, in the following lesson.
Thus, in the lesson in which Chatskiy's monologue "And who are the judg-
: es?" is analyzed, such a ca~d is used.
On the front side there is a reproduction of N. V. Nevrev's painting "The
Auction".
~ On the back side there is an s^.nouncement--characteristic of the time of
serfdom--from the newspaper MOSKOVSKIYE VEDOMOSTI: In accordance
with the decision of the district court, a house will be sold at public
auction, under No and in it are six souls, male and female, the
sale will be in this house.. Anyone interested may beforehand inspect.
(based on materials from A. N. Radishchev's "Journey from St. Petersburg
to Moscow).
Assignment. Re^~ember, when and where did� you encounter~~~these words? Dis-
close the content of the re~roduction.
The scene from the days of gerfdom--the sale of serfs--helped the pupils
to interpret the cor~tent of Chatakiy's monologue. They saw that the
judges are those precisely who themselves must be judged, those who, as
is not surprising, also determine p+lblic opinion; it is they whom the
youth "must take as their models".
The illustrated cards make possible the broad and diverse realization of
individual and differpntiated work with the pupils, deepen the interest
of the ~school children in the aubject, develop independence o~ thought.
Having such cards available at all times, the school children, almost
= repeating the structure of the cards, making use of the words and quotes
placed in them, easily construct their answers to the assignment, in dia- _
logue with the teacher, their comrades, in monologue speech. In nrder to
preserve the cards for a longer period of time, they are inserted into
_ polyethylene bags, which the pupils make~ themselves with my assistance.
I have only told about one of the forms of work in classes involving the
- intensified study of the Russian language. It goes without saying that
I do not limit myself only to these forms. Here one could also mention
vocabulary books and reading diaries, which are constantly kept by the
school children, and the parties dedicated to important dates, which are
conducted in the Russian language, the days and weeks of the Russian lan-
guage when the entire school, beginning with the children and ending with
the teachers, speaks Russian, and much more.
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Such worx, of course, will lead to a positive result. This may be judged
by my first graduati.ng class with intensified study of the Russian lan-
guage.
The graduates of the special class are being successfully trained in the
Russian language in the institutioris of higher education, tekhnikums and
technical schools in the capital of our republic--in medical, polytech-
= nical, and physical education institutes, in the institute of art, in the
university. My graduates are also studying outaide the republic, for _
_ example in the Kiev Polytechnical Institute, in the Higher Military Educa-
- tional Institute of Alma-Ata. ~'specially gratifying for me as a teacher
is the fact that some of the girls graduated from this class are studying
in the Kirgiz Pedagogical Institute for Women imeni V. V. Mayakovskiy. ~
Some of them are preparing to become teachers of the Russian language.
There were, of course, certain difficulties in the work. They have to do
above all, with the shortage of books and school supplies for the intro- _
duction of lessons along the line of special programs and electives. Our
library does not have the methodological literature which is recommended
for this or that course of the special class.
We have absolutely no didactic material for the Kirgiz cldsses. There is
a shortage of collections for dictation. There are no collections of
exercises, and it is de~irable to provide them for every pupil.
We greatly need selections of illustrations which reflect the life and
work path of the author for all classes. No less desirable is the re-
publication of the reader "Through the Pages of Russian Soviet Literature"
in sufficient quantity. -
I hope that in time the shortcomings that have been noted will be elimi- ,
nated. And that will make it possible to raise the work in the classes -
involving the intensified study of the Russian language to an even higher
level. .
FOOTNOTES
1. Among the materials on the experience of teachers of the republic in
classes involving the intensified study of the Russian language, see ~
E. E. Semenova, "Intensifying the Study of Russian Language and
Literature," RUSSKIY YAZYK V KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLE, 1974, No 5, pp 20-22;
N. P. Chernysheva, "On the Work of an Experimental Class Involving _
the Intensified Study of the Russian Language," RUSSKIY YAZYK v ,
KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLE, 1974, No 4, pp 1-3; L. Ya. Konovalova, "From the
Experience of Using Visual Aids in Studies of the Elective Course
'Vocabulary and Phraseology'," RUSSKIY YAZYK V KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLE,
1976, No 3, pp 6-9; G. U. Soronkulov, "Work on the Intensified
Mastery of a Subject. (Studies in a Specialized Class)," RUSSKIY
YAZYK V KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLE, 1978, No 3, pp 19-22 (Editorial note).
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2. See "Programs for Academic Disciplines of a Special Course for the
8th Through the lOth Classes of the Schools of the Kirgiz Soviet
Socialist Republic Involving the Intensified Study of the Russian
Language and for Elective Courses in Russian Language and Literature
for Secondary Schools of the Republic Instructing in the Kirgiz Lan-
guage," Frunze, Mektep, 1975, pp 4-5.
3. For more detailed information on the methodology of conducting studies
with materials of a similar Cype, see the article by N. G. Kamenets-
kaya, "Interpretive Materials in Lessons on the Life and Work Path of
a Russian Classic Writer," RUSSKIY YAZYK V KIRGIZSKOY SHKOLE, 1975,
- No 2, pp 19-23; No 3, pp 20-27.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Ala-Too" 1979
8970
CSO: 1800 E~
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