JPRS ID: 9083 JAPAN REPORT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200080020-9
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• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 50
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 20
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9083 _
9 May 1980
~ Ja an Re ort -
p p
CFOUO 12/80)
FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/9083 _
- 9 May 19 80
JAPAN REPORT ~
(~oUO ~2/so)
CONTENTS
- POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
Current of the Time~ Examined
~SEKAI, Mar 80) 1
JSP, a "Coalition" Party
Business Leaders' Position
The Defense Issue
JCP Central Committee Ends ~tao-Day Plenum
~JPS, 14 Apr 80) 18
Increasing JSP-JCP Confrontation Viewed
- (Minoru Shimizu; THE JAPAN TIMES, 24 Apr 80) 19
'JPS' Reports Japan Communist Party May Day Slogans
(JPS, 28, 29, 30 Apr 80) 22
MILITARY
'JAPAN TIMES' Views Defense Debate in Country
(Kiyoaki Murata; TitE JAPAN TIMES, 25 Apr 80) 26
Arms Industry Grows Increasing~y Vocal
(MAINICHI SHIMBUN, 21 Feb 80) 29
SCIENCE AND 'TECHNOLOGY
Manufacturers Beg~in Developing 'Super-Computers'
(NIHON KEIZAI SHIMBUN, 18 Apr 80) 32
Machine Tool Yndustry Booming, Robot Production To Soar -
(NIHON KOGYO SHIMBUN, 26 Feb 80) 34
. Corrosion-Resistant CR-MN-FE Alloy Developed
(NIKKAN KOGYO SHIMBUN, 25 Mar 80 : 45
- a - [III - ASIA - 11.1 FOUO]
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
CUR.RENT OF THE TIMES EXAMINED
JSP, a "Coalition" Party
- Tokyo SEKAI in Japanese Mar 80 pp 202-206
[Article: "JSP Changes Its Tune"]
[Text] The Concept of ~ao Stages in Government
The JSP inclwded a two-stage concept of government in its proposed 1980
campaign policy for the first time, and presented ~his proposal to the
general meeting of the party which opened an 8 FebruE,ry. The firat etage _
in thia concept ie called a"reformiat coalition government" and is pro- -
~ected for the firet half of the 1980's. The special feature of this firet
stage ia that it excludea the JCP from the power base which ie to make up
the coalition.
The only concept of a coalition government which the J.SP has explicitly
included in ita campaign platform was the "National People's Coalition"
in 1973. This was based on an "Antimonopoly National Front" composed of
all non-government parties and proletarian groups and was given the statua _
of the government foi- the per3od of tranaition into socialism. The immediate
reason for this idea being changed to the second stage of the concept was
the "concept of a JSP-Komeito coalition" which the JSP and Komeito agreed
- upon on 10 January. ThE two parties decided on excluding the JCP from the
main strength of the coalition and explicitly stated this in the text of
- their agreemez?t. The JSP accepted this idea and went through the procedures
for creating a paragraph to confirm this as party policy and incorporating
this paragraph in the draft campaign platform. Nevertheleas, the fact that
the JSP has shelved the longstanding idea of a front of all non-government
partiea as an "ob~ective to aim at" will have great political impact. This
development has been compared with the West German Socialist Party's
separating itself from Marxiam and breaking with the National People's Party
in the Bad Godesberg platform in 1959. The move repreaenra such an impor-
tantly aignificant change of courae that the camparieon is not necessarily
an exaggeration.
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Exclusion of the JCP
It was, however, due to a simpler motivation that the JSP began consulta-
tions on the concept of a coalition government with the Komeito after last _
year's general election. The JSP wanted to get the cooperation of the
Komeito in the Upper House elections expected in early July. This was also
the motivation of rhe Sohyo, which took the initiative in calling for a
Socialist-Komei line and pr~sented itself as a strong driving force to
bring thia about. The JSP-Sohyo blac had thrown its whoe strength into
last year's general election but was unable to brake the long-term trend
toward the bloc's decline. The bloc was made to realize its own limitationa.
In the meantime, cooperation on the election by a combinat~on of local labor
unions of the Soi~yo and the Komeito had produced resulta. ~toreover, the
Komeito and t~e DSP, both middle-of-the-road forces, had already agreed on
the concept of a centrist coalition government and, with increasing close-
ness, had begun to work on the question of cooperation in the Upper House -
election. It ie only natural that the JSP felt a sense of crisis in the
Upper Houae elections. With the JSP in this position, the Komeito demanded
agreement on the broad outline of a concept of government as the precondition
for cooperation in i:he election. In particular, the Komeito presented _
"excluaion of the Communist Party" as a political principle and a line on
wiiich the Komeito could not make concessions. ~
= The executive department of the JSP, ~otivated, in part, by the strong
wishes of the Sohyo, wanted by all meane to realize cooperation in the Upper _
House election where reversal of non-government party status hangs in the
balance. It is unthinkabla, however, that ~he Socialist Associa-
tion which holds to the ~idea of a united Socialist-Commuaist
front would ea~ily +~.accept exclusion of the Communist Party.
There was concern that, depending on how this question went,
it could develop into an intra-party struggle once again. In some
respects thia sort of siturr.ion within the party had gradually changed the.
meaning of consultation on a aocialist government. The situation inside the
party was also pro~ected in the fact that Chairman Hasukata frequently spoke
in favor of maintaining a line calling for all non-government partiea in the
- face of criticism from the Sohyo and the faction preasing for Socialist-Komei
cooperation.
In fact, the deciding factor in euppressing the dissatisfaction of the left-
wing forces was the practical advantage to be gained from cooperation in the
coming election. With this background situation in mind, the delegates
_ from various regiona at the Komeito general meeting which opened on
17~January one after another expressed concern that "once the Upper Houae
election is over the Socialists will return to their original idea of alI
nor~ government parties." The JSP has a"record" of having repeated the
pattern of drawing close to the Komeito at election time and going back to
the all non-govermnent parties line when the election is over. It is not
strang�: that there should be distrust of the JSP within the Komeito.
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Becoming a Governing Party
In the recent rapprochement between the JSP and the Komeito, however, there
wae a hidden motivation which wae compl~tely different from thie sort of -
"tactic" of cooperation in an election. Thi~ became the driving force which
brought about :TSP-Komeito coneultations with greater speed than had been
expecteci. The faction favoring a JSP-Komeito axis aimed to use thie aggree-
ment between the JSP and the Komeito ae a mechanism for fnrther reducing
- the power of the faction favoring the Socialiat Association. Thia wae a
atruggle for a~arty line calling for changing the basic nature of the JSP
from a"party of protest" aiming for socialism to a"governing party" aiming
to form a government. This was the other purpose in having~ clearly apecified
excluaion of the JCP in the JSP-Komeito agreement and then having included it
in the draft campaign platform.
In addition, there is a sense of a dangez of a conservative-reformist
coalition. It is well known that as the trend toward decline in the LDP
progressed a move toward coalition with the DSP had risen pretty much to _
the surface. The fact that in their agreement on a concept of government
the chiefs of the Komeito and DSP confirmed that they "would not ~oin with
the LDP as it is today" was, com~ersely, a proof that the possibility of a
" conaervative-reformiat coalition had existed. In such a politicgl situation
the JSP, in concluding an agreement with the Komeito,wae slso aiming to draw
the DSP away from the LDP. The left-wing faction wae also in favor of thia
fdea and it was another reason for the left wing not directly oppoaing the
JSP-Komeito agreement. It ia probably safe to aeaume that the import of the -
"reformiat coalition government" which wae incorporated in the JSP's draft
campaign platform is to be found in this point. -
. "B~tter Government"
The "Reformist coalition government" was deacribed as "a government prior
to a national people's coalition xegime" and the ob~ective given for the
"reformist coalition" is "to solve the immediate pressing national problems."
This can probably be stated as "better government." Conaidering that "forma- .
tion of an antimonopolistic national front is difficult" because of the long-
term trend toward decline of the JSP and proliferation of non-govQrnment
parties, the power base for the regime was described only in terms of
concentration of reformiat forces. On the grounds that the JCP has abandoned
the "better government" line and has taken an opportunistic atance, the JSP -
excluded the JCP from the base of power in this regime. In addition, the
JSP gave a rationale for excluding the JCP by presenting such views ae
- (1) that the JCP is driving the centriat forces toward the conaervative aide
by attacking the JSP and the Sohyo and (2) that since there is unreconciled
confro;~tation between the Komeito and JCP it ie not posaible for those two
parties to stand in agreement in a governing force. On the other hand; the
poaition which the JSP took regarding the DSP wae that "in criticizing
erroneoua political positions and policies and mRking clear the anti-LDP
direction of their policies they will have concern not to drive eupport for
the DSP in organized labor and the working masses toward the conservative side."
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The attitude toward formation ot a JSP-Komeito-DSP bloc can porbably be
called cautious. However, conaidering the relationship of "familial -
malevolence" which has existed between the partiea in the past, wording
has been used which hae paved the way for a"JSP-Komeito-DSP aystem" in
the future. On the other hand, the JSP criticized the JCP in aharper tonee
than ever before and made it clear by giving reasone that the JCP is to be
excluded fran the power base in the "reformiet coalition government" for
the present.
Hiatoric Change of Course
Three years ago Saburo Eda, who was advocating a Socialist-Komeito-JSP line,
was not accepr~d Fdthin the party and ultimately broke from the party and -
turned to the formation of a Socialist-Democratic Socialist union. A year
ago Chairman Hasukata perceived the political situation in the 1980's in a
schema of confrontation betweeen a"consernative coalition" and a"reformist
coalition" and directed stronger criticism at the centrist forces.
The JSP seems to be completel.y transformed as though it had been struck by
a sudden atorm. The agreement in the JSP-Komeito political conaultations
moved realization of a JSP-Komei-DSP system one step closer and clearly
seems to have been a ma~or move toward a"historic change of course" in
the JSP.
Let us consider the background ':or this decieion by the JSP on a ma~or
change of course.
Shifts in factional atrength within the JSP and the wishes of the Sohyo
were the governing factors inti~e decision ontaking a line favoring a JSP-
Komeito axis. The people who played leading roles in the recent JSP-Komeito
consultations ~were Vice-chairman Shimohira and Kitayama and Central Executive
Committeeman Soga, who is i:i charge of planning, all of whom belong to the
old Sasaki faction. The old Sasaki faction is the coxe of the left-wing
JSP and is the "mainstream" of the unified JSP. In the past it played the =
central role in criticizing I~ir Eda's argument for atrv.ctural reform and
even wrote the scenario for Mr Eda's downfall. In the recent struggle
between the Socialist Association and the anti-Asaociation faction, the old
Sasaki faction moved toward the anti-Aesociation faction and caused the
strength of the Aasociation's forces to decline greatly. Thie ia a group
which has always be~en deeply iirvolved with the policy line of the JSP. Now,
- the former S~saki faction has adopted the theory of a JSP-Komeito axis. .
The stren~th the opposition force quite naturally fell to minority faction
status.
The Former Sasaki Faction
The leader of the Sohyo faction which promoted JSP-Komeito cooperation is -
Director General Trnnizuka~ This man has now adopted a two-front strategy
involving the question of unification of a labor front and cooperation in
the Upper House elections. His strategy~ is tc achieve a definite success
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in the Upper House election by realizing cooperation with the Komeito on
that election and, at the same ti~ne, by drawing in the Komeito, to put the
brakes on the move to rearganize labor through the popular advancea of the
DSP-Komei bloc. It was for thia reason, too, thst he applied various kinda
of presaure on Chairman Hasukata. Mr Tomizuka ie known ae a flexible person,
but in the past he was the leader of the at�rike for the right to atrike, and
in the JSP he belonga to the leftiat faction.
Even though the faction close to Mx Eda which �avored a JSP-K,omei-DSP line
took the lead in calling far a JSP-Komeito ax's, they were not strong
enough. The fact that the old Sasaki faction took the initiative can
probably be ;ounted as a ma~or factor it~ the recent euccess of this move.
Moreover, the move also had the complete backing of the Sohyo led by
' Mr Tomizuka, who is cloae to the old Sasaki faction,
There were also face~a of the etance taken by the Communist PaYty which
lent impetue to rapprochement ~between the JSP and the Komeito. Recent
relations between the JSP and the JCP ha~�e been atrained because of such
things as ~he JSP`s cooperation with th~ centriats in the gubernatorial
elections in Kyoto and Oeaka. The JCP took a position ae "the sole reform-
_ ist party," and their attack on the JSP from thia position was violent.
They consiatently expreased distruat of Chairmsn Haeukata. The JCP also
. adopted a strategy which maintained, "As long as the JCP does not becotne
large~ and acquire strength equal to the JSP we will not draw Cheto~n back -
to our side" (Chairmsn Miyamoto)~ This also aeeme to have atirred up the
JSP. With the Socialist Aasociation in the minority on the JSP central -
committee and relations between the JSP and JCP in a atate of tension, even
the Socialiat Aesociation could be eaid to have been in an environment in
which i.t was diff~cult to voice atrong criticism of the excluaion of the
JCP. ln an atmosphere in which the voices on the left cannot be heard, the
JSP has been turned upside dos~m. _
Afte~: the Upper Houae Elections
a The etrategy of the Socialist Association seeme to be aimed at changea in
the situation following the l.~pper Houae elections, In the party's general
meeting the agre~ment between the JSP and Krnneito was limited to the imme- -
diate situation, and the Socialist Aesociation is prepared to suppresa the
"ambitions" of the JSP-Komeito axia in debate by eli.,iting an executive .
division view that there hae been ne change in the line which cslls for
inclusion of all non-government partiea.
The trend toward decline in the LDP, the intensification of infighting inside
the LDP, and the frequent occurrence of scandals involving money politics
_ ar?d corruption in the LDP will also have a heavy effect. The day has come
when it is posaible to feel that a coalition government is a realistic idea.
Unless the JSP prepares immediately for a coalition, the party may well come
under criticism from the people, Furthermore, if the JSP does not prepare
for a coalition and the I,DP breaks down, it is highly probable that there ~
will be conaervative-centrist government. The DSP has clearly set forth izs
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positi~~n. With the JS:'-Komeito agreement, the LnP and JSP have gotten into
a tug of waY over the D~P, and a situation has been created in which it is
etrategically neceasary to strengthen the bonds to the Komeito.
Acceleration Toward a Coalition Government
, It can be said that the outl9ok for the future dependa entirely on the =
results of the Upper Honse eler_tions. It is certain that the JSF, Komeito
and J.SP erlll be able to cooperate to a fairly great extent in the election~.
The key ro the future lies in whether or not this cooperation produces
succesaful reaults. If the cooperaCion ia succeasful, the formation of
JSP-Komeito-DSP bloc will progress ra~idly. ?f the cooperation fails, a
roll bacic fr~:�! the left will start and the possibility of a conaervative-
centriat coalition will probably become stronger than the possibility of a
- JSP-Komeito-DSP goverrnnent. Of course, the movement toward a coalition
government would be suddenly accelerated if a revereal in rules of the govern-
ment and non-government parties ~:*ese to be Yealized. Left in an isolated -
positior~, the JCP has responded to this situation with bitter criticism.
The JCP has charged, "The agreement be~ween the JSP and the Komeito is a
striki:~g of reformist colors; it is a historic turn toward the right which
begine the movement toward s great coalition with LDP; it will be a lasting
- blot on the hiatory of the JSP" (Secretary General Fuha). This criticism
_ was probably intended to stir up the leftist forcea in the JSP.
The JSF is a"coalition" party formed by uniting le.rt and right. Even its
party platform has turned to the compromising term "class party of the -
masaes" and has been the target of malicious gosaip about "the dual socialist
party." In fact, up to now the party has spent a great deal of effort on
internal struggles between the left and the right, and ae a reeult has
moved a3ong the road toward decline.
Although the relative stret.bths of the aides ahifted, the party comrention
which will begin on 8 February will open in a pattern of confrontation
between rightist and leftiat factions ~ust as usual. Without a doubt, aharp
disputes will develop. Even though thia general meeting has ~een arranged
according to the wishea of the esecutive diviaion, the Upper House elections
are coming up and there will be queations of renision of the "platform" and
"the road toward socialism in Japan." Whether pazty reform aimed at a JSP-
Komei axia makes headw+~y or whether the left again begins to work, the road
ahead for the JSP is ateep. ~
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Business Leaders' Position
- Tokyo SEKAI in Japanese Mar 80 pp 207-210
[Article: "BusineBe Leadera Lean Toward Promoting 'Comprehenaive National
Security ]
_ [Text] Colored by Political Questions
It ia no exaggeration to say that topica of conversation at the regular New
Year's party of the four financial groupa (the Federation of Economic
Organization, the Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Japan Federa-
= tion of Employers Aeaociations, and the Japan Committee for Economic
_ Development) held on 7 January 1980 was colored more by political questions
' than by economics.
When Prime Minister Ohira rose to say a few words, he bowed low and said,
- "I wish to ask your complete cooperation toward victory in the Upper House
elections in July this year." The subatance of Prime Minister Ohira's
earneat requeat was, for the most part, concentrated in nuances asking for
cooperation in financing; but, because it came after the LDP's heavy loss
in the general electiona last fa11 this talk had enough to it to be taken
as something more than a pro forma greeting.
The Soviet ir.vaeion of Afghanietan, recent developmenta in the Iranian
revolution and the outcome of the U.S.-Iranian diepute brought on by the
holding of U.S. Embassy pereonnel as hostagea in Iran vied with thie prospect
in the daaestic political situatioa to elicit great conce~n fYOm the people
attending the party. The Ieaders of the busineas world were at this party,
of course, but the leaders of the LDP, Prime Miniater Ohira, Foreign Minister
Okita, Finance Miniater Takeshita and othera were all preaent. A great
number of high-ranking bureaucrats also participated. The scene wae like s
, ahowing of ali stara in the complex c4mposed of the government, businese
and the bureaucracy.
The f act that interest in such a forum as this was concentrated on politica -
rather than economics provides a very strong suggeetion for figuring how the
busineas world will try to get through the 1980's.
Move Away From the LDP?
Still, the businesa community was surprisingly calm about where domeatic
politics are heading. Of cnurse, thie is not to say that buainess is not
nervous about the direction the Upper House elections this summer might take.
Businesa, however, doea not now give such thought to the LDP that it considers
victory for the LDP a categorical imperative. The businese community ie
gradually putting some diatance between themselvea and that way af conceiving
thinga which they had in the Tanaka era and which saw a direct link between
"Protecting the free society" and "Victory for the LDP." Consequently, they
have even loat that generosity in making political contributions which they
once had.
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- People like Takeshi Sakurada, the honorary chairman of the Japan Federation
of Employexs' Associations, feel tHst if the LDP is going to be abeorbed in
internal disputes, it would be better for the party to break up. This is
to say that what the business community demanda in domestic politica ia
stability, and to the extent that confusion and instability continue, busi-
neas no longer feels the appeal for maintaining an exclusively LDP govern-
ment which it felt in the past. In other words, this is evidence that
bueiness feels that ahifting from an exclusinely LDP government to a right-
~ center coalition government is unavoidable. In fact, when the Japan
Committee for Ecnnmaic Development sent a aurvey questionnaire to managers
- of companies in June 1978, about 67 percent of these people felt that break-
down of the exclusively LDP government would occur within 10 years (about
8 percent pr~dicted this would happen within 2 years~. Furthermore, if the -
people who answered that they "could not say on~ way ~r the other" are .
included, about 30 percent felt that breakdown of the exclusively LDP
government would not affect operation of business. What these figures show
is that there is a growing number of managers who are psychologically
prepared to remain calm even if a coalition goverrcment ie fozmed,
Speculation on a JSP-Komeito Coalition
Consequently, in regard to the ideas of JSP-Komei ~nd Krnnei-DSP coalitions
which have surfaced at the end of ~ast year and the beginning of this year,
not a few of the top people in the bueiness world have let it b~ known that
they would "like to nurture theae ideas of a coalition to maturity." Becauae
the concept of a JSP-Komei-DSP has two ideas, (1) excluaion of the JCP and
(2) continuation of the U.S.-Japaneae Security Agreement, in comm~n with -
- the canservative line, it seeme to the businesa community that it is not
greatly different from the LDP line in policy and ideology and is actually a
conservative concept. In reality, at heart the business community feela a
sense of relief at the appearance of such a coalition of non--~overnment
parties which is practical znd leans toward the right.
In view of this background situation, even though the business community
- zt this New Year's party~ had sharpened interest in politics, the source of _
their uneasiness was the Soviet Union, Afghanistan and Iran rather than
domestic politics. The significant point about the Soviet military interven-
tion i~ Afghanistan is that it repxesents a ehift to a new stange in the =
U.S.-Soviet confrontation~ On the other hand, the Iranian revolution and
the dispute between Iran and the United States has caused increased anxiety
over guarantees of oil. Furthermore, as United States President Ca:~ter ~
recently pointed out in his etate of the union message, the Soviet invaeion
of Afghanistan is itself "a threat to the supply of oil from the Middle East."
Tilt Toward Comprehensive National Security
A point which muat not be ovexlookec~ is that the ~business community ia
rapidly turning toward comprehenaive aecurity guarantees as the medium and
long term atrategy for dealing ~aith the 1980's which have begun with this
kind of worsening tension and confrontation. One of the mainstays of this
strategy ia defense and the other is promotion of solidarity in the Pacxfic basin.
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As is commonly knawn, the concent of comprehensive national security which
comprises defense, economica and diplomacy as a single system was brought
out clearly at the time of the election for LDP preaident when, in October 1978,
Prime Miniater Ohixa emphasized, "We will try to provide comprehensively for
. Jspan's security by maintaining a policy of combining the United Statee-
Jaganeae Security Treaty with a moderate, high quality defense capability
and complementing this by providing a domestic policy over a broad range
including the economy, education and culture and by incr~asing neceasary
diplomatic efforts in economic cooperation, cultural diplomacy and ao forth." _
(taken from "General Data on the Policies of Masayoehi Ohira")
In fact, however, in June of 1978, the Kansai Aaeo~iation for Economic
Development, which is a gathering of bueinesa people from the Kansai aLea,
aent a"SurvPy Team on Popular Awarenesa Concerning National Security" to
six ;;~atern European countries and put together a report titled "Considering
rhe Security of Japgn." The organization pointed out, "In order to provide
' for national security and stability it is indispenaible to establish a
comprehensive security ayatem which atrikes a balance over a range of areas
such as demonetrating excellent diplomatic capability, maiataining an
apprapriate defenae capability, strong economic power, build~ng social and
capital stock for national aecurity, stability in the aocial system, the
North-South problem and relations with the free world bloc." _
Defense Issues in the Forefront
Following thie chronological sequence, the Committee for Economic Develop- .
ment, which is a group of Tokyo business people, in its outlook for 1980
titled "The 1980's: New Responses Demanded in the Midst of Upheaval" which
_ was released on 18 January emphasized the importance of comprehensive
_ national security and put defense queations in the forefr~nt. The outlook -
pointed out:
"Since a confused political and econo~ic aituation will continue in a world
frought with potential criaes, it is necessaYy for Japan to build a ne4*
order in which she can reapond to violent change. Japan must do this through
- strengthening a comprehensive national security systeni founded on the spirit
- of international cooperation. Thia will be the national task for the
1980's.... As a national task for the 1980's there should also be broad
debate and efforts to form a consenaus on the defenae issue which is part of
a comprehensive national security policy."
In addition, moves in the role of preseure group for increasing defenae
capability have been conspicuous recently on the part of the Defense
Industries Committee (chaired by Fumihiko Kono, a consnltant for Mitsubishi
Heavy Industries) which is known as a hawkish entity within the Federation
of Economic Organizations, the main group in the buslnees community. This,
however, is only natural since it is the nature of tr~is committee to
repreaent the thinking of the weapona industry. For exatnple, in the pro-
cess of forming the gover~ent's budget for 1980, it was the Defense -
Industriea Committee which played a ma~or role behind the acenes in
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_ guaranteeing a 0.9 percent ratio of defense expenditures to the GNP. The
committet~ did a tremendous amount of preparatory maneuvering aimed at the
government and leadership of the LDP.
Further.mor~, it is already known that United States Secretary of Defense
- Brown~ who viaited Japan on hie way home from the PRC in mid-January,
requested an increase from 0.9 percent to 1 percent as the ratio of detense
expenditures to ~he GNP. It is said that prior to Brown's visit to Japan,
executives from the Pentagon and the Defense Industries Committee were in -
contact, and the Defense Industriea Cotmnittee inaisted strongly on the
necesaity for an increase to 1 percent. In short, it could be said that
the source of Brown's statement requesting an increase in 3apan's defense
capability wus acrually the Defense Induatries Committee of the Federation
of Economic Organizations.
What should probably be noted ie that in this proceas even the Cominittee
for Economic Development, which is known as the dovish wing of the buainee~s
community, has pushed the defense issue to the fore as part of comprehensive
national security. It is an important poixtt that the business community in _
Kansai first raised the matter of the necessity of comprehensive security -
before the formation of the Qhira government, and moreover, that the
Committee for Economic Development, which had intentionally avoided the
def.enae issue up to now, has finally ceased to regard the question to taboo. ~
~ Renewed Economic Friction Between Japan and the United States
The 1980's have alao been called an era of renewed economic friction
between the United States and Japan. At present storm clouds are gathering
_ over the auto induatry, but Honda Giken and Nissan have already announced
they will move capital into the United States and Toyota intende to follow
them. If theae capital inroads are a help in reaolving domestic unemployment
within the United States it will not be so difficult to quench the fuse of
renewed friction. Although sources of friction in the area of United States ,
and Japanese advanced technology in individual industriea such as the
electronics industry will not disappear, the business community is not so ~
aeriously concerned about this. Rather, with the ~ustification of avoiding
friction between the United States and Japan, they waat' at this time to bury
all at once the lack of defense efforts by Japan, which has long been a
deep-rooted rationale for criticista in the United States. After Brown
departed from Japan, Prime Miniater Uhira and Foreign Minister Okita took
up the slogan of Pan-Pacific solidarity and went off on a round of visits
to Australia, New Zealand and Papua-~1ew Guinea. This could have been thought
of ae a diplomatic pilgrimage to divert attention when there was pressure
_ for answers on the tension in the Mid-East and Japan's responee to the tension.
The business community however, saw a clear-cut direction in this move.
A businesa man pointed out that "this ie a Mid-East policy." Why is a vieit
to Australia and New Zealand meaningful as a policy to deal with the Mid-
East? Aside from the political agreement between the Japanese and Australian
- Ieaders that "rhe Soviet intervention in Afghanistan is a violation of
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international law," the significance of the visit is in guaranteeing energy.
Along with the threat of oil posed by the intenaification of teneion in the
_ Persian Gulf, the need for Japan to have divereified guarantees for energy
r.as become more urgent.
The EnergS� Question
Diversified aseurancea means, on the one hand, reducing exceesive reliance
on the Middle Eaet for oil and, on the other hand, looking to sourcee of
energy other than oil. Looking at the oceanic region from this angle, one
notea that Australia in particular is rich in uranium, natural gas and coal.
Furthermore, there are hopea for oil fielda on the ocean floor. It goea
without saying that the real purpose for Prime Minieter Ohira and company
taking up the slogan of Pan-Pacific golidarity was to reconfirm asaurances
of a stable eupply of these xesourcea. The businesa people's common p~rcep-
tion of Prime Minieter Ohira's recent vieit to Australia was that "it had
not one bit of specific substance other than this."
Buainess based aupport for Prime Niinister Ohira's Pan-Pacific concept comes
from the Pacific Ecor.omic Committee (President of the Tokyo Kyuko Railroad
Noboru Goto chairman). This committee wae founded in 1938 and at present
it is lead by Japan, the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand
with participation by South Korea, Indonesia, the Philippines, Peru and
Chile. At the 12th general m~^~ing in Los Angeles in May last year the
chairman made a speech titled "'Lhe Significance of a Pacific Bloc for the
1980's." In this apeech he advocated founding a Pacific Economic Community -
_ and forming a system which would ~oin the advanced countriea and the develop-
ing countries together in transfer of reaourcea, capital aseistance, tranafer
of resources, capital assiatance, tranafer of technology and ehifting of
labor within the community. In short, he called for a break with the old
emphasis on exchanging ideas.
Another thing which must be pointed out in connection with Pan-Pacific
Solidarity ia that from the viewpoint of guaranteeing safe transport routea
for reaources the business community is very interested in (RIMPAC) (Pan-
Pacific Joint Exercises) in which the Japanese Self Defense Forcea are ~
participating. They are particularly interested in the results on anti-
submarine tactics. In any case, the businesa community is one with the
government and, aside from how effective :it will be as a policy for dealing
- with th~ crises, has begun anxiously pursuing the establishment oF a
compreheneive security system as the atrategy for the 1980's. It muat not
be forgotten that aupporting this from the rear on the domestic political
scene is the concept of a JSP-Krnnei-DSP coalition which is leaning aharply
toward a practical line which amounts to the same policy.
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The Defenae Issue
Tokyo SEKAI in Japanese Mar 80 pp 211-214
[Article: "New Proapects in Defenee Industries"]
[Text] As though in response to the sharp confrontation between the United
Statea and the Soviet Union following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan at
- Che end of laet year and other radical changea in the world political
aituation, business circles became active with statements and moves in
connecCion w~th the defense issue.
Chairman Fur~ihiko Kono of the Board of Trustees of the Federation of
Economic Organizations (he also aerves as chairman of the organization's
Defense Induatries Committee and ia a coneultant to Mitsubishi Heavy
Induatriea), at the 20 Navember meeting of the Board of Trustees, "predicted"
international tension centered on the United Statea-Soviet confrontation.
~ He said, "in the 1980's insuring national security with emphasis on national
- defenae will become even more important." After the beginning of the year,
the outlook for the year by representative executive Naoru Sasaki of the
Committee for Economic Development took up the defenae issue for the first
time since the founding of the Committee for Economic Development. His call
was that "as a national task for the 1980's broad diacussion ahould be held
and effort made to form a conseneus." Because of its youtfi ae a group of
buainesa people and because the leaders of consumer industries and peacetime
- industries which introduced the post war high growth rates have a compara- -
tively strong voice in the Committee for Economic Development, it has been
called the representative of the dove faction by way of comparison with -
other groups such as the Japan Federation of Employers' Aseociations and
this means that the Committee has become more hawkish with age. ~
- Furthermore, it has been r^ported that a"defense Technology Asaociation"
will be inaugurated thia Apri1. This is to be a think tank aimed at promoting
research for defense technology. It will be atarted at the initiative of
the defense i.nduatries and "old boys" in defenae research lead by pioneers
in the development of postwar technology such as Soichiro Honda, chief
, consultant to Honda Giken Industries and (HIROSHI) Ibuka, honorary chairman
of Sony.
Shift to an Ideolagic Offensive
The fact that business people have begun openly making statements on defense
issues is inseparably related to recent developments both at home and abroad.
There have been reports that aince last year Soviet ground forces have been
deployed in the Kurile Islands for the first time in 18 years, and that
- Soviet Far Eastern naval power has been augmented by the deployment of the
sircraft carrier Diinsk and other such moves. Because of such reporta the `
people have been freshly impresaed with the existence of the Soviet Unien -
as a"hypothetical enemy." Because the aeries of developments from December
into January of this year such as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the -
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incident of Soviet spying within the Defense Agency, an environment has -
been created which the non-government partiea and labor unions can only
accept without proteat even though the businese community calls for building
up an independent defense capability.
It can be safely asaumed that the busineae community is conaciously encour-
aging thie criei8 aituation in Japan which has been br~ught on by international
tenaion and that the buainess connnunity intends to use the crieis to end the
people's diainterest in and antipathy to defense isaues. Coming into the
low-growth era, buainess was put on the defensive on the defenae isaue and the
defenae budger which, in a aense, "substantized" that isaue. Buainesa managed
_ a comback by arming themselves with the unique wQapon of the economista'
concept of "thoroughly implementing economic efficiency, even in defense."
Now it can be said that bueinesa is moving into a ideologic offensive in
which they insist on building up defense capability for aelf-defense. -
In a Low Growth Economy
~ The fact that the business co~ttunity was put on the defenaive as far ae the
defense isaue was concerned a�ter the low growth period began is directly
demonstrated by the changes in percentages of the defenae budget accounted
for by capital outlays for pucfiase of weapons, aircraft, ahips and so forth
- which directly provide profite t'or the defenae induatries. In 1973, the
second year of the Fourth Defense Plan, capital outlays amounted to
278.4 billion yen or 29.8 percent of 935.5 billion yen in defense related
expenditures. The percentage however, dropped rapidly from thie peak and
fel.l to 19.6 percent in 1976. This wae due to the fact that in the wild
confuaion of prices brought on by the first ail crisis ordinary expenditures,
including outlays for pereonnel matters and food for aelf defense peraonnel,
ewelled and ate into outlays for equipment.
In 1973, outlays for personnel and food were 45.7 percent of defense related
_ expenses, but in 1976 these outlays rose by almost 10 pointa and reached
55.1 percent of defenae cost~s. Since defenae induatYies rely completely on
ordera from the Defense Agency, their rate of operation dropped and their
profits deteriorated rapidly. However, both aircraft and tanks employ
advanced technology which cannot be redirected to civilian life and, conae-
quently, if production systema were curtailed and research teama disbanded,
it would be difficult to pick up this technology if the time should come
for restarting production of military items. Many manufacturere kept defenae
re.lated sectors going when profita were difficult even though operationa
were being reduced in the civilian machinery aector. Another blow to the
defense industries was the fact that after th~ Fourth Defenae Plan the~method
- of forming the defense budget became a single year syatem and it became
easier for the outlays in orders for equipment to be governed by the year-
to-year fiecal aituation. This ia extremely inconvenient for manufacturers
who set up their production s3�atems both in terms of plant investment and
investment in personnel after~making long-term asaessmenta.
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"Money for Equipment"
In 1976 the defense industriea began to try to effect a reversal of the
difficult situation in which they had been placed. In May of 1976 the
Defense Industries Committee of the Federation of Economic Organizations
releaeed "Qur Viewa on the IaRUe of Providing a Defense Capability." Their ,
thinking was in line with the government's basic defense policy of "provid-
ing a basic defenae capability for exclusively defenaive purposes" and
"defenae related eapenditurea within 1 percent of the GNP" and is indicated
in their demand that within this framework "corporate concepts be introduced
in the Defenae Agency and operational efficiency be pursued--priorities set
and productivity raised--as its management theory."
The defenae industries voiced the criticism that "merely feeding poorly
equipped se].f defense personnel is like operacing a project to counter
unemployment and is the same sa hav~.ng troopa armed with sticks." The
induatriea proposed that "it would be more efficient to reduce personnel
expenses and raise the eqnipment ration ~uat as a civilian firm would do
uaing the same budget." It can probably be eaid that the intent wae
entirely to "bring more money to the defense industriea which are in distresa,"
but in emphasizing that they had not asked for increased defense expenditurea _
but had only mentioned the uae of the money, and that the taxpayers would
generally welcome making the budget effective, the induatry was aware of
the critical eye the people keep on defenae build-ups.
The bueinesa community's thinking gradually penetrated the Defenee Agency, -
and when inflation subeided and the growth of food and personnel expenaes
� was held down, capital outlays, mainly for equipment, began to increase
conapicuously in 1979. The total for capital outlays in the 1979 defenae
hudget was 473.~+ billion yen, an increase of 84 billion yen over the previous _
year. In 1979 the peYCentage recovered to 22.6 percent. In the government's
proposed budget for 1980 wl.ich was decided upon at the end of last year the ~
figure swelled to 544.8 billion yen and the percentage rose to 24.4 percent.
Within this amount, equipment, related expenditures for weapons, rolling
stock, aircraft, ships, etc., increased 12.4 percent as compared with a
6.5 percent increase for the defense budget as a whole. Equipment related
_ expenditurea came to 460.8 billion yen. In a time of fiacal crisis when
government bonds will have to be isaued in exceas of 14 trillion yen, this `
can be called unprecedented favorable treatment. -
In addition, the Defense Agency's proposed improvement program, which had
been a pending issue for the defene~ indus;tries, was ~omehow actualized last
July in the drafting of 5-year medium-r~ii.,_e pro~ect eatimates for the yeara
1980 through 1984. Although this is intier.?,al data assembled for the
purpose of budget requests, weapons, aircraft, ships and equipment with
surveillance functions and :~tio forth which will be needed in the next 5 yeara
were made known. The asaesement of the buaineas community tells the success
of their effoYts to turn the aituation around. They (managing director of
the Federation of Economic Organizationa Chiga Teteuya) said, "To eome degree
our demanda have been accepted; the well planted seeds have matured."
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,
Uneasiness About Follow'ng Along Behind the United States
If turning the aituation aronnd was the firat stage, then stage two, a
period of offeneives by the bueinesa cammunity seems to have begun ehortly
after the beginning of 1980. At a prese conference on 18 January, Chairtnan -
Toahio Doko of the Federation of Economic Organizationa and Vice Chairman
Yoshihiro Inayama, who is regarded ae Doko's snccessor ae chairman, in
- speaking about the occupation of the United States Embasay in Iran and the
Soviet invasion of Afganiatan, both insieted upon an independent reaponse by
Japan when, in reference to Japan's having been aeked by the United Statea _
to cooperate by going along with economic sanctient~ against the Soviet Union
" and Iran, they eaid, "Cooperation with the United States ie important but
it is not appropriate to put Japan in the poaition of exercising sanctions
which would clearly mark frienda~and foea." At that time, the topics
_ conered included the defenae question, and Chairman Doko emphasized the
necessity of an independent defense capability by saying, "If Japan were in
a serious situation (being itmaded by the Soviet Union), I do not know
- whether the United States would come to help ~uat because there is a Japan-
United Statea Secuxity Agreement. If we buy oil frotn Iran and the United
States ~:omplains about it, there is no dignity in our m.aking earnest
apologies. Even if we have concluded a treaty, we cannot tie ourselves
_ down." Vice Chairman Inayama said, "The Security Treaty means that we are
under the American nuclear umbrella and aeek peace in a nuclear balance;
naturally, we mnat defend ouraelnea against varioua troubles eazlier than
that and we need enough of a national defense to do ao."
Not only the leaders of the Federation of Economic Organizations but a
growing number of peaple in induatry feel impatient and uneaey that in apite
of the change in balance due to the decline in United States military power
and the buildup of Soviet military power the goverrnnent eontinues its
foreign policy of following along behind the United States. Theae people
are criticizing this situation. They inaist that although it is only
natural to remain within the framework of the Security Treaty, increased
defense capability corresponding to Japan's increased economic power ie
necessary and would be in line with the wishes of the United States which is
aeking Japan to aeaume an appropriate share of the burden of defense coata.
Aiming To Be a"Powerful Country"
In its yearly assesament, the Committee for Economic Development worked
from the percep.*_ion that in the midet o~ upheaval in the world political -
and economic situation "in the 1980's a nery unatable situation will continue
in which unpredictable circumetances could occur even while there ia concern
that the great problems which ar.ose in the 1970's will become more serious
without any way to easy sol~tion being found." On the basis of this percep-
tion the Committee for Economic Development strongly called for the necessity
. of "crisis management" and gave priority to defenae as part of this manage- _
ment. The Committee's "Views" also proposed "strengthening the prime
minister's leadership by establishing a powerful aesiatance group which would
also include civilians and which would be directly subordinate to the prime
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minister" and "restudying the election system by reviewing the simultaneous _
use of the system of amall electoral districta and proportional representa-
tion and by taking another look at the national conetituency eyatem in the
Upper Houae. Taking all of these things together it ie poasible to interpret
them as aiming for a"powerful country" which could respond immediately to
internal and exte~nal crisea. Furthermore, on 11 January, the Round Table
on Industrial Planning (TAKESHI) Sakurada, representative manager) which is
a reeearch group for the business community, released "The Second Basis for
Reconstruction of Fiscal Policy." In this publication the group hypothet-
ically suggested a rapid increase in defense spending in connection with the
n point that wliether the level of reliance on national bonds is appropriate is
decided in the relative context of the size of the national bond market.
The publication said, "Suppose that at a time when the scale of the budget
is 20 trillion yen an urgent defense need is felt and a 10 trillion yen
national bond issue is made." It continues, "If the national bond market
is functioning well, this would be all right." It is noteworthy that in back
of the Induatrial Planning Round Table's requeat for constriction of fiscal
policy and fiscal reconstruction was a latently operating aenae of crisis
because of the feeling that with fiacal policy expanded to the full and
running a deficit, in addition to the fact that mechanical buainess recovery
- policies would not be poaeible, "it would not be poasible to expand defense
preparationo in time of emergency." Some leaders in the Federation of
Economic Organizations have inaisted that a Defense Comm~ittee shoul.d be
inaugurated by reorganizing the Defense Induatriea Com~ittee and combining
it with the Fozeign~ Relations Committee in order that the businese community
might make atatements not only in the narrow dimenaion of spokesman for the
intereata of the defense induatries but also from the broad perspective of ~
how to etrengthen the nation's defenses. It can probably be said that this
symbolically demonatrates the buainesa community's current intention of
escalating the defense iasue from the industrial dimeneion to the political
dimension.
A New Stage in the Defense Debate
With the percentage of capital outlays in the 1980 defense budget having
climbed to 24.4 percent, the Defense Industries Committee of the Federation
of Economic Organizations has begun to work on the government in an effort
to raiae the guideline of 25 percent, the level for West Germany, during the _
period covered by the Defense Agency's mid-range operating estimates.
This is in line with business' longstanding demanda for "constric'tion of `
personnel expenaes and buildup of equipment capability," but there are many
problems e.g., (1) not only would the content of the defense budget be
changed but the percentage of the GNP equalled by the overall defense budget
would rise to 0.9 percent, (2) a Japanese defense capability actively built
up by providing equipment which makea use of advanced technology would cause
new political tension'in Asia, and (3) there is a danger that a military
induatrial comp~ex would be built in to the design of the Japanese economy
and would begin working on its own. It can be expected that when a certain
amount has been achieved, difficulties unlike any met in the past will
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follow. It can probably be said that in order to overcome theae difficulties
the business community has begun to grapple with the queation of getting
away from demands for economic efficiency such ae they have used in the paet
and moving to building up the people's defenae consciousnesa.
At this ~ucture when there are eigne of trouble in the internatianal eitua-
tion, a decieion hsa been made to establieh a Special Committee on Security
in the Houae of Representativea; this is a crucial moment in the defense
debate both for the bueinese people who are planning to build-up defenses
and for the peace forces who are trying to p~event thie.
COPYRIGHT: Iwanami Shoten, 1980
9111
CSO: 4105
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
JCP CENTRAL ~OMMITTEE ENDS TWO-DAY PLi:NUM
OW141005 Tokyo JPS in English 0859 GMT 14 Apr 80 OW
[Text] Tokyo, ?4 Apr (JPS)--The second Central Committee plenum of the ~
Japanese Communiet Party ended its 2-day aession on April 12. On the ~
final day, Vice Presidium Chairman Koichiro Ueda, chairman of the Policy ~
Commission, explained a proposition on the "Points at Issue in the House
of Councillora Election, atid the JCP Election Platform--for Making the
1980's the Era of Progress and Advances of the Frogressive Forces" ~
(draft).
The plenum carried serious discussions on the introductory speech made
by Presidium Chairman Kenji Miyamoto, the report (delivered by Secre-
tariat chief Tetsuzo Fuwa), and the explanation of the proposition. _
Twentynine members (or alternate me�nbers) of the Central Committee spoke
in the discussions in view of the nearing House of Councillors election,
from the position of putting the 15th party congress decision into full
practice. Presidium Chairman Ken3i Miyamoto also spoke in the discus-
sions .
The plenum heard AKAHATA correspondent Yasuo Ogata's report on his on-
the-spot coverage of the Afghanistan issue.
After the discussinns, Sacretariat chief Tetsuzo Fuwa gave a concluding
remark on the discussions.
The plenum unanimously adopted Presidium Chairman Miyamoto's introduc-
tory epeech, Secretariat chief Fuwa's report on the "Implementation of
the 15th Party Congress Decision, and the JCP~Election Platform,"
- together with the concluding nemarks, and a report made by Vice
Presidium Chairman Tomio Nishizawa, chairman of the International Com-
mission.
The plenum reaffirmed the resolute wi.ll to tackle the immediate tasks,
including setting up consultative conferences for a progressive united
front, and the establishment of a class-conscious and democratic national
center of trade unions, and to make every effort for the advance of the
JCP in the :iouse of Councillors election as a milestone in the implementa- -
tion of the 15th party�congreas decision, while reckoning with the impor-
tance of all-party political and ideological preparedness as directed in
the 15th party congress decision.
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL
INCREASING JSP-JCP CONFRONTATION VIEWED
OW250536 Tokyo THE JAPAN TIMES in English 24 Apr 80 p 12
[Article by Minoru Shimizu: "JSP-JCP Confrontation Intensified"]
[Text] Friendly relations are developing among three ma~or opposition
parties--the Japan Socialist Party (JSP), Komeito and the Democratic
Socialist Party (DSP)--as evidenced by their plans to ~oin force in
several prefectural constituencies in the House of Councillors election
= this summier. The Japan Communist Party, another ma~or opposition party,
however, finds itself in a state of growing isolation, being shunned by
- the three other opposition parties. It is interesting that the relations
of the JCP with theae parties are now colder than with the ruling
Liberal-Democratic Party.
One reason for the JCP's isolation is its confrontation with the JSP, the
No 1 opposition party, taking the form of an intense political mud-
slinging conteat since over a month ago.
Anti-Communist Stand
The Japan's relations with the DSF and Komeito, both anti-communist, have
been cold from the start, but the JSP had collaborated with the JCP until
late last year, in presenting a united front in the Diet. The JSP
leadership had joined forces with the JCP in the belief that it would
, be advantageous in a Diet showdown with the LDP if all opposition forces
were unified. Therefore, the largest opposition party considered it
necessary to promote a coalition of all opposition forces including the
JCP. Another reason was that Shakaishugi Kyokai-ha (the socialist society),~
the extreme left-wing fac:tion of the JSP which wields strong influence on
- party management, promoted the idea of a united front with the JCP rather
than with Komeito and the DSP.
JSP-JCP relations cooled down after the JSP started talks with the dentrist
Komeito last November to discuss plans for the formation of a coalition
government. The JCP criticized the JSP move through its organ AKAHATA.
But their dispute did not grow hot immediately because the JSP refrained
from accepting the challenge.
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Coalition Government
But the situation changed and their relationship sourPd when the JSP
reached agreement with Komeito on [words indistinct] on plans for the
formation of a coalition government. The JCP's attack on the JSP in-
- tensified as a reault.
Chairman Kenji Miyamoto and other JCP leaders castigated the JSP, allegat=
ing that it had swung to the r~ght and that the JSP-Komeito policy agree-
ment represented an anti-communist and pro-LDP line. The party organ
AKAHATA, which has a circulation of more than 3 million, also delivered
a broadside.
- What has caused the JCP to conclude that the JSF has swung to the right?
Plans being promoted for a coalition of opposition parties are based on
two separate policy agreements--one concludes between the JSP and Komeito
and the other between Komeito and the JSP--and Komeito is expected to serve
as a bridge to ~oin the three parties in a coalition government. The DSP
recognizes the Japan-U.S. security treaty and is definitely in favor of
building up national defense, and Komeito also follows a similar policy
aince the JSP has concluded a coalition policy agreement with Komeito,
the JCP no longer considers the JSP a reformist party. Top JCP leaders
castigate the JSP, saying that it has, in effect, ~oined hands with the
JSP which, in its view, follows a militarist policy.
For years, the JCP under the leadership of Chairman Miyamoto managed to
maintain friendly relations with tha JSP on the whole, despite occasional
signs of discord, because it regarded the JCP as an indispensable partner
in a possible coal:~tion government of "democratic" forces.
'Democratic' Forces ~
Miyamoto did not expect ~he JSP to stop dealing with his party completely.
The JSP's collaboration with Komeito, however, totally upset his plans
for a coalition government of "democratic" forces, and, as a result, he
came to have an intense hatred for the JSP. Miyamoto's wounded feelings
are reflected in AKAHATA's vigorous campaign against the JSP. Since
around February, AKAHATA has daily allotted two to four pages to the anti-
JSP campaign which has become more intense with each passing day.
~ In the face of the JCP attack, the JSP decided in early March to fight
back, in the conclusion that ignoring it would adversely affect its upper
- house election campaign this summer. ~
The JSP began to strike back by using its organ, SHAKAI SfIINPO, and
- distributing handbills. It prepared pamphlets accusing the JCP of self-
righteousness and of making mistakes in its postwar political tactics,
and supplied these to party activists throughout the country for use in
a propaganda campaign.
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JSP Claims
The JSP claims that the JCP attack is unfounded defamation which distorts
, the true intentione of the JSP-Komeito agreement and the JSP's basic
policy. It etresses that the JCP has adopted tactics designed to attack .
the JSP, its old ally, in an attempt to expand its own influence.
The JSP's counterattack has pravoked another JCP salvo, and AKAHATA is
running a series of articles asaerting that the JSP's criticism of the
JCP is irrelevant. Thus, the confrontation between the two parties has
developed into a propaganda war involving their party organs and magazines.
It can be said that periods of confrontation and cooperation have alter-
nated in the history of the two parties' postwar relations. However, the
confrontation this time is more intense and ugly than ever before, and
their relationa are unlikely to improve for the time being. Other parties
are closely watching developments in the JSP-TCP confrontation which could
seriously affect the upper house election this summer.
COPYRIGHT: The Japan Times 1980
CSO: 4120
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POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL ~
' JPS' REPOR.TS .i~.PAN COMMUNIST PARTY MAY DAY SLOGANS
OW301111 Tokyo ~PS in English 28, 29, 30 Apr $0 OW
[0923 GMT 28 Apr 80]
[Text] Tokyo, 28 Apr (JPS)--AKAHATA on April 27 published May Day _
slogans of the Japanese Cou~munist Party for Che Slst May Day in 1980. -
The following is the first part (1-8~) of the slogans, which comprise 20
items.
1. End the reactionary Ohira government and Liberal-Democratic Party
politica, which are subordinated to the United States, aerve big busi-
nese and are corrupt to the extreme. All the forces that agree on the
threa pxogressive ob~ectives, unite widely to make the 1980's an era of
progrese and reform.
The political-power concept excluding the Communist Party leada to a .
coalition with the Liberai-Democratic Party. The working class, firmly '
- carry on the caus~a of progress.
2. Oppose the anticommunist, right-leaning reorganization of the labor
_ front, which corresponds to the change into a new ruling party on the
political front. For class-oriented and democratic establishment of a
national center which is independent from capital, and a political party
which is able to defend the workers' interests and unity.
3. Oppose all hegemoniam, defend the right to national self- .
determination. Oppose Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. The
Soviet troops must be withdrawn immediately.
Oppose the policy of military bloc and Carter's "policy of strength."
Never allow the U.S. imperialists' policy of war and aggression and
policy of global domination.
For soli.darity with all the peoplea in the world, struggling for social
progreas, peace and national self-determ3nation.
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4. Oppose to have Japan turned into a base for U.S. military interven-
tion in the Middle East. Oppoae the strengtheni.ng of the Japan-U.S.
~oi:~c operational setup, Japan-U.S. ~oint military exercises and the
rainforcement of the Japaneae Self-Defense Forces.
Abrogate the Japan-U.S. security treaty, for a non-aligned, neutral and
self-defensive Japan. `
5. Thoroughly inveatigate the cause of irregularity and corruption,
including the aircraft scandal, the Las Vegas gambling case, the KDD
bribery, and the buying [as received] of the bill for the revision of
the certified tax accountants law. Each party should make public the
truth concerning suspected Diet membhra of each respective party. Pro-
hibit political fund donations by enterprises and organizations, and
realize clean and fair politics.
6. Defeat the plot of malrevision of the p�ublic offices election law,
which aims to suppress the freedom of speech, and which is being pro-
moted through collusion by the Liberal-Democratic Party and the anti-
commt~nist opposition parties. Never let pass the plot of the introduc-
tion of a single-member constituency system which destroys parliamentary
_ , democracy. Oppoae the revival and strengthening of militarism through
such channels as the introduction of emergency (wartime) legislation,
the enactment of a secret protection law, `Che revival of a conscrip-
tion syatem and the maneuver to lift the ban on the exporC of arms. For
allout implementation of the peaceful and democratic clauses of the
conetitution.
7. For signing of an international agreement banning the use of nuclear
weapons and an international agreement on a total ban on nuclear weapons.
For the legisl~tion of an N-bomb victims relief law. Legislate the
"three nonnuclea; principles" and internationalize them. For a grand
national unity or the movement for banning A and H bo~nbs. ("Three non-
nuclear princigles": not to possess, not to manufactur~, and not to
allow the entry of nuclear weapons into this nation.)
8. Demand the Soviet Union to immediately return the Habomai and
Shikotan islands, part of Hokkaido. Abrogate the Chishima renunciation
clauae in the San Francisco peace treaty, conclude a Japan-Soviet peace
treaty and realize the return of the whole of the Chishima (Kurile)
Islands.
[OW301113 0908 GMT 29 Apr 80]
[Text] Tokyo, 29 Apr (JPS)--9. Recover the worsened working conditions
due to big businesses' arbiCrary "management by cutting down the costs."
Change the industrial and economic policy toward the policy serving the
people, and realize democratic reconstruction of the Japanese economy by
means of increasing the people's~purchasing power and expanding public
investment to pro3ects closely linked with improving the people's living. -
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10. Reexamine the rises of electricity and gas charges. Oppoae the
raise of public utility charges including the national railway fares,
- poatal charges, rice price for conaum:~rs. Curb the raise of prices by
big enterpriaes on the excuse of the rise in oil price, and stabilize -
prices.
Oppose big tax increases on the people. ~Reduce tax for the working
people and emaller entPrprisers. Revise the unfair tax system urhich is
beneficial to the big enterprises and the propertied class. For demo-
cratic reform of the national budget by a big reduction ia military
coats and by other means.
11. Oppose restriction wages. For active wage increases so that living
- conditiona be improved. EsCabliah a national standard minimum wage
system. F~r extension of the age limit without a cut in wages and work-
ing conditions. Increase ~obs by restricting overintensive labor and
' by cuts in working hours. Extend the term of payment for the unemployed,
and reestablish the system pro~ects to deal with unemployment.
12. Oppoae anticonstitutional company-iuvolved electioneering, oppose ;
forcing woxkers to "support a specified politl.cal party" through compul--
sory decision by trade union organs. Eliminate discrimination by
thoughte, creeds and sexes. Freedom and democrac~;~ for every workshop.
- Completely restore the fundamental labor righCa to the government and
_ public enterprise workera, including their right to strike.
13. Oppose the allout malrevision of the health insurance system and
_ Che change in making medical treatment for the aged chargeable. For
democrattc reform of the medical system. Oppoae the dragging of tne
firet payable age of the welfare pensi.on to 65 yeara. For a big
improvement of the pension syatem and guarantee for the living of the
aged.
Nineteen eighty-one is the "International Year of the Handicapped." i
Guarantee the living and rights of the handicapped.
14. Opp~se the malrevision of the labor standard act. Establish s
legal system to guarantee equality of inen and women in employment, and ;
expand protection for motherr?ood. For immediate ratification of the
United Nations treaty for abolishing di.scrimination of inen and women. '
Guarantee ~obs for youth, which are suitable to their ability and ~
aptitude. Realize the right to election to those over 18 years old.
[OW301115 0902 GMT 30 Apr ~O]
[Text] Tokyo, 30 Apr (JPS)--15. Oppose expansion of import of agricul-
tural products. For multifaceted development of agriculture and for the
improvement of the self-sufficiency ratio of agricultural products, by -
2~.
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preparing conditions for voluntary change of planting. For democratic
reconstruction of fishery by stabilizing the pricea of materials, includ-
ing fuel, and prices of fiehes, and arrangements and developments of
fishing areas.
16. Reetore and expand the right to local self-government. Don't shift
the burden of financial bankruptcy caused by LDP politica on to local
self-government finances. Eliminate the violence and pursuance of
privileged righta by the Asada-Matsui group of the "Buraku (unlawfully
discriminated hamlets) Liberation League," and establish equitable and
~ democratic dowa (assimilation) administration.
e
17. Institutionalize a echool clas's of no more than 40 pupils by a
5-year plan. Oppose the government plan to postpone its implementation
until 12 years later. Carry out educational reform so as to raise
i academic atandards, build physical strength and foster sentiment of
' children. Build more senior high schools, f311 gaps between the uni-
veraities, and relax the entrance examination hell. Oppose education
of pre~udice, diecrimination and selection, whtch includes praise of the
. prewar "Imperial Rescript on Education" and the use of the song
"Kimigayo" (Imperial Rule For Ever).
~ 18. "No" to all �oxms of hegemoniam in the world; "no" to misgovernment
by the LDP; and "no" to the conservative supplementing line of the anti-
communist bloc of the socialist, Komei and democratic socialist parties.
i Make "one choice" to seek progresaive unity. Make rapid JCP advance in
the House of Councillors election to open the road for progressive
change in national politics in the 1980's.
19. Support for the JCP, the progressive party at all times in all
, places and the genuinely paCriotic party.
20. Long live the Slst May Day. Workers of all countries and oppressed -
people, unite.
- CSO: 4120
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_ MILITARY _
'JAPAN TIMES' VIEWS DEFENSE DEBATE IN COUNTRY
OW261903 Tokyo THE JAPAN TIMES in English 25 Apr 80 p 14 OW
[Article by Kiyoaki Murata: "Defense Debate"]
- [Excerpts] Recent developments in and outside Japan--the Afghanistan
aituation, the espionage case involving a former Self-Defense Force (SDF)
general, RiurPac to name ~ few--have aroused interest in defenae and
defense-related matters.
A specific instance that nearly atirred up a hornet's nest was a state-
ment made on Feb. 7 by Hosai Hyuga, president of the Kansai Federation
of Economic Organizations (Kansai Keidanren). Addressing a buainesamen's
seminar held in Oeaka, Hyuga suggested that it was perhaps "necessary to
study the possibility of adopting a conecription system for meeting an
emergency."
Sub~ect Taboo _
The auggeation triggered a chain reaction of critical comments. Sur-
priae~i by the lively response, Hyuga defenced his position by saying
that the letters he was receiving ran 60 to 40 in his favor. But many
of his fellow Osaka business leaders were embarrassed by his touching on
a sub~ect that had long been taboo.
To the popular mind, suggesting that Japan should have a compulsory SDF
aervice amounts to advocating militarism. Even though Hyuga's notion may
have nothing to do with militarism as auch, it can conceivably serve the
leftist fosces in Japan as a powerful weapon with which to attack the
establishment.
And a profeasor of international politics spoke on behalf of millions
when he pub~.icly commented in mid-March: "The conscription idea is not
likely to be accepted unless the advocates are willing to be conscripted--
or at least their male offspring are."
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Then came another breaking of a taboo--also by a businessman, this time
in Tokyo. Shigeo Nagano, president of the Japan Chamber of Commerce and
Induetry, said at the chamber's general meeting held on March 19: "It is
time that we tried to build up a national conseneus on our defense by
atirring a nationwide deb ate."
Weasel-Worded Statement
With this ae a preface, Nagano introduced his message: "As a resource-
lese country, Japan can aurvive only by fostering auperior braina and
developing highly advanced technology. We ought to actively promote
development in this area and export production in response to inter- -
~ national demand."
At a press conference on the same day, Nagano explained what he meant by
his deliberately weasel-worded statement. By "highly advanced tech-
nology" he meant know-how for wanufacturing weapons and by "exporting
products in response to international demand" he meant selling made-in-
Japan armament abroad.
"The production of weapons is thE motive force for the progresa of tech-
nology. It also atimulates the brain," he elaborated.
As an illustration, Nagano cited the fact that Japan became the No. 1 '
shipbuilder after World War II because of the naval ordnance technology
developed before the end of the war.
Why is advocating the export of made-in-Japan weapona a taboo? The SDF
ia equipped moetly with domestical~y manufactur~d weapons, including the
highly-rated Type-74 tanks. There is no apecific atatute prohibiting
the export of weapons.
Definite Government Policy
'i'here is, however, a definite governW~...:. rolic, that practically makes it
_ imposaible for a Japanese manufacturer to export weapons or anything
related to them. In 1967, the Sato cabinet establiahed a policy of not
authorizing "in principle" the export of weapons to three areas:
(1) commnunist countries, (2) areas to which the export of weapons ia
banned by a United Nations resolution, and (3) parties to an inter-
national c~nflict or areas that are feared to become parties to a con-
flict. ~
_ More guidelines were added to this policy in February 1976 under the Miki
cabinet.
Officially, no change is likely to come for the foreseeable future--
despite its recent advocacy by Nagano. For, questioned about the issue,
Prime Miniater Mas~yoshi Ohira said in the Diet last month that he
contemplated no chai~ge.
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In the businesa world itself, however, Nagano's views have found more
sympathy. Among those who agreed with him was Fumihiko Kono, adviser
to Mitsubiahi Heavy Industries and chairman of the Defense Production
Committee of Keidanren. At a meeting of the newly created Select Com-
mittee on Security of the House of Representatives, Kono urged "a
thorough debate on the merita and demerite of exporting weapona."
Economic Argument
Hia argument for lifting the ban ia based partly on a simple law of
economice. If the defense industry of Japan, which now manufactures
- munitions fcr the SDF and police, were to have a larger market, it would
mean less expensive products and subaequently great economy for the
national treasury. It ia said that a machine gun, for which domestic
- demand comes only from the SDF, costs the SDF aeveral millions of yen
because the industry receives orders for no more than 100. If, however,
the order should be for tena of thousands (including exports), the per-
- unit cost of production would be reduced to a fraction of what it is now.
- Even among Tokyo business leaders, howevar, Nagano is not without critics.
One of the~ is none other than Toahiwo Doko, president of Keidanren. He
says that the promotion of the munitions industry does not necessarily
stimulate the development of technology though the reverse may be the
case. There are also some even within the Liberal-Democratic Party who
are skeptical of Nagano's way of thinking. With what Japan can manufac-
ture in terms of armament today, they say, it would be rather difficult
to enter the world market, 80 percent of which is dominated by the Soviet
Union and the United States with the remainder held by France, Britain
and Weat Germany.
COPYRIGHT: The Japan Times 1980
CSO: 412A -
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MILITARY '
~
ARMS INDUSTRY GROWS INCREASINGLY VOCAL ,
Tokyo MAINICHI SHIMBUN in Japanese 21 Feb 80 p 8 _
[Text~ With events like the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and a buildup
of military power as the situation grows tense, there has been increasingly
more debate in financial circles about Japan's defense capabilities. Those
with the greatest reason to be pleased are the manufacturers of arnas. .
Until recently, any statements of a political nature have been intrusted
to the Defense Production Committee of Keidanren (Federation of Economic
Organizations). Fumihiko Kono, a consultant for Mitsubishi Heavy Indus-
tries, is head of this commiCtee. The arms industry has traditionally
maintained complete silence, but now feels that the time is ripe to speak
out. Many of their statements have been strong indeed.
One example is the current arms embargo. Mr Kenji Ikeda, a managing
direr.tor of Mitaubishi Aeavy Industries, has declared that we must give
practical consideration to how and with what equipment we could protect a
defenaeless Japan if the United States were to carry out its swing strategy
(quickly move its Asian forces to a conflict in some other area).
~nother example is a statement by Mr Iwao Shibuya, a managing director
of Fuji Heavy Industri?s. He feels that even if the government is reluc-
tant to lift the embargo on export of arms, it could at least permit their
joint development.
These statements may seem mild in comparison to those of Mr Hosei Hyuga, -
a chairman of the Kansai Federation of Economic Organizations, who went
so far as to apeak out in favor of instituting conscription. In a pacifist
nation, however, where the arms industry has remained outside the main-
stream, they are very outspoker_.
It is only natural that the manufacturers of arms be pushing in this
direction. Mr Ikeda of Mitsubishi says that the mood is good right now. -
U.S. SecreCary of Defense Brown has urged Japan to increase its defense
budget, and surprisingly enough, with the exception of the Communist Party,
even the opposition did not touch upon military expenditures at budget
- revision time. They have traditionally been very hostile to anything
concerning the defense budget.
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The arms industry has been awaiting its chance to step up production but
its biggest barrier of all is the government's policy to maintain an'arms
embargo. The most modern F-15 fighter planes and anti-submarine warfare
P3C planes are presently being manufactured in Japan but this is under a
licensing agreement with the United States. All technology is furnished
by the United States and according to domestic producers, this humiliating
- form of production under license is because of the embargo policy. Because
' . of the policy, orders are limited to within Japan. Volume is therefore low
~ and the companies are unable to keep costs as low as they could if they
manufactured in large quantities. They are simply not able to compete with
U.S. manufacturers.
The Defense Agency's budget is small, so it remains in favor of purchasing
from the U.S. because of the lower prices offered. Therefore what the
domestic manufacturers can do best is to go along with this licensing
arrangement somehow.
Japan's technological ability to produce military aircraft such as the
P3C is in no way inferior to that of the United States. In the inter-
national market there has evidently been friction with the American companies.
It is a fact that the 74 model tank developed by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries
was well regarded abroad. When Mr Ezaki, the former Minister of Inter-
national Trade and Industry, visited the Middle East last year, he received _
requests for these 74 model tanks in every country he visited.
The arms industries have amassed a considerable store of techniqu~.
Present day warfare is "electronic warfare" so the most modern electronics
are employed in the development of new weapons. According to Mr Teruaki
Yamada, a director of Kawasaki Heavy Industries, fighter planes and other .
arn?s are a"bundle of electronic equipment." This technology being developed -
in the arms industry can also be very useful in the civilian sector. In
fact, even people at MITI are saying that the accwnulation of technology
within the arms industry plays a very important role as other industries
build up their store of knowhow.
- Most Japanese seem to feel that the ban on exporting arms is not likely
to be lifted in the immediate future. The manufacturers of arims, however,
feel that whether right or wrong the fact that the Committee on Defensive
Arms Production of Keidanren plans to propose a Japan-American joint arms
development agreement to the National Defense Council is one step towards
helping to break the taboo of anything related to weapons.
The Defense Agency, however, appears to be maintaining a cool position.
- Former U.S. Under Secretary of State, George Ball, recently made some
specific proposals in the Washington Post. He suggested that Japan immedi-
ately construct two large aircraft carriers and lease them to the U.S.
Navy. This idea has also been a sub~ect of discussion among members of
the U.S. Congress. But aircraft carriers are an offensive type of armament
and unsuited to Japan's particular defense needs. Leasing the carriers
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would amount to the same thing as exporting them. Mitsubishi Heavy Industry
feels that this is a political question but that the Japanese arms industry
nevertheless has more than adequate capacity to construct the carriers.
Construction coats could amount to 4 billion dollars and would gtve the
shipbuilding business an excellent opportunity to extricate itself from the
present recession.
In contrast to an increase in assertiveness on the part of the arms industry,
the all important Defense Agency is not presenting itself too aggressively
right now. This could be due in part to the recent scandal involving leaked
military secrets. But the arms industry feels that the Self-Defense Forces
and the sta~f at the Technical Research Development Institute know all too
well that defense capability is weak and they therefore sympathize with
the impatience expressed by the industry.
At present the annual earnings of the arms industry amount to nothing more
than 400 billion yen--about the same scale as sales in the ice cream
industry--but the business is booming and it now has the capability of
becoming ar, industrial wizard.
,
- COPYRIGHT: Mainichi Shimbunsha 1980
9500
CSO: 4105
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
MANUFAC~.'URERS BEGIN DEVELOPING 'SUPER-COMPUTERS'
OW191259 Tokyo NIHON KETZAI SHIMBUN in Japanese 18 Apr 80 Morning Edition
P ~
[Excerpts] It has been made clear that two leading Japanese computer
makers--Hitachi, Ltd and Fujitsu, Ltd--are independently developing
super-highspeed computers (commonly known as "super-computers for
scientific and technological use. Characterized by their computing
capability dozens of times faster than ordinary super-large general
purpose computers currently in use, the "super-computers" have latel~
been in great demand--mostly in Western Europe and the United States--
for their capacity to procesa complicated calculations needed in atomic
energy development, defense research, meteorologtcal analysis and other
areas.
Some Japaneae firms~ such as the Mitsubishi Research Institute and major
computer centera, have atarted introducing these computers but, since
there are no dome~tically produced auper-computers available yet, they are
relying on those imported from the United States which cost about 1 billion
yen each.
Hitachi and Fu~itsu are speeding up the development of super-computers
believing that their demand will increase also in Japan as it advances
- in the level of atomic energy development a~id defense research. Thus,
Japanese made super-computers may possibly make their appearance within
this year, putting an end to U.S. monopoly in the field.
The super-computers bting developed by Hitachi and Fujitsu are dozens of
times faster in making calculations than ordinary super-large units
currently in use--Hitachi's "M-200H" and Fujitsu's "M-200." Both com-
panies are making haste with the development of new units in both hard- -
ware and software areas; and if everything goes smoothly, Fu~itsu is
scheduled to announce ite success within this year and Hitachi next year.
Explaining why they are developing the super-highspeed sets, the two
companies say, "These computers are in great demand by users and it will
be advantageous to us makers in receiving orders for bigger systems to
add them to the line of products." (As told by Katsumi Fujiki, director -
of Hitachi, Ltd and chief of the Hitachi computer pro~ect center.) -
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The Ministry of International Trade and Industry and software makers
have been calling for the domestic production of super-computers, noting
the fact that these super-highspeed systems have become an indispensable
tool for mapping out defense, atomic energy, development and other
important national strategies.
Meanwhile, hardware makers have decided to develop them, believing that
the demand for super-highspeed systems will steadily increase--mainly
in ma~or computer centers, research institutes and universities.
COPYRIGHT: Nihon Keizai Shimbunsha 1980
CSO: 4105
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
MACHINE TOOL INDUSTRY BOOMING, ROBOT PRODUCTION TO SOAR
Tokyo NIHOI~ KOGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 26 Feb 80 pp 30-31
[Text] The machine tool industry's improvement in productivity is showing
amazing development. This industry has been going into all our promotion of
unmanned production processes and automation as the countermeasure to the in-
creasing cost of manpower. Parallel to the development of new and powerful
machines has been the active investment in facilities by the automobile and
electrical machine industries, while the technological front has seen the
introduction of electronics in the creation of "unitized machine-electric"
concept which is seeing the expansion into new areas which have created active
demand for accelerating the need for higher productivity. The situation in
the machine tool industry and industrial use robot industry is particularly
outstanding.
The machine tool industry is experiencing increased orders mainly along the
lines of machining centers and NC tool machines, such that the production
volume for JFY 1979 is expected to be 400 billion yen or more, which will be
the highest in history. Machining cente.rs and NC tool machines are now being
acquired by medium and small industries. At the same time, the machining
centers and IVC tool machines of Japan are ahead of other countri~es in the
- matter of cost and technology, as a result of which foreign industry is
clamoring for these items. These are the factors responsible for these orders.
As a result of this situation, the various tool machine makers are in full
operation trying to keep up with these orders. Machining centers and NC tool
machines, which are the elite of the machine world, are being scrambled for
by the people in charge of both domestic and export business companies,
according to the news. An industry which only yesterday had been beset with
all kinds of troubles is now enjoying unbelievable prosperity. In another
direction, the machine fabrication makers who introduced machining centers and
NC tool machines are employing increased productivity and cost down as well
as rational policies, and have achieved considerable success. On the other
hand, electric power, gas, specialty steels, and transport costs are all
j expected to increase, and the factors for cost increase are expected to be-
come more and more severe in the future. The machining center and NC tool
machines, which are the trump cards for rationalization and labor saving
measures, are expected to see more efforts to produce machines of lower cost
and increased unmanned operation. The various machine tool makers are com-
plying with these users' demands by concentrating their technological strength
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on serializing established lines of machinery and promoting development of new
machinery, which will enhance productivity even more. It is said that some
of these machines will be displayed at the tool machine display city which is
expected to be opened in Tokyo this fall. The account that follows will
describe directions in rationalization measures taken by the tool machine
industry and users and the development situation of new machines for the future
focusing mainly on machining centers and NC tool machines.
Production Sustained by Trend to Energy Conservation Will Hit Maximum of 400 _
Billion Yen (JFY 1979)
Orders for tool machine hit bottom in JFY 1975, from which time they have been
increasing, and it was about the spring of JFY 1978 that each company began
to sense the boom in orders. It is said that the tool machine industry suffers
long periods of recession, and there was some feeling that "maybe we are grad-
ually encountering a boom" was being created, but this trend to increase in
orders did not experience a downward trend even when this new year was entered,
and any pessimistic feeling about the boom seems to be disappearing.
Looking at the trend in orders received by the major 68 companies as compiled
by the Japan Tool Machine Industrial Association, the peak in orders in the
past occurred in 1973 when they totaled 239.5 billion yen, from which there
was a decline, and this total dropped to 157.38 billion yen in JFY 1975, or
about half the peak value 2 years before.
~ortunately orders bottomed out in JFY 1975 and ~hen turned upward and
totaled 270.58 billion yen in 1977, which represented an 11.8 percent increase
over the previous year and then rose to 325.9 billion yen in JFY 1978, which
was an increase of 20.3 percent over 1977. The orders in JFY 1979 up through
September totaled 358 billion yen, which was an increase of 42.3 percent over
the same period for the preceding year, and the rate of increase is becoming _
greater by the year.
Tool machines, which are often called mother :nachines, are part of an industry
that is readily controlled by the trends in the business enviroment and are
said to experience boom periods which last not more than a year. The present
boom is now approaching close to 2 years, and.there seem to be no signs of its
abating. The role of the sharp increases in orders for machining centers and
NC tool machines as the chief sustainers of this boom cannot be overlooked.
A NC tool machine is comprised of the three items of machine main body, servo
mechanism, and numerica~ control (NC). The necessary tools, point of ogeration,
separation, selection of tools, and exchange steps are placed in the memory
~ through punch cards, punch tapes, or magnetic tapes, and the machine reads
this information as it automatically p~rforms its fabrication operation. This
enables speedup of the fabrication process, high efficiency, and high precision
in product quality, and i~ does not r~quire highly experienced operators. At
~he same time, p.rocess control is readily exercised among its many advantages.
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In another direction, a machining center may be considered a type of NC tool
machine in the broad sense of the term. It possesses automated selection and
exchange facilities which enable the automated exchange of a number of tools
so that it can perform a series of operations such as milling, drilling, and
_ screw insertion on a single machine. A single operator can control the work
of a number of machines, and it is an outstanding example of a labor saving
device. Work on these NC tool machines and machining centers was begun in
earnest by the tool machine makers from about 1965, but not much progress was
seen until just before the oil shock.
There is the NC conversion rate (the number of NC tool machines produced divided
by the total number of tool machines produced) which serves as index of the
rate of use of NC tool machines, and data compiled by the Japan Tool Machine
Industrial Association report a value of 1.7 percent on the money value basis
for 1967 which increased yearly thereafter, but it was 1972 before this index
crossed the 10 percent level. This index was only 15.6 percent in 1973 when
there was sharp increase in orders. This value then rose after the oil shock
to 22.4 percent in 1976 and 29.4 percent in 1978, and is expected to break
the 40 percent level in 1979.
There are more than SO companies engaged in the production of NC tool machines.
Since there were about 30 companies during the 1965 era when NC machines first
began to find increased use, it is evident that this increased rate of use is
being accompanied by the entry of new producers.
Looking now at the order picture for machining centers, the rate of orders
lay stagnant at about 10 percent before the oil shock, but this increased
to 20.2 percent in 1974 and to 30.3 percent 3 years later in JFY 1977, and it
is expected to hit about 45 percent this fiscal year, showing an accelerating ~
increase.
One of the major factors responsible for this high level of growth of NC tool
machine production including machining centers has been the active introduction
of NC tool machines into the activities of the medium and small industries
following the oil shock. Another factor is the sharp increase in exports -
mainly to the United States market.
The merits of NC tool machines and machining centers did not register too
well on the general users before the oil shock because any increase in cost
could be absorbed by increased production, and the principal users were large
industries who were dedicated to mass production. Since 1974, however, op-
eration rates were on a downward trend, while raw material prices were headed
upward. The large industries, beset by these adverse conditions, in order to
~ buffer the absorption of these increased costs, turned to the medium and small
industries who supplied them for lowered costs for fabrication, as a result
of which there was need for rationalization on the part of large and small
industries alike. This situation was the impetus for the recognition of the
need for NC type machines, and the use of this type machines spread within the
- course of 1 to 2 years to the medium and small industries. This is one of
the major factors responsible for increased domestic demand.
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In another direction, it is clear that ever since the oil shock every maker _
has been actively promoting development of exports simed chiefly at the United
States, and this has been a prime contributor to increases in this area. At
the same time, NC tool machine and machining center technology is now at the _
top level in the world. The delivery time is short and the price is low. In
addition, the basic patents have run out, making for more ready export. These -
are factors which also contributed to this situation. In the final analysis,
all the environment advantageous to the tool machine makers of Japan was pre-
sent to enable this explosive expansion of the tool machine industry.
- In the wake of this rationalization and labor saving efforts to the facilities
used mainly by the medium and small industries and sustained by the favorable ~
increase in asports, the tool machine industry is exreriencin~ its best boom
in history, and there is a feeling among many of the people in the know that
~ this boom may still continue for a while.
At the present time, the small and medium industries in Japan number 180,000
with employee count between 5 and 9 and 105,000 with count between 10 and 99. �
Of this number of plants it is said there are little less than 90,000 machine
fabrication ~nterprises which require tool machines. Assuming that each
_ such plant will use two~tool machines, the number of tool machines needed to
fulfill such a demand will total 180,000 or so, and it is said that NC machines
makes up 6-7 percent of this total.
It is said that the industry which succeeds in high additive value and high _
precision products which is equivalent to the establishment of a rationalized
and labo~ saving production system will be the survivors of the 80s. Such
being the case, medium and small industries which have not as yet introduced
NC tool machines or machining centers will have to go into all out effort to
switch over to NC type machines, and this is expected to bring further large
domestic demand �or these tool machines.
On the export front the American market, which is the prime target, is expected .
to put out considerable investment in tool machines, headed by the automobile
makers who are looking toward greater production of small automobiles, and
great expansions in this are expected. Technolbgical development of ma-
chining centers has been delayed in the European countries compared to Japan,
and sharp increase in exports headed for Europe is expected for the next 2-3
years.
Now, what is the counter policy of the tool machine makers in the face of such
expansion in demand. When there is shortage in boring machines and NC facili-
ties, it is not possible to simply increase production of these items. This
is thP feeling of the makers, and this boom in orders for tool machines is
_ expected to last at least until 1981. At least more and more people are
beginning to feel this way.
Development of Competition on the Vertical Type Machines
Increase costs of electric power, gas, and specialty steels were announced
with the ushering in of the new year, and all the associated materials are
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also experiencing increase in cost. The worl.d of users of these machines
such as transport related machines, electrical machines, general machines,
precision machines, and agricultural machines are experiencing great diffi-
culties in just how to absorb these cost increases.
Even assuming that part of this increase in cost will be accounted f.or by a
_ slide in product cost, the greater part has to be absorbed by rationalized
countermeasures. As a result, there is increasing awareness on the part of
the tool machine industry for the need to develop new NC tool machines which
can absorb such costups.
Whare the mach-lning center is concerned, a single unit presently costs 25
million ye~t or more, which is a steep price which serves as a mighty barrier
to mos[ medium and small industries. This is wl~y the question "is it possible
to lower this cost below 25 million yen" is being heard from mainly the
medium and small industries as the main stream of the users' complaints.
In another direction, the large companies which already have a considerable
number of machining centers on hand have established production systems in
which a single worker handles four or five machines and even as hi~h as eight -
machines, and they have succeeded in introducing rationalization and labor
saving innovations into their production systems. On the other hand, the
most recent offensive against the increase in costs includes a strong voice
which calls for the marketing of new machining center~ capable of even higY:er
production capability which can produce products of high add-on va.lue to en-
- hance the position in the international competitive market. The need for such
development has become one of the lines of thought with respect to users' needs.
All the to~l machine makers are putting ferth great research and developmental
ef�orts in order to fulfill this enhanced demand or. the part of th~ users.
Up to the present time, the horizontal type machining center was the main
stream of this type of tool machine. This horizontal type machine can cut
four planes of the object being machined, but the production is very com- _
plex, and that is why a single unit costs over 25 million yen. In another
d~rection, the vertical type is devised to cut only 2 planes, so it is
che4~er to produce, and it can be marketed for about 10 million yen. This
- vertical type machining center is the direction which is being promoted for _
the medium and small industries.
At th~ present time, there are 13 makers of horizontal type machines and 6
makers of vertical machining centers. Of these companies three produce both
horizontal and vertical types. The tool machine makers who presently are
limiting their production to only horizontal type machining centers are en-
- gaged in feverish developmental competition to promote their entry into
, production of vertical;type machining centers. It is ~aid that if all goes -
well, vertical type machining centers which the meditun and small industries
_ can afford will appear in the market this fa11.
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One other users' need is the demand for development of new machines which
produce goods with high add-on value and high productivity, and this need
is expected to become particularly strong on the part of airplane makers
who must make some ma,jor outlays in funds during 1982 and 1983. Japan's
airplane engine makers had participated in the production of the American
Boeing Company's "767" plane, and they were reported to have stated their ;
desire to introduce advanced machining centers and NC tool machines for _
parts production of these new airplanes. The tool machine makers look upon
the aircraft industry as one of their promising markets of the future, and
the companie~ which are producing these machinin~ centers and NC tool machines
are forming pro~ect teams and are putting forth great efforts in the develop-
ment of new machines to match the needs. It is possible that even more new
and higher level machining centers and NC tool machines will make their debut
within 1 or Z years when the investment by the aircraft companies will actually
be made.
- In addition, attention is being directed at the~development of a group control
system which will involve centralized control of NC tool machines and ma-
chining centers through computers and bring to materialization the unmanned ,
plant. Research and development on this system was initiated in 1965 at the
time the NC tool machines first began to be introduced, but its use has been
limited to but a very few of the large makers because of the costs involved.
On the other hand, it is said that the situation in the 80s will be one in
which even the medium and small makers will have to employ well grounded
and rational policies, otherwise they may not survive, and this is one of the
main reasons why this group control system is being given such close attention.
In any event, the tool machine industry will be unveiling a series of new
machines these next few years. These new NC tool machines and machining
centers are engaged in a marketing struggle that may light the fuse to the
explosion that will be the second order boom for tool machines.
Expect To See Leasing Companies Expand, Start T~o Be Made in April~
The industrial use robor industry has designated JFY 1980 as the "first year
for the popular acceptance of the industrial use robot," and all efforts are
being promoted to make it so. Considering the orderly increase in production
as attested by the 25 billion yen production of 2 years ago and the 30 billion
yen production of last year, it is thought that the robot has finally found
its niche in this world. There has been the highly optimistic prediction
that robot production in 1985 will be the "300 million yen" which will Ue
10 times the 1979 production (Japan Industrial Use Robot Industry). There
are people who ~laim the production may reach 90 billion yen in 1980, in-
dicating the very optimistic mood of the industry. Certainly the improved
productivity, enhancement of labor saving innovations,~and pursuit of iawered
cost are giving the various industrial sectors renewed expectations in the
performance of robots. It is said that Jaganese robots are the tops in the
world from the technological viewpoint, and this is an item that promises
to become an important export to the Western world.
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Unmanned Robot Plant
The industrial use robot leasing company which the industrial use robot in-
dustry had been feverishly awaiting will finally be set up on 1 April. This
new company is aimed at promoting the popular use of industrial use robots,
and it is a~oint effort of 30 companies which comprise the Japan Industrial
Use Robot Industry Association (president, Shinichi Matsuda) with capitaliza-
tion of 100 million yen. It will start operations with 2 billion yen, half
of which will be advanced by the Development Bank. Speci.fic activities will
involve purchase of industrial use robots which usera wish to lease from the
makers and lease them for 5-6 year periads. This syatem is expected to en-
able medium and small industries which heretofore had been unable to use
robots because of financial reasons to avail themselves of the benefits
of robot involved production. In another direction, it is the robot industry's
hope and expectation that these smaller industries will avail themselves of
this service.
Since the establishment of this leasing company is contingent on funds from
the Development Bank, funds have been provided in the government's budget
for JFY 1980. In addition there are two more preferential measures in t?ie
JFY 1980 budget proposal for industrial use robots which are 1) industrial
safety use robbt financing system available from public finance companies and
_ private finance companies and 2) special fund for industrial use robots from
" the important composite machine special amortization fund. This preferential
treatment policy is being incorporated under these three approaches despite
Che fiscal policies of the Ministry of the Treasury which favors reconstruc-
tion plana, and it may be said that there is no doubt that the industrial use
robot tias arrived. Put in another way, this is proof of the great expec-
tations of the different sectors in the performance of the industrial use
robot. All this is the result of today's Japanese industry being aware of
- the fact that the industrial use robot is an indispensible item for improv-
~ ing productivity and promoting labor saving innovations.
Make Possible Automation of Multiple Product Small Volume Production
An industrial ~ise robot may be defined in a simple manner as a device capable
of multiple actions in three dimensional space. When described in more de-
tailed manner, it is a machine with these features: 1) it possesses three '
- dimensional degrees of freedom, 2) it possesses flexibility in its functions,
3) it possesses thinking power. It can be classified according to the drive
mode such as pneumatically operated, hydraulically operated, or electrically
operated. It can be classified according to the control mode such as elec-
tronically controlled mode, hydraulically controlled mode, pneumatically con-
trolled mode, or relay controlled mode. It also can be classified according
_ to the functional morphology such as orthogonal coordinate robot or multiple
~ointed robot. It can be further classified according to the information
- order such as repeating robot or multiple function repeating robot. In
this manner, a number of classifications is possible. We will apply here an
input information and instruction type classification which is often used in
_ industrial circles. According to this classification, six classes are
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possible which are when listed from the simplest 1) manual manipulator oper-
ated by man, 2) fixed sequence robot which successively performs operations
according to a p:!'edetermined order, conditions, and positions, 3) viarable
sequence robot in which variations.from a fixed sequence can readily be
lntruduced, 4) playback robot which puts into memory tlie order, location,and
_ i.nformation related to operations which a man performs beforehand (functions
perfnrmed by the upper limbs of a man) which information is then played back
according to need, 5) numerically controlled robot which is given numerical
orders with respect to order, position, and information, and 6) intelligent
robot which poesesses sensory capability and recognition capability allowing
it to make decisions. At the present time, the fixed sequence and variable
- sequence robots make up the overwhelmingly greater fraction, comprising more
than 50 percent ui the total. On the other hand, there is a small but definite
trend to greater use of higher level robots such as the playback robot and the
intelligent robot. There will be increased demand for automation of assembly,
inspection, and measurement processes in the future, and this is expected to
increase the demand for intelligent robots.
In any event, the industrial use robot has made feasible the multiple product
small volume production mode which heretofore had been considered very dif- _
ficult, and this is expected to enable a large increase in production. At
~ the same time, there will be contribution not only to improvement in pro- ~
ductivity but to the weltare of the workers in the prevention of industrial
injury or occupational diseases through the use of robots in hazardous oper-
ations and adverse environment operations. In this manner, the working en-
vironment will be improved, making this technology useft*1 in improving the
human welfare and safety aspects.
Annual Production of 900 Billion Yen Expected To Be Attained in the 1980's,
Improved Labor Safety
It is said that the term in~ustrial use robot was coined in the United States
sometime during the 1960s. The American companies Unimate and Barsatran
which today are synonymous with industrial robots unveiled their first ro-
bots back in 1962. In Europe the Kaufelt Company of Sweden developed an
instrument which would operate according to a program along about the same
time. At about the beginning of the 1960s there had already been the de-
velopment of the~fixed sequence mode robot in Japan, while development of
the playback robot was started in the latter half of the decade through self
development and introduction of foreign technology. The present robot ma.kers
had entered the field by the start of the 70s and began bonafide business
activities. There was the sharp increase in production volume from 1975,
and this increase in production is being maintained at the present time. There
are about 140 industrial robot makers in Japan, which is much more than the
40 or so companies in tY?e United States and Europe. Even when 3udged from the
standpoints of research and development efforts and the use situation on in-
dustrial robots there seems to be no question thar_ Japan is ahead of Lhe world
in this area.
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It was along about 1968 that research and development and introductton of
the industrial use robot became active in Japan. The playback robot had been
introduced from the United States and disclosed the previous year, wtiich
greatly stimulated Japanese industry. The initial production was consigned
mainly for use within one's own plant, and there were many problems which
emerged with its use. This situation was compounded by the recession that
was the aftermath of the oil shock, and production of robots did not increase
as much as had been initially anticipated. It can be said production of
robots began to show real increase along about 1975. There was an increasing
trend to invest in labor saving and automated processes in order to increase
productivity in the face of increasing cost of materials and labor, and this
caused the turning to robots to provide this pathway. The production volume
was 11.1 billion yen in 1975 which rose to 14.1 billion yen in 1976, 21.6
billion yen in 1977, and 24.7 billion yen in 1978 for an average annual rate
of increase greater than 30 percent. In crossed the 30 billion yen mark in
1979. The number of units produced has grown from the 4,400 units in 1975
to 7,299 in 1976, 8,600 units in 1977, and 9,600 units in 1978.
It is thought that robot production will see sharp expansion even greater
than what has been experienced in the past because of the strong demands
resulting from improved productivity of the industrial world and the need
for labor safety. Even the projected demand as deduced by the Japan Indus-
. trial Use Robot Industrial Association expects production volume of 87
billion yen in 1980 and 290 billion yen in 1985, reflecting the high rate of
increase in producLton that is anticipated. Since the volume in 1979 was
30 billion yen, this means roughly a 10-fold increase during a 6-year period.
Looking at these figures, should the leasing companies expected to start
operations this April perform as expected, there will be expanded demand
from the medium and small company area as a result of which there seems to
be cause for the optimism "the day of 300 billion yen production is rapidly
approaching" (Japan Industrial Use Robot Industrial Association). There are
some in the industry who believe that the 900 billion level of production may
be attained in the 1980s, and the picture of the robot industry in the 1980s
seems to be completely rose colored.
Greater Part of Demand Volume for Automobile and Electrical Machine Applica-
tions
Looking now at the different areas in demand for industrial use robots, here
again automobile and electrical industry related demands stand out, and these
two industries account for more than half the total demand. Excluding the
needs of these two industries, the remaining demand for industrial use robots
is divided nearly equally among the other industrial areas. Some specific
demand figures for 1978 show the automobile industry accounting for 35 percent,
the electrical machine and equipment manufacturing industry 25 percent, syn-
thetic resin fabrication industry 8 percent, metal products manufacturing
industry 7 percent, and metal fabrication and machine production industry
5 percent. There are also the shipbuilding, bicycle, steel, nonferrous metal
_ products, engineering and construction, and chemical industries which also
~vail themselves of the use of robots.
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Overwhelming Number of Welding Applications Which Will Be the Expanding New
Demand Area
When classified according to applications, welding use, painting use, and
machine finishing use come to mind, and welding applications are expected to
become the dominant area according to present indications. Of these welding
applications, spot welding i:~ the automobile industry will account for the
greater part. On the other hand, demand for arc welding increased very
recently, and the field of application ie surely broadening out. Since a
couple of years ago all the companies developed new products along the lines
of painting, and this may be considered an area where greater demand can be
expected from here on. The machine finishing applications presently include
relatively simplc operations such as cutting and polishing operations, press
finishing operations, and die cast finishing operations which account for
the major fraction in this area, however, it is expected that computer con-
trolled screw tightening, assembly, and crimping operations will become
possible along with some complex assembly operations. Should the use of
robots to perform such complex operational steps become possible, the demands
from the various industrial areas are expected to increase more rapidly.
Looking back at the situation up to the present time, the bulk of these appli-
cations has been in the manufacturing area. On the other hand, the future
is expected to see expansion into marine industry, nuclear power related
activities, medicine and well being applications, agriculture and forestry
applications, and construction applications in addition to manufacturing
applications. Some representative applications include nuclear power plants,
radioactive waste processing plants, administration to needs of physically
handicapped and bedri.dden aged people, underwater construction, orchard
harvesting operations, agricultural spray application, reinforcing steel
assembly, and painting of bridges. It~may be said there is no end to the new
applications which are possible.
In addition, industrial use robots have good potential for being a promising
export item. As mentioned before, the base technology for these robots was
imported, yet Japan is i.ow ahead of the world in the matter of practical
robots such that there is little if any import at the present time. At the
present time, exports account for but 3-4 percent of the total production
because of the development of application technology in this country and the
need to fulfill domestic demand. On the other hand, foreign demand is in-
creasing headed by the United States and the European countries and even from
the Soviet Union and the eastern European countries, and it has been predicted
that "by 1985 the export ratio is expected to approach 20 percent" (Japan
Industrial Use Robot Industrial Association). -
Now, as the industrial use robot becomes more sophisticated and more widely -
used, the prospects of unmanned plants are coming closer to reality. There _
are no completely unmanned plants in operation at the present time, but it
is said that this reality will come to pass once a malfunction diagnostic -
system and self running robot are developed. There are already palette
stacking units and unmanned syszem incorporating broken tool detection devices
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in operation in the fabrication and finishing front. This system has automated
palette changers and palette holders combined with MC. Means of detecting
broken tools include 1) recording the current throughout the main shaft motor
to detect any change from the normal running current which may arise as the
result of a damaged tool and stopping the unit when there is a deviation from
Chis normal current and 2) detecting changes in spindle head vibration patterns
_ as indicator of damage. This system is being given special attention because
it can be used for small lot operations which require many shape alteratio:is
during the day when there is personnel about and in unmanned operations at
night in operations involving the fabrication of items of simple sh:~pe. In
this manner, the system can be operated at the whim of the user. riany systems
have been developed in the manner described above. There is already an auto-
matic dimensional correction mechanism which has been developed, and it may
be possible that a completely unmanned plant may make its appearance as early
- as the latter half of 1980. Once unmanned plants are developed, not only will -
two-shift or three-shift work systems be improved, but a great boost to pro-
ductivity will also result.
In any event, the industrial use robot is expected to 1) improve productivity,
2) prevent labor disasters, minimize incidence of occupational diseases, and
eliminate hazardous situations, 3) conserve energy and resources, 4) provide
comfortable working environment, and 5) assure ample labor for secondary
industries. There is no question that dFinand for these industrial use rabots
will continue to increase from here on. Technologically speaking, Japan heads
the world. The industrial use robot may become the glamor industry which will
be representative of this country in the 1980s.
= COPYRIGHT: Nihon Kogyo Shimbunsha Tokyo Honsha 1980
- 2267
CSO: 4105
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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
CORROSION-RESISTANT CR-MN-FE ALLOY DEVELOPED
Tokyo NIKKAN KOGYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 25 Mar 80 p 4 �
[Text] USSR's Groznyy Science Academy Metallurgical Re-
search Tnstitute Corrosion Test Laboratory has developed
a=.new steel that is not only corrosion-resistant but
sterile as well, and a chrome-manganese alloy entirely ,
free of nickel. Until now, non-corrosive steel meant
mainly chrome-nickel steel, but both chromr. and nickel are
rare metals and their value is expected to increase in
the future. The two products under discussion were de-
veloped with a view to conserving these precious metals.
In particular, the new steel "EP667" requires far leas
chrome and nickel to manufacture than the traditional
variety. Mpreover, it is sterile and thus it is ex-
pected to be a useful material in a wide variety of
fielda including food production and medical equipment,
The research institute at the Groznyy Academy has been engaged in classifi-
cation research of various steel components with high corrosion resistance
and which requires less scarce alloy additives to manufacttre. Many varia-
tions were tested and the satd new steel was produced as a result.
According to the disclosure made by the institute, the said alloy requires
8 percent less nickel aud 5 percent le:ss chrome than the traditional acid.
resistant steel, yet it is said to have a high degree of corrosion resis-
- tance. Although it was left to the elements for 5 years without applica-
tion of anti-corroaive paint and other protective shields, there was no
trace of corrosion anywhere. AnothEar experiment verified that the new
steel--like silver--is sterile. This characteristic is an extremely useful
feature for the food and medical equipment industries. It i:: reported
that the vaccum steam sterilization facility using this new material has -
been put intc operation at the pharmaceutical factory at Tbilisi.
Chrome~manganese alloy without any nickel was also developed with view to
conserving the precious metal. It can hold its own in 300�C high tempera-
ture sulfate. In the case of chrome-nickel a11oy, there is 100 - 150 milli-
gram loss per square meter in an year but the tests on the new alloy re-
vealed that there was zero loss.
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The said research institute has a long list of achievem~nts in corrosion-
reaistant materials research. To cite one recent example, it discovered
among the factory waste materials a property that increased the effective-
ness of anti-corrosion padnt, and applied this discovery to the development
of a new anti-corrosion paint for vessels. At present several kinds of
alloy materials intended for use for medical equipmc:.nt, trains, sea water
pipes, in liquid helium and in high temperature fluorine are being de-
veloped at the institute. -
CUPYRIGHT: Nikkan Kogyo Shimbunsha 1980
11460 '
CSO: 4105 END
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