JPRS ID: 9378 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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JF'RS L/9378
31 October ~98~ ~
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U SS R Re nrt
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POLITICAL AN~ SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CFOUO .20/8C~3
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JPRS L/937$
31 October 1980
_ USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIO LOGfCAL AFFAIRS
. ~
(FOUO 20/80)
COHTENTS
INTERNATIGNAL
Eook Analyzes U,S. Foreign Policy Decision Maki.ng -
- (F. G. Bogdanov, A. A. Kokoahin; INFORN`,ATSIYA
I VDT~SHNYAYA POLITIkA, 1979j 1
Book on PLobletns of Interstate Coogeration -
(V, I, Popov, et al.; SSSR I PRQBLEMY -
- MEZHGOSUDARSTVENNOGO SOTRUDNICHES'1'VA, 198C) 3
REGIONAL _
Kazakhstan Soc:.al Structure Development Under Socialiam
- (M. S. Azhenov; ~JOPROSY FILG~OFII, A.ug 8fl) 6 -
- . Development of Ukrainian-Moldavian Interethnic Marriages ~
_ (H. M. Zakharova; NARODNA TVORCHIST' TA
ETNOHRA..^IYA, Jul-Aug 80) 15
a - [ZTZ - t75SR - 35 FOUO j =
-I FOR OFFICI~L U~~ ON~'.~Y =
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� INTERNATIONAL
BOOK ANALYZES U.S. FOREIGN POLICY DECISION MAKING
- Moscow SBhA: INFORMATSIYA I VNESHNYAYA POLITIKA in Russian 1979 signed
to press 7 Mar 79 ~pp 1-2, 309-311 ~
[Table of contents and brief description of book by P. G. Bogdanov and
A. A. Kokoshin prepared under auspices of the Institute of the USA and
Canada of the USSR Academy of Sciences]
_ [Excerpts] Title Page:
- Title: SShA: INFORMATSIYA I VNESHNYAYA POLITIKA (The U.S.:
- Information and Foreigt~ Policy) -
Publisher: "Nauka"
' Place and year of publication: Moscow, 1979
Signed to Press Date: 7 March 19~/9
Number of Copies Published: 4,550
Number of Pages: 311 _
; Brief Des~ription: -
- In this monograph the role of information in working out and adopting
a U.S. fcrei~~n policy decisions is examined. The special features of
information practice 3n the State Uepartment and other U.S. foreiRn
policy departments are critically analyzed, as are the types and forms
of information that circulate in the state machinery and their role
- in forei~n policy activities.
~ Table of Contents
Introducticti 3
Chapter 1. ThP Current U.S. Foreign Policy Mechanism and Problems of
= Securing Information for Adapting Foreign Policy
- Decisions 8
~ 1 -
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~ 1. Questions of adopting decisions at. the highest level cf power... 19 -
2. The role of separate departments and their subdivisions in _
adopting foreign policy decisions 35
- 3. The role of Congress iii adopting foreign policy decisionS....... 44
- 4. The "Academic c:oramunity" and its role in formulating policy..... 54 -
. ~h apter t. Baurgeois F'~reigrr Policy Conceptions and Their Role in
- the U.S. Information-Analytical Frocess 68 _
1. Theoretica3-methodological bases of contemporary L~urgeois
= U.S. foreign policy conceptions 68 ~
~ 2. Bourgeois futurology as one of the components of the theoretical ~
basis for developing conceptions and prognoses tar the develop-
Ment of international relations . 93
Variations of the concept mf a"multipolar" world':'.............. 1Q1
4. ~he concept of ~"tr~lateral commuriity" of capitalist countries 132
5. The Bourgeois concepts of "polyarchy" and "mutual dependence".. 152 ,
Chapter 3. Lfethudological problems of Tnformation Work and American
Expert~' Methods of Approaching Them 176 -
1. Questions of the theory of information and the basic problems
of information-analytical work of the U.S, foreign policy
- mechanism 176
- 2. The development of Ainerican approaches to foreign policy
information in connection with attempts to improve the
- direction of foreign policy act-tvit3es 192
3. Factors of informatio:~ miscalculat3on.s in the U.S. foreign
policy mechanism 202
Chapter 4. Some Special Features of the Organization and Practice of
Information Work in the U.S. Foreign Policy Mechanism...,.... 208
1. The composi.tion and structure of the U.S. information-
analytical apparatus 208
2. Types and forms af information products ti~at circulate in -
- the U.S. foreign polic;y apparatus> 213
3. Problems of the analytfcal pr~cessing of information in the
State Department and non-governmental research centers......... 225
_ 4. Attempts to raise the level of information-analqtical work ~
= by introducing automated informatian systems 276
Conclusion 294
Bibliography 297
Index of Names 305
_ COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Nauka,," 1979
= CSO: 1800
2.
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INTERNATIONAL
BOOK ON PROBLEMS OF INTERSTATE COOPERATION
Moscow SSSR I PROBLEMY MEZHGOSUDARSTVENNOGO SOTRUDNICHESTVA in Russian
1980 5igned to press 24 Apr 80 pp 1-2, 247-248
[Table of contents and bri~f d~-~scription of book edited by V.I. Popov,
I.D. Ostoya-Ovsyaniy, and I.G. Usachev and prepared by collective of tk~e
Scientific-Research Department of the Diplomatic Academy of the USSR
Ministry of Foreign Affairs]
[Excerpts] Title Page:
Title: SSSR I PROBLEMY MEZHGOSUDARSTVENNOGO SOTRUDNICHESTVA (The
USSR and Prob~ems of Interstate CooperaCion)
Publisher: Mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya
Place and year of publication: Moscow, 1980
Signed to Press Bate: 24 Apr 1980
Number of Copies Published: 6000
Number of Pages: 248
- Brief Description:
This book examines the political, economic and legal aspects o~ interstate
cooperation, its basic goals, methods and means. An important spot is
devoted to the role of interstate cooperation in the course of restruc-
turing international relations.
Table of Contents
P-reface 3
Chapter 1. The USSR's Struggle to Establish and Develop Interstate
Political Cooperation (Yu. M. Mel'nikov) 13
1. Contrast between capitaliat and socialist 3pproaches to
interstate coo~eration 3.4
3
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_1
, 2. The dialectical connec~ion between the struggle and
comp~tition among states having two opposed systems
with their cooperation . 17
- 3. The leading role of political�cooperation in comprehensive _
ties among states with diff.erent social orders 19
- 4. Rise in the possibility and necessity of interstate
cooperation in the present epoch 23 -
5. The invariability of the USSR's course to establish and
develop political cooperat3on ~~ith different states 26
6. The construc~ive role of cooperation in interstate mutual -
relations 34
7. Successes of Soviet foreign policy in expanding and
. deepening interstate cooperation 41
Chapter 2. The Internatianul-Legal Bases for the Growth of Cooperation
Among States with Different Socia~ Orders 49
_ 1. The principles of peaceful coexistence as a legal basis
- for the deveLopment of r~lations of lasting, mutually
advantageous cooperation among states M. Ashavskiy) 49
2. Interratioizal agreement~ as a form of realizing interstate
= cooper.ation (B. M. Klimenko) 88
Cha~ter 3. Basic Dir.ections uf Soviet Foreign Policy in the Field
of Interstate Coaperati.~n (E. A. Merkulova) 109
" 1. Cooperation between socialist countr.ies as the highest
form of i~terstate cooperation 113
~ 2. Cooperation between the Sovi~t 'Jnion ar:d developing countries 119
3. The growth af cooperatlon between the Soviet ZJnian and
= ca~italisc countries--~ integral part o~ the process of
= relaxing international tension 123 -
- 4. The st~ruggle of the Soviet iJnion to further develop pol~.ticat
coaperation among states with different social orders in the
intereQts of gener.al pzace and securi.ty 12$
Chanter 4. Fo�rms and Piethod:~ of Political Geoperation Among States
~ iJitl: Different S~cial Orders (A. A. Likhotdl.' ) . . . . . . . . . 135
1. The crisis of military-force znethods and ~he means of
imperialist policy 137
2. Incre~se in the role of Soviet diplomacy in interstate
- relations 141
" 3. The evolution of imperiali:,t diplomacy from confrontation -
= to cooperation 145
- 4. Meetings at the highest level--a characteristic trait of
- contemporary international relations 153 -
5. The role of mu2tilateral interstate cooperation 151
- Chapter 5. I'he Role of the L'N in Strengthening and Developing
Tnterstate Cooperation (E. I. Skakunov) 169
1. Ttxe influence af objective factors of contemporary -
interr_ational relat3.oizs on the methods of UN functioning 170
, 4
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2. The basic directions of ~JN act~.vities in developing
interstat~ cooperation 179
3. Observing the Charter--the path to strengthening UN
effectiveness 183
Chagter 6. The Sovie* 'Union in International Econoaiic Relations 192
1. Basic Frerequisite~ far the internationalization of economic
life at the st~ge of the developed economy (I. D. Ivanov) 193
2. The climate of detente and ~conomic cooperation: the
dialectic of interrelation (P. A. Razvin) 199
3. Foreign econumic ties in the economy of developed
socialism (L. T. ~ukin) 217
4. The political-trade tools for cooperation (I. I~. Ivanov) 228
Footnotes 239
COPYRIGHT: "Mezhdunarodnyye otnosY~pniya," 1980
CSO: 1800
~
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REGIONAL
KAZ9KHSTAN SOCIAL STRUCTURE FIEVELOPMENT UNDER SOCIALISM
Moscr~w VOPROSY FILOSOFII in Russian No 8, Aug 80 pp 44-51
[Article by M. S. Azhenov (Alma-Ata): "Development of the Ka~akhstan So-
cial Structure Under Socialism"J
[Excerpt] Socialist social structure in the country as a whole and in Ka-
zakhstan in particular evolved during the late 1930's as a result of imple-
anentation of Lenin's plan for building socialism: industrialization, col-
lectivization of agriculture, and cultural revolution. By this time, all
the exploiter classes and their remnants had been eliminated in the country,
as was secured in the 1936 Constitutic,n. The new social structure of our
society consisted of the working.class, the kolkhoz peasantry and the popu-
lar intelligestsia. l~11 elements of the social structure af Soviet society
classes and social gxoups now be:.ame socialist by their very nature.
A unitypical social structure evolved in all the union and national repub-
lics.
The uniformity of the social structure did not, however, eliminate certain
peculiarities of it in the ind~.vidual republics and regions of our country.
Of course, these features did not touch on the essential characteristic of
the social structure. Nonetheless, there exist in the different regions and
union republics definite difference both quantitative and qualitative in na-
ture which reflect the historical features of the shaping of the social
structure of the popuiations of particular regians, the unique position of
that region in the unionwide division of labor. .
One feature of the social structure of the population of Kazakhstan is the
comparatively higher proportian of the working class in it and the lower
proportion of the kolkhoz peasantry as compared to the union as a whole (in
_ 1970, workers comprised 56.7 percent of the entir.e population aind 68.1 per-
cent of the population of Kazakhstatl; figures for the kolkhaz peasantry were
20.5 and 8.2 pereent, respectively}.
- Growth in thP size of the working class is characteristic of the entire coun-
try, especially in the 1960's. But the working class has grown even faster
in the republics of the Sovi~t east. The 1959 and 2970 censuses est~blished
6
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the following indicators for t~hat growth: Kazakh SSR from 58.4 to 66.3
percent,.Uzbek SSR 39.2 to 45.7 percent, Kirghiz SSR 39.7 to 53.6 per-
cent, Turkmen SSR 37.3 to 41.2 percent, Ts~ik . SSR 29.1 to 42.0 per- _
cent.l
In 197G, the workir~g class comprised 56.3 percent of the entire employed po-
pulation af the republic. That was the highesC indicator in the Union as a
whole. Even such industrially developed republics as the RSFSR and the Ukr-
aine had lower proportions of the working class (61.6 and 51.8 percent).
The nationality composition of the republic's workirig class has been chang-
ing, the total number and proportion of Kazakhs having increased signifi-
cantly over the last 40 years. The total number of Kazakh workers in the
republic was 224,000 in 1939; it was 412,000 in 1959 and 823,000 in 1970.2
In the 1970's, the rates of quantitative growth in the working class were
low in all the Union republics, including Kazakhstan. But nonetheless, more
than 70 percent of the employed population is now in the working class~ which
is approximately 10 percent higher than the unionwide level. But in 1939,
the proportion of the working class in the USSR as a whole and in Kazakhstan
were nearly identical (33.5 and 33.8 percent). What has caused the autstrip-
ping rate of num~rical growth in the working class of Kazakhstan?
aver the last 30-4Q years, Kazakhstan has moved significantly ahead in terms
of development of industry,and agriculture. .
In descril~ing the state of indu~trial development of Kazakhstan since the
adoption of the first Constitution of the Kazakh Republic in 1937, D. A. Ku-
nayev noted that "literally everythinA that provided Kazakhstaa with an op-
portunity to become a full-blooded, bloseoming republic in an insoluble al-
- liance of Soviet peoples changed,... Figuratively speaking, another 45 new
Kazakhstans arose during that time, in terms of overall industrial outpue~
Our industry now produces in eight days what it praduced in all of 1937." _
The high rates of republic industrial development demanded increasingly more
manpower. All union republics, and the Russ~an Federation in particular,
were of enormous assistance in the industrial development of Kazakhstan.
One manifestation of this assistance was the sending of experienced, skilled
workers from other fraternal republics to the ind~~strial enterprises and new
1. "Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya" [Census Results], Moscow, 1973,
Vol S, pp 26-33.
2. See: A. Ishmukhamedov, "Rabochiy klass i nauchno-tekhnicheskaya iatel- -
ligentsiya" [The Working Class and the Scientific-Technical Intelligen- '
' tsia], Alma-Ata, 1977, p 51.
3. D. A. Kunayev, "Izbrannyye rechi i stat'i" [Selected Articles and
� 5peeches), Moscow, 1978, p 487.
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construction sites of Kazakhstan, which facilitated sigr?ificantly reinforc- -
ing the tepublic's working class.
Another reason for the rapid increase in the number of people in the repub-
' lic's working class was the mastering of the Virgin and long-fallow lands
of Kazakhstan in the late 1950's. The Virgin Lands waS the work and a crea-
ticn of the entire Soviet people. "Developing the Virgin Lands," writes L.
I. Brezhnev in his book "Tselina" [Virgin Lands], "fs a great idea of the
Communist Party, one whose implementation has helped, thinki~g in historical
terms, instantaneously transform lifeless and wild, but abundant, steppes in
the country's east into a region with a developed economy and high cultural
standards."1 Dozens of new sovkhozes were created in the ~mpty expanses of
- the steppes. The influx of manpower into Kazakhstan from other union repub- _
lics was at that time a massive undertaking. During just the first two
years of mastering the Virgin Lands in Kazakhst~n, 350,000 volunteers ar- ~
rived from other republics. Mastering the Virgin Lands turned out to have
a definite influence on changing the quantitative relationships between the
classes and social groups in the republic's social structure.
In the 1950's and 1960's, the number of agricultural workers ir, the republic
increased sharply. During those same years, the numbzr of people in the kdl- -
~ khoz peasantry decreased sharply, which was associatad with the intensive
transformation of kolkhozes into sevkhozes. The growth in the agrarian
working class at the expense of decreasing the number of kolkhoz members
was not, however,the main �actor in structural changes in the social compo- �
sition of the countryside. The organization and growth of new sovkhozes in
- the Virgin Lands and on long-fallow land played a more important role. For -
example, the total number of sovkhozes in the republic was 262 in 1950, 879
in 1960, 1,864 in 19.75, and 2,035 in 1978. The average annual number of sov-
khoz workers was 116,000 in 1950, 526,200 in 19fi0, 892,500 in 1975, and -
966,900 in 1978. During the 1950-1978 period, the total number. of sovkhoz
workers increased more than nine-fold in the republic.2
At present, agricultural Workers comprise nearly 25 percent of the republic's
entire working class (not more than .10-?2 rercent for the USSR as a whole).
Thus, the higher proportion of Che working c.lass in the social structure of
the Kazakh republic as compared with the unionwide proportion is to be ex-
plained first of all by the accelerated growth in the size of the sovkhoz
detachment in the working class under the ~::~ique conditions of mastering the
Virgin Lands and lon~-fallow land of Kazakhstan due to the influx of man-
power from other union republics.
1. L. I. Brezhnev, "Lenins'~cim kursom. Rechi, privetstviya, stat'i, vospo-
minaniya" [On Lenin's Course~ Speeches, Greetings, Articles, Recollec-
� tions], Moscow, 1979, Vol 7, p 140.
2. "Narodnoye khozyaystvo Kazakhstana v 1978 godu" [Kazakhstan Econ~my in _
1~78], Alma-Ata, 1979, p 99. -
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. The past 20 years have been characterized by .3 reduction in the numbers and '
proportion of the kolkhoz peasantry throughout the country. In 1959, kol-
khoz members comprised 33.3 percent of the employed population of the USSR
as a whole, bvt in 1978 only 11.5 percent. But this reduction has been
especially noticeable in Kazakhstan: the proportion of kolkhoz members de-
creased mose than four-fold here.
Nonetheless, dur~.ng the 1970's this pro~.ess slowed as compared to the 1960's.
Whereas in 1959-1969 the proportion of kolkhoz members ir. the country de-
creased from 33.3 percent to 15.5 percent, that is, more than two-fold, in
the 1970-1978 period it decreased by only four percent. This situation is
- to be explained by the fact that, f irst, kolkhozes became large, mechanized,
economically strong fazms in the 1970'sy so their conversion into sovY...;,ozes
slowed and nearly stopped in individual regions. Second, the rate ut migra-
' tion of the rural population to the cities dropped somewhat, especially in `
tha country's eastern regions, In Kazakhstan, for example, the total number _
of migrants had remained practically unchanged over the past decade. As con-
cerns such republics as Moldavia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzb~kistan,
however, the kolkhoz peasantry cpmprises quite a large part of their popula-
tions.
At the present stage, there are signfficant differences between urban and zu-
ral a~ceas. These differences concern all areas of people's lives: the eco-
nomy, culture, spiritual development, everyday life, material well-being,
and so forth. The city is.the economic, cultural and scientific center, and
- in many other regards it also has an advantage over the countryside. This _
attracts the rural population, especi~lly young people. There a numerous
objective and subjective reasons facllitating the migration of a portion of
the population to the cities. According to 1979 Census data, the urban po-
pulation in~ressed by 27.6 millio~. people over 1970, including 12 million
throu$h nacural increment and 15.5 million through the conversion of rural
centers .'.nto urban ones and due to movement of rural residents to the cit-
ies. And although the natural ~opulation increment in rural areas was 8.7
million in the neriod between censuses, the rural population did not in-
= crease, due to the reasons indicated, but rather decreased by 6.9 million.l
The reducCion in the proportion of the rural population also occurred in _
Kazakhstan, although considerably more slowly here than in the country's
western republics, but the total rur.al population in the republic not only -
did not 3ecrease during the period between the last two censuses, but rather
- it increased. In 1970, the r~public's rural population was 6,471,000 people,
but it was 6,154,000 people at the end of 1979. Thus, the annual increment
- in republic rural popuiation averaged more than 33,000 people during the _
- 1970-1978 per.iod.2 -
� 1. See: PR.AvDA, 22 A~pril 1979.
2. See: "Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1970 goda" [197g Cpnsus Re-
sults~, Vol 5, pp 8-15.
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And the social structure of the country`s rural po~ulation is also some~hat -
different than in rhe country's westex-n republic;s. Whereas the percentage
of kolkn~z members in the social structure of tne rural population ~f ottier
re~ublics fluctua~es from ~5 to ~0 percent, in 1Cazakhstan the kolkhAZ pea-
= sxntry compr~.szs only 15.4 gercer?t cf the rural population, and 84.6 percent _
are workers and employees.l Thus, the growth in the rural population of Ka-
zakhstan has occurred primarily in the sovkhoz detachment of the working
class.
The slight increase in the rural population of Kazakhstan between the last
two censuses is to be explained f irst of all by the c~mparat~vely high na-
tural increment in our republic as compared ~.~ith the European portion of the
Union. For example, the birth rate per 1,000 people for the country a~ a �
whole in rural areas was 20.1 in 1978, while it was 28 in Kazakhstan.2 Se-
cond, as statistical data show, the migration of rural residents to the cit- ~
ies was lower in Kazakhstan than for the USSR as a whole. It should be taken _
into account that Kazakhstan has become one of the basic grain-growing and -
stockraising regions tn the Union. The republic provides the country with
more than a b illion poods of commodity grain annually. More and more grain
sovkhozes are being cr~ated, especially in th~ r~public's northern and east- -
ern regions. Worker wages on these sovkhozes are higher than in other re-
gions of the country. Good living conditions, material well-being and fav-
orable conditions for acquiring agricultural specialties, for quality recrea-
tion, and so forth, have been created for workers on the Virgin Lands sov--
- khozes. These circumstanc~s have a certai~? influence ~n the growth in the
rural population, ~~n securing young people in the villages.
But the growth in the rural population in Kazakhstan probably cannot be ex-
plained just by these reasons. Here, we encounter certain trends on a
braader scale, the influence of a whole series of factors discovered rela-
tive to a broader geographic region. As is known, growth in the Cotal size
of the rural population over the past 10 years is characteristic of all Cen-
tral Asian republics. In individual republics, such as the ~'~e'~:~~ SSR for
example, there has even been growth in the proportion of the rural popula-
tion and a reduction in the propor~.ion of the urban population. These de- _
mographic phenomena unquestionab].y demand additional research. -
In Kazakhstan, as in every unien republic, the aize of the intelligentsia is
growing. In Kazakhstan, the intelligentsia was formed durfng the years of
building soc ialism. In prerevolutionary Kazakhstan, one very rarely en- ~
countered people with a higher or secondary special education, especially
among the Kazakhs. The backward social structure of prerevolutionary Kazakh-
stan totally lacked such strata of the intelligestsia as engineers, techni-
cians and scientists. Literacy among the Kazakhs was less than two percent.
' 1. See: "Itogi Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1970 goda" [Results of the
~ 1970 Census], Vol S, pp 8-15.
- 2. See: "Narodnoye khozyaystvo SSSR v 1978 godu" [USSR National Economy in
1978] , Moscow, 1919, p 25.
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_ The establ~stiment of Soviet power in Kazakhstan was the start of a genuine
- cultural revolution, the start of the formation of a socialist people's in-
telligentsia. I.iteracy among the Kazakh population had already risen to 3.1 -
percent in 1920; in 1926 it had reached 10 percent, and by 1930 37 per-
- cent.l
In the 1930's, a numbei� of higher and secondary academic institutions had
been created in Kazakhstan and were training numerous specialists in vari-
ous branches of the national economy, science and culture.
In the post-war years, all the basic occupational detachments of the intel- _
ligestsia grew quite rapidly in the republic. In 1940, the total size of
the intelligentsia, plus employees, in the republic was 283,000 people, and
in 1978 1,647,000, that is, an increase of nearly six-fold during those '
years. The overwhelming majority of those employed at mental labor are _
- people with higher or secondary special educations, Chat is, specialists
= with degrees. In 1970, 340,200 degree-holding specialists with higher or _
secondary special educations worked in the republic national economy, and _
~.n 1978 1,207,000.
- Under present co~nditions, growth in the number of people with higher or se- _
condary special educations is an ob~ective law connected with the develop-
~ ment of the scientific and technical revolution and with the intellectuali-
zation of labor act~~vity. Growth in the number of people of intellectual
labor testifies to the continuous growth in the'potential of d2velopec? so- ~
cialism. In the 1979-1980 academic year, 54 higher and 223 secondary spe-
cial academic institutions were functioning in Kazakhstan, trafning 251,4Q0
WZ students and 260,200 tekhzikum students. Upwards of 100,000 degree- ~
holding specialists enter the republic national economy annually from the
WZ's and tekhnikums.
Profound qualitative changes are currently occurring in the development of -
the social structure of Soviet society. Qualitative ciianges in the social
groups of our society Are understood to mean first of all their transition
to a higher degree of qualitatlve maturity.
"The qualitative maturity of sociel graups" is quite a broad and complex con- ~
cept which includes all components of a qualitative description of the re-
presentatives of a particular social group: skill, occupational training,
_ level of education and culture, material well-being, level of consciousness,
sociopolitical activeness, and ao on. ~
- The modern socialist national economy is experiencing a high demand for
skilled workers. Growth in the ski11 of the working class is the order of
the day. ~
1. See: D. A. Kunayev, "Sovetskiy Kazakhstan "[Soviet KazakhstanJ, Mos-
cow, 1978, p 95.
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~ As a whole, the skill level of the Kazakhstan woricing class iags somewhat _
= behind Che unionwide level. This is evidently to b~e explained ~,y the fact
that one-faurth of the republi.:.�'s working class are ag~ricu].tural wc~rkers,
~ who thus far have a lower skill 1ev~1 than wor.'kers in industi�;�, transport, _
~ construction and other industrial 'branches of ~he national eronomy. -
At th~ sa~me time, the data from specific sociologieal xesearch show that the
educational level of workers in individual regions of Kazakhstan is higher
than the average indicator for the Union. According te sociolo~ical re-
search data, the average level of education of workers at t~arious i.ndus-
- trial and constructlon enterprises in Alna-Ata in ~.976 fluctua~.ed from 9.0
- to 9.4 grades. The average level o~ education of workers at the Karag3nda
Metallurgical Combine in ]976 wa~ 9.7 grades, at the Kustanay Worst~ds Com-
bi.ne 9.5, and at the Chimkent Lead Plant 9.3 grades.i _
' An important factor determining cultural growth in indzvidual social strata _
is th~ shaping of subjective stimuli for introducing representative~~ of a
- given social stratum to cultur.e (understanding tl~e occupationll, econ~uiic =
and sociopolitical nec~ssity of education, ideological-psychological direc-
tions ta master culture) and the inclusion ~of these aims in the system of
individual ne~ds. Sociological research done by R. A. Klesheva with Kara- _
ganda workers revealed that 45 percent of those surveyed linked higher edu-
, cation with growth in the worker's production-technical skills, opening up
opportunities for occupational advancement, a better skill category, acquir-
ing a new specialty (12.1 percent), improving their vocational-technical edu-
cation (16 percent), servicing complex and more interesting equipment (16.8
percent), and 23 percent of those surveyed think that raising one's overall
educational level facilitates qualitative change in the worker's status, as
it enables him to participate in managing production, in public work, in
technical creativity.
The sociopolitical activeness of the working class is growing in socialist
s~ciety. There is not one sphere of sociopo]:i.tical life in Seviet society
in which the working class has not played a decisive role. This is expres-
sed especially vividly in worker par.ticipation in managing the state and
production, in the work of public organizations. Given the nationwide state,
the working class remains che leading political force. This is borne out by
~ the growth in the proportion-of the working clase in the representative or-
- gans of state power, in the Soviets. Workers comprised 59.2 percenr of the
de~uties of the local Soviets elected in Kazakhstan on 24 February 1980 and
43.3 percent of the deputies to the Kazakh SSR Supreme Soviet, also elected
then.
Ho~ever, the working class is nonhomogeneous in terms of xi~s social struc-
ture. There are in the wcrking class stratq and groups which are advanced,
developed and less-developed in terms of occupaCional-cultural, political
1. See: "Nauchno-tekhnicheskaya revolyutsiya i dukhovnyy ~ir cheloveka"
[The Scientific an3 Technical Revolution and the Spiritual Uorld of Man],
Alma-Ata, 1979, p 138. '
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~ and social levei. Gra3ual elevation ~f fihe backwaxd strata of the workers
to the le.vel of th.c. leading stra~a is a law of d2velopment of the modern So-
= viet working class. 'Th~.~ proc.e.ss is characterized by an a~cc~leration of
- rates and 'ler~ds to an iac:reasingl}* qualitative improvemer.t in the composi-
tion c.f ~"he working cla~s.
~ Profound qualitative changes ~re also occurring in the kolkho~ peasantry and
in the intelligentsia, among employees. In Kazakhstan, the numbers and pro-
_ porti,ons of kolkhoz members in the social structure of society are not high,
but they plav an essentiaJ. role in the economic, sociopolitical and cultural
~ life of the republic. In agriculture, many new occupations associated with
mechanized labor have appeared as scientific an3 techni~al progress has de-
veloped, and the reverse is true: a number of manual-labor occupations have
disappeared and are disappearing. The numbers of tractor and venicle dri- ~
ver~, combine: operators and other kolkhoz members associated c~:ith operating
_ machinery have increased significantly. In the main, Kazakhstan kolkhozes
are economically powerful agricultural enterprises in which p~ople work at
the most diverse occupations. At present, more than ZO percent of all kol-
khoz members are machine operators, tractor and vehi~le drivers and comb~.ne
= operators. The educational level. of agricultural labo_ers is constantly ris-
ing. �
What moti~::~ do ~COlkhoz members and sovkhoz workers have for acquiring an
education? According to sociological research data from surveys done at a
number of kolkhozes and sovkhozes, 22.2 percent of those surveyed indicated
a d~sire to improve their ~kills, 17.2 percent wanted to know more, ].2.9
percent were trying not to fall behind others, 6.2 percent intended to en-
roll in a WZ or tekhnikum, eight percent indicated production requirements,
five percent indicated the public opinion of the collective, anc:�so forth.
Only 7.2 per~ent indicated that they were prompted to improve their educa-
tion as a way to increase their wages.l
As we see, the bulk of. the agricultural laborers view acquiring an educa-
fiion as a social and spiritual value. The Soviet countryside has made a
~very large leap, from illiteracy to the heights, in the field of education.
This especially applies to the Kazakr auls [mountain villages], where 60
- years ago it was hard to find people w~?o knew how to read and write. The
- republic's villages and auls now have quite a few people with higher or se-
condary special education. In 1977, some 3,800 people with higher educations
and 8,200 with secondary special educations were working on 404 republic
1. See: S. N. Soskin, "Sotsial'na,ya struktura sela i nar.odnoye obrazovan- ~
iye" [Village Social Structure and Public Education], Alma-Ata, 1979.
A cnmparison of these data with corresponding data given above for the
~ �orking class of Kazakhstan reveals certain differences in the actual
, status, both from the viewpotnt of the system of objective production,
social and cultural-personal conditions of the:r daily lives, and from
the view-point of the sub~ective aims being actudlized in this everyday
living and shaping concepts of "ideal" conditions for effecting it.
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kol.khozes.l This means that c?n averag~, each �repub?_ic kol'KYxG2 accour~ts for
_ . 33 pe~ple with higher or secondary special educations.
The qualita.*..ive comgosition of thc intelligentsia is impr~ving. Ti;is is ex-
- pressed in growt~ in the general xnd special knowledge of specialists, in
growth in their educational level, in a strengtliening cf the creative asgecLs
of cheir labor, in increased sociopolitical and labor activeness, increased
communist consciousness, and so on. The intelligentsia has an enormous in-
fluence on growth in the educational l~vel of thz warking class and kalkhoz
peasantry; it facilitates er~dica~ing important differences in the Zevels of
education of the social groups. According to data from sociolagical. re-
search done by the Kazakh SSR Academy of Sciences' Institute of Philosophy
and La~a at individual Alma-Ata eitterprises, the average level of education
of engineering-technical and ordinary workers drew considerably closer dur-
ing the 10 years from 1966 to 1975. For ~xample, the average level of edu-
cation of a worker at the Alma-Ata House-Building Combine in 1966 wa~ 7.8
grades and for engineerir_g-technical workers 11.4 ~rades, but in 1975
the figures were nine grades and 11.8 grades, respectively. In 1966, the
gap between engineering-technical and ordinary worlcers in terms of educa-
tional level was 3.6 gr.ades, but in 1975 2.8 grades.
The sociopolitical activeness of the intelligentsia and employees is grow-
ing. The role of degree-holding specialists in party and state organs, in
trade unions and. other public organizations, is large. Of the I25,622 depu-
ties elected to the republj.c's lncal Soviets in 1980, 39,683 were represen-
tatives of the intelligentsia: scientists, engineers, physicians, teachers,
agricultural specialists and athers. One-third of the membership in the xe-
public party organization also represents the intelligentsia. The republic
intelligestsia takes a most active part in the work of the primary party,
trade-union, Komsomol and other publ3~c organizations.
The Kazakhstan intelligentsia is multinational. Mast numerous are the Russ-
ian intelligestsia, then the Kazakhs and other nationalities. The propor-
tion of Kazakhs in the intelligentsia is growing faster than that of repre-
sentatives of other nations. For example, the number of Kazakhs among spe-
cialists with a highe~ education increased from 30,200 to 155,400 during
the 1960-1977 period, that is, mo~e than five-fold; the number of Russians
increased 3.3-fold, Ukrainians 2.6-fo].d, and so on,2
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", ."Voprosy filosofii", 1980
- 11052
cso: 182s
� 1. "Narodnoye kho~yaystvo Kazakhstana v 1977 godu" [Kazakhstan National
Economy in 1977], Alma-Ata, 1978, p 140.
~ 2. See: "Narodnoye khozyaystvo Kazakhstana v 1977 godu," p 141.
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REGIUNAI~
DEVE~dPMENT OF UKRA.INIAN-MOLBAVIAN INTERETHNIC MARRIAGES
_ ?Ciev NARODNA TVORCHIST' TA EZIQOHFAFIYA in Ukrainian No 4, Jul-Aug 80 pp 36-42 -
_ [Article by H.M. Zakharova on: "Development of Ukrainian-Moldavian Inter-
ethnic Marriages"] -
- [Text] ~One of the factors favoring an increase in socio-economic and cul-
tural relations among nationa, their all-around develapment and friendship
is an increase ~n the number of interethnic marriages. They are most co~nmon
in areas having a multinational population. Among these territories are the
southern rayons of the Chernavitskaya Oblast of the Ukrainian SSR and the
neighboring rayons of the Moldavian SSR where the two most numerous ethnic -
ca:amunities, Ukrainians and Moldavians,,have been in direct contact for
centuries. ~ge-old ethnic-cultusal tautual relations have, to some extent,
also affected the character of present-day interethaic proceeses in this
territory.l
This article is based on official statistical data and materiel obtained
fram ethni-sociological research conducted by the author between 1974-79
~ in Novoselitskiy Rayon, Chernovitskaya Oblast, Ukrainian SSR and Brichan-
skiy, Dondyushanskiy, Oknitskiy Rayans of the Moldavian SSR. The selectinn -
of these areas was determined by the gual of t~e research: The study of
inter-ethnic relations, particularly interethnic marriages among the Ukrain- _
ian and Moldavian rural populations in the areas of direct contact, and the
effect upon inter-ethnic processes by the nature of geographic diatribution
and the number of ethnic communities.
The spread of interethnic marriages is deteYmined by specific historical
and socio-economic conditions. Various factors affect its livireg character.
In pre-Revolutionary Russia, for example, the growth of interethnic mar-
riages was restricted by social-cl3ss and national oppression,,conf~essional,
lar~guage and other differences. With the formation of USSR, the emergence
of socialist nations and expansion of international contacts new stimuli
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appeared f~r a rise ir~ interethnic marriages;. Methoda of studying inter-
ethnic marriages in the Soviet Uri~on wele fiist developed by E?cademician
M.V. Ptukha wizo accomplished quite a lot in this area.~
The study of present-day interethnic marriag~s ia tied to an activisation
- of ethnp-sociological research which began in the 1960's initiated by the
_ Institute of E~hnography imeni M.M. Mikukho-Maklay of the USSR Academy of
Scienc;es. Theoretical questions of interethnic marriages were reaerached
in particular as well as their ethnic and social consequences.3
Later a number of generalizing publications appeared. These materials deal
with elaborations on the theory of nations and contemporary ethnic process-
es, their typology and ethno-cultural tendencies in peoples'ethno-cultural
, development .
~ Inter-ethnic relations in the Ukraine, processes in the ethno-cultural
development of pea~les, the formation c~f inter-national features in the
culture and life of workers in the UkSSR are diACUSSed in V. I. Naulko's
- monograph "The Development of Inter-ethnic Processes in the L"kraine". I~
this work, the author views inter-ethnic marriages aa one of thQ essential
factors in the general rapprochement [zblqzhennya~ of peoples. Individual
articles describe research on the question of interrelations between eth-
nically mixed mariiages and the internationalization in the mode of life of
the republic's population. Demographers also contributed somewhat to the
- study of lthe development of interethnic marr3ages in the Ukraine.5
Research into interethnic relations is becoming more urgent in connection ,
with the development and confirmation of new norma in the Soviet waq of
life. Of particular interest is the queation of inter-ethnic contact of
the two fraternal peoples--the Ukrainians and Moldavians--in areae of con-
tiguous settlement,..with conaideration of the character'of the population's
_ socio-political and cul~tural development.
A methodological point of departure, when examining the significance of
inter-ethnic marriage, is that, in this particular phenomenon,,as with
ethnic aspects of linguistic pracesses ([i.e.], changes in concepts con-
cerning the native language and where it is used), the processes of change
in ethnic identity is clearly traceable, particularly among the younger
generation.
Without touching upon general tendencies of the ethno-social development
of marriage-family relationsq which are not the ob~ect of our concert~,,
we will deal only with the influeace of interethnic marriages on the
development of Ukrainian-Moldavian interethnic relations, determining cer-
tain specifics in the development of mixed marriages caused by the character
of the ethnic environment, and also their individual ethnic consequences,
changes in concepts about ethnic membership, native language, etc.
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_ According to our studies of the spread of et~nically mixed and one natio.~-
= ality marriages in the rayons investigated, the former amount to 9.6 per-
= cent--more than their a~=erage number in the Ukrainisn sSR and 14oldavian
= SSR.6 Actually, real participation in etlhnically mised marriage~ in thE
- i~vestigated population is considerably wider, since in tihe prQvious g~nera-
tion (the parental) they also constituted a marked percentage: 6.8 percent
among Ukrainians and 10.5 percent among the Moldavian population investigated.
Data given below reflect upon the character of ethnically mixed marriage
- "component" dependence upon the ethnic population structure. They show tYiat
= ethnic environment specifics (national, other nationality) determine the
specific weight of representatives of one or another nation entering ~nto
conjugal contacts. It shauld be noted, thst the ethnic group compactness
in the zone is relative and requires consideration of other nztionality
groups. Among the Ukra~nians who live in their own ethnic environment,
~ Ukrainian-Moldavian marrj.ages amount to 2.2 percent, Ukrainian-Russian 1.2
percent; among Ukrainians who live in other than their own ethnic environ-
ment, Ukrainian-Moldavian marriages amount to 7.3 percent, Ukrainian-Russian
2.3 percent, Ukrainian-Bulgarian 1.0 percent. Among Moldavians who live in
= their own ethnic environment, most of t'ne ethnically mixed marriages (4.S
percent) are Ukrainian-Moldavian; 2.4 percent are Moldavian-Russian; 0.3
percent Moldavian-Polish; among Moldavians living in a Ukrainian environ-
ment, 'Jkrainian-Moldavian marriages amount to 11.8 percent Moldavian-
Russian 3.7 percent, M~ldavian-Polish 0.2 percent and also 0.2 percent
others (see Table 1).
Table 1
- Ethnically mixed and one nationality marriages among Ukrainian and Moldavian
population in relation to population ethnical structure [~QI;;p~ACE] (in9~)
(based on data from rayon sections of,ZAHS [registry office~ and question-
naires)
TABLE 1
Ukrainians Moldavians
in their own in other in thefr own in other
Marriages ethnic ethnic ethnic ethnic
environment environment envirornnent environment
one
nationalifiy 96.6 89.5 92.3 83.9
ethnically
mixed 3.4 10.5 7.7 16.1
The ethnic envirornnent character has an immediate affect on marriages: The
more possibilities exist for interethnic contacts the lower the indicators
for one nationality marriages among the population inve~tigated.
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~ in another ethnic environment, as ind,cated in the above data, more and
more ethnically mixed marriages apFear. Thus, ethnic environment character
- may be considerpd cne of the more importaat factors in the development ai
eth~iically mixed marri~ges for representatives of both ethnic groups.
~ Quite naturally, the most common interethnic marriaoes are among Ukrainians
and Moldavians. The "ethnic structure" can be explained both by the char-
acter of the ethnic contact environment (Ukrainian and Moldavian settle--
ments, specific weighr of these nationalities in the ethnic composition of
the population, etc.) and also by the closeness of cul*_ural-life s:yle,
- tYie presence of cammon features in economy. The above men~ioned conditions
are mast influential in the selection of a marriage partner among Che rural
population. It should be noted that in the past these ethnic marriages
were not hindered by the common religion, whereas among most nationa relig-
ious factors negatively affected the development of mixed marriages.~
In ethnically mixed marriages an important place is occupied by marriages
- of the mast numerous nationalities of these regions (Ukrainians, Moldav-
ians) with Russians and representatives of other USSR nations. It is ex-
plained not only by population composition, but also by a membership in
one political-economic complex, having a jojnt goal, strengthening of
international contacts on the road to further growth of economic ties
between individual republics, an increased general population mobility, an
- expansion of general Soviet culture elements, an all-around international-
_ ization in worker living conditions, that is, a whole series of ob~~ctive
reasons. These factors favor the development of interethnic marriages,
especially in rayons with a mixed ethnic nopulation (see Table 2). In
other ethnic surroundings the number of ethnicall,y mixed marriages in-
creased 3-4 times in only one generation.
Especially interesting are influences of interethnic marriages on the for-
mation of ethnic awareness (ethnic membership, native language, the scales
of language expansion in varioue spheres of people's activities etc.).
According to our data, among Ukrainians who live in their own ethnic
environment, the majority considered theniselves part of the Ukrainian
ethnic community, in a Moldavian environment of 72.2 percent Ukrainian-
Moldavian marriages cr the first (parental) generation 44.4 percQnt ack-
nowledged a Ukrainian ethnic community membership whereas 27.Lt percenc
called themselves Moldavians. Analogous changes in ethnic membership
concepts in relation to the character of the ethnic environment may be
observed also among Moldav3ane.
Changes in ethnic membership as a consequence of ethnically mixed mar-
riages are reflected in studies of the third generation. These are young
people from ethnically mixed families (children of the population studied),
who had reached their sixteenth birthday. Almost all of those questioned
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in the mixed families of the Ukrginian ethnic group who iive in their own
ethnic environment considered themselves Ukrainian. In other ethnic en~viron-
ment--almost half of them, others ~considered themselves] Moldavian oY
Russian.
Table 2
Ethnically mixed marriages in twd generations of population in the rayons
studied. [BOLDFACEJ (based on data from rayon aections of ZAHS [regis-
try office] , questionnaires)
Ukrain3ans Moldaviana
in their o~~n in other in their own in other
Generation e thnic ethnic ethnic ethnic
enviro~ent environment environment environment
~ first 2.5 4.3 6.1 4,4
second 3.5 16.1 7.7 10.6
For Moldavians the correlation between ethnic environment, marriage and
changes in ethnic self-awareness in the third generation on the whole remains
- the same. In their own environmen~,,-both in the ethnically mixed and one
nationality families, the vast ma3ority of young people (81.2 percent) con-
sidered themselves Moldavian, in other ethnic environment the correlation
changed: 58.3 percent Moldavian, and 41.7 percent Ukrainian.
It is noticeable that there is a considerable percentage of young people
fram one national ity families (25.8 percent among Ukrainians, 20 percent
among Moldavians) who indicated a nationality other than parental in another ~
_ etnnic envir.o~ent. This may be due to the activeZy operating ethnic
processes taking place in the ethnic contact zone.
This material, in our opinion, provides a basis for considering the ethnic
environment f actor as one of the most important ones in the formation of
ethnic membership concept. During a change in eth~tic self-awareness those
questioned most frequently c:onsider themselves members of the ethnic com-
- muni ty in which they live. Most of ten the "new" nationality (wY~ich is not
the same as parental) is the result of the individual's realization that
- he belongs to the national ma~ori.ty represented in the ethnic composition
of the surrounding population. An important role is also fulfilled by the
administ:.ative-po litical ordex, in which republic the settlement is, etc.
In addition, as research has indicated, a specific role is played by the
3ndividual's concept of the social-cultural prestige of one or another
nation.
Motives for memb ership in another nationalitq, especially Russian, given
by same of the young people from ethnically mixed families and sometimes
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even,fron one r~ationality families, mcst frequently from Ukrainian-Russian
and Moldavian-Rus~ian, are, of course, the same as in the determination of
native language. The wide use of the Russian language in ~11 spheres of
social life is evident here. The Russian language along with the native
nationality language in Soviet ~epublics has become an important tool in
interethnic association. It pro~ot~s ari ail-araund development and friend-
ship of the Soviet nations, is ~n important means of uniting socialist
r nations in the further development u~ a new historical community of people,
thE formation of international features in their cultural and everyday Iife.
~ These ch~nges in ethnic self-awareness, as our data indicate, are most
often observed in another ethnic environment.
_ In addition to changes in ethnic membership concepts which occur, as a rule,
- in the following generation, language behavior undergoes serious transf~r-
� mations. The need axises for two languages, many languages, a changeover to
the international association language, etc. To form a definite idea about
the character of these changes, which reflect a specific interethnic proc-
esses content, it must be ascertained how the development of interethni.c
marriages influences language, one of the most important cultural ethnic
components, especially the concept of native language, actual language
behavior and how Chese concepts are modified by the marriage character
(mixed, one nationality).
Out of a11 the varied social spheres of language association, we will only
_ touch upon the family-everyday 11�e type, since the family~:takes ~n active
part in the~socialization of youth and, especially, in the formation af
its Qthnic self-awareness.
According to Table 3, most individuals in an ethnically mixed marriage use
two or three languages: Ukrainian, Moldavian, Russian in the family-evexy-
day life sphere. The population in the rayons researched is mostly
bilingual, utilizing widely U'~rainian and Russian, Moldavian and Russian
languagea in all spheres of social life; this is also supported by data
from the All-Union 1970 Census. However, it is evident here that in
- ethnically mixed marriages the indicators for two or three language use
are the largest (see Tab1e 3), that is, there exists an itlterrelatiouship
between ethnic coatact envtronment, development of interethnic marriages
and two or multilanguage use.
The "one language" issue especially in ethnically mixed families should not
be taken literally. Uur observations indicate that when one marriage
partner in the family switches to the language of the other, he still knows
his own language and considers it native. In individual cases, the language
in the family may not be the same as nationality memberahip, for example,
when the father's family was also ethnically mixed or certain transforma-
- tions of actual language behavior took place earlier. In any case the
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concept "one language" should not be considered unconditional since the
second language (and sometimes even third) may be used, for example, in a -
~ r~roduction sphere where functional possibilities are much wider than in
f amily-everyc~ ay lif e.
Table 3
Use of second and third language in family-everyday life sphere in relation -
to marriage character. [BOLDFACE] (based on data from rayon ZAHS sections,
data from village soviets, questionnaires)
Ukrainians Moldavians
,
in their own in other in their own in other
Use of ethnic ethnic ethnic ethnic
Languages environment environment environment environment
_ mixed one mixed one mixed one mixed one
marriage nat. marr. nat. marr. n.at. marr. nat.
Use second
and third 100 10.9 35.3 30.1 51.7 4.5 90.9 11.3
Do not use
second or 89.1 64.7 69.9 48.3 95.5 9.1 88.7
third
In an ethnic contact environment, depending on the marriage character, cer-
tain changes occur also in the recognition of one or another language as
native. Among the Ukrainian population studied, in ethnically mixed mar~
riages, 28.5 percent named Ukrainian as native, which, in fact, does not
- coincide with their nationality membership; among the Moldavians 24.1
percent, whereas such deviations were not noted in one nationality marriages. _
' In summary, it should be noted, first of all, that the development of inter-
ethnic marriages, especially in the ethnic contact zone studied, is one
manifestation of a general process of interethnic friendship of nations in
our country. However, there are specific features here which are peculiar
to the immediate interaction of Ukrainians and Moldavians, the most numerous
ethnic communities in this territory. Along with general Soviet factors
- (social-economic development, the formation of a more uniform social-class
structure of society, an increase in population mobility,;formation of
general Soviet international features in culture and everyday life), which
promote the strengthening of the inter-ethnic friendship process, local
factors are involved also caused by the character of the ge~graphic distri-
bution of tehnic communities, their specific weight in the ethnic population
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composition, o1d historical and ethno-cultural contacts, the develApment of
common features in economic life, closeness of cultures, everyday life
order, absence of national prejudice} etc.
As a result of these conditions the number of ethnically mixed marriages
in the ethnic contact zone studied was greater than the average in the
Ukrainian SSR and Mo~davian SSR.
We can see that the ethnic environment f actor is decisive in the formation
of ethnic membership concepts. Its influence is strong enough io be visibZe
even in cases where the parental marriage was of one nationality. Most
often, ethnic membership determination occurs after an individual realizes
that he belongs to the ethnic com~unity in which he lives.
Interethnic marriage pramotes changes in ethnic self-awareness, influences
everyday lif e and language functioning. Research on these phenomena and
their interaction indicated that ethnically mixed marriages are one of the
real conditions for the growth of two and multilanguage use; in ethnically
mixed families these phenomena prevail whereas one language use is more
characteristic of one nationality marriage.
Being reciprocally caused, interethnic marriage in the researched rayons
and its ethnic results reflect the processes of an all-around friendship
and development of various ethnic communiti.es and testify to the high level
of their international awareness.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Slavyano-Voloshskie Svyazi [Slavic-Walachian Ties), Kishinev:
Shtiintsa, 1978; "Formirovanie Moldavskoy Burzhuaznoy Natsii" [For-
mation of the Moldavian Bourgeois Nation], Kishinev: Shtiintsa, 1978;
P. I. Kushner (Knyshev), "Yetnicheskie Territorii i Yetchicheskie
Granitsy" [Ethnic Territories and Ethnic Boundaries], Nauka, 1951;
V.I. Naulko, "Razvitie Mezhyetnicheskikh Svyazey na Ukraine" [Develop-
ment of Interethnic Ties in the Ukraine]. Naukova Dumka, 1975; V.S.
Zelenchuk "Na::elenie Moldavii" [Moldavia's Population], Kishinev:
Shtiintsa, 1973, and others.
2. See M.V. Ptukha, "Vybrani Zbory" [Selected Works]; Naukova Dumka, 1971,
pp 86-95.
3. O.A. Gantskaya, L.N. Terent'eva, "Etnodemograficheskoye Issledovaniye
Natsional'nykh Processov v Pribaltike" [Ethno-demographic Studies of
~ National Processes in the Baltic Area], SOVETSKAYA ETNOGRAFIYA(SE),
1965, No. 5; Yu.I. Pershitz, "0 Metodike Sopostavleniya Pokazateley
Odnonatsional'noy i Smeshannoy Brachnosty" [Methods of Comparing One
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Nationality and Mixed Marriage Indicators]. SE, 1967, I~u. 4; L. N.
- Texet'eva, "Opredelyeniye Svoyey Natstional'noy Prinadlezhnosti _
Podrostkami v Na*sional`no Smpshannykh Sem`yakh" [Determining National
_ Membezship by Young People from Mixed Nationality Families], SE, 1969,
No. 3.
4. Yu. V. e~urtyunyan, L.M. Drobyzheva, "Sotsial'no-Kul'turnoye Razvitiye i
Sbli'zheniye Natsiy v SSSR na Sovremennom Ftape" [Social-Cultural
Development and Friendship of Nations in the USSR at the Present Time],
Mysl', 1972; Yu. V. Bromley, "Yetnos i Yetnografia", [Ethnos and
Ethnography], Nauka, 1973; "Sotsial'noe i Natsional'noe. Opyt Yetno-
Sotsiologicheskikh Issledovaniy po Materialam Tatarskoy SSR" [Social
and National. Results of Ethno-Sociological Research of Tartar SSR
Ma~erial]. STATISTIKA, 1975; "Sovremennye Yetnicheskie Processy v
SSSR" [Present-Day Ethnical Processes in the USSR]. Nauka, 1977 and
others.
5. See A. P. Ponomar'~v, "Mizhnational'ni Shlyuby ta Internatsionalizatsiya
Pobutu Nassellenya URSR" [International Marriages and the International--
ization of Everyday Life in the UkrSSR], NARODNA TVORCHIST' TA ETNaH-
RAFIYA, 1977; L.V. Chuyko, "Braky i Razvody" [Marriages and Divorces]
(Demograficheskoe Issledovanie na Primere Ukr.iinskoy SSR) STATISTIKA,
1975.
6. According to the 1970 population census, ethnically mixed marriages
among the Ukrainian rural population amount to 7 percent, in the Mol-
davian SSR 8 percent. See "Itogy Vsesoyuznoy Perepesi Naseleniya 1970,
v. VI. STATISTIKA, pp. 282, 294.
7. P.I. Kushner (Knyshev), "Etnicheskiye Territorii i Etnicheskiye
Granitsy", p. 3 2-34; L.P. Terent'eva, "Nekotoriye Storony Etnichea~:ikh
Processov v Povolzhy, Priural'ye i na Yevropeyskom Severe SSSR" [Sc!ne
Aspects of Ethnic Processes in Vo1ga, Ural and European North Areas of
~ the U~SR], SE, 1972, No. 6, p. 50.
8. Itogi Vsesyuznoy Perepisi Naseleniya 1970, v. IV, pp. 164, 778.
COPYRIGHT: "Naukova Dumka"
"Narodna Tvorchist' ta Etnohrafiya", 1980
9443
CSO: 1811 END
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