JPRS ID: 9784 CHINA REPORT POLITICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 23
• Content Type: REPORTS

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2047/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R004400020023-0
FOR OFFI['IAI. IItiN: nNI,Y
JPRS L/9784
- 10 June 1981
China Re ort
p
POLITICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILI~ARY AFFAIRS
(FOUO 2/81)
Fg~$ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R004400020023-0
NOTE
JPRS publications contain informat:ion primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.
Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
are supplie,~ by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
_ last lir~e of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.
Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names prec~~ed by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.
The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
c ies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.
COPYRIGEiT. LAWS AND REGULATIONS GOVERNING OW~IERSHIP OF
MATERIAI.S REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUIRE THAT DISSEMINATION
OF THIS PUBLICATION BE RESTRICTED FOR OFFICIAL USE O~~TL,Y.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02109: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0
FOR OFFI('IAL USE ONLY
JPRS L/9784
10 June 1981
CH INA REPORT
POLITICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS
(FOUO 2/81)
CONTEhTS
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
PARTY AND STATE
Slogan 'Struggle for Democracy, Freedom' Called Incorrect
~He Jin; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 10 Mar 81) 1
Article Affirms Socialism Is 'Only Correct Path'
(Lu Zhiyin; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 10 Mar 81) 8
MILITARY AND PUBLIC SECURITY
Guangxi Border Defense Division Builds Frontline War Room
(Li Sugui, Yi Xianli; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 16 Feb 81) 10
New Applications of Traditional Military Tactics Urged
(JIEFANGJUN BAO, 16 Fet~ 81) 11
Party Character, Discipline Stressed
(Lu Chengyi, Feng Langfeng; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 16 Feb 81),,,, 15
Air Force Emphasizes Writing of Investigation Reports
(Hu Derong, Wu Lin; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 16 Feb 81) 17
Training on Reduced Budget in p,ir Force Reported
(Yu Kuan; JIEF_~NGJUN BAO, 16 Feb 81) 19
PLA Building of Gansu Marginal Lands Discussed
(Shi Hanyu, Guo Huailiang; JIEFANGJUN BAO, 16 Feb 81) 21
Briefs
Number Three Technical School 22
- a - [III - CC - 80 FOUO]
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02109: CIA-RDP82-00850R400400020023-0
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
PARTY AND STATE
~
SLOGAN 'STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY, FREEDOM' CALLED INCORRECT
Beijing JIEFANGJUN BAO in Chinese 10 Mar 81 pp 1-2
(Arricle by He Jin [0149 0284J: "On the So-Called 'Strive for Democracy and
Strive for Freedom
[Text] It is necessary to improve and develop the socialist
democratic system, To this end, the broad masses of people
under the CCP leadership are requirea to uphold the four basic
principles, give full play to their creative spirit as masters
of their own country, and work together to build a socialist
democracq that meets the needs of our nation. This absolutely
does not mean a"struggle for democracy and freedom" waged by
someone against someone else, If we view ourselves as masters
of our own country rather than as third observers and if u*e
resolutely uphold party leadership and treasure the current
_ political situation of stabil~ty and unity, we will neither
approve nor appreciate the slogan: "Sr.ruggle for democracy
and for freedom," which reflects the erroneous tendency of a
small number of people attempting to abandon and weaken party
leadership. This is something that deserves our attention.
Amid the clarion call for upholding the four basic principles, developing socialis~
democracy, strengthenir.g the socialist legal system, anrl bringing about greater
politi.cal stability, occasionally we have heard another slogan entitled "strive
for democracy and strive for free~om." This slogan has become popular with a
small number of people, But some youths without political experience have been
bewildered by this slogan. Since a slogan represents an idea that can affect
people's action, we cannot ignore it. Some necessary ideological work must be
carried out to advise them of this matter.
Ho~a To Treat Freedom and Democracy
This is an old topic of discussion dating back over a century to the days of the
famous polemics between Marx and Bakunin and between Lenin and Kautsky. But today
it has asserted itself in a new way. Experience tells people that every declara-
tion, program and slogan must be assessed in terms of their substance rather than
in terms of their beautiful language. Historically, the bourgeoisie always called
tl~eir democracy something for all people and interpreted their freedom in absolute
1
_ FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2047/02/49: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0
i~vi~ vi~r i~,tr~t~ UJL~ U1VLY
terms. '1'l~e proletariat, however, always evaluate historical facts as they existed
and want to tell. people the truth that democracy is for classes rather than for
all people, and that freedom is relative rather than absolute. This shows that
tr?e slogans "democracy" and "freedom" used by the bourgeoisie differ in content
and i~ature from the same slogans used Ly the proletariat.
It was these slogans, "democracy" and "freedom," that were used by the bourgeoisie
to overthrow the feudal system, establish democratic countries and cause capital
to dominate in these countries. It was through this historical process that the
bourgeoisie won democracy and freedom. But "under *_he capitalist system, as a
matter of rule, the laboring masses cannot truly er_joy democracy." (Lenin: "The
- Third International and Its Historical Status") The freedom won by *he bour-
geoisie was a freedom of capital or freedom for capital to exploit labor. The
l:~borers can only enjoy freedom to sell their labor "until their labor power is
extiausted." (Marx: "Das Kapital" Vol 1, p 159) Has this historical fact, which
was proven true long ago by Marxism-Leninism, changed today? Some individuals
hzve observed that today this situation has undergone radical changes as a result
of the rapici development of capitalist material civilization and of the bourgeoisie
implementing a policy of winning the members of the proletariat over to their
side. Actually, ttiis only touches the surface of the matter. The hypothetical
~lature oF bourgeois democracy and freedom is snderscored by the capitalist system
_ oE private ownership. "As long as private ownership of land and the means of pro-
' duction continues to exist, the terms 'freedom' and 'equality' in the bourgeois
syseem and democracy will exist in form only. As a matter of fact, they are only
t~~c~ls in tl?e implementation of a slave-hiring system imposed on workers (who are
nomi~lally free and equal), ar?d tools for the capitalist dictatorship and for capital
to exploit labor." (Lenin: Preface to the publication "On the Use of Freedom and
Ec~uali~y To Deceive People.") This situation essentially remains unchanged.
[n Lhe struggle for their own liberation, the proletariat have also used the slo-
_ ~;ans "d~mocracy" and "freedom." Yet even when the proletariat had to go along
~,ritti tlie bourgeoisie for a while in order to meet the requirements for struggle
during the historical period of the democratic revolution, the~~ never intended to
mix their own slogans with the "democracy" and "freedom" slogans used by the
_ f>ourgeoi5ie. The prcletariat believe that "democracy" and "freedom" in a class
society have a class nature; as a form of state and part of the superstructure,
dc~moc~racy must coexist with the socioeconomic base; democracy cannot exist in
i.5olation, in a vacuum. For this reason, during the revolutionary struggl.e the
~~rolc~tariat have never used democracy and freedom as a general, common slogan but
:~ti been traversed by our
_ ~~arty is not a strr~i~;lit c,nc~. ]t has scor.ed successes and made mistakes. Such mis-
rrilces h~lve resultecl ma inly from tlle implementation of the "leftist" guiding tllought,
wlticl~ luis caused our party's prestige Lo drop. I3ut we must adopt a materialist
ntCitude in this connect:iun so that we can sum up experiences ancl lessons, el.;min-
r_ite~ the "leftist" ideologic..il. infl.uence, and strengthen and improve parLy leader-
shi1~. Wc shoiild not adopt a ne~a~i_ve atti.t:ude toward everyttiing. We should not
take a gloomy view of the achievements we have scored during the past 31 years
since the Eotm ding of the PRC, or a skeptical attitude toward the aUility of our
~
r~R OFFICIA.L USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R004400020023-0
ruK ur'r1l;lAL !;S~ UNLY
party to lead. Moreover, we should never allow people to use the slogan of
demucracy and freedom as a device to weaken, abandon, abolish or oppose party
leadership. Since the Third Plenum, our party has summed up both the positive
and ~iegative aspects of our experie.nces and lessons since the founding of the
E'RC ~ind has adopted a policy of "carrying forward socialist democracy and streng-
CY1[I1l(1~' the socialist system," thus pointin~; out the correct path for the
institutionalization and legalization of socialist democracy, for building a
socialist legal system on the basis of socialist democracy and for using the
socialist legal system to protect socialist democracy. This policy is entirely
correct. Through the implementation of this policy, our party and state have
takeri ttie initiative to reform the leadership system and have proposed a series
of ineasures to change the system of substituting the party for the government,
for abolishing the cadre life-tenure system, for appointing basic level leaders
tllrough el.ection, for extending the direct election of deputies to the people's
rongresseG to tlie county level, for expanding the power of self-determination
- clelc~gated to enterprises and production teams, for restoring and improving the
~r.aclc union congresses, and for expanding and upholding the autonomous power of
' minority nationalities.
'Chis means that the democratic life in our country has been gradually restored
,~nd improved. Those who vay close attention to the objective facts will see that
as ]oiig as we uphold party leadership and continue ~o enforce this policy, we can
cert:iinly improve our democratic system step by step and enhance the healthy
d~velopment of political democracy as a strong guarantee for the realization of
rc~cic~]ist modernization in our country. In contrast, if we were to abandon party
le:i~iurship, if we were to permit other individuals and groups to lead us, and if
were Co allow them to "fight for democracy and freedom" in this way, what out-
cume could we expect of such "a struggle"? In that case, could the current hard-
won political situation of stability and unity continue to prevail? Could the
democratic. rights of the broad masses of people be preserved? In that case, in
what direction would our society be led? We must guard against those elements
~~ho clesire to see the world plunge into chaos and who deliberately a*tempt to take
~~civanrage of this erroneous slogan. Democrzcy and freedom have been viewed by some
- individuals as a promise of unrestricted and unrestrained movement. Do they want
t.o "struggle" For such unrestricted democracy and freedom? Unrestricted and
ahsc~lute democracy does not exist in the world. Democracy is a political system
wl~ic~V~ alwzys serves the economic base. Democratization of political life is
,Ie:;i ~;nLc.l to enhance socialist modernization. Today if we were to dissociate our-
~el.vrs from the historical mission of socialist modernization, the existence of
.lemocracy would become meaningless, democracy itself would lose its purpose,
c~~n~'ict with the basic interests of the laboring people and become a force
ob:;tructing social progress. "Absolute freedom" for certain individuals means
~~ncr~llt'~1I11Cllt on the freedom oE others. For this reason, the "absolute freedom"
F~ubli~~ired by the bourgeoisie "serves only bilateral or multilateral interests."
tiincc~ ~lic~ socialist cause is a collective undertaking of the people in our country,
_ i~ must embody democracy, centralism, freedom and discipline. Unrestricted freedom
means anarchism and extreme individualism, which tend to undermine the political
situation of stability and unity and dim the prospect for the smooth development
of socialism.
6
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02109: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
'I'u r~~ali�r.t~ 5ocialist modernization, we must uphold tlie four basic j~rinc Lplcs
uncler the party leadership as a prerequisite for improving the socia?ist demo-
cratic s}stem, and develop a political situation characterized by centralism and
democracy, discipline and freedom, unity of wills, happiness and liveliness. No
on~~ can clisregard party leadershin and the four basic principles in the "struggle
fc~r ~iemocracy and freedom." To do so would make it extremely difficult to carry
out tl~e further readjustment of the economy and to bring about greater political
stability.
9574
CSO: 4005/2U67
7
FOR OFP'ICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2047/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000404020023-0
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
PARTY AND STATE
ARTICLE ~FFIR1~iS SOCIALISM IS 'ONLY CORRECT PATH'
Beijing JIEFANCJUN BAO in Chinese 10 Mar 81 p 3
[Article by Lu Zhiyin [6424 4249 7299]: "Where Are the Differences?"]
['Cext] In recent days, we have frequently beei-? perplexed by a number of seemingly
_ shall.ow questions. For example:
Comparativeiy, which era is closer to the ideal socialist society: the erd before
]iberation or the era after liberation?
~lgaiii comparatively, in which era would the people feel i.t to be more difficult
- tml>:~t ~u~cesses in which inferior strength triumphed over superior strength. In
futurc~ wars, Eaced with adversaries whose air and land firepower and m~bile capa-
bil.iti~s ~reatly exceed our own, we must look squarely in the face the reality of
"n~~t heing able to take great strides," and while deciding on the combat principlc~
~~f~ mc>srl y E~~~sitional warfare, we must study some mobile combat methods that rely
~~n pnt uf tl~e tradit ional mobile warfare of the past.
12
. ,
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-04850R000400420023-4
Fort o:,~FI(:IN. us~ orrr.Y
LJe ~11Ve still numerous other traditional tactics, some as large as principles for
combat and others as small as precise methods for a particular form of warf.are, but
none cnn be applied mechanically in disregard of. specific conditions or applied
witl~out consideration of changing circumstances. They can o~11y be flexibly employed
witf~ attention given to their development. In the words of the famous general Qi
.7i~uang [2058 4949 0342], who resisted the Japanese, "Study intentions rather than
cuver tracks."
Si~ice the very first time our forces took up arms and began to fight, combat has
_ heen essentially the use of inferior strength against superior strength. This is
- to say that the enemy's superiority and our inferiority in arms and equipment has
been a fact that has continued down to the present, and will continue for a con-
siderable period of time. Moreover, on the warfare track, the disparity between
enemy superiority and our own inferiority has not narrcwed as history has pro- ,
gressed. For reasons known to all, we have fallen behind in several respects during
t(ie past several years, and the disparity between superiarity and inferiority in
arms ~-~nd equipment has, to a certain extent, not narrowed but rather increased
over ttie past. This only increases the urgency of our study of the problem of van-
q~iishing superior strength with inferior strength. We do not deny that for a period
oE time others will own advanced arms and equipment that we do not own, but ad-
vanced tactical methods will never be a fixed asset owned by anyone. We are entire-
- ].y capable of figuring out a series of comparatively advanced tactics to counter
rhe already widened disparity in arms and equipment suited to the wars of the
future.
1.n speaking of exploring tactics suited to wars of the future, we positively are
_ IlOt living in a dream world or conjuring out of thin air, but rather are contin-
uing and developing traditional tactics. A look at continuation and development
- shows that iF conr_inuation is insufficient under present conditions, then develop-
ment is even more insufficient. Because continuation requires rather less exer-
t.ion, it contains an element of the ready madey while development, by contrast,
requires expenditure of great effort and energy, and even taking certain "risks."
(;ranted that the reasons for this state of affairs are numerous, but one very
rrti~jor one, it is feared, is still the effects of the "two whatevers." This effect
~crmcates ~very field without regard for military forbidden zones. Following the
'f'iiirci Plenary Session of the llth Party Central Committee, even though we led dis-
rustiion oE the criteria for truth into the field of military training, this was
c~nl.y a first step after all, and further probing is required. Long habituation to
- thc~ f~~tter.s of power, and the pernicuous influence of more than 10 years of Lin
Ui~~o and the "gang oF four" has caused some of our comrades to form a kind of
"congc~aling force" characterized by complacency and conservatism, which we should
hv nc~ means underestimate. "Use the security of the past," to make traditional
t 21
C~;O: 4005/2071 H'nK (;s,~'IC'IAL USE: ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020023-0