JPRS ID: 9938 USSR REPORT LIFE SCIENCES BIOMEDICAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES
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JPRS L/10195
16 December 1981
USSR Re ort
p
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CF~UO 30/81 ~
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JPRS L/10195
16 December 1981
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICA~ AFFAIRS
(FOUO 30/81)
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAZ
Li Ih scusses Political Superstructure of Socialist-Oriented
Countries
(V. F. Li; VOPROSY FILOSOFII, Sep ~1) 1
I
REGIONAL
I Study of National Relations at 26th CPSU Congress
' (A. Deshdamirov; AZARBAYJAN KO~IUNISTI, Jul 81~ 17
Etl-,nic Status of ~Mountain Jews~ Reviewed
(M. Ye. Matatov; SOVETSKAYA ETNOGtZAFIYA, Sep-Oct 81) 31
_ a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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I1rTEi~iATIONAL
LI DISCUSSES POLITICAL SUPERSTRUCTURE OF SOCIALIST-ORIENTED COUNTRIES
rioscow VOPROSY F~LOSOFII in Russian No 9, Sep 81 pp 3-16
[Article by V.F. Li, doctor of historical sciences, professor, sector chief at th~
Institute of Eastern Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences: "The Political Super-
structure in Societies with a Socialist Orientation"]
[TextJ The emer~ence and intensive d~evelopment of a socialist orientation as a
uniyue for.m of non-capitalist development for previously oppressed countries and
'E~eo~~les is one of the outstanding phenomena of the present day which requires tne
most serious theoreti,cal and methodological interpretation. The national democra-
tic revolutions which evolved in these countries destroyed the foundations of
imperialist and feudal domination, cut short the establishment of capitalism at
its formative stage, and took a non-capitalist path of social progress. During
the course of the radical reorganization of pre-capitalist or early capitalist
structures a gradual process began of the drawing together of a socialist orien-
tation and popular democratic social development.
' As the practice of these countries shows, the revolutionary power whicli comprises
the leading element in the structure of the new political superstructure of the
transitional society is the basic instrument of radical social transformations.
Some of tlie elements of the new superstructure have their genesis at the stage of
the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle. Nevertheless, the real formation of
the new superstructure begins only after the victory of the revolutiona*:y forces.
Destroying the old superstructure, as it becomes established the new re~~lutionary
power increasingly performs constructive functions which are aimed, as is empha-
sized in the Summary Report of the CC CPSU to the 26th Party Congress, at "provid-
inb the ~~eople's state with the command heights in the economy and shifting to the
planned development of the productive forces, encouraging the coogerative move-
ment in the village,"1 and creating solid foundations for the socio-economic bases
of a non-capitalist path of development. The key positions in the new socio-polit-
ical structure of tile state with a socialist orientation are occupied by the van-
guard revolutionary parties which proclaim their program goal to be the construc-
tion in the future of a socialist society free of all forms of oppression and ex-
ploitation.
1
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The Contradictions of Political Institutionalization
Objective conditions and subjective factors, the international cli.mate and domestic
political conditions, the character of the political culture of society and the
level of the political consciousness of the masses, and the inability of the
~~elite" to rule in the old way and the open unwillingness of the "lower classes"
to accept an outmoded social ~rder manifest themselves in a specific way in the
post-colonial structures and give rise to an extraordinary typological dive~sity.
As is noted in the materials of the 26th CPSU Congress, the liberated countries
which have taken the path of sovereign development and modernization differ funda-
mentally from one another, and this applies in full measure to the political system
of tlie states with a socialist orientation.
It is quite obvious that the differentiation of post-�colonial societies by no means
si~nifie3 the dis:~ppearance of the geaeral laws of their development which are de-
termined by the complex interaction of objective conditions and of the subjective
factors of the national-democratic revolutian. Laws of this kind can be traced in
almost all of these spheres of the transitional society, including the party-polit-
ical structure in whose evolution at least the followiag basic features can be
singled out.
In the vast majority of developing countries there are, as a rule, socially multi-
strata political parties--conglomerates which bring together in their ranks the
most diverse representatives of the middle strata, the non-proletarian strata of
the workers, the local bourge~isf.e,and the traditional aristocracy and products of
the lower strata. This conglomerate nature reflects, in its turn, the incomplete-
ness of the pro~esses of class differentiation in the transitional society and the
profound antagonism between the extreme poles of social stratafication--the pro-
letarian-peasant pole, on the one hand, and, on the other, the elite-bureaucratic
pole. The incomplete internal differentiation of the social structure of the post-
colonial society does not weaken, but, on the contrary, in its own way concentrates
and strengthens social antagonisms which become organically interwoven with the
contradictions between modernlsm and traditionalism, between democracy and author-
itarianism, and between genuinely revolutionary and reformist methods of resolving
urgent social problems. The socially conglumerate nature of the different non-
proletarian parties and the outer similarity of their political and ideological
declarations makes it very difficult to discover their class orientation which,
as a rule, is of an extremely veiled character. For this reason, the social essence
of these parties is revealed only on the basis of the kind of inethodology which re-
quires not only an analysis of their social base and of the essence of the:tr pol-
itical leaderstiip, but also a consideration of the objective consequences af the
state policies of one or unotlier ~roup which has come to power independent:sy or
in a block with ott~er socio-political forces.
The socially multi-strata character of the non-proletarian pol3tical party-conglo-
merates is to a large extent combined with their internal organizational and pol-
itical friability, although this quality is also to a considerable extent the
- res�lt of the relative "youtti" of many (both ruling and opposition) of the political
associations and groups which arose during the period immediately preceding the
proclamation of the national independen.ce, or during the first years of independ-
ence. The deformed socio-class base o!c the political parties, the lack of clari~y
2
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i�YlR (ll�'i�Tt 111 1~SF' elNl 1'
in their ideological and political orientation, the strong influence of various
traJltionalist factors (including conservative ones), and an acute inter-group
strubgle give rise to the extreme instability of the positions of even those mass
party-fronts which at one time successfully led a broad anti-colonial and anti-
imperialist movement of peoples. As a rule, the grass roots network of local or-
ganizations of the party-fronts are extremely weak and ineffective: they op~rate
rather as grass roots groups in the parliamentary struggle, and not as united asso-
ciations of like-minded people who are conducting a systematic struggle for the
education of the masses and for their involvemer.*_ in the channel of independent
national development.
The acute fractional inter-party struggle and the low effectiveness of the trad-
itional multi-party bourgeois parliamentary structure (which ~s a superstructural
institution has the task oi ensuring an optimal reproduction of bourgeois social
relations) has impelled the ruling circles of a number of countries of bourgeois-
land owner development (Indonesia, the Philippines, Turrey, and others) to change
over to a"non-party" or one-party structure of authoritarian rule, which, un-
doubtedly, is one of the important manifestations of the profound crisis of the
bourgeois-bureaucratic political system which is incapable of solving the urgent
problems of social progress.
And, fin~lly, one other important characteristic of the formation of the new
party-political structure in the liberated countries is connected with a special
type of charismatic leadership (Mahatma Gandhi~ Sukarno, Mudzhibur Rakhman, and
otliers) which is the product above all of the enormous influence of traditional
paternalism on the political culture of the lower etrata of society. In practice,
this type of leadership in a political organization which lays claims to the
realization of a national modernization engenders very contradictary phenomena.
On the one hand, a charismatic appeal to the masses rapidly inflames their spontan-
eous "revolutionary" enthusiasm and greatly strengthens the destructive potentials
of a social protest movement. However, charisma which is based primarily on a
social utopia and on certain conservative religious ethical ideas is rnmt capable
of realizing a constructive program of the fundamental revolutionary reorganization
of society. Of course, social utopias in the present-day national liberation
movement are by no means abstract and senseless fantasizing; they may include not
only reactionary but also certain progressive tendencies.2 However, the practical
bankruptcy of the social utopia leads to a profound disillusionment and to polit-
ical passivity, and frequently also to the embitterment of the numerically huge
agitated masses. 7'he consequences of such a crisis are of a many-sided character:
the collapse of the old and the emergence of new political party-conglomerates,
the replacement of the charismatic leaders with a new and very frequently military-
petie bourgeois generation of leadera, and a review of political-ideological orien-
tatio~is in the direction of strengthening the nationalist-traditionalist (including
religious) orientation.
To wh:it extent do the above-considered general laws of the formation and evolution
of no~i-proletarian political systems exercise an influence on the golitical super-
structure in states with a socialist orientation? It is obvious that the latter
cannot be free of the influence of political environment, level of political cul-
ture, ex.tremely power�ul manifestations of national-ethnic disunity, and so forth.
3
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_ The social, political, ideological, and cultural i~fluence of the most diverse
nationalistic, reformist, traditionalist, and other non-proletaria:~ forces cn the
formation of new leadership groups in the ruling parties of socialist orientated
countries is extraordinarily great.
These parties had come up to the end of the 1970's and beginning of the 1980's
with some very complex ideological-political and social-class baggage. Corres-
~ pondir.,~ly, in characterizing the ruling revolutionary groups in states with a
socialist ^rientation, at the least the two basic paths of political institutional-
_ ization have to be distinguished.
The first of them reflects the process of the formation of vanguard workers' par-
ties which have adopted scientific socialism, including the idea of rroletarian
power, for thei.r ideological and politic~l arsenal (the Yemeni So~ialist Party,
People';, Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the Party of the People's Revolution of
Benin, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola--Labor Party, the Mozam-
bique Liberation Front of the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Congole~e
Labor Party, the Commission for the Organization of an Ethiopian Workers' Party,
and others).
In Ethiopia the Drogram of the National Democratic Revolution emphasizes that the
_ previously semi-feudal and semi-capitalist Ethiopia wtll have to pass through a
diffic~lt stage of the national democratic revolution which has the task of "laying
the foundations for the transition to socialism."3 At the san?e t~me, the leaders
of the Commission for the Organization of a Workers' Party of Ethiopia believe
that an orgaiiic connectioi~ between the struggle for political independence and the
struggle for economic independence ieflects a fundamental line of the national
democratic revolution which is being guided by the strat~gy of sci~enti.fic social-
ism.4
The other path of the political instituttonalization and, consequently,of the for-
mation of the political superstructure is connected with national democratic dev-
- elopment in which a number of anti-imperialist parties and organizations proceed
from the perspective of a tr.ansition toward a socialist goal on the basis of a
revolutionary unification of the working masses and, first of sll, of the pea-
_ santry ucider the leadersliip of petit bourgeois democracy. The borders between
these forms and patlis of instt.tutionalization are, of course, very mobile.
So substantial a diffexentiation of the heterogeneous golitical forces of countries
with a socialist orientation is one of the indicators of the profound inner contra-
dictoriness and uneveness of the proces~ of the development of a national democratic
revolution into a socialist one. The above-noted dialectic of the revolutionary
process has found a concrete historial manifestation above all in the fact that a
large number of African and Asian countries (Afghanistan, South Yemen, Angola,
Mozambique, Ethiopia, and others) which emerged on the path of a socialist or-
ientati