JPRS ID: 9938 USSR REPORT LIFE SCIENCES BIOMEDICAL AND BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES

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APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R004400080050-4 FOit OFFICIAL USE ONLY JPRS L/10195 16 December 1981 USSR Re ort p POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS CF~UO 30/81 ~ FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2407142/09: CIA-RDP82-00854R000440080050-4 NOTE JPRS publications contain information urimarily from foreign newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency _ transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from fnreign-language sources are translated; those from English-language sources are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and other characteristics retained. Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in braclcets are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [TextJ or [Excerpt] in the first line ~f each item, or following the last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor- mation was summarized or extracted. Unfamiliar names rendered phoneticaliy or transliterated are enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques- tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the original but have been supplied as appropriate in coiitext. Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an item originate with the source. Times within items are as given by source. The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli- cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government. COPYRIGHT LAWS AND REGULATIONS GOVERNING OWNERSHIP OF MATERIALS REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUIRE THAT DISSEMINATION OF THIS PUBLICATION BE RESTRICTED FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY. APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY JPRS L/10195 16 December 1981 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICA~ AFFAIRS (FOUO 30/81) CONTENTS INTERNATIONAZ Li Ih scusses Political Superstructure of Socialist-Oriented Countries (V. F. Li; VOPROSY FILOSOFII, Sep ~1) 1 I REGIONAL I Study of National Relations at 26th CPSU Congress ' (A. Deshdamirov; AZARBAYJAN KO~IUNISTI, Jul 81~ 17 Etl-,nic Status of ~Mountain Jews~ Reviewed (M. Ye. Matatov; SOVETSKAYA ETNOGtZAFIYA, Sep-Oct 81) 31 _ a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO] APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00854R400404080050-4 FOR UFF'ICIAL USE ONLY I1rTEi~iATIONAL LI DISCUSSES POLITICAL SUPERSTRUCTURE OF SOCIALIST-ORIENTED COUNTRIES rioscow VOPROSY F~LOSOFII in Russian No 9, Sep 81 pp 3-16 [Article by V.F. Li, doctor of historical sciences, professor, sector chief at th~ Institute of Eastern Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences: "The Political Super- structure in Societies with a Socialist Orientation"] [TextJ The emer~ence and intensive d~evelopment of a socialist orientation as a uniyue for.m of non-capitalist development for previously oppressed countries and 'E~eo~~les is one of the outstanding phenomena of the present day which requires tne most serious theoreti,cal and methodological interpretation. The national democra- tic revolutions which evolved in these countries destroyed the foundations of imperialist and feudal domination, cut short the establishment of capitalism at its formative stage, and took a non-capitalist path of social progress. During the course of the radical reorganization of pre-capitalist or early capitalist structures a gradual process began of the drawing together of a socialist orien- tation and popular democratic social development. ' As the practice of these countries shows, the revolutionary power whicli comprises the leading element in the structure of the new political superstructure of the transitional society is the basic instrument of radical social transformations. Some of tlie elements of the new superstructure have their genesis at the stage of the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle. Nevertheless, the real formation of the new superstructure begins only after the victory of the revolutiona*:y forces. Destroying the old superstructure, as it becomes established the new re~~lutionary power increasingly performs constructive functions which are aimed, as is empha- sized in the Summary Report of the CC CPSU to the 26th Party Congress, at "provid- inb the ~~eople's state with the command heights in the economy and shifting to the planned development of the productive forces, encouraging the coogerative move- ment in the village,"1 and creating solid foundations for the socio-economic bases of a non-capitalist path of development. The key positions in the new socio-polit- ical structure of tile state with a socialist orientation are occupied by the van- guard revolutionary parties which proclaim their program goal to be the construc- tion in the future of a socialist society free of all forms of oppression and ex- ploitation. 1 FOR OF1~7CIAL USE ONLY . APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00854R400404080050-4 FOR OFRICIAL USE ONLY The Contradictions of Political Institutionalization Objective conditions and subjective factors, the international cli.mate and domestic political conditions, the character of the political culture of society and the level of the political consciousness of the masses, and the inability of the ~~elite" to rule in the old way and the open unwillingness of the "lower classes" to accept an outmoded social ~rder manifest themselves in a specific way in the post-colonial structures and give rise to an extraordinary typological dive~sity. As is noted in the materials of the 26th CPSU Congress, the liberated countries which have taken the path of sovereign development and modernization differ funda- mentally from one another, and this applies in full measure to the political system of tlie states with a socialist orientation. It is quite obvious that the differentiation of post-�colonial societies by no means si~nifie3 the dis:~ppearance of the geaeral laws of their development which are de- termined by the complex interaction of objective conditions and of the subjective factors of the national-democratic revolutian. Laws of this kind can be traced in almost all of these spheres of the transitional society, including the party-polit- ical structure in whose evolution at least the followiag basic features can be singled out. In the vast majority of developing countries there are, as a rule, socially multi- strata political parties--conglomerates which bring together in their ranks the most diverse representatives of the middle strata, the non-proletarian strata of the workers, the local bourge~isf.e,and the traditional aristocracy and products of the lower strata. This conglomerate nature reflects, in its turn, the incomplete- ness of the pro~esses of class differentiation in the transitional society and the profound antagonism between the extreme poles of social stratafication--the pro- letarian-peasant pole, on the one hand, and, on the other, the elite-bureaucratic pole. The incomplete internal differentiation of the social structure of the post- colonial society does not weaken, but, on the contrary, in its own way concentrates and strengthens social antagonisms which become organically interwoven with the contradictions between modernlsm and traditionalism, between democracy and author- itarianism, and between genuinely revolutionary and reformist methods of resolving urgent social problems. The socially conglumerate nature of the different non- proletarian parties and the outer similarity of their political and ideological declarations makes it very difficult to discover their class orientation which, as a rule, is of an extremely veiled character. For this reason, the social essence of these parties is revealed only on the basis of the kind of inethodology which re- quires not only an analysis of their social base and of the essence of the:tr pol- itical leaderstiip, but also a consideration of the objective consequences af the state policies of one or unotlier ~roup which has come to power independent:sy or in a block with ott~er socio-political forces. The socially multi-strata character of the non-proletarian pol3tical party-conglo- merates is to a large extent combined with their internal organizational and pol- itical friability, although this quality is also to a considerable extent the - res�lt of the relative "youtti" of many (both ruling and opposition) of the political associations and groups which arose during the period immediately preceding the proclamation of the national independen.ce, or during the first years of independ- ence. The deformed socio-class base o!c the political parties, the lack of clari~y 2 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 i�YlR (ll�'i�Tt 111 1~SF' elNl 1' in their ideological and political orientation, the strong influence of various traJltionalist factors (including conservative ones), and an acute inter-group strubgle give rise to the extreme instability of the positions of even those mass party-fronts which at one time successfully led a broad anti-colonial and anti- imperialist movement of peoples. As a rule, the grass roots network of local or- ganizations of the party-fronts are extremely weak and ineffective: they op~rate rather as grass roots groups in the parliamentary struggle, and not as united asso- ciations of like-minded people who are conducting a systematic struggle for the education of the masses and for their involvemer.*_ in the channel of independent national development. The acute fractional inter-party struggle and the low effectiveness of the trad- itional multi-party bourgeois parliamentary structure (which ~s a superstructural institution has the task oi ensuring an optimal reproduction of bourgeois social relations) has impelled the ruling circles of a number of countries of bourgeois- land owner development (Indonesia, the Philippines, Turrey, and others) to change over to a"non-party" or one-party structure of authoritarian rule, which, un- doubtedly, is one of the important manifestations of the profound crisis of the bourgeois-bureaucratic political system which is incapable of solving the urgent problems of social progress. And, fin~lly, one other important characteristic of the formation of the new party-political structure in the liberated countries is connected with a special type of charismatic leadership (Mahatma Gandhi~ Sukarno, Mudzhibur Rakhman, and otliers) which is the product above all of the enormous influence of traditional paternalism on the political culture of the lower etrata of society. In practice, this type of leadership in a political organization which lays claims to the realization of a national modernization engenders very contradictary phenomena. On the one hand, a charismatic appeal to the masses rapidly inflames their spontan- eous "revolutionary" enthusiasm and greatly strengthens the destructive potentials of a social protest movement. However, charisma which is based primarily on a social utopia and on certain conservative religious ethical ideas is rnmt capable of realizing a constructive program of the fundamental revolutionary reorganization of society. Of course, social utopias in the present-day national liberation movement are by no means abstract and senseless fantasizing; they may include not only reactionary but also certain progressive tendencies.2 However, the practical bankruptcy of the social utopia leads to a profound disillusionment and to polit- ical passivity, and frequently also to the embitterment of the numerically huge agitated masses. 7'he consequences of such a crisis are of a many-sided character: the collapse of the old and the emergence of new political party-conglomerates, the replacement of the charismatic leaders with a new and very frequently military- petie bourgeois generation of leadera, and a review of political-ideological orien- tatio~is in the direction of strengthening the nationalist-traditionalist (including religious) orientation. To wh:it extent do the above-considered general laws of the formation and evolution of no~i-proletarian political systems exercise an influence on the golitical super- structure in states with a socialist orientation? It is obvious that the latter cannot be free of the influence of political environment, level of political cul- ture, ex.tremely power�ul manifestations of national-ethnic disunity, and so forth. 3 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONI.Y APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000400080050-4 FOR OFFIC[AL USE ONLY _ The social, political, ideological, and cultural i~fluence of the most diverse nationalistic, reformist, traditionalist, and other non-proletaria:~ forces cn the formation of new leadership groups in the ruling parties of socialist orientated countries is extraordinarily great. These parties had come up to the end of the 1970's and beginning of the 1980's with some very complex ideological-political and social-class baggage. Corres- ~ pondir.,~ly, in characterizing the ruling revolutionary groups in states with a socialist ^rientation, at the least the two basic paths of political institutional- _ ization have to be distinguished. The first of them reflects the process of the formation of vanguard workers' par- ties which have adopted scientific socialism, including the idea of rroletarian power, for thei.r ideological and politic~l arsenal (the Yemeni So~ialist Party, People';, Democratic Party of Afghanistan, the Party of the People's Revolution of Benin, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola--Labor Party, the Mozam- bique Liberation Front of the People's Republic of Mozambique, the Congole~e Labor Party, the Commission for the Organization of an Ethiopian Workers' Party, and others). In Ethiopia the Drogram of the National Democratic Revolution emphasizes that the _ previously semi-feudal and semi-capitalist Ethiopia wtll have to pass through a diffic~lt stage of the national democratic revolution which has the task of "laying the foundations for the transition to socialism."3 At the san?e t~me, the leaders of the Commission for the Organization of a Workers' Party of Ethiopia believe that an orgaiiic connectioi~ between the struggle for political independence and the struggle for economic independence ieflects a fundamental line of the national democratic revolution which is being guided by the strat~gy of sci~enti.fic social- ism.4 The other path of the political instituttonalization and, consequently,of the for- mation of the political superstructure is connected with national democratic dev- - elopment in which a number of anti-imperialist parties and organizations proceed from the perspective of a tr.ansition toward a socialist goal on the basis of a revolutionary unification of the working masses and, first of sll, of the pea- _ santry ucider the leadersliip of petit bourgeois democracy. The borders between these forms and patlis of instt.tutionalization are, of course, very mobile. So substantial a diffexentiation of the heterogeneous golitical forces of countries with a socialist orientation is one of the indicators of the profound inner contra- dictoriness and uneveness of the proces~ of the development of a national democratic revolution into a socialist one. The above-noted dialectic of the revolutionary process has found a concrete historial manifestation above all in the fact that a large number of African and Asian countries (Afghanistan, South Yemen, Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and others) which emerged on the path of a socialist or- ientati