JPRS ID: 10400 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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JPRS L/ 10400
19 March 1982 ~
U~SR Re ort ~
p
_ POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
~ (FO UO 9/82)
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JPRS L/10400
~ 19 March 1982
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(~'OUO 9/82)
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAZ . ~
Shakhnazarov Book Views Fu~ture World Order . ~
~ (G. Kh. Shakhnazaxov; GRYADUSHCHIY MIROPORYADOK, 1981) 1
~Problems of Foreign East, Modern Times~ - Vol z
(G. F. Kir:?; et al.; ZARUBE2EINYY VOSTOK I SOVR.~iNOST', 1980) 3 .
'Problems of Foreign East, Modern Times~ - Vol II ~
(G. F. Kim, et al.; ZARUBEZHNYY VOSTOK I SOVRE'METiNOST',
1980) 20
'Problems of Foreign East, Modern Ti.mes 1Fo1 III
(G, F. Kim, et al.; ZARUBEZHNYY VOSTOK I SOVR~MENNOST',
. 1980) 22
Anti-Soviet Propaganda by Western Religious Centers Criticized
(M. V. Andreyev, et al.; ARGUMENTY, 1980) 37
NATIONAI~ ~
Problems, Tasks of Soviet Philosophy Outlined
(VOPROSY FII,OSOFII, ~an 82) 1~Lt
Rise of Conservatism in West Araalyzed
(A. Yu. Mel'vil; VOPI~OSY FIIASOFI~, Jan 82) 49
Recent Studies on 5oviet Working Class I,isted, Described
(Editoria7. Report) 51 .
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERNATIONAL ~
SHAKHNAZAROV BOOK VIEWS FUTURE WORLD ORDER
Moscow GRYADUSHCHIY MIROPORYADOK in Russian 1981(signed t~~ press~:7 Aug 81)pp 1-2,
447-448
[Table of contents and brief description of book by G.Kh.ShakhnazarovJ
_ [^xcerpts] Title Page:.
Title: GRYADUSHCHIY MIROPORYADOK (The Future Wor~~d Order)
Publisher: Polirizdat
Place and year cf publication: Moscow, 1981
Signed to Press Date: 27 August 1981
Number af Copies Published: 50,000
Number of Pages: 448 .
Brief Descript;ion:
This book by G.Kh. Shakhn.azarov, doctor of legal sciences, president of the ,
Soviet Association of Political Sciences, winner of the USSR State Prize, con-
cludes his st~udy, the first two parts of which were published under the titles
"The Socialist Fate of.Mankind" and "The Fiasco of Futur.ology." The author
~xamines the main trends of contemporary social development and the prospects of
internation3l relations; he sub~ects to critical analysis the views of Western
political scientists and futurologists. The book ~is intended for specialists,
as well as for the general public interested in these problems. .
Table of Contents ~ ~
From th~ Author . 3
Part 1. On the Laws Governing the Development of~International Reiations.... 15 .
_ Chapter 1. Key factcrs 15
Chapter 2. The interaction of world forces ..............................46
Part 2. 'The Problem of Peace 97
- Chapter 3. Concepts 97
Chapter 4. Interests and Realities .....................................142
. 1 .
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Part 3. Peace and the Vital Needs of Mankind..~ 181
Chapter 5. Global problems 181
Chapter 6. Problem situations and conflicts 253
Part 4. The Future World Order 3d5
- Chapter 7. Models and situations 305
Chapter 8. ~ao hundred years later of as you like it 359
396
Concluding chapter. . ~ � " " " " '
435
Subject index
441
Name index
COPYRIGHT: POLITIZDAT, 1981
CSO: 1807/51
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INTERNAT LONAL
~PROBLEMS OF FOREIGN EAST, MODERN TIMES~-VOL I
Moscow ZARUBEZHNYY VOSTOK I SOVREMENNOST' in Russian 1980 Vol 1(signed to press
2'L Sep 80) pp 1-4, 5-18, 530-531, 532-534
~ [Annotation, introduction, author~collective, and table of contents of Vol 1 of "The
- Foreign ~;ast and Modern TimeG: Basic Problems and Tendencies in the Development of
the Countries of the Foreign East," in, three volumes, by Gr F. Kim et aZ., Main
Editorial Office of Eastern Literature, Izdatel'.stvo "Nauka", 18,200 copies, 533 pp]
[Excerpts] The book studies the processes that occur in the socioeconomic base ~
~ chiefly of the developing countries of Asia and North Africa, as well as ques~:ions
~f the class and political struggle in those countries. Various economic prublems
are considered in inseparable connection with an analysis o� the specific nature
of the production relations that predominate in the modern Easi~. ~
Introduction
Among the paramount social changes which, six decades after the historic victory
of the Great October, are shaking the world of social and national oppression, an
important place belongs to the revolutionary constructive creativity of the peoples
of the East. As was emphasized in the Report of General Se~retary of the CPSU
Central Committee, L. I. Brezhnev to the 25th CPSU Congress, one of the typical
features of modern world development is "the serious intensification of the ~influ-
ence of the states which quite recently were colonies or semicoloniesi1. The
second half of the 1970's confirmed the rightness of that evaluatton. Overcoming
the opposition of neocoloni.ali~m, the national-democratic movement of natiuns is
receiving further deepening.and expansion in Southeast Asia, in the Near and Middle
East, and in Tropical Africa. Young sovereign state's are emerging as one of the
~ most dynamic companents of the modern, rapidly changing world. We have in mind
_ not only the indicators of economic development, although.major shifts have been
acnieved in this respect. We also have in mind a.broader series'of questions that
encompass actually the entire totality of the basic aspects of the socia.l life of
the developing countries the economic base, the social structure, the~political
superstructure, and ideology. As a consequence of the transitional nature of the
~ development of the liberated countries, all these spheres have been sub~ected to
rapid, although far from identical, changes.
The completion of the first large historical stage in the national-liberation
movement, which was linked witl~ the collapse of the colo.nial system, means the
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advent af a qualitatively new stage in the hiatory of the countries of Asia,
Africa, and Latin America and which is characterized by a change in those tra-
ditional forms of the popular masses againat imperialism that had been aimed
primarily at expelling the colonizers.
The very logic of life led the peoples of the liberated countries to an under-
standing of the truth that the national-liberation struggle cannot be completed
by the achievement of political independence, that colonialism has set down deep
roots into various spheres of tl~e socioeconomic and ideological-political life of
. the enslaved countries, and that, therefore, the.f inal liquidation of all the
survivals af colonialism is unthinkable without the extirpation of its roots.
Hence the liberated countries are confronted by the imperative need to continue
= the liberation struggle, but now with the emphasis upon the domestic and foreign-
= political aspects, that is, a struggle that is directed primarily against the
heritage of colonialism, against the domestic exploiting upper class. .
- In decuments of the Moscow Conference of Communist and Workers Patties (June 1969)
mention is made of the ever-3:ncreasing role of the anti-imperialistic movement of
the peoples of Asia, Africa, an~ Latin America in the world revolutionary process2.
This phenomenon is not only of a quantitative nature. We are dealing with a new
- qualitative stage, when, in addition to the struggle against imperia~.ism (external
contradictions), one observes more and more clearly the internal social contra-
dictions.
Although the downfall of the colonial system does not mean the liquidation of
colonialism in general, it undoubtedly creates a new situation in the anti-imperi-
alistic struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Today that
struggle is aimed chiefly against those socioeconomic foundations and social-
class forces upon which imperialism relies in its attempt to preserve and even,
if possible, expand the exploitation of the peoples of the developing countries.
Whereas previously there existed a clearly defined line 6f demarcation along
which, ~on one side of the barricade, there stood the nationalTpatriotic forces
- and, along the other side, imperialism and its immediate agent network, at the
present time everything appears to be much more complicated. The struggle against
imperialism is inevitably fractionated through the prism of the internal social
contradictions, and the struggle for the choice of the path for development
frequently leads to a new demarcation for the petty bourgeoisie, the middle ~irban
segments, especially the national intellectuals, and the other social groups of
the transitional society.
The middle of the 1970's became a new, important turning point in the gtruggle for
the economic independence of the liberated sCates, in the course of which they
began to change over to collecti~�e and coordinated methods of struggle and ad-
vanced the slogan of the cardinal reorganization of the system of international
economic relations on the basis of equal rights. Tre first serious victories have
already been won in that struggle, including those cin the "petroleum front."
ilow even the bourgeois experts in the well-developed capitalist countries have
come to the conclusi~n about the urgent necessity for the community of nations to
resolve the "task of developing a new policy and new forms of cooperation," in
order to overcome the gap between the developed and the developing countries, the
instability of the world monetary system, the sharp fluctuations on thP commodity
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markets, the depletion of the world's raw-materials supplies, the consequences of
the many years of natural,calamities, the worsening of the position of the
poorest countries and regions, the slump in world capitalist production,
unemployment, constantly growing inflation, etc.3. �
However, the resolution of the problems linked witli the overcoming of economic
backwardness, with the creation of an independent economy, with raising the
papulation's standard of living, presupposes profound socioeconomic changes;
th~ carrying out of agrari.an reforms in the interests of the working peasantry;
with its participation, ~the annihilation of obsolete feudal and ~ribalistic
relations; the liquidation of monopolies; the radical democratization of social
and political life and the state apparatus; the rebirth of national culture and
the development of its progressive traditions; the reinforcement of the revolu- .
tionary parties and the creation of such parties where they do not yet exist4.
Thus, the present-day stage in the national-liberation movement is characterized
primarily by its turn in the direction of the resolution of acute social _r,roblems,
with the question of the liquidation not only of national oppression, but also of
every kind of social oppression, already being posed several times.~ During the
1960's and especially during the 1970's the strug~le for national liberation in
many countries began to develop into the struggle against exploiter relations,
uoth feudal and capitalistic5.
The anticapitalistic, or socialistic, orientation is becoming one of the leading
tendencies in present-day national-liberation revolutions.
The three-volume.collective~monograph "The Foreign East and Modern Times," which
is being offered to the reader, represents the second, revised edition of the
two-volume work of the same name that was published in 1974. It is devoted to.
a description of the most important phenomena in the socioeconomic and political
life of the developing countries of.Asia and North Africa, basically in the 1960's
and the first half of the 1970's. It must be said that the term "foreign East"
- as used in this work is of an extremely arbitrary nature. To a conaiderablE
degree the term has lost its former meaning, since, with the downfall of the
colonial systPm, its chief basis has disappeared, for, in the past, the East
was a colonial periphery for imperialism and, from that point of view, it, as it
were, symbolized the colonial world.
At the same time, in literature that term has become traditional, containing
within itself not only a geographical, but also a sociopolitical principle.
With a consideration of all these circumstances, when we employ the term "East,"
we have in mind chiefly the developing countries of Asia.and North Africa.
And there is one more important preliminary comment. The book deals with the
processes of today and, consequently, many of the phenomena and eventa that are
described in it are not yet settled and are complicated for the underst~nding of �
contemporaries, since they are dynamic and are rapidly transformed. The state of
sta~:istics also leaves much to be desired: research is also complicated by the
lack of sufficiently representative information concerning the situation in most
of the developing states. It is not by accident that many of the important
problems of the development of the countries of the East have become the ob~ect .
of lively discussicns, and this has found its expression in the fact that, within
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the author collective, there ex.ist dissimilar approaches to certain theoreti~al
_ questions (for example, the nature of multiple ways of life and the tendencies
of their evolution, the peculiarities of the social-class structure, the pros-
pects for the development of revolutionary democracy). Under these conditions
we deemed it possible to retain in the book, to the maximum extent, the existing
points of view withouC subjecting them to an editorial "leveling" process.
In the socioeconomic sections of the monograph, the attempt was made to analyze
in detail but, at the same time, in a comprehensive manner the basic processes
that have occurred and that are currently occurring in the economic base of the
countries of Asia and North Africa. The production shifts in agriculture, in
smal~-scale and factory industry, changes in the course of accumulation and in the
training of national cadres, the situation with regard to the employment rate, and
other economic problems are viewed in inseparable relationship with the specific
production relations that predomina.te in the present-day East~ Their plural
_ nature, the existence of multiple ways of life, create a large peculiarity, the
study of which has become one of the most important tasks of the authors of these
sectinns. Therefore not only the technical-economic aspects of development, or,
in other words, the changes in the status of the productive forces in the definite
branch of the national economy, are coordinated with the evolution of the multiple
nature of the socioeconomic structure, b.ut it is an object of complete research
itself. Individual chapters are devoted to an analysis of the ways of life and
- to the changes in them during the past two to two and a half decades, using the
example of specif ic states and branches of the national economy.
_ This approach to the revealing of the topic makes it possible to provide a better,
deeper analysis of the real difficulties and contradictions in the str:~pgle
being waged by the developing countries f.or the attainment of their economic inde-
pendence. As a result, one can discern more easily the relat3onships that the
production and social aspects of the struggle have with neocolonialism, with the
survivals of the Middle Ages and the local Big Business.
At the present time, among specialists on the East, there exist different opinior,s
relative to the essence of the very phenomenon of m~iltiple ways of life and the
concrete forms of its manifestation. It is completely clear, however, that the
socioeconomic ou~tlook of the developing countries cannot be recreated today
without a consideration of one of the most important and most typical.features of
it the existence of several ways of life. The interaction and conflict among
the various ways of.life form the basis of many of the social contradictions and,
to a considerable exzent,~determine the processes of the further evolution of the
countries of the East. At the same time, despite all the stab~ility of the multiple
ways of life, in the second half of the 1960's and especially in the 1970's there
has come forward as a very important task in the seience of Eastern studies the
analysis of the basic tendencies in the proc:tss of the evolution and transformation
of the multiple ways of life, the ascertaining in this process of the role.played
by the leading, structure-forming way of life, the analysis of the nethods and
forms of overcoming it. In the process of resolving this task, the author collec-
- tive of this taork strove to avoid both the underestimation and the exaggeration of
the importance of the multiple ways of life. This is important in connection with
the fact that individual ways of life (for example, the state-capital ana private-
capital ways of life) operate as a single reproduction complex, but the basic
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classes in the transitional society of the East are organically linked not with
_ one, but with several ways of life. Nor can one ignore the fact that certain
important components of the social structure of the developing countries are
reproduced in the process of the interaction and "butting" of various types of
- production relations.
As is well known, the first person to carry out a scientific analysis of the
phenomPnon or multiple ways of life and the metho~s of channeling that phenomenon
- into a single, organically integral socialist meth~d of production, was V. I.
Lenin. The object of his.study was Soviet Russia during the NEP [New Economic
_ Policy,l peLiod [1921-1936]. The conclusions that were obtained were brilliantly
= used in practice. However, it is only now that we are beginning to realize more
completely the entire significance of Lenin's analysis, whea the similar phenomenon
of the multiple ways of life is being revealed on the tremendous areas of the
developing countries.
What does the existence of multiple ways of life express? It is the best
indicator of the deepest processes of the transitional state of the production
relati_~ns. The growing interest of the social sciences in the transitional
states of society, one must think, wi11 lead to the revealing of the specific
nature of the phenomenon of multiple ways of life during the development of
a definite formation. For the developing countries, the results of this kind of
analysis will be not simply of cognitive interest, but also of the~.absolutely
most vital interest, since they will help to reveal important elements of their
- present-day validity. And yet, in this instance, we are engaged in the problem
= not of transitory phenomena~ in general, but, rather, of transitory p~enomena
under specific conditions, at a definite time, and in a definite direction.
V. I. Lenin laid ehe basis for the study of transitozY phenomena and multiple ways
of life, analyzing those problems under the specific conditions first of pre-
revolutionary and then of postrevolutionary Russia. As a result we obtained a
classic model of the dialectical approach to the study of the general and the
particular in the problem of multiple ways of life, the methodology of which must
be employed when analyzing multip_1_e ways of life in the modern world. Obviously,
it is necessary at such time to take into consideration all the specific features
of the multiple ways of life in the Afra-Asian countries.
In the basic areas of Asia and partially in North Africa, the feudalism that had
been established long ago coexisted with other, more ancient forms of socioeconomic
ways of life, the significance and extent of which were immeasura bly larger and
broader than under the "European" types of feudalism. .
The economic, and then the political invasion of the colonizers effected a cardinal
change in the course of the social evolution of the enslaved countries. The
- foreign usurpers strove for a long time not to spread the new, capitalist relations,
but rather for the maximum pumping out of wealth. Insofar as this was possible
for them, th~;~ placed at their service all varieties of the "native" types of pro-
duction. This achieved a contradictory effect: on the one hand, the traditional
types of social order were.preserved (or, rather, conserved), and, on the other
hand, their inner essence was distorted. The contradictory influence of coloniali-
zation led to tne differentiation of the local precapitalist~ways of life. Some
adapted better to the colonial exploitation, ~nd others adapted worse.
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With the advent of the era of monopoly capitalism, the extremely agonizing
development of thF capitalist ways of life occurred in the colonial and semi-
colonial countries under the influence of the foreign and domestic factors. The
capitalist production relations were not, however, homogeneous: some of the
capitalist enterprises were created by foreign monopoly capital in its interests,
and some grew up as a result of the protracted development of local capitalism.
Thus, the basis of that specific kind of plurarity of the ways of life formed under
the pressure of colonial exploitation.
The ana.lysis of the ways of lif e and the ascertaining of all the mechanisms of
socioeconomic development create an important basis for studying the individual
classes and the class structure of society as a whole. A special section of the
book has been devoted to the present-day social-class struCture, which is
characterized by the "coexistence" of the old, traditional, and the new, modern
classes and social groups. The authors have striven not only to point out the
specific nature of the basic classes of Eastern society, but also to isolate those
very important class segments and groups (the middle segments, the nonproletarian
- segments of the workers, etc.) which have their own specif ic interests and
' occupy a special place in the social and political life.' It is only as a result of
this kind of approach, in our opinion, that one can reveal the important peculi-
arities of the class conflicts in the developing countries at the present-day
stage, and to ascertain the relatively independent nature of the political factors.
Today the question that stands in the center of the class struggle in the libera-
ted countries is the question of choosing the path of social progress. Hence
an ever-growing importance is attached to the study of the ideological situation
in the area of the national-liberation movement, the process of the origin and
development of tHe chief ideo~ogical concepts, and the struggle among various
currents. Factors which are extremely complicated for the researcher are the
determination and interpretation of the most important ideological currents in
- ~the East, which, in the overwhelming majority, represent a variegated mixture of
tradtional and new views, the class content of which sometimes filters through a
complicated system of inediating layers of a religious-communal or tribal nature.
One of the typical features of this ideological situation is, in additiun to the
existence of traditional, bourgeois, and petty-bourgeois ideological concepts,
the origin of a large number of "transitional," basically petty-bourgeois, currents.
As is generally known, the commor? feature for most of the countries in the East
lies in the fact that they put an end to the direct political dominance of the
imperialistic powers, and.are eonfronted by complicated tasks in overcoming the
~ pernicious social and economic backwardness. Today they are in the state of
confrontation with colonial and especially with neocolonialism.
On the path of consolidating their national independence, they will have to over-
come a number of cardinal difficulties and to resolve many fundamental contradic-
tions. The fo~lowing are the most important of them.
First, the contradiction between the dependent (in its structure, colenial) ~
nature of the national economy and the objective need for its intensive develop-
ment for the purpose of achieving ~economic independence and consolidating the
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political independence. We have in mind the need for decisive shifts in
material production, and the reorganization of the deformed, one-sided,specializa-
tion of the economy as the agrarian type for producing raw materials, which will
inevitably result. in ~ubstantial changes in the entire social structure of society
and its production relations.
Secondly, the contradiction hetween the democratic forces which are striving for
_ fundamental changes in the interests of social progress, and the reactionary
forces, which are inclined to make concessions with imperialism. That contra-
diction is leading to the sharp intensif ication of the class struggle.
Thirdly, contradictions among various ideological tendencies. Among these contra-
dictions one must isolate the struggle of the neocolonialistic and revolutionary-
democratic concepts. The "splitting" of bourgeois nationalism and the arising
of petty-bourgeois currents of a transitional nature, as well as presocialistic
concepts that bear the charge of revolutionary radicalism, have become one of the .
peculiarities in the ideological and political lif e of many developing cuuntries.
The creation of independent national states predetermined the curtailment of
those traditional f~rms of the struggle of the popular masses against imperialism
which were aime3 at br.eaking the apparatus of the colonial administration and
driving out the colonizers. The center of gravity of the struggle againsb imperi-
alism was shifted to the sphere of intergovernmental relations. At the present
time it has taken on the nature of economic, political, and diplomatic contradic-
_ tions and even military conflicts. The countries with national-democratic regimes
use, in the struggle against imperialism, the power of their state apparatus.
An important place is occupied at such time by the capabilitity of establi5hing
treaty relations with other states (primarily with countries of the socialist
community),~which leads to the internationalization of the struggle and a quali-
tative change in the correlation of the forces that are in a confrontation
situation.
The Afro-Asian countries do not represent an organically integral and homogeneous
- group. They are not of the same type, and large differences exist between indi-
vidual groups of countries. Realizing the entire conventionality of any classi-
- fication of such dynamic phenomena as modern developing countries, we neverthe-
less attempted to isolate four groups of countries, keeping in mind primarily
their types of evolution in the course of social progress.
The first group includes the countries with comparatively developed national
_ capitalist ways of life in the economy and a relatively independent national
bourgeoisie, which, acting in alliance with or making a comFromise with other
classes, is capable of definite anticolonial and anti-imperialistic actions in
the defense of the national economy and political sovereignty. In the countries
of this group, there has occurred, for the most part, class differentiation;
the capitalist ways of lif~e predominate in the city and are waging an offensive
on the rural areas. The national bourgeoisie which is in power is sufficiently
strong and experiencedto lead these countries along the path of capit~list
development. These countries resolve their contradictions with imperialism not
only by a strugg7.e, but also by an agreement with it. This group includes a
number of countries in the Middle East and South and Southeast Asia.
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The second group includes the countries with the predominance of semifeudal
and even prefeudal ways of life, with a class structure that is still poorly
developed. The comparatively narrow elite which is in pa-aer does not have a
more or less stable social base. Ther.efore.one frequently observes there an
acute.struggle among the social groups and even the nar.row political groupings with
regar3 to the question of choosing the path for further development. One must
include many of the states in Tropical Africa in this group.
The third group includes the countries or territories in which the capitalist
ways of life are developing under the decisive effect, or with the direct partici-
pation, of foreign monopoly capital, with the latter exerting pressure upon the
other ways of lif e and misforming them. The national bourgeoisie in these
countries is subordinate to foreign monopolies, and the political institutions
and state apparatus are subordinate to imperialism. As a rule, the governments
of these countries. which are independent of imperialism participate in the
knocking together of various military blocs.
The fourth group is made up of the countries that~have accepted socialist orienta-
tion. In these countries the basic positions of the foreign capitalis.t way of
life have been undermined, the agrarian reform is dealing a tangible blow at the
feudal way of lif e, and a serious offensive is being waged against major national
capital.. The structural changes in the base are leading to shifts albeit not
always adequate in the superstructure as well. A number of progressive social
refa~ms are being carried out (in the area of workers legislation, public health,
education, etc.). The foreign-policy course of these states is aimed at expanding
the cooperation with the socialist countries.
The level of economic and social development, the correlation of the class forces,
~~the degree of interference by imperialism, and the capabilities of cooperation wi.th
the countries of socialism are creating that concrete-historical situation which
determines the basic content of the natinnal-liberation revolutions in earh
country. At the same time, the 1970's were typif ied not only by the further deepen-
ing of the differentiation between the two extreme poles the socialist and the
capitalist but also by the processes of inner crystallization and differentia-
tion in the very groups of the developing countries wnich have already begun
to orient.themselves to socialism or capitalism. This leads sometimes to a
new placement of forces on a regional scale, and p~artially also on a world scale.
The independent states of Asia and Africa, in their socioeconomic development,
~ lagged behind the advanced countries by many decades. That means that the
replacement of capitalism by socialism is a process that is prolonged in time and
complicated in its essence. It can occupy a relatively large period of time and
_ can be broken down into a number of.stages.. Experience shows us that, for
the majority of the liberated countries, capitalist orientation does not promise
any cardinal resolution of the fundamental socioecononic tasks. Despite the
possible partial economic successes, they have waiting for them, in the final .
analysis, the fate of conversion into neocolonies, that is, formally independent
states with a subordinate, ma~.formed economy. On the capitalist path they will
remain in the status of a"rural periphery" of the capitalist world, since the
chasm that separates them from the developed countries will broaden more and more
during the age of the scientific-technical revolution.
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The states with socialist orientation, using such levers for the mobilization
of economic potentials as the nationalization of the extraction and processing
of mineral resources; the expansion of the state sector in industry, power
engineering, and transportation; the development of cooperatives in agriculture;
the consolidation of state f inances; as well as economic aid provided by
the socialist countries, developing the planned principle in management, and
mobilizing the creative energy of the masses, are able, when the historical
conditions are favorable, to leap across the gap of centuries of backwardness
in only a few decades, that is, during the lifetime of a single generation.
- Of course, the choice of the path of noncapitalistic development itself does not
automatically guarantee the suc~essful resolution of these tasks. To an equal
extent one should not expect on this path an immediate effect. The historical

I experience of the previously backward nations of the USSR indicates that what is
required here is painstaking work, which is fraught with many difficulties, as
well as the mobilization of all the material and spiritual resources of the nations.
For the future prospects of the national-liberation movement (by which we under-
s~and also the present-day stage in the development of the countries of Asia and
Africa), a factor that will be of tremendous importance is the.further dissemina-
tion of scientific socialism. In this regard, the monograph points out the role
and place of the A�ro-Asian proletariat, its closest political allies (the
peasantry, the nonproletarian segments of the workers, the national intellectual
class, and other groups) and the very important problems that are linked with the
activities of the Communist and revolutionary-democratic parties in the countries
of the East. .
The correct description of the situation in the East would be unthinkable without
the ascertaining. of the place and role of the national question at the present-day
level. The countries of Asia and Africa, as is well known, are, in the overwhelm-
ing majority, multinational ones. At the prasent time, as a result of the fact
that the chief center of the liberation struggle has shifted to the sphere of
socioeconomic reforms, there has been a considerable aggravation of the national
question. Various nationalities which are at a dissimilar level of socioeconomic
development and social-class differentiation, and which, by virtue of the histori-
cal conditions, occupy a dissimilar~position within the system of the internal
social interrelationships of the particular state, understand variously the
tasks of economic development and ~the social reforms.
_ The nationalistic friction~ with regard to the economic problems do not necessari-
ly take the nature .of a strugale with regard to the choice of the path of develop-
ment. They can also arise as a result of the choice of the type of capitalist
evolution. The interests of the nore developed bourgeoisie of one nation or
nationality lead to a conflict with the striving of the aristocr.atic, tribal, or
bureaucratic leaders of another nation or nationality to preserve their privi-
leges, and then both forces appeal to "their own" ethnic masses, advancing
nationalistic slogans. Very frequently in African countries one observes the
attempts of the bourgeoisie of one nationality to become rich at the expense of
the bourgeoisie of another nationality, to guarantee themselves the monopoly
right of exploitation on the regional, "intra-ethnic" market.. Putting it more
briefly, behind many "national" demands one can discern a completely definite
social-class interest, alb~eit one which is disguised by nationalistic slogans.
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An important cause of the aggravation of the national question lies in the nature
of the ethnical processes in the East themselves. They are distinguished by a
dynamic and incomplete nature. In many countries, all three major stages of the
ethnic process coexist: the formation of the tribes into nationalities; the
formation of nations from the nationalities; and the internal consolidation af
the nations that have already fox~med. Thus, there exists a historically developed
- une~~enness in ethnic development, an unevenness which, naturally, gives rise to
unequal rights for r_he various nationalities, and which, consequently, can serve
as a source of nat.'_onal conflicts.
The qualification and classification of the national movem~nts in the East as a
natural consequenr_~e af the aggravation of the national question is a matter of
primary importance and, at the same time, of exceptional complexity. In the
sphere of national relations, the class content emerges in an extremely mediated
form: it frequently is difficult for contemporaries to isolate in a particular
~ national mov~ment the fundamental interests of the working masses and to avoid
the reefs of either the nationalistic or the chauvinistic approach. A factor that
takes on very great importance in this regard is the needfor a decisive struggle
against the ideology and policy of Maoism, which plays an extremely pernicious
role in the national-liberation struggle of the peoples of the East. Extreme mani-
festations of chauvinism and anti-Sovietism, the vulgarization of the principles
of scientif ic socialism, and the formation of blocs with the most reactionary
imperialistic circles leave no doubt that the Maoist strategy is being converted
into a special, extremely dangerous variety of mod-arn anticommunism. The correct
combination of the national and the international in the spirit of revolutionary
- dialectics and in the application to the specific national situation in our time
is impossible without the successive unmasking of Maoiam.
- When evaluating the nation~l movements from the point of view of their progressive
or reactionary nature, it is necessary to proceec~, first, from their deep class
content and , second, from their ob~ective, primarily international, consequences.
It will be incorrect at such time to give preference to the former or the latter
aspect of the question: in the present-day world the domestic and international
aspects of the national movements form an organic fusion as never before. In addi-
ition, it is necessary to remember that, under the conditions of the countries
with multiple ways of life, which are deeply split by the most vsried social
contradictions, "pure types" of national movements are encountered not frequently.
Frequently the progressive and reactionary tendencies coexist and oppose one
another in one and tihe same movement, and it is not always possible to predict
which tendency will prove to be the leading one.
In the ethriic processes in the countries of the East there are two basic tendencies:
the objective (consolidational) and the differential (disintegrational). Sometimes
both these tendencies coexist. ~
' Not only the very rich experience of history, but also the current political life
of the peoples of Asia and Africa, demonstrates the doomed nature of the narrowly
nationalistic, isolated movements. The lessons of history and modern times dictate
the need that the nations which are fighting for their own national rights have to
unite with the democratic forces and tne working aoasses of the dominant nation
and the other national minorities. This is the most effective method of struggling
- for the elimination of national oppression and simultaneously the chief ineans of
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combatting bath narrow-minded nationalism and great-power chauvinism. The
other, international aspect of the united front of national movements' tactic,
a tactic which has demonstrated its effectiveness, is the orientation toward the
countries of the socialist communi