JPRS ID: 10541 EAST EUROPE REPORT POLITICAL, SOCIOLOGICAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 54
• Content Type: REPORTS

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-00850R040500060054-1
- FOR OF FICIAL USE OiVLY
- JPRS L/ 10541
,
26 May 1982
East Eu~ro e Re ort
p p
POLITICAL, SOClOLOGICAL A~fD MILITARY AF~AIRS
~
CFOUO 8/82) ~
,
Fg~$ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2407/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500064454-1
NOTE
- JPR~ publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
transmissions and broadc~sts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.
Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [ExcerptJ in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processi_ng indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.
Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliteratel are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
- Other unattrit~uted parenthetical notes within the body of an
' item originate with the source. Times within ~tems are as
given by source.
The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or at.titudes of the U.S. Government.
COPYRIGHT LAWS AND REGULATIONS GOVERNING OWNERSHIP OF
MATERIAT.S REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUIRE THAT DISSEMINATION
- OF THIS PUBLICATION BE RESTRICTED FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00854R000540060054-1
JPRS L/10541
~ 26 May 1982
EAST EUROPE REPORT ~
POLITICAL, SOCIOL,OGIGAL AND MILITARY AFFAIRS
(~'oUO 8/82~
CONTENTS
HUNGARY
'THE TIMES' Views Pacifist Trends in :Kungarian Church
(Patricia Clough; THF. TIMES, 3 r:ay 82) 1
Gyula Horn Interviewed on PCI, Poland
(Gyula Horn Interview; LA STA1~A, 13 Apr 82) 4
POLAND
Solidarity (:~mvlaint on Aid Distribution Cited
(Neal Ascherson; TI~ OBSERVER, 21 Feb 82) 8
London Paper Reports on Warsaw University Atmosphere
(Charles Gana; THE SUNDAY TIMES, 21 Feb 82) 9
- a - [III - EE - 63 FOUO]
FOR OE'F'ICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

~
HUNGARY
- 'THE TIMES' VIEWS PACIFIST TRENDS IN HUNGARIAN CHURQi
PM031011 London THr TIMES in English 3 May 82 p 8
[Undated dispatch by Patricia Clough from Budapest: "Why Himgary's Priest
of Peace I~ at War Witn His Bishops"]
- [Text] The Christian pa~~iism which is fuelling anti-nuclear movements across
Europe has sprung up among Catholics in Hungary, and is being bitterly fought
by their church.
It is spreading among the more radically-minded of several thousand tiny
" Catholic groups which were forcied during the long years of religious perse-
cution, ,~~eeting secretly in one another's houses to pray, medit~te, hear
mass and keep the faith alive.
~ Although the official church, to which about 60 percent of Hun;arians
theoreticall;~ belong, has enjoyed relative freedom for the past 10 years
or so, these groups still flaurish, suspected by the hierarchy and the state
alike, who feel they elude their control.
Both are alarmed above all by a growing constellation of about 100 groups
inspired by Father Gyorgy Bulyani, a stocky, whitehaired priest in his
early 60's, who believes Catholics should live like Christ and his disciples,
poor, humble and nonviolent.
In the past 18 months the non-violence amang his ?,500 or so followers has
_ developed into demands--considered rank mutiny in a communist state--to do
social work instead of compulsory military service. Several have been
jailed for refusing to serve and three priests have been suspended for
preaching conscientious objection.
Bishups and state have also been disturbed by the occasional sudden appear-
ance of many thousands of young Catholics, s~oned by a kind of bush
telegraph, at pilgrimage places to pray, sing and discuss nonviolence.
At present the groups are mainly opposed to bearing arms. Although they
ob~ect to Soviet as well as Western missiles, nuclear weapons are not an
issue among Htmgarians, who seem to have a greater fear of conventional war.
1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2447/02/09: CIA-RDP82-44850R444544464454-1
Radical and moderate Hungarian clergy alike are convinced that it is a
' spontaneous phenomenon, not influenced by the West. But at the same time
- they see it as the Himgarian version of a spirit which, like the 1968
student unrest, is spreading across the continent and which sho~s that,
although militarily divided, Euroge is still very much a living e*~tity.
The mood is somewhat similar to that in the Netherlands, where religious
objections have so far prevented the government from accepting NATO missiles.
In West Germany, Christians, with ecologists and left-wingers, are one of
the main threads in the peace movement which is challenging the government's
defence policy and souring relations with the United States. ?n communist
Ea~t Germany young Protestants are opposing missiles in East and West and
�;emanding an alternative to military service. "Our movement is entirely
originol and autochthonous," Father Bulayni says, "but we are glad when we
read thut u~her people in the Christian world think as we do. There is such
a thing a. the zeitgeist, the spirit of the times, which makes the same
thought crop up in different places at the same time."
Professor Tamas Nyiri, head of the Catholic Theological Academy in Budapest,
says: "Thousands of years of comanon European histury cannot be wiped out
in 37 years of division."
T:~e pacifism of Father BLlyani and his followers has set off a tense,
three-sided struggle between themselves, the conservative ch~irch hierarchy
and the regime.
While the groups insist their motives are purely religious, the state sees
them as clear political opposition. But cleverly, instead of crac'c.ing down
and damaging its own relatively liberal i~age, it is exerting immense
~ pressure on the bishops to stamp it out themselves. .
Mr Imre Miklos, the state secretary for church questions, says airily:
"This is an internal affair of the church." But he is believed to have
warned the bishops that there will be no further improvements in the
church's sri.11 very difficult existence imless they succeed.
So while the East German Protestant bishops are defending their pacifists,
the Hungarian Cat,holic hierarchy has angrily attacked Father Bulanyi and
demanded that he come to heel. It avoids mentioning nonviolence, but
accuses him instead of "erroneous theological teachings." The accus ation
has been re~ect.ed by Rome and the bishops' efforts to get Father Bulanyi
transferred abroad by his teaching order have failed.
Gently, with a charming, slightly crooked smile, Father Bulanyi says he
has r.o intention of toeing the line. "We do what our consciences tell us."
He and many less radical Catholics accuse the church, and in particular
Cardinal Laszlo Lekai, the primate, of servility to the state. They feel
he should fight harder for more rights and religious freedom. Cardinal
Lekai and other bishops were appointed in a compromise arrangement between
the Vatican and the government and, many believe, it shows.
2
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-00850R040500060054-1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
'1'hruughout Hungar~an history, they say, the Cathc~Iic hierarchy has always
identified with the state and been part of the establi~hment, en~oying power
and riches. Now, they feel, it has a similar relationship with the r_ommunist
regime. "The alliance of throne and altaz," Father Bulanyi contemptuously
calls it.
Meanwhile fewer and fewer people, he says, are aoing to church. "Sitting
in a pew and listening to what a priest says is an activity for 60 and
70-year-olds. What irritates Cardinal Lekai is the fact that we do not ~aant
passively to accept what he says but to think wi:,i: .,ur own heads."
Caught between the two millstones is a goodhearted, lovable former parish
priest who foimd himself heading a badly deplet~d church in an atheist
state, desperately short of priests and nuns, its few activities strictly
controlled by the state and with religious life more incense i~~ the small
groups than in the parishes.
Cardinal Lekai's colleagues suspect that his cautious line is partly prompte~
by memories of persecution, the years of imprisonment, th reats, harassment
and fear. He maintains that the church will gain nothing by fighting far
everything at once and insists on progress by smal_? steps. But they are
so small and slow that even the Vatican itself has urged him *_o be. ~ore
courageous.
Even small steps--he wants to be able to ordain more priests, to use lay
catechists, to hold religious classes in vicarages instead of the churches
where the secret service can keep an eye on them--may come to nothing if
Father Bulanyi is not tamed.
A split in the church would evidently suit the regime, on tY.~ principle
of divide and rule, and Father Bulanyi and Cardinal Lekai are clearly nn
a collision course. But Professor Nyiri doubts that it would come to that.
"Nobody on either side wants a schism," he says.
COPYRIGHT: Times Newspapers Limited, 1082
~ CSO: 2020/42
3
FOR OFF[CIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1
� Vn V~ \ ~~.~~~u ~.JL~ VI~V�
HUNGARY
GYULA HORN INTERVIEWED ON PCI, POLAND
~ PM201145 Turi.z LA STAMPA in Italian 13 Apr 32 p 3
[Undated interview in Budapest with Gyula Hom, der -Ly director of the
Himgarian Socialist Workers Party (MSZI~) Departme nt of International
Relations by Frane Barbieri: "Xddar Pilgrimage to Warsaw"]
[Text? Budapest--Kadar will be the �irst of the Eastern bloc leaders to
visit Ja.ruzelski in Warsaw, which is still imd~r martial law. The Htmgarian
leader will visit the Polish capital ~s early as the end of this month.
The news, still unofficial, prompts two kinds of conside--ation. The
author of the most stable and contented form of socialism is brinf;ing,
with his visit, legitimization to the most ~stable atid saddest r~i the
' . regimes of rPal socialism. Their contribution to the famous international
solidarity is now becoming burdensome for th~ prudent Hungarians. Kadar,
who has never L~_en fond of traveling, would probably have preferred to
miss this visi~ too. The tribute to Jaruzelski can also be regarded from
a more attractive viewpoint, however. In other words, ~za rh~ expression
of the hope that PQland will succeed in r~leasing itself from its national
tragedy in the same way as the H~garians did. By choosing Kadar as his
first guest �Iaruzelski is indicating the experianti.e that he wishes to follow:
Kadarism, in the sense of redemption, trom humiliation to national accord.
Jaruzelski has everything to gain from presenting himself as the Polish
Kadar. It remains to be seen how much Kadar will gain by approving him--if
for no other reason than the uniform that sets them apart.
Perhaps in no uther Eastern bloc cotmtry have the events in Poland so
strongly influenced feeling~s and the political atmosphexe and prompted
such widespread fears. FurtheYmore, of all of then; the Htmgarians have
gaitied the most, have the most to lose. If Solidarity had won. it would
suddenly have revealed tlie discrepancy between economic and political
_ reformism which Kadar's gradualism can conceal but not reconcile. If,
however, the military regime now fails to find a political path to reformism,
all the liberal--type ter.dencies--and Kadarism first and foremost--run the
risk of being overwhelmed by an authoritarian re~-ival, under suspicion of
their destabilizing the socialist eamp. Thus we find K~dar's tradition~lly
cautfous intercommimist diplomacy being employed with respecC to Poland
twice, exceeding customary practice. The Himgarian Trade U.cion was the
first and only one to seud a telegram establishing a dialo~ue to the
Solidarity Congress. Now Kadar is the first Eastern bloc :~ad of state
to visit Warsaw.
4
FOR OFFICIAL USE GNLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2407/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500064454-1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
It is no coincidence that the conflict between [PCI Secretary General]
Berlinguer and Moscow has also had more far-reaching effects in Budapest.
Obviously there could have been no doubts about whose side Kadar would
take. But this alignment was full of nuances, and sometimes even contradic-
tions. For instance, the first article in the party newspaper seemed
ve ry possib ilist toward the PCI. A second one, however, put~lished in the
same party's theoretical journal, seemed to rule out any kind of dialoguE.
Despite this conflicting stance, a personal envoy from Kadar left for Rome
imm~diately. Following talks at PCI headquarte rs he left im~nediately for
Moscow. It seemed that moderate Budapest was attempting to mediate between
Berlinguer ardd Brezhnev.
However secret it might have seemed at first, we did not find it too
difficult to discover the na~ure of the triangular mission. In the ultra-
~ modern Central Committee b uilding on the Danube embankment we met wi~h the
envoy himself: The Budapest-Rome-Moscow mission was performed by Gyula
Horn, deputy director of the Department of International Relations, who
is in charge of relations with the Western parties, a kind of Hungarian
Vadim Zagladin [first deputy chief of the CPSU Central Committee Inter-
national Section].
[Ques*ion] May I ask what was said in Rome and Moscow?
[AnswerJ Obviously, we cannot accept the stazcces of our PCI friends.
If we did accept them we would have to abandon our principles. We expressed
our stance clearly. We consider the PCI's stance unrealistic inasmuch as
it takes no accoi.mt of the specific circumstances that led to thc~ Polish
[imposition of martial law] 13 December. The Italian friends failed to
perceive the danger of a counterrevolution and civil war, whereas we did.
If the Poles had not taken this step, civil war would have broken out and
the intervention of the other Pact coimtries would have been inevitab:.e.
Only an idealist could believe that it could have been avoided. We can
see that this step was in fact carried out by the Poles alone, and that is
what counts. Obviously, socialism does not imply the need to stabilize
a situation by military means, but in socialism God only knows what means
can be used. It is im realistic for the Italians to maintain that a
democratic dialogue which no longer had any chances of success should have
been continued.
[Question] Berlinguer's assessment ~f ~oviet policy seems more realistic,
howeve r.
[Answer] Indeed, rhe other matter discussed in Rome w~s the fact that the
Italians issued a very harsh verdict on the USSR's foreign policy. To
some extent the PCI equates U.S. policy and Soviet policy. We cannot
accept this, not only as allies of the USSR but also because we are
involved in implementing this policy.
[Question] Do you too feel directly affected by Berlinguer`s criticisms?
5
FOR OFFIC[AL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/42/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500064454-1
[Answer] Yes, we also discussed the negative assessment of existing socialism
issued. Nobody denies the problems and the worries--indee~, the increasing
problems within the sphere of socialism--but to judge the whole of real
socialism and all its associated phenomena as essentially negative seems
to us frankly unrealistic. Neither we ourselves nor the socialist countries
as a whole can accept it.
[Question] So was there complete disagreement during your visit to Rome?
[AnswerJ No, tHese are tough, we~Lghty at~d serious matters, but it is -
essential that interparty contacts surviv~e even in situations where
positions contrast harshly. In practice these conversations demonstrated
the desire to continue the dialogue. [p,nswer ends]
Next we discussed Moscow. Horn assured us that his two visi ts were
imconnected, that he left Rome for Moscow within the framework "of regular
exchanges."
[Question] Technically speaking, your triangular visit, taking place in
such a short space of time and in the midst of the polemic, inevitably
seemed like a mediation bid: To say in Rome and Moscow that which they
could no longer tell each other dire ctly.
[Answer] Is it possible to imagine that the Soviets need to use anyone
as an intermediary or mesaenger?
[Question] An autonomous attempt at mediation seems consistent with
Hungarian policy, since the other two sides are on such bad terms.
- [~~aswer] I sta~:e categorically that there was no mediation and that none
was needed. We 3id not request any preliminary advice from anyone. The
~ Soviets are very well acquainted with the Italiar� position ar_d do not need
us as a source. Especially since contacts st~ll exist and are still
taking place between the PCI and the CPSU.
[Ques
~ion] Even what you are telling us suggests a certain difference
between the Hungarian and Soviet stances. According to the Hungarians, the
Italian position, despite its harshness anc? erroneousness, still falls
within the intercommimist dia:logue. For :.he Soviets, the Italian position
rules out any possibility of dialogue.
[Answer] No, such a Soviet stance daes not exist. The PCI has already
expressed its criticisms several times. The Soviets were entitled to
reply, but rh at did not h~use me to believe that they do not want contacts
and dialogue.
[Question] But this time a Soviet article has stated that the PCI has
isolated itself.
[Answer] But nowadays whence is it possible to expel anyone, or to expel
oneself? There is no center, there is no organism; therE are autonomous
and independent parties. Who can be excluded, and from where?
6
FOR OFF[CIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/49: CIA-RDP82-00850R040500060054-1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
[Question] Nevertheless, what is bei.ng said does not seem exactly li.ke
a dialogue.
[Answer] The Soviet reacti~ns are really strong and fiery. But you must
tr;~ somewhat to put yourself in the CPSU's place. If someone else says
of you that ev~rything that you have done in your life is evil ("You are
not a socialist country," "you are not a comm~ist party"--I am saying this
plainly) what ~an you reply: Can you issue a calm or cool response?
Such charges are intolerable. [Answer ends]
So the mediation is one that did not take place ~,ut which nevertheless
had an effect. It demonstrated once again that Hungary adonts the same
stances in a different manner. It falls in line and distan::es itself at
the saAe time. Another Central Committee member insisted to us that he
rejects as incongruous Berlinger's profuse compliments regarding the
successes of the Hungarian model and his simultaneous accusations against
real socialism. This party intellectual assured us that there is no special
model and no difference from the other socialist countries. So Berlinguer's
' acknowledgements are inappropriate. Having said that, the Hungarians are
always trying to earn further recognition. Though with his visit to
Warsaw Kadar risks not earning much.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 Editrice LA STAMPA S.p.A.
CSO: 3104/202
7
FOR OFF'CIAL USE dNLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2447/02/09: CIA-RDP82-44850R444544464454-1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
POLAND
SOLIDARITX COMPLAINT ON AID DISTRIBUTION CITED
LD210949 ~ondon THE OBSERVER in English 21 Feb 82 p 6
[By Neal Ascherson]
[Text] The West should stop sending food to the Polish Red Cross, according
to a Solidarity group in Poland.
A message which has reached the observer from the underground Solidarity
leadership in Wroclaw, Lower Silesia, complains that the local Red Cross is
failing to distribute relief to those who need it.
The message alleges that the Polish Red Cross is subordinate to the Ministry
of the Interior, which also commands the police, the ZOMO riot force and
various army units.
"Food aid sent by the International Red Cross to the Polish Red Cross is
getting into Lhe.wrong hands," it says.
"Those who really benefit are the fami3ies of top off icials, and even of inembers
of the military government, the ZOMO or the police.
"Only remnants are left for those who really need the aid, which is, in
addition, badly and chaotically distributed (not always out of ill-will but
partly because of lack of man-power and local problems)."
Huge queues of mothers with small children, Wroclaw Solidarity goes on, "wait
for t~ours to receive, for example, two packet~ of baby food. As a rule they
benefit only once from this a id, at the cost of their health; strength and
time."
The message concludes: "The only institution which properly--sometimes excel-
lently--organises aid for the interned and arre sted and their families and
for others in need, is the Catholic Church.
"It is, therefore, better that food aid to Poland from abroad should go to the
archbishops' offices, ur directly to parishes, rather than to the Polish Red
Cross."
COPYRIGHT: The Observer Ltd 1982
: CSO: 2020/40
8
FOR OFFiCIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1
~ POLAND ~
LONDOP? PAPEI~ REPORTS ON WARSAW UNIVERSITY ATMOSPHERE
PM131051 London THE SUNDAY TIMES in English 21 Feb 82 p 9
[Charles Gans Warsaw dispatch: "Fear Keeps Polish Colleges Quiet But Only
on the Surface"]
[TextJ When classes resumed at Warsaw University, students found some special
additions to the narmal curriculwn--compulsory lectures in all departments
that might best be entitled: "Introduction to N3artial Law." In the lectures,
loyalist faculty members or army off icers from the campus Military Liaison
Departmer~t read out new restrictive university regulations and attempted to
explain that martial law was necessary to avoid�bloodshed.
A fourth-year student of Romance languages said her class was decidedly
inattentive. As an army off icer expounded the off icial line, students sat
in the lecture hall knitting, reading or eating apples. When no one volun-
teered any questions the off icer asked: "How do you imagine your future?"
After a chorus of guffaws, a voice from the back sai~: "If ~ou're talking
about the immediate future, I'd ~ust like to have a smoke because we've already
been sitting here an hour and a half listening to you."
A graduate student in sociology said: "When there was hope you could talk
about the f uture, but now we don't talk about it any more. I don't even know
what will heppen in two months' time, so I just worry about f inding enough
money to survive from month to month."
Although ~he authorities feared trouble when the universities reopened, the
campus has been fairly quiet., Despite the atrict martial law regulations,
there have as yet been no big shakeups in the faculty or curriculum. About
. 50 faculty members and students have been irterned or arrested, but mostly
on account of of_~f-camgus activities.
Perhaps the most obvious difference is in the atmosphere on campus. Now that
the 16-month-old experiment in democratising university life has ended, the
shared feel~ng of ~oy and hope among professors and students has vanished, to
be replaced by an atmosphere of mistrust, uncertainty and fear.
A junior staff inember who was active in Solidarity fears that she will lose
her job if a verification process takes place, ffieaning that she will have to
take some boring job ~ust to support her child.
- 9
FOR OFFICIAL USE OtVLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2407/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500064454-1
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
Fe:.irs that at the first sign of trouble students might be drafted into military
5crvice or the universities might be closed have so far proved a more effective
policing mechanism than any number of troops on campus.
Last week, Warsaw University faculty members worked hard behind the scenes to
dissuade students from staging any demonstrations to mark the f irst anniversary
- of thp signing of the Lodz Agreements that ;ave birth to the Independent
Students' Association, now dissolved.
- Now faculty members and students alike complain of the "oppressive" atmosphere
even though there are almost no police or soldiers on campus. Staff inembers
= take turns checking the identity of visitors to all departments. Students
cannot stay on campus after 8 pm and must be back in their dormitories befora
the doors close at 9 pm.
Offic~als at the Ministry of Higher Education insist L-hat such di::cipline is
necessary just to make up for the two :aonths lost as a result of November's
student st~ike and the delay in reope:ting campuses following mart.tal law, but
a senior official added: "We want to make students work so hard that they'll
Fur~;et about all political commitments which would turn the authorities against
l:hem."
This official claimed the government still intended to enact a long-discussed
reform permitting limited university autonomy and other changes. "We won't be
back to the situation before August 1980 (when Solidarity was born), nor will
we abide by everything that was agreed to under the strike pistol a year ago
in Lodz," he said. There were no immediate plans for a wideranging "verifica-
tion" of faculty.
However, there are fears that Warsaw University and other institutions might
become a victim of the power struggle now raging between centrists and hard-
liners within the party leadership. At a recent closed door meeting with party
activists from local colleges, the Warsaw party chief, Stanislaw Kociolek,
cal.led for immediate dismissal of several rectors and a thorosgh verification
of all staff. He lashed out at the academic community as enemies of the
socialist system.
Kociolek singled out for particular criticism the Warsaw University rector,
Henryk Samsonowicz, an internationally-known historian who led the movement
to democratise university life and founded the now-suspended Conf erence of
Rectors.
F~~c:ulty members involved in university administration are in a moral dilemma.
have no idea how I shoud behave," saicl one. "I feel responsible for doing
everything possible to protect the university against provocation."
"At lhe same time I feel that I'm just giving up and playing their game. By
lullowing tt~eir orders I'm just a special kind of policeman."
COPYRIGHT: T imes Newspa~ers Limited, 1982
l:SO: 2020/39 END
i0
FOR OFFICIAI, USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/09: CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060054-1