JPRS ID: 10618 WORLDWIDE REPORT TERRORISM

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500070064-9
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• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 64
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/10618
28 JuNE 1982
Worldwide Report
TERRORISM
FOCIO 4/82

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JPRS L'/10618
28 June 1982
WORLDWIDE REPORT
TERRORISM
FOUO 4/'82
CONTENTS
WEST. EUROPE
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
Scricci4lo's Role in Relations Between BR, Bulgaria
(Mauriz4.o De Luca; L'ESPRESSO, 23 May 82) 1
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF' GERMANY
RAF Seen Cooperating With Irish Terroriat Groups
(Werner Kahl; DIE WELT, 26 May 82)
RAF Pronouncements
(RAF: TEXTE, 1977) 6
FRL NCE
- Mideast Policy Jeopardized Over Syrian Terrorist Ties
(Kosta Chriatitch; LE POINT, 3-9 May 82) 23
Carlos' Activities, Friends, KGB Ties Examined
(Jean Cau; PARIS MATCH, 14 May 82) 29
~ ITALY
Memoirs From the Underground: An Unrepentant Terrorist
- Tells His Story
(Giorgio; IL PANE E LE ROSE, Nov 81) 35
,
a _ (ISI - WW - 133 FOUO]
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INTERNATIONAL AFFATRS
SCRICCIOLO'S ROLE IN RELATIONS BETWEEN BR, BULGARIA
Rome L'ESPRESSO in Italian.23 May 82 pp 16-19
LArticle by Maurizio De Luca: "There's a Bulgarian in His Past']
LText1 The courts contend that Luigi Scricciolo was
, the link between the Red Brigades and Bulgaria. Here
_ are the charges against him and his replies.
Rome, 3 March 10,62--With a considerable display of force during a union
meeting in the Convention Hall of Florence, the police arrested Luigi
Scricciolo, chief of UIL's international affairs section, and his wife,
Paola Elia. The accusations are indeed extremely serious: the couple are
members of the Red Brigades and constitute the last Italian link in a chain
- of contacts between the terrorists who kidnapped NATO General James L. Dozier
and an Eastern European country. That country is Bulgaria. The judges are
- now sure that they have ferreted out one of the BR's international connec-
tions. Scricciolo and his wife promptly denied all accusations and pleaded
their innocence, while the public followed the case with bewilderment.
Labelled a BR member, the highest union leader ever nabbed in an
enquiry into terrorism has landed in jail.
The charges are based on testimony given by three "repentants:" F.ntonio
Savasta, his companion Emilia Libera and subsequently Loris Scricciolo, a
cousin of Luigi and himseif a Red Brigadier. Their three testimonies, however,
amount in substance to one, the confessions of Loris, since Savasta and
Emilia Libera h,ave repeated what they heard from him. Luigi's lawyers instant-
_ ly dismissed Loris as a mythomaniac. Luigi:;and Paola Elia continue to protest
their total innocence and avow that they are victims of some obscure,
intriQue, Both have been in prison now for three months, Luigi in a state of
prostration, Paola Elia shattered by the accusations. The judges, however,
- affirm that they have uncovered fresh evidence which confirms the statements
made by Loxis. But the accused describe them as irrelevant coincidences and
refute them altogether.
In brief, according to the testimony, this is what occurred: between
- December 1981 and January 1982, while the criminals led by Antonio Sevasta
held Dozier prisoner, the captors made contact wiiGh Luigi through Loris for
_ the purpose of soliciting arms and money from Bulgaria in exchange for the
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information, especially concerning NATO, they expected to extract from Dozier
- during he interrogationa to which they subjected him. The contact with an
- official of the Bulgarian Embassy in Rome was allegedly arranged through
- Luigi. a:Ld :set for the afternoon of 2 Janitary, the "repentants" , explained.
The meetirig, however, was cancelled at the last momer_t, and the precipitous
events that followed, ending with Dozier's liberation and the arrest of his
- captors, made any further contact impossible.
The magistrates have investigated (and are still investigating) the relations
= betweerL Luigi Scricciolo and the Bulgar ian Embassy, ar.d gathered new elements,
which they consider highly pertinent.
1-- For a number of days, the Cammune of Rome has been examining violations
recorded by the police for cars parked illegally in front of the
Scricciolo residence and i-n the neighbor ing streets. One of the violations
involved a car licensed Ly tiie Bulgarian Embassy. Was this a mere coinci-
, dence that proves nothing, since the occupants did not necessarily visit the
_ Scricciolo couple or, as the judges believe, a damaging piece of evidence
_ which must be thoroughly investigated?
2-- All the timecards 4-ndicating exactly at what hour the Scricciolos began
= their working day have been sequestered in the UIL headquarters. Th e result:
- before the 2 January meeting (subsequently cancelled) between the Bulgarian
- functionary and the BR, Ltiigi Scriccolo was in his office with a member of
the Bulgarian mission. But that was a chaace encounter, says Scricc iolo, who
has confessed to the circumstance bu= w ithout giving a precise date. He
explained that the two men met when the Bulgarian arrived at UIL headquarters
in search of another UIL official to off er him a gift--a calendar and two
recordings of folk songs--but did not f ind him. Scriccolo has testified that
he saw the Eulgarian in the corridor and the visiior asked him about his
- absent colleague. Luigi did no more, he said, taan point out his friend's desk
to him. "But," they say at UIL, "the B u lgarian Embassy gave gifts also to
officials of CISL and CGIL;" in their v iew, the encounter was accidental,
another irrelevant coincidence. The judges,i~however, suspect that the
foreigner had appeared at the last moment to cancel his session with the BR,
scheduled for the same afternoon, and even explain why the appointment was
annulled: in his year-end message to the Italian people several days before,
President of the Republic Sandro Pertini had repeated his firm conviction that
= foreign agencies werE working in league with the ILalian terrorists. Alarmed,
the Bulgarian cautiously called off the meeting.
_ 3-- Durina a dramatir_ confrontation between the two cousins, the "repentant"
Loris spoke of an incident that occurred in November or December of 1981 when
he spent the night at Luigi's apartment. In the morning, he said, he was
A awakened by a stranger, who looked him hard in the face and then departed.
Listening to a conversation between Luigi and his wife, Lo'ris understood that
the man was a Bulgarian. Luigi retorted that he had absolutely no recollec-
tion of thp incident, and denied that any Bulgarian had 2ver set foot in his
apartment. Paola F.lia also vigorously denied the episode, which involved her
- directly. All the same, the judges attach particular importance to th�is
2
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element of Loris' revelations--that a full-time BR (Loris) and a Bulgarian
emissary appeared simultaneously in the home of the maii entrusted with managing
UIL international affairs, and in his'presence.
Apart from these evidences and Loris' deposition--which must naturally be
confirmed before they can be admitted as probative--the judges declare that
- they have collected various other data that add up to proof of Luigi's close
- relations with the Bulgarians.
- Scricciolo himself has admitted to long-time relations with the Bulgarians but
always, he contends, on a normal basis without any judicial significance.
- In 1978, when he was active in the Italian Proletarian Democratic party, he
- alone represented this political group at meetings with delegates of
LTulgaria'j peasants` pdrty. In 1980, he returned to Bulgaria, this time
with his new wife, on a suspicious trip; the judges contest the facts he gave
in his account of it. Indeed, Giorgio Benvenuto testified that the UIL
never authorized him to establish relations with Bulgaria in its name; he was
only honeymooning withi-his bride. Bound for the Greek island of Kalymnos, to
save money the bridal couple booked a charter f light to Greece via Sofia,
which accounts for their stopover in Bulgaria. And hc4 long did they remain
. in Bulgaria? Two days, perhaps 3, the couple said at first. But inspecting
- their passports, the judges discovered that they had in fact spent an entire
wzek ir. Bulgaria before continuing on tu Greece. Why a week? Because, they
replied, recalling somewhat tardily a detail the magistrates do not accept
as irrelevant, they had missed their charter plane and had to wait for the
next one. And what did you do in Bulgaria for a week? Toured around, they
answered.
- In that summer of 1980, from -3ofia the Scricciolo couple went on to Kalymnos,
where they found Loris with three friends--all of them subsequently arrested
as BR activists--whom Luigi. instantly sent away. One of them, also a
"repentant," repeated to the judges what Luigi had told them: that he was
extremely tired after having worked hard in Bulgaria. Was he tired of touring?
No, the "repentant" answered; he spoke of attending long work sessions in
Sofia. What work if UIL never delegated him to represent it with the
Bulgarians? What work indeed? What sessions? Luigi rebutted when the
- judges confronted him with the man's testimony. I don't remember saying
_ anything of the sort. If I did then it was a lie--to convince Loris how
tired i felt. That was the only reason I threw him out of the house, together
with his three friends. Certainly I did not know they were members of the BR,
just as I never knew my cousin was a terrorist.
In short, nothing but coincidences. Like the name of a Bulgarian, Ghergiev
or something similar, scribbled in his address book, together with his tele-
phone number using the heading "Buigarian Embassy." "1' don't remember him,"
Luigi Scricciolo told the judges. His lawyers discovei-ed this person's signa-
ture on an official invitation the Bulgarians extended to the Italian unions,
nothing suspicious about it. The magistrates, however, think that Ghergiev is
the same Bulgarian mentioned in various secret service reports as an inter-
national spy.
= 9653
CSO: 6131/513
- 3
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- I DMU REPUBLIC OF GMANY
cZA.F SiM COOPt~iATING WITH IRISH TERRORIST GROUPS
Bonn DIL IdLLT in German 26 May 82 p 5
ZA-rticle by Werner Kahl: "Partners for Germaal Terrori.sts"
fT-ex] Given 3ts N',arr.ist-Leninist orientation, i;he terrorist Irish Na'tional
Liberation ilrm3; (INLA) has become partners with leftwing circles in the FRG.
'I'r:is is the conclusion a,rrrived at by the Federal Criminal Police Bureau (BKA)
based on a study of terrorist attacks against Britiah facilities in weaterrx
and northern Germany and in Berlin.
The INI,A, founded a,s the radica.l Irish Republicari Socialist Paxty's (IRSP)
military asm in 1975, draws a sharp distinction between itself and the tradi-
tional IRA on ideological grour,dst the BKA background report states. The IRA
is more represenluative of the patriotic, national unit,y aspect with its oril.y
real program being the call to "get the British out."
Fznds Through Robberies
3ea.mus Costello, the Irish Ma.rxist who ms the logistics officer and a hign-
ranking member of the Official Sinn Fein (OSF), one of the two republican
organizations in existence at the start of the present unrest in Northern
Ireland, saw to it that the INLA would get the money it needed. In 1976,
the terrorists ma.de off with DM 1 million in a mail train robbery in County
ITildaxe. Qne year latar, Costello wa.s shot and killed through the open win-
dow of his cas in Dubli.n. The affairs of the INI,A were then taken over by a
sil:-aa.n army council which makes the decisions on attacks aga.inst security
forces and British arrqy strongpoints a.s well as on the taking of hostages
and the execution of bank robberies. La.st fall, plans had been laid to kid-
nap Frime rlinister Thatcher's son.
The police base their tr.sory of INLA members cooperating with German groups
on attacks caxried ou+ against British facilities in Hamburg and in West-
phalia among other thi.ngs. Tha investigrators have come to the conclusion
that the attack a.gainst the British consulate general in Hamburg on 24
November of last year was not carried oui; by Irish terrorists but by Ger-
mans acting on beha.lf of the INLA m3.litary council. No one was hurt when
the explosive charge went off on a terrace on the Alster embanlanent; but
the British ambassa,dor was inside the building. The German helpers, the
police believe, axe probably cloaely associated with the "Red Armpr Fraction"
(RAF)�
4
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~ 4hen a 5-liter canister, manufactured in Czechoslovakia, was detonated at
the British Mansfield barracks in Herford 24 hours after the Hamburg attack,
the INLA aga.in cla3.med responsibility for it. BKA technical experts found
tha.t si.m.ilar canisters were detonated on 18 August of last year in aBrit-
ish apartment complex in Berlin-Chaxlottenburg wsd in front of an American
barracks in Berlin-Lichterfelde Qn the same day� In both instancea, Germaris
were also said to have had a hazid in the attacks. Thesa are likely to be
Ge=ans who, the BKA report statee, identify with the "Iriah freedom
- sti-uggle."
Lookin..g for Contacts
Because of its basic Masxist-Leninist orientation, the I1LA works togather
interna-tionally with other terrorist groups that think along the same lines,
taking their cue from Lenin's maxim that the revolution will not succeed
until the last vestiges of the ca.pitalist regime r.ane been swept away.
One tr.aining center for Germane who were able to escape detection was located
in Dublin last year. Tiany of the ma.terials confiscated in Ireland, the police
have reason to believet provide evidence of close conta%t between Germ,an and
Irish terrorists. The number of women used to establieh such contacts is in-
ordinately high. This spring, the Dublin poli.ce reported that aix Germans-
all of them women-tried to establi.sh contact with Irish terroriet orgasiiza-
tions in I4axch.
While the IlQI.A possesses a network of helpers in Germar~y, the
police have found that the IRA is looking for bases of operation
land. According to ita own pronouncements, the INLA will not end
pcound stxuggle until an authoritarian Irish atate modeled after
Cuba has been set up-Ireland, a new Cuba in the Iriah Sea.
�47a
csa: 6131/519
~
~
Swisa federal
in Switzer-
its under-
socialist
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rvx Urret-inL ubr. vtrLY
FEDERI`xL REPUBLIC OF GERMA.NY
RAF PRONOUNCEMENTS
Malmo RAF TEXTE in German 1977 pp 23-26, 62-74, 334-336, 448-454
[Excerpts] Part IV
� It is a fragment of structure, Ulrike actually wanted to say Chat in
Stammheim--to dispel the ringleader theory which the federal prosecution
wanted to use to bring the process to a head. Andreas was against it and
we wanted to construct it differentlyo
- It is not particularly important, but now I published it anyway because it
refutes B uback's,dirty accusation--"contradictions"--and because Ulrike was
working on it at the very end.
It can on7:y be published as a whole and in conjunction with the two letters
_ to Hanna Krabb e and to the prisoners in Hamburg--11 May 1976--Jan.
- rragment on Structure
What Habermas developed, has a prerequisite, of whi.ch we say that it is the
- form of proletarianization of the class in the metropolitan areas: the
isolation through the totality of alienation in a completely socialized
productiori.
Isolation is the condition for manipulation.
- Freedom from this apparatus is only possible by completely negating it, i,e,
- an attack against the apparatus by the fighting collective, which wil?. and
- must b e ttle guerrillas, if it is to become a strategy, in other words,
victory.
Collectivism is a factor in the structure of the guerrillas and--subjectivity
is a prerequisite, a condition in each individual, as is his decision to
fight--thd most important thing. The collective is the group, which thinks,
- feels and 'acts as a groupo
- Leading ttie guerrillas is the one or are the ones who keep open the collective _
- process of the group and organize it in the proeess of their practice: anti-
imperialist struggle, propelled through self-determination and the decision of
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- each individua.l to be part of the intervention, while each individual realizes
- that he can only be what he wants to be collectively, which is the group in
which everything is in good hands: the military, politics, strategy, the
seed of the new society in its process as a group obligated to the anti-
imperialist struggleo
~
The line, ile, the logic and rationality of the separate tactical steps:
actions--is prepared by all of them from the strategy--it is the result of
the discussion process, the experiences and knowledge of everybody. Thus
it is estab lished collectively and subsequently is binding,
Also: The line is developed through the process of practice and the analysis
of its conditions, experience and anticipation--which is possible as a
uniform process, because there is agreement on the goal and the will to reach
ito -
Later, when the line has been prepared and understood, the process of the
coordination of the practice of the groups will proceed militarily as a
couunand--its implementation dema.nds absolute discipline and simultaneously
absolute independence, i.e. autonomous orientation and decisionmaking
abilities in every situation under changed conditions.
Gdhat unites the guerrillas at every moment is the will of each individual to
fight the battle...
Thus, leadership is a function which it needs for its process, it cannot be
usurpecl, it is the absolute opposi-te of what those who are conducting the
psychological warfare are saying about the RAF leadership: Andreas. If
Andreas were the kind of person the federal prosecution makes him to be,
there would not be an RAF, there would not be the process of the politics
of these 5;ears, to say it simply: We would not be there. He is the
leader of the RAF because from the beginning he was wha t the guerrillas
needed most: A will, awareness of the goal, detexmination, collectivism.
When we say; the line is developed through the process of practice and the
- analysis of its conditions, experience and anticipation, then the leader is
the one who has the greatest vision, the most sensitivity and the grea.test
strength to coordinate th e collective process, whose goal is the independence
- and autonomy of each individual--militarily: the individual fightera,o
This process cannot be organized in an authoritarian ma.nner, no gang is
capable of that, and a leader in the forr.i of a gang chief is out of the
question.
The goal is clear of the federal prosecution's persecution of Andreas: It
- is preparing the demobilization of public opinion against his murder--it is
presenting the whole matter in such a manner as if only this one type had to
be eliminated: Andreas; and the problem that the urban guerrillas are
causing Che state--Maihofer says, it is the only problem which the state
' does not have under control--would be solved..,o
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We doubt that. During the process of these 5 years we learned from Andreas--
Uecause he is what we call the example, somebody from whom one can learn--to
fight, tc fight again and again.o�
Because nothing of what he does and what we do is irrational, nothing is
forced, nothing is tormentedo..,
One of the reasons why the federal prosecution hates Andreas so much is that
he actually fights with all weapons--that we learned through him that the
bourgeoisie does not have any weapons that cannot be turned around and used
against it: the tactical principle which is based on the concept of the
process in which capital develops its revolutionary contradiction. And
thus, Andreas is the guerrilla of whom Che says that he is the group,
lte is the one among us who for a long time and always adopted the function of
no possessions--the function of the guerrillas--who anticipates the group
and who thereiore can lead its process because he understands that he needs
the group and because of the fact of total expropriation, the metropolitan
form of proletarianization: developed the isolation of the guerrillas, the
strength of subjectivity; the wi.ll to be a force in the process of building
a guerrilla organization in the FRG....
ldhere, once again, it must be mentioned that at the beginning of all revolu-
tionary initiatives and during the objective natural process--we are thinking
of the ma.ss strike movement in Russia in 1905, of the October revolution--
gave direction, permanence, caherence, strategy, continuity and political
strength, which affected the decisions and willpower of individuals..oo
ror Cramsci the wil1 is the condition without equal: The strong will as a
- force of the revolutionary process in which subjectivity is practicedw
['art IX--Speecr by U'lrike for the Liberation of Andreas, Moabit, 13 September
1974
Tliis trial is a tacrical maneuver of the psychological warfare against us by
the Federal Criminal Police Bureau, the federal prosecution, the courts--with
~ the purpose of maskinb the political interest in our trials in West Germa.ny
and the strategy of destiruction programed into it by the federal prosecution;
presenting a picture of dissension among us by separate sentencing; splitting
vp in th e public consciousness the political interrelationship between all
. the trials against IAF prisoners through separate public displays of some of
us to erase f rom the mcmory of the people the fact that on the territory of
' tdest German iinperialism and in West B erlin a revolutionary urban guerrilla
movement exists. We--RAF--wil1 not participate in th:is process.
Anti-Imperialist Str.uggle
Anti-imperialist struggle, if it is IlOt to be an empty phrase, aims at
annihilating, destroying, shattering the imperialist power system--politically,
economically, militarily; the cultural institutions through which imperialism
prnduces the homogeneit}- of the ruling elite and the communications systems
whirh it uses for its i.deological control.
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Within the international framewo.rk, the military annihilation of imperialism
means: m:i.litary alliances of U.S. imperialism around the world; here: NATO
and the Federal Armed Forces; within the national framework: the armed
formations of the state apparatus, which embodies the power monopoly of the
ruling class and thea.r power within the state--here: police, the Federal
~ Border Police, the Secret Servi.ce; economical annihilation means: siate and
nonstate bureaucracies, organizations and power apparatuses--parties, labor
unions, media--all of which are domina.ting the people,
Proletarian Internationalism
- The iuaperialist struggle here is not and cannot be: a national liberation
struggle--not its historical perspective: socialism in a country. Compared
to the transnational organization of capital, worldwide military alliances
of the U.S. imperialism, the cooperation between police and the S ecret Ser
Service, the international organization of the ruling elite in the sphere of
influence of U.S. imperialism--our side, the side of the proletariat,
subscribes to the following: revolutionary class struggles, the liberation
struggles of thp peoples of the Third World, the urban guerrillas in the
metropolitan areas of_ imperialism: proletarian internationalism.
Since the Paris comnune it has been clear that any attempt by any people
in any imperialist state within the na.tional framewor.k brings out the revenge,
the armed forces, and deadly enm:i.ty of the bourgeoisie of a11 imperialist
states; just like NATO which is now establishing a reserve snit for internal
disturbances to be stationed in Italyo
"A people that oppresses others cannot ema.ncipate itself," Marx sayso The
military relevance of the urban guerrillas, the RAF here, the Red B rigade in
Ita1y, the United Peoples Liberation Army in the United States is the fact
that N-Yithin the framework of the liberation struggles of the pPoples if the
Third World in the solidaric struggle, imperialism can be stabded in the back
here from where it exports its troops, its wea.pons, its instructors, its
technology, its communications systems, its cultural fascism for the oppres-
- sion and exploitation of the peoples of the Third Wor1d, The strategic
destiny of the urban guerrillas is: to t:;;leash in the hinterland of imperial-
ism the guerriZlas, the armed, anti-imperialist struggle, the people's war
in a protracted process. Because the world revolution is definitely not a
matter of a few days, weeks, months, no*_ the matter o� only a few uprisings
by the people, not a short process, not the seizure of power f rom the state
_ apparatus--something that revisionist parties and prospective parties have
in mind or maintain, as long as they have anything in mind at allo
= On the Concept of the National State
In th.e metropolitan areas, the concept of the rational state is a fiction
which no longer has any basis because of the re,.::lities of the ruling classes,
- their politics and their power structure, which does not even correspond any
longer to language borders, since the rich countries of West Europe contain
millions of working emigrants. Rather, the internationalization of capital,
the new media, the mutual dependencies of economic development, the expansion
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2'U@C l)t'i'90.9AL U,5IC, C31VLY
ot- tli: F.uropean Conuaunity, the crisis are also subjectively contributing to
the form.~.L-ion of an internationalism of the proletariat in Europe--conse-
quently the labor-union apparatus has been worlcing for years on subjugating
controlling, institutionalizing and oppressing the proletariat,
'i'he fiction of the national state, to which the revisionist groups are
clinging with their organizational foi-ms, corresponds to its legalistic
_ L-etishism, its pacifism, its mass opportunism. We do not reproach the
' memb ers of these groups bec.zuse they come from the petty bourgeoisie but
Uecause in their political and organizat-ional structure they are reproducing
the ideology of the petty bourgeoisie, which has always been at odds with
the interna.tiona.lism of the proletariat and which--and it cannot be other-
~ wise because of its class status and its reproduction conditions--has always
been organized in a complementary manner to the national bourgeoisie, the
- ruling class in the state.
The argument that the masses are not yet ready reminds us--the RAI' and
~ imprisoned revolutionaries in isolation, in the tracts, in the artificial
brainwashing collectives, in jail and in illegality--only of the arguments
or the colonial pigs in Africa and Asia that have b een pronounced for 70
ycars: the blaclcs, the illiterates, the slaves, the colonized, the hungry,
the people suffering under colonialism and imperialism are not yet ready to
talce over their own administration, industrialization, their school system,
their future as human beings. It is the argument of people who are concerned
about their own positions of power, who want to dominate the people and who
:o not want the emancipation and liberation struggleo
'fhe Urban Guerrillas
iiur action on 14 Ma}T 1970 i.s and remains the exemplary action of the urban
_ ;uerrillas, it already contains or contained the elements of the strategy
of the armed, anti -ii-aperialist struggle: It wac the liberation of a prisoner
, Lrom the grasp of the state apparatiiso It was a guerrilla action, it was the
action of a group, whiciz became the military-political nucleus through the
resolution to do the action. It was the lib eration oi a revolutionary, a
- cadre, who was and is indispensable for the buildup of the urban guerrillas,
not only in the manner in which any revolutionuxy in the ranks of the revo-
_ 1_ttLion is indispensable, because he already embodied at that time everything
Lh:_lt enables the guerrillas to conduct the military-political offensive
against the imperialist state: dei:ermination, the will to act, the ability
to orient oneself only and exclusively towarcl the goals, while keeping open
the collecti.vc learninb process of the group, to practice leadership as
col.lective leadership Crom the beginning, to pass on the learning process
of- each individual collectively.
_ '1'he action was exemplary, because the important thing in the anti-imperialist
struggle is the liberation of prisoners, from jail, which has always been
Lhe system Lor al1 the exploited and oppressed classes of the people and
without historic perspective as death, terror, fascism and barbarism; from
impri.sonment of total alienation, sel�-alienation, from the political and
existential state oi' emergency in which the people are forced to live, in the
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grasp of imperialism, the culture of consumption, the media, the control
apparatus of the ruling class, dependent on the market and on the state
apparatus.
The guerrillas, not only here, it was the same in Brazil, in Uruguay, in
Cuba and for Che in Bolivia, always start with nothing and the first phase
of their buildup is the most difficult; as long as the descendants from
the bourgeoisie--which has been prostituted by imperialism--and the prole-
tarian class--which has been colonized by the bourgeoisie--are not contribut-
ing anything that cc+sld be used in this struggleo We are a group of
comrades, determined to act, to leave the state of lethargy, of verbal
radicalism, strategy discussions that are becoming more and more obsolete,
to fight. B ut everything is still missing--not only all the funds; only now
it b ecomes evident what kind of person one is. The metropolitan individual
emerges from the decaying process, the deadly, false, alienated, intercon-
nected living conditions of the system--factory, desk, school, university,
revisionist groups, apprenticeship and casual jobs. The effects are becoming
apparent of the separation of work and private life, the division of labor
into intellectual and physical work, the dehumanization through the hier-
archically organized work processes, the psychic deformations of a society,
interested in things, a metropolitan society in the process of decay and
stagnation.
But that is who we are, that is where we are comi.ng from: the product of
the annihilation and destruction processes of the met�ropolitan society,
?-'ze war of all against all, the competition of everybody against everybody
the system which is dominat?d by the law of fear, the pressure to perform,
the one-at-tt-,e-expense-of-the-other-one, the division of the neople into
= men and women, young and old, healthy and sick, foreigners arid Germans and
the battle for prestige. And that is where we are coming from: the
isolation in the row house, in the concrete silos of the suburbs, the cell-
- jails, asylums and tracts; brainwashing through the media, consumption,
_ corporal punishment, the ideology of nonviolence; depression, sickness,
_ declassification; the insult and humiliation ot people, of all the people
exploited in imperialism. Until we comprehend the need of each individua.l
among us as a necessity of liberation from imperialism, as a necessity to
fight in the anti-imperialist struggle, fhat there is nothing to be lost
with the annihilation of this system but everything is to be gained in the
armed struggle: collective liberation, life, humanity, identity; that the
cause of the people, the ma.sses, the assembly worker, the destitute, the
- prisoners, the apprentices, the lowest masses here and the liberation move-
- ments of the Third World is our cause. Our cause: armed, anti-imperialist
struggle, the cause of the masees and the other way around--even if it can
only be realized during a long process of development of the military-
= political offensive of the guerrillas, the unleashing of the people�s war.
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The difterence between really revolutionary politics and alleged revolutionary
politics is: We are proceeding from the objective situation, objective con-
ditions, from the real situation of the proletariat, the masses in the
metropolitan areas--part of it is the fact that the people of all classes
and from every angle are in the grasp and under the control of the system.
The opportunists proceed :crom the alienated consciousness of the proletariat--
we procp-ed from tiie iact ef the alienation which gives cause to the neces5ity
_ for liberation. "There is no reason," Lenin wrote in 1916 against Kautsky,
the colonial and renegate swine, "to take seriously the idea that in capitalism
the majority of the proletarians could be joined in organizations. Secondly--
and that is the main thing--what is important is not so much the number of
members in the organization Uut rather the real, objective meaning of their
policies: Do these nolicies represent the msses, do they serve the ma.sses,
i.e. the liberation of the ma.sses from capitalism or do they represent the
interests'of the minority, their reconciliation with capitalism? We cannot
and nobody can determine exactly what part of the proletariat follows and
toill follow the social chauvinists and opportunists. It wi11 only become
apparent during the struggle, it will eventually be decided by the socialist
revolution. B ut it is ottr duty ir we want to remain socialists to go deeper,
to the lowest masses, to the real masses: That is the complete meaning of
the struggle against opportanism and the total content of this struggle,"
1'he Guerrillas Are the Group
The function of leadership in the guerrilla r:iovement, Andreas` function in
_ the RAF i.s: orientation--not only to distinguish between ria.jor and minor
items in every situation but also to consi.der each situation as a part of
the total political connection being atvare of the iddividual factors, never
to lose sight of the goal--the revolution=+-over the details, specifie
tcc'nnical, logistic pr_oblems, never to lose sight of the class problem in
connection with the alliance policy, never to ignore the strategic in connec-
tion with the tactical connection, whic:h means: never to fall victim to
opporttinism. Lt is "the art of c.ombining the dialectically firm principles
wil:h agility of actions, the art of app'lying the law of development while
- leading the revoI_ution. It caill convert progressive changes into qualitative
jumps," Lc Duan sayso It is also the art of "not shrinking from the enormity
of orte's own purposesy" but to pursue them persistently and imperturbably,
the detennination to learn fr.om mistakes, to lcarn in general. Every
revolutionary orbanization, every guerrilia organization knows that the
principle of practice dema.nds the deveiopment of these abilities--every
orbanization w1-iich proceeds from dialectical materialism, whose goals is
_ victozy in the people's urar and not the establishmcnt oF a party bureaucracy,
partnership in the power of imperialism.
lde are not tallcing abouL- democratic centralism, because the urban guerrillas
cannot have a centralistic apparatus in the metropolitan FRG, it is not a
party but a politico-military organization which develops its leadership
functions collectively from each individual unit, graup--with the tendency
ot dissolving them within the groups, during the collective learning process.
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The goal is always the independent, tactical orientation of the fighter,
~ the uerrilla the cadre. The collectivi.zation is a
g , political process which
extends to everything, interaction and coumunication, the process of learning
from one another in all work and educational settings. Authoritarian leader-
ship structures have no material basis in the guerrilla movement in part
because the real, ioeo the voluntary development of the productive power of
_ each individua.l is a condition for the effectiveness of the revolutionary
guerrillas: using weak forces to intervene revolutionary, unleashing the
people's waro
Psychological Warfare
~ Andreas, because he is and was from the beginning: revolutionary, finds
himself in the spidernet of psychological warfare which the bullies have
been conducting against us since 1970, the first appearance of the urban
guerrillas and their action of liberating him from jail.
The principle of psychological warfare is to incite the people against the
guerrillas, to isolate the guerrillas from the people: to distort through
personalization and psychologization, to mystify the material, real goals
of the revolution that are sought--liberation from the domina.tion of imperi-
alism, of occupied territories, from colonialism and neocolonialism, from
the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, from military dictatorship, exploitation,
fascism and imperialism, to make the understood unintelligible, to make the
rational appear irrationa.l, the humanity of the revolutiona.ries as inhuma.nity.
The method is: agitation, lie, dirt, racism, ma,nipulation, mobilization of
the unconscious fears of the people, of the reflexes--the result of decades
and centaries of colonial and exploiting rulers--of exisltential fears and
superstitions toward incomprehensible forces, the impenetrable power struc-
ture.
In their attempt to destroy the cause; revolutionary politics, armed anti-
imperialist struggle in the metropolitan FRG and its effects on the conscious-
ness of the people by using personalization and psychologization they present
us as what they are, the structulre of the RAF as the one which they employ
- for their domination--the manner in which their power apparatuses are organ-
- ized and functioning: like the Ku Klux Klan, the Mafia, the CIA and how the
character masks of imperialism and its puppets are getting what they want:
through oppression, bribery, competition, protectionism, brutality, stopping
at nothing.
In their psychological wa.rfare against us, the bullies are banking on the
blending of performance pressure and fea.r which the system has been pounding
into everybody who is forced to sell his working energy to be able to live at
= allo They are banking on the propaganda syndrome whi_ch for decades and
centuries has been used by the ruling class against the people, expounding
anticonununism, anti-Semitism, sexual oppression, oppression through religion,
- through authoritarian school systems, racism, brainwashing through the
consumer culture and imperialistic medid, reeducation and the "economic
miracle."
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_ `['he thing that is so shocking about the guerrillas in their first phase,
- what was sh ocking about our first action, is the fact that people act without
_ letting themselves be influenced by the forces of the system, without paying
attention to the media, without fear; the :Eact that people act by prcc~eding
from their own experiences and those of the peopleo Because the guerrillas
proceed from the facts that the people e,cperience themselves: exploitation,
terror of the media, insecurity of living conditions in spite of the high
- level of technicalization and the enormous riches in this country--psycho-
logical diseases, suicide, cnild abuse, school miser}r, housing shortage.
The thing that was so shocking about our action as far as the imperialist
state is concerned was the fact: that in the consciousness of the people,
the RAF was understoad as that which it is: the pracLice, the matter which
results logi~ally and dialectically from the existing conditions--the
practice,:,which is an expression of actiial conditions, an expression of the
only real possibility to cha.nge then, to overturn them, to return dignity to
the people, to give new meaning to the struggles, revolutions, uprisings of
the past--to oive to the people a new consciousnPss oF their history.
B ecause all history is the history of class struggles, because a people
that has lost the dimension of revolutionary class stxuggles is forced to
- live in a state of loss of history; it is robbed of its self-confidence,
- ioeo its dignity.
As far as the guerrillas are concerned, everybocty can determine for himself
where he stands--anyway, he can find out iahere he stands at all, his place
in the class society, in imperialism. Because there are ma.ny who think
that tliey are on the side of the people--but as soon as clashes with the
a police develop, as soon as the people start to fight, they run away,
denounce, stop, move over to the side oF the police. It is a problem that
. was discussed by Marx again and again, according to which someone is not
what Iie thinks he is, but what he is when it comes to his functions, his
role in the class societyo Unless he consciously acts against the system,
i.eo arms himself and fights, he is living on the system and a real instru-
_ ment for the purposes of the systemo
.dith their psychological warfare the bullies are trying to take the facts
I
- and turn them upside down again after they had been put on their feet by
the actions of the guerrillas--these facts are that the people are not
dependent on the state, but the state is dependent on the people, the people
do not depend on corporations, multinational companies anu factories, but
the capitalist pigs depend on the people, the police is not there to protect
the people from crim:_nals but to protect the order of the exploiters of
_ imperialism f rom the people, the people do not depend on the judicial system,
~ but the judicial system depends on the people, we do not depend on the
presence of U.S. t.roops and their facilities here but U.S. imperialism
depends on uso Through personalization and psychologization they are projec-
ting onto us what they are, the cliches of the anthropology of capitalism,
r}ie reality of their character masks, their iidges, pkosecutors, their prison
pigs, fascists: the pig which enjoys aliena::ion, which lives on tormenting,
oppressing and exploiting others, whose basis of existence is career, rising,
stopping, living at the expense of oL�hers, exploitation, hunger need, the
misery of several billion people in the Third Wor1c1 and here.
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- What the ruling class hates mo5t about us is the fact that the revolution
is lifting its head again in spite of 100 years of repression, fascism,
anticommunism, imper:ialist wars, genocide. During their psychological
warfare, tY!.e bourgeoisie, the bully state, heaped on us, parficularly Andreas,
everything that it hates and fears in the people. He--Andreas--is the embodi-
ment of the mob, the street, the enemy; we represent what is threatening to
them and will fell them; the comni.tment to revolution, to revolutionary
- force, to politico-military action--its own impotence, the limit of its
- means when the people arm themselves and begin to fight.
_ In its propaganda against us, the system is not portraying us but itself,
;ust like all the propaganda that is directed against the guerrillas gives
informa.tion about them who produce it over their potbellies, their goals,
ambiti.ons and fears. Even "self-proclaimed avant-garde," for instance,
- makes no sense. To be avant-garde is a function; one cannot appoint oneself
tu it nor claim it. It is a function which the people bestow on the
guerrillas representing their own consciousness, in the process of their own
awakening, the rediscovery of their own role in history, by recognizing
- themselves in the action of the guerrillas, the necessity "in itself" to
destroy the system, recognizing the necessity "by itself" throuSh the
actions of the guerrillas, who already made it a necessity by itselfo The
_ term of "self-proclaimed avant-garde" expresses a prestige thinking which
~ belongs in the ruling class, is looking for power--it has nothing to do with
the function of owning nothing, the proletariat, with dialectical material-
ism, with the anti-imperialist struggle.
- The Dialectic of Revolution and Counterrevolution
It is th.e dialectic of the strategy of the anti-imperialist struggle:
Through the defensive, the reaction of the system, the escalation of the
counterrevolution, the change from the political state of emergency to the
military state of emergency, the enemy makes itself kno-v, becomes visible--
and thus, through its own terror, it arouses the ma.sses against itself, it
increases contradictions, makes the revolutiona.ry struggle ma.ndatory,
Marighela: "The basic principle of the revolutionary strategy is to carry
- out revolutiona.ry actions under the conditions of a permanent, political
crisis, in the city as well as in the country, of such massive proportions
_ that the eneury finds itself forced to change the political situa.tion of the
countxy into a military one; the result will be satisfaction in all classes
and the military will be the only responsible party for a11 mistakeso"
_ And A.P. Puyan, a Persian comrade: "The pressure of increasing counter-
revolutionary forces on resistance fighters will inevxtably lead to more
massive repression of all dominated levels and classes of society. As a
consequence, the ruling class increa.ses the contradict:ions between the
oppressed classes and itself and by creating such an atmosphere in which it
will inevitably find itself, the political consciousness of the masses will
- progress by leaps and bounds."
~
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And Marx: "The revolutionary progress breaks ground by producing a
powerful, uniced coun.*errevolution, by the creation of an enemy; and only
during the process oi: fighting the~.~~, the subversive party can mature into
a real revolutionary party."
In 1972, when the bullies mobilized a total of 150,000 men in search of the
RAF, conducted a public search over television, the chancellor got involved,
the entire police fOrce was centralized at thP Federal Criminal Police
B ureau--at that time, a small group consisting oF a small number of revolu-
tionaries already required the use of all material and personnel resources
- of this state. Materially it became visible that the power monopoly of the
state is limited, that its strength can be depleted, that tactically,
imperialism is a man-eating mpnster, that strategically, it is a paper tiger�
_ Materially it became apparent that it is up to us whether oppression remains
and it is also up to us whether it is brokeno
Now the pigs are in the process, following all the preparations during their
psychological warfare against us, of murdering Andreas. We, the political
prisoners from the RAF and other anti-imperialist groups, are beginning a
hunger strike today. The liquidation search by the bullies against the RAF
and the psychologica'1 warfare against us corresponds to the fact that most
of us have been in solitary confinement for years, in other words:
annihilation confinement. But we are determined not to stop thinking and
L-ighting--we are determined to take the stone which the imperialist state
lifted against us and drop it on their own feeto
'1'he bullies are in the process---they also tried it during the previous hunger
strike in the summer of 1973--of murdering Andreas by withholding liqu:ids
~ from him. At that time the following happened: The attorneys and the public
were led to believe that after a few days he was agaiiZ getting something to
drink, in reality he was getting nothing and the pig, the doctor in Schwalm-
= stadt, told him after 9 days without liquids--he was already Ulind:
"i:i ther you will be' dead in 10 hours or you will drinlc millc," In the mean-
time, Hesse's minister of justice visited his cell to take a look, and
1[esse's ancient doctor corps was meeting during that time in Wiesbaden in
- tlie Ministry of Justiceo There is also a decree, according to which hunger
strikes are to be broken by withholding liquids. Complaints against the
pig of a doctor, who tried to carry out the murder, were rejected. The
enforcement procedure f.or the complaint has been discuntinued.
'Clie follot,ring statement is a reply: If the bullies should carry out their
intentions and their plans ot wi.thholding liquids from Andreas, all the
striking prisoners i'rom the RAF will answer by xefusing to take any liquids.
7'he same applies to any murder attempt by withholding liquids, no matter
_ where it is carried out or oiho the striking prisoner is.
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Part XXVI--Pronouncement cf the Commar_do Holger Meins, 24 April 1975
To the governments of the FRG and the Kingdom of Sweden
On 24 April 1975 at 11:50 am, we occupied the FRG embassy in Stockholm and
captured 12 embassy employees, among
them Ambassador Dieter Stoecker,
Military Attache Andreas von Mirbach,
Economic Adviser Heinz Hillegaart
- and CLltural Adviser Anno Elfgen, to
obtain the release of 26 political
prisoners in the FRG. They aLre:
Gudrun Ensslin, Stuttgart
Ali Jansen, Berlin
Andreas Baader, Stuttgart
Brigitte Mohnha.upt, Berlin
Ulrike Meinhof, Stuttgart
Bernhard B raun, Berlin
Jan Raspe, Stuttgart
Ingrid Schubert, Berlin
Carmen Ro11, Stuttgart
Annerose Reiche, Berlin
Werner Hoppe, Hamburg
I3.se Stachowiak, Hamburg
Helmut Pohl, Hamburg
Irmgard Moeller, Hamburg
Wolfgang Beer, Hamburg
Sigurd Debua, Ha,mburg
Eberhard Becker, Hamburt
Christa Eckes, Hamburg
Manfred Brashof, Zweibruecken
Wolfgang Stahl, Hamburg
Klaus Juenschke, Zweibruecken
Margrit Schiller, Luebeck
Wolfgang Quante, Bremen
Monika Berberich, Berlin
Ronald Augustin, Bueckeburg
Johannes Weinreich, Karlsruhe
1, Within 6 hours, until 9 pm, the imprisoned comrades will be brought
together at Frankfurt's Rhein-Main airport where they will be able to talk
to one another and with their attorneqs without supervision. They will
have an opportunity to inform themselves of the happenings over radio and
television.
~
Communication will be established between us and the pr_isoners over the
telephone, later over radio. It wi.ll be maintained until they land in the
country which will accept them.
--A Lufthansa, Boeing 707, refueled, with a 3-man crew is to be ready at the
Rhein-Main i:irporto
Within 10 hours, until 1 am
--the prisoners will be f low,z out of the FRG. They will be accompanied only
by the ambassador of the Kingdom of Sweden in the FRG--Backlund--and one ot
their attorneys. We wi.11 inform them of their destination during the f light,
- --the federal government will gi_ve to ea.ch prisoner $20,000.
2. Our pronouncement, statements by prisoners or their attorneys will b e
relayed immediately to interna.tional news agencies and in the FRG they will
be broadcast in full over radio and telPvision. During the entire procedure
of the action, the government must make public its decision over the mass
media. The departure of the comrades will be broadcast live over FRG and
Swedish television.
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a'vn VaVJG Vl\L1
3~ We will nut negotiate our demands and not extend the deadlines for
their fulfillment. Should the FRG try to delay the release of the prisoners,
we will shoot and kill one employee of the FRG Foreign Office at the end of
every hour that exceeds the first and/or the second ultimatum� Any attempt
Lo storm the embassy would mean the death of everybody in the house. In
case of an attack, we will blow up the embassy with 15 kilograms of TP;T
which has been placed in the roomso
After landing, the liberated comrades will confirm to us over the radio
that they have been granted permission to stay. We will then retease some
of the embassy employees and announce the procedure for our witheirawal.
We will b e human beings--freedom through armed anti-imperialist struggleo
The police is responsible for the shooting death of Military Attache Andreas
von Mirbach. In spite of an extension of the ultimatum, the police did not
leave the embassy building.
Stockholm, 24 April 1975
Commando Holger Meins
Part XXX--Cotrnnando Pronouncements
rrankfurt:
"On Thursday, 11 May 1972--the day on which the U.S. imperialists began the
bomb blockade against North Vietnam--the 'Comnando Petra Schelm' was
responsible for an explosion of three bombs containing 80 kilograms of
'I'NT--in the Frankfurt headqtiarters of the Fifth Arnry Corps of the American
= Forces in West Germa.ny and West Berlin. West Germany and West B erlin are
no longer to be a safe hinterland for the extermination strategy in Vietnamo
'i'hey must know that their crimes against the Vietnamese people have created
for them new, bitter enemies, that there will no longer be any place in the
world where they can be safe from attacks by the revolut;.onary guerrilla
units .
[de demand the immediate suspension of the mine blockade against North
Vietnam.
- Lde demand the immediate suspension of bomb attacks on North Vietnamo
tde demand the wi.thdracval of a11 U.S. troops from Indochinao
- rar tlle victory of the Vietconga
B uild up the revolutionary guerrillas:
_ I[ave courage to fight and have courage to win!
Create two, three, many Vietnamso
Red Arnry I'action--14 Ma.y 1972."
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Buddenberg:
"On Monday, 16 May 1972, the 'Couanando Manfred Grashof' carried out a
dynamite blast against the Karlsruhe Federal High Court Judge Buddenbergo
Buddenberg is Federal High Court judge in charge of the confinement and
investigation of current political proceedings under article 129,
- Buddenberg, the pig, was responsible for the transfer of Grashof from the
hospital to a cell at a time when the transfer and the danger of infection
_ in prison were still endangering his 1ife. It was the second murder attempt
against a defenseless Grashof; the first one by the bullies did not succeedo
Buddenberg, the pig, is responsible for drugging Carmen to ma.ke her talk.
The foreseeable course of the narcosis was proof that it was a murder
attempt.
Buddenberg, the pig, does not care one bit about prevailing laws and con-
ventions. The strict isolation in which the prisoners are kept to finish
them psychologically: solitary confinement, solitary walks in the courtyard.
The ban on talks with fellow prisoners, permanent transfers, confinement
penalties, observation cells, ma.il censorship, confiscation of letters,
books, periodicals--measures that are used to finish them psychologically:
bright lights in the cells at night, frequent awakenings and searches,
handcuffs during walks in the courtyard, physical abuse--these are not
chicaneries of little, frustrated prieon gua.rds, they are Buddenberg's
instructions to force the prisoners to talk. It is the fascism of the courts
which has already become institutionalized. It is the begining of torture.
We demand the immediate application of the preventive detention ordinance,
the Geneva Human Rights Conven.tion, the Charter of the United Nations to
- the implementation of the preventive detention of the political prisonerso
We dema.nd from the courts that the lives and the health of the prisoners
no longer be systematically attacked and destroyed.
_ We will continue to carry out bomb attacks against judges and public
prosecutors until they stop committing violations of the rights of political
prisoners. These demands are not something that is impossible for these
- courtso We do not have any other means to force them to do that.
- Freedom for political prisoners:
War to the class courts:
- War to fascism:
Red Army Faction--20 May 1972
Springer:
"Yesterday, Friday, 18 May 1555 hours, two bombs exploded in the Springer
- tower in Hamburg. Because the building had not been evacuated in spite of
early and urgent warnings, 17 people were injured in the process. At
1529 hours the first warning was given under No 3471 with the request to
� 19
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vacate the building within 15 minutes because of a bouib threato The reply
was: Stop the nonsense. The receiver was replaced. The second call came
at 1531 hours: If you do not get out itmmediately, something terrible will
happeno B ut the telephone operators apparently had instructions not to
pay attention to such phone calls. The third call, at 1536 hours, went to
the bulZies: See to it, damn it, that the building is vacated. Because
the Springer concern cannot suppress the fact that it was warned, it is
twisting the information: There had only been one call and it had been
too late. Two telephone operators and the b ullies can confirm that tYLe
Springer press lied one more time.
Springer preferred to take the risk that his workers and employees mi.ght
be injured through bombs rather than the risk of losing a few hours of
work, in other words to lose profits because of a false alarm. For the
capitalists profit is everything; the people who create it are dirt. We
regret that workers and employees were injureda
We dema.nd from Springer: that his newspapers stop the anticommunist propa-
ganda against the New Left, against solidaric actions of the working class,
like strikes, against communist parties here and in other countries; that
the Springer concern stop the propay;anda against the freedom movements in
_ the Third World, particularly against the Arab countries which are fighting
for the liberation of Palestine; that it stop its propagandistic and material
support of Zionism--the imperialist policies of the ruling class in Israel;
that the Springer press stop spreading racist lies about the foreign workers
here.
~
7
We dema.nd that the Springer press print this pronouncement.
--We do not demand anything impossible. We will only stop our actions against
the enemies of the people when our demands haue been met.
Expropriate Springer:
Expropriate the enemies of the people;
Commando 2 June.
Cotmnunique of the Commando Ulrike Meinhof on the Execution of Buback
For "actors of the system itself' like Buback history always finds a way.
Un April 7, 1977, the Commando Ulrike Meinhof executed Siegfried Buback, the
�ederal attorney general.
Buback was directly responsible for the murder of Holger Meins, Siegfried
tiausner and Ulrike Meinhof, In his function as federal attorney general--as
the central control and coordination facility between the courts and the
West German news service, in close cooperation with the CIA and the NATO
Security Comni.ttee--he stated and oversaw their murder,
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Under Buback's direction, Holger was murdered on 9 November 1974. It was
well-planned, using systema.tic ma.lnutrition and consciously manipulating
the transportatiun time from Wittlich to Stauanhein. The calculation of the
federal prosecution was to break the hunger strike of the prisoners against
the annihilation confinement through the execution of a cadre, after the
attempt to kill Andreas by suspending forced feeding failed because of the
mobilisation of the pub lic.
Under B uback's direction, Siegfried was murdered on 4 May 1975. He had led
the Comma.ndo Holger Meins and would have been able to prove that the Germa.n
embassy had been blown up by the West Germa.n Mobile Control Unitso While
he was under the exclusive control of the federal prosecution and the Federal
Criminal Police Bureau his extradition to the FRG and the dangerous transfer
to the Stuttgart-Stauunheim prison was carried out, which meant his certain
death,
Under Buback's direction, Ulrike was executed on 7 May 1976 as an action
for state security. Her death was staged as suicide to portray as senseless
the politics for which Ulrike had fought.
The murder was the escalation following the attempt by the federal prosecu-
tion to make an idiot out of her by using neuro-surgery, to be able to
introduce her--disturbed--in the Statmnheim trial and to be able to denounce
armed resistance as a sickness. This project was prevented through interna-
tional protest. The exact time of the murder was precisely calculated;
Preceding the crucial initiative in the trial, the motions by the defense,
which was to use the attacks of the RAF against the U.S. headquarters in
Frankfurt and Heidelberg in 1972 to interpret FRG participation in the
illegal U.S. aggression in Vietnam--counter to international law;
Before Ulrike's testimony as a wi.tness in the Duesseldorf trial against the
Comna.ndo Holger Meins, where she could have made authentic statements about
the worst form of tortu.re wizich she had suffered during 8 months on death
row;
Before her sentence--because the critical views of the international public
which had developed during the show trial in Stammheim and its cynical
presentation of imperialist power, had no!- been without effect on the federal
government and its execution organs, because it was in the process of creating
difficulties.
More clearly than the stories of many fighters, Ulrike's is the story of the
continuity of resistance--for the revolutionary movement it embodies an
ideological function of avant-garde, at which B uback's construction of the
feigned suicide was aimed: Her death--which propagandistically was exploited
by the federal prosecution and called an "insight into the failure" of ai-ned
politics--was to annihilate morally the group, its stniggle and its traceso
The concept of the federal prosecution, which since 1971 has been conducting
searches and proceedings against the RAF, operates in accordance with the
antisubversion strategy conceived by the NATO Security Compittee=
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rvtc vrrat.tAL uaC, virt.Y
Criminalization of revolutianary resistance--the tactical steps of which
are infiltration, desolidarization and isolation of the guerrillas and
elimination of their leaders.
Within the framework of the counter.strategy of the imperialist FRG against
the guerrillas, the courts are an instrument of war--by persecuting the
guerrillas who are operating illegally and by conducting the annihilation of
the prisoners of waro Buback--8chmidt called him "an energetic fighter"
for the state--understood and conducted the dispute with us as war;
"I survived the war. This is a war with different means."
We will prevent our fighters from being murdered in West German prisons,
because the federal prosecution can solve the problem which is the fact
that the prisoners will not stop fighting, in no other way except by
liquidating thema
We will prevent the federal prosecution and state security organs from
taking revenge on the imprisoned fighters for the actions by the guerrillas
on the outside.
We will prevent the federal prosecution from using the fourth collective
= hunger strike by the prisoners for minimal human rights to murder Andreas,
Gudrun (Ensslin) and Jan (Raspe), a process which has been propagated by
the psychological warfare since Ulrike's death.
Couana.ndo Ulrike Meinhof--Red Arcny Faction
To organized armed resistance and the anti-imperialist front in West Europe.
To conduct the warin the metropolitan areas within the framework of the
international war of liberation.
COPYRIGHT: RAF/B RD, c/o Internationales Komitee zur Verteidigung politischer
Gefangener in Westeuropa--Section BRD, Stuttgart, NLaltao, Sweden, 1977
8991
6000/0008
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FRANCE
MIDEAST POLICY JEOPARDIZED OVER SYRIAN TERRORIST TIES
- Paris LE POINT in French 3-9 May 82 pp 72-74
[Article by Kosta Christitch: "The Menacing Stakes of Terrorism"]
[Text] France has spoken out strongly against internation-
- al terrorism, thereby running the risk of harming its trad-
itional Middle East policy.
It is rare that an interior minister publicly announces the names oF the
= countries which he considers responsible for terrorist actions. Usually, he
will confine himself to allusions to avoid complicating the task of his
foreign affairs colleague, especially when proof is lacking or cannot be re-
vealed to tt-.e public. However, Gaston Defferre has intentionally and sharply
broken this traditional rese?-ve. Moreover, he has done so not only in his
capacity as minister of interior (and secondarily decentralization), but
also as acting prime minister, thus adding weight to his accusations against
Syria. This complicates France's already uneasy situation in the Middle East.
Interviewed by PARIS-MATCH, the man in command of the French police did not
- hesitate to identify Syria, South Yemen, and Libya as three countries which,
"in disagreement with our policy (.oo), have chosen to attack our govern-
ments, though with their own methods, terrorist methods." Thus, without
pulling any punches, he pointed the finger directly at those really respon-
sible, according to him, for international terrorism operating in France, whose
most spectacular action, if not the most bloody, was the attack in Rue
- Marbeuf.
In this interview, Gaston Defferre went even further. He made reference to
the suppliers of these three countries in a succinct phrase whose impo.rtance
was evident to everyone: "The arms are supplied by the Eastern countries."
To judge the significance of this statement, we need only recall a virulent
article in the PRAVDA of 27 April. Under the name Alerei Petrov (a pseudonym
used by the Soviet Central Committee when it wants to ma.ke knawn its position),
- the article vehemently attacks those "Western politicos who declaim about the
complicity of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries with interna-
tional terrorism, disregarding the most basic facts." Further, to be sure
that everything is clear, Petrov recalls that the USSR has always condemned
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terrorism, craftily adding: "Especially since Soviet officials and buildings
_ tiave also been attacked, specifically in France."
liowever, the French Interior Ministry's determination expressed on this oc-
catiion is no surprise. On 22 April, the smoke from thz explosion on Rue
- Marbeuf had hardly cleared be.fore Gaston Defferre--wit:n the support of the
_ Elysee--had announced two kinds of ineasures to respond to this random and
bloody attack. I'irst, France expelled two members of the Syrian Embassy who
were in that country's secret services: Maj Hassan Ali, assistant military
attache, and Tfikhail Kassouha, third secretary in charge of cultural affairs;
secondly, French Ambassador to Damascus Henri Servant was recalled to Paris.
This rapid action, which surprised the presidency (in fact the president
Learned from the minister's statement about the imminent return of his envoy
_ zio Syria),-,had the benefit of demonstrating that there was a French Govern-
menr and that it was determined not to be reticent about measures to make it
respected. According to the explanation given by Claude Cheysson to the
Assembly's Foreign Affairs Committee, even if the two Syrian "diplomats" were
noc "necessarily connected" with the Rue Marbeuf attack, their activities in
France were unacceptable and had to be punished.
In fact, Hassan Ali, who is close to Rifiat al Asad, brother of the Syrian
tlead of state and in charge of special services, worked fulltime on
clandestine operations. In this capacity he had led a commando which at-
tacked a demonstration of Syrian opposition members in Paris on 5 March.
t{is activities were so well known that they had become embarrassing even
Eor Syria's ambassador ta France, Gen Youssef Chakkhour, who had for a long
time--but in vain--been asking for the recall of his assistant military at-
� tache.
As for Nlikhail Kassouha, who was under Hassan Ali's command, he was found to
be involved in the unsuccessful attack in December on the offices of the
weelcly AL WATAN AL ARABI [THE ARAB NATION], where on 22 April the booby-
trapped car blew up under the windows.
Gaston Defferre was thus justified in telling PARIS-MATCH that by expelling
ttle tioo men he was not acting lightly. However, at the same time he publicly
held Syria responsible for the Rue Marbeuf attack, more on the basis of pre-
sumption than proof, thereby aggravating the already serious argument between
Paris and Damascus.
This approach, however legitimate and necessary, wi11 seriously complica.te
I7rance's role in the Near East. In fact, if France intends to play any role
in this part of the world, it has to maintain relations with Syria. This is
the vieca of a11 diplomats whc; know the area, regardless of their feelings
~ zbout Hafiz al Asad's somber regime and his pretentions.
Consider Lebanon. France's objective in this country, with which it has so
many ties, is to help the Lebanese regain their sovereighty and territorial
integrity. However, this objective conflicts directly with Damascus, be-
cause Syria has been treating Lebanon as conquered terr.itory and plans to
restore the "Greater Syria" of the past, or at least establish an entity of
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which it would be the federal leader and which might include Lebanon and
Jordan. Since France has neither the intention nor the means to drive the
_ Syrians out of Lebanon, it must be satisfied with the possibilities offered
- by negotiation. Such possibilities do exist, though slight, but on the con-
dition that relations between Paris and Damascus be maintained, even if they
are not close.
The same is true of the Middle East issue. If France, as it affirms, wants to
have an active role in seeking a solution, it must be in contact with all the
parties to the conflict. Accordingly, it cannot ignore Syria, not only be-
_ cause the United Nations continues to demand that Israel return the Golan,
which it occupies, to Damascus, but because Syria's influence in the Middle
East is far from negligible, despite its apparent isolation. The United
States has never been in doubt on this point. Despite its suppcr t for
Jerusala.m and all the issues which separate it from Damascus, the United
States has been careful not to break with the Syrians. Recall Ronald
Reagan's message of concern to President Asad at the height of the recent
Israeli-Syrian crisis. Between Damascus and Tripoli, the two Meccas of the
- Rejection Front and international terrorism, Washington has chosen the Syrian
capital. This is in contrast to the situation in Paris, which has been
forced into a falling-out with Syria at a time when it is preparing to re-
new relations with the Libyans by receiving this month Major Jallud, Colonel
- Qadhdhafi's closest associate.
Hafiz al Asad's Syria certainly occupies a very special position in the Mid-
_ dle East. It is occupying Lebanon, opposing the PLO to the degree that it
- is unable to bend the Palestinian organization to its objectives, opposing
Iraq, defying Jordan, and causing anxiety in Riyadh and the Gulf. However,
- the view of the experts is that this situa tion does not justify any policy
gambles by France. It5 dispute with Damascus will not win for it other
support in the area, with the exception of Baghdad, for--despite the resent-
= ment against it--Syria would enjoy the support of Arab solidarity in case of
, a worsening of the French-Syrian crisis. Moreover, French policy does not
have the same prestige among the Arabs since 10 May, particularly after
Francois Mitterand's visit to Israel. That Hali al Hassan, one of the most
moderate of Yasir Arafat's advisers, would say publicly that "we regard
Mitterand's position as virtually hostile to the PLO" is a sure sign which
= tells a lot about the Arab state of mind, even outside Syria.
The crisis between France and Syria is even more serious today in that it
follows a very long disagreement which France had not dared to settle earlier.
- The best example was the assassination in Beirut on 4 September of French
- Ambassador Louis Delamare. The French Government knew early on about the
Syrian role in this murder, but at no time did it make representations about
_ this tragedy in Damascus. Yet what was at stake was not only the death of an
individual, a man who had done his country great service: It was the entire
French policy in Lebanon that had been the target. Louis Delamare had been
singled out by the killers for having tried to bring together all the parties
in Lebanon ultimately to restore its sovereighty and territorial integrity.
The French Government had a sad but tailor-made opportunity to talk c-'early
� to the Syrians. It did not take this opportunity. Why? Out of weakness,
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N'UK UF'H'I(;IAL U5E UNLY
no doubt, and also because it did not knaw how to reconcile its interests and
its honor. That is a mistake in politics, particularly in the Middle East.
The Syrians immediately concluded that they could act with impunity.
Another example: The French pol�lce :iad known for some time about the activ-
ities of Maj Hassan Ali and Mikhail Kassouha. They had even been informed
_ about the threats to attack the editor of AL WATAN AL ARABI and had taken
measures for his protection, but apparently could not prevent an attack of
- the Rue Ma.rbeuf type. However, it took the 22 April ekplosion of the booby-
trapped car to bring about the expulsion of the two men. The firm deter-
mination which Paris is showing today would undoubtediy have been more ef-
_ fective if it had 'ceen displayed earlier. The Syrians would have been more
cautious, and the French would not have been forced to demonstrate their au-
thority at the risk of harming relations with Damascus.
France now has to face a more difficult situation not only in the Middle East,
- but also against international terrorism. The delay is a heavy handicap,
for, according to Western services, *_he wave of Syrian attacks in Europe is
, not happenstance but the execution of a carefully prepared plan. Damascus is
concerned to see its refugee opposition in Europe getting financial assistance
from the Iraqi services. This aid has enabled them to strengthen the Syrian
Liberation Front which they had established and to create a presence in sev-
eral European countries including Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, Italy, and
France. What the Syrian Government fears above all is creation of a Syrian
.
government in exile. With the goal of preventing this opposition from achiev-
ing its objective, the special services commanded by Rifiat al Asad decided
to strike some blows in Europe. They profited from the cooperation with
their Libyan counterparts and recruited the famous Carlos, who, if you be-
lieve certain sources, has a budget of $2 million to carry out a number of
speci.fic operations.
That is not a11. The Syrian secret services are working closely with the
South Yemeni Government. The Americans believe that international terror-
ism's real home base is in that country. At this stage, it is not just a
matter of the Syrian opposition. Other objectives have also been set, though
the Western se rvices have not yet succeeded in identifying them. They have
learned, however, that terrorists were recently trained, under Bulgarian and
Soviet experts, in use of very sophisticated weapons. This :aakes them afraid
that new attacks might be carried out with bazookas or portable missile-
launchers. France has called for a high-level meeting of Western services,
and has decided to send to the United States for this purpose a delegation
of the DGSE (formerly SDECE) [Foreign Intelligence and Counterintelligence
Service].
, It is likely that the Rue Marbeuf attack was only a bloody prelude.
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~
'~.'.F~. .
. ~ ta
~
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o-,� , 3s ~
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Rifaat al-Assad
n.
27
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.
Poster in Beirut: A film
titled "Carlos the Terrorist"
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The attack on the rue Marbeur
Hafiz al-Assad

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Composite portrait of the
rue Marbeuf terrorist
COPYRIGHT: "Le Point" 1982.
9920
CSO: 6131/501
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- FRANCE
CARLOS' ACTIVITIES, FRIENDS, KGB TIES EXAMINED
Paris PARIS MATCH in French 14 May 82 pp 51, 52, 74
[A-rticle by Jean Cau: "Carlos, anfl the High Life"J
tText7 It is beginning to become clear why a bomb ex-
- ploded on Rue Marbeuf.
The Carlos Mystery
Still dazed from the shock of the Rue Marbeuf explosion,
the French are realizing to their horror that their
country is caught up in the complicated intricacies
of inter-Arab politics. And, since the darkness which
descended that morning, they know that now they are the
target of killers from the "Mysterious East." Since it
is always necessary to find an individual to blame, they
think they see behind the smoke of the massacre the
mssl: oi a certain Ili--cn icamirez, trabicslly famuus
under the name "Carlos." But who is this Carlos and
who is providing him weapons so he can attack, in Paris,
both a Lebanese newspaper and passers-by? A merciless
struggle is taking place in the Middle East; it has split
the Arab world in two. On one side there are the
Lebanese Shiites, the very special movements which have
brought a reign of terror to Syria under the control of
Rif'at el Asad, the brother of the president of the
Republic and the Iranians. On the other side: the
Lebanese nationalists who refuse to be gobbled up by
Syria, the Iraqis and the majority of the PLO. WATAN
AL ARABI, the Lebanese newspaper on Rue Marbeuf, belongs
to the second group. And France is proposing a policy
in the Middle East which does not su it Syria's game.
That is why the passers-by on Rue Marbeuf were tar-
geted at the same time as the Lebanese weekly. Carlos
is one af the close associates of Rif'at el Asad, who
wants to poison at any price relations between France
- and his country. After the assassination of Ambassador
- Delamare and two French officials 1n Beirut, the gangrene
was exported to France�
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a'VlN VA'CAI.,A HL VJL' VIVLI
Son of a millionaire, trained in terrorism in Cuba and Moscow, fanatic about
revolution, and crazy about girls.
He is never seen. He is feared everywhere. He is t.hought to be behind every
bomb that explodes. He has already killed many people. Perhaps he
organized the attack on Rue Marbeuf. He i.s certainl.y very dangerous. But
he has also become a myth. Who is this stubborn and invisible madman
who was named Ilitch by a very wealthy father, a kind of "conservative" of
the Revolution, and who, under the name Carlos, today terrif ies the whole
world?
I. Education
When a child was born into the household of Jose Ramirez and his wif e Maria
Sanchez, on 10 October 1949, there was ajoyous outburst: It's a boy! "We
- will call him Ilitch, like Lenin," said his father who, after almost having
become a priest, during his adolescence, abandoned his faith and adopted
another one, Stalinist communism.
How he managed to reconcile this new faith with a sharp business sense
= in real estate, which made him a millionaire with a prosperous business
in his native Venezuela, remains one of the mysteries known only to the
dreamy idealists of the Western middle class.
But that is the way it goes: the fathers eat the green grapes of ideologi-
cal fanaticism and the sons develop an appetite for it and become activists.
One day Ilitch Ramirez y Sanchez will be called Carlos. Still, at least his
two younger brothers, baptized Vladimir and Lenin, have been better able to
- cope with their names and have not followed in the footsteps of their older
broLiier....
At 17, Ilitch coas sent to school abroad. His father thought this would help
tlim overcome his shyness and wouid get rid of his complex es. Actually,
(O.K. Dr Freud?) this young man was somewhat pudgy, both his features and his
body, and suffered from the nickname "muchacho gordo," (the little fat kid).
Fle ended up in Cuba and, as with other "well-born (etc.) souls," here he was
in Campo Matanzas, the pupil of Comrade General Victor Simonov (of the KGB)
who was instructing his lar-e flock in the art of subversion. In 1967,
the Cubans landed small rebel groups on the coast of Venezuela, to stir up
trouble in Caracas. Twice Carlos landed. Twice he was arrested by the
police. Twice he was released. At that point, his parents got divorced and
his mother, accompanied by Lenin and Vladimir, went to live in London and--
she was much younger than her husband--to live her own life.
II. The Road to Moscow
Ilitch, however, took the road to Moscow and, more precisely, to Lumumba
University (called officially, in all seriousness, "The University of Friend-
ship Among Peoples"...) which accepts students from the Third World and where
the KGB selects, as from a fish hatchery, the best students to be trained
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for subversion and its numerous variants, running fr.om terrorism to assas-
sination. But, surprise! Ilitch was expelled, in 1969,. for "anti-Soviet
provocations and dissipated living." Later, Carlosologists who will go over
his career with a f ine tooth comb, will wonder if this expulsion was not
trumped up with the help of Carlos himself so as to give him the reputation
of an unimportant playboy troublemaker with whom the KGB would not want to
compromise itself. A mere war strategem. Whatever the case, the wayward
student,.after being "expelled," went on to East Berlin and then to London
to see his mother and then to the Middle East where, according to him, he
asked Palestinian groups in Jordan to train him in guerrilla warfare. The
proposal was accepted and Carlos studied in the training camps at Mount
(Gilead) and Um-(Juraysat) before going into combat. Then, he was once
again in London where he killed some time waiting for an assignment.
III. How To Become Carlos
A green light. He returned in 1973 to Beirut where he expressed his impa-
tience. Then he was given a green light to kill Lord Seif (president of
Marks and Spencer stores), an outspoken Zionist. He went to his house on
30 November 1973 and f ired three shots at him. Lord Seif survived. In an
interview with the newspaper AL WATAN AL ARABI, Ilitch calmly explained his
failure: "A comrade had given me an old revolver and five rounds of ammuni-
tion. Well, to bring aff an assassination successfully, you need two
pistols, one with a silencer, the other a very powerful one to def end your-
self in case of surprise. You also need two grenades and a driver. That is
what is considered the strict minimum if you want the operation to succeed.
So you can see what a position I was in with only five rounds and a single
pistol that I had not even tried out." Put yourself in his place. In any
case, on that day Ilitch became Carlos. One month later, once again in
London, he tossed a bomb into an Israeli bank. It exploded but only
slightly wounded a typist. No luck, he explained, "the bomb had slid over
the floor."
Then he hopped over to Beirut. And then on to Paris to dynamite the ORTF
[Office of French Broadcasting and Television/ (it did not go off) and to
conduct an operation against three newspapers: L'ARCHE, MINUTE and
L'AURORE, accused of being Zionists and fascists. Another quick trip, to
Holland this time, to take hostage the ambassador of France in ord er to
negotiate the release of a member of the Japanese Red Army. That ended in
- gunfire. Two policemen and one of the terrorists were wounded. Actually, it
was only a partial failure, because of poor coordination, and Carlos left
hastily for Paris where he learned that the Japanese had succeeded in taking
the ambassador ("I don't know why they didn't kill him," he said later) but
that the French were refusing to give in to the terrorists` demands. So
then Carlos threw two grenades into the Drugetore, at Saint-Germain-des-
- Pres. That resulted in 2 dead and 30 injured--and he warned the French
Government that he would resort to even bloodier acts if the Japanese
terrorist was not released. Since the Drugstore incident suggested that
these threats not be taken lightly, the slant-eyed comrade was put aboard a
- Boeing and landed somewhere in the Middle East. "A complete success,"
clafined Carlos.
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IV. AWild Guy, Full of Fun
This is the most difficult section of the article to write because now I
have to come to some conclusions. Who is Carlos? He is nothing like, for
example, the Russian anarchists at the beginning of the century, with their
drawn faces and wild eyes, slouching along walls, hiding under their coat a
bomb which they are planning to toss into the car of a grand duke. He has
nothing in common with these passionate mystics. His style, Carlos' style,
is rather that of finding in the Revolution a kind of euphoria, a kind of
_ "high." Life, which he considers unimportant for others, he loves. Drink-
_ ing, eating well, smoking big cigars, strumming the gu itar, playing cards,
danc ing, that is his "0116" side. This wild guy really loves to kick up his
heels and knock someone around with his claws drawn, as if he were only a
nice stuff ed tiger. Unfortunately, the tiger is made up of real flesh and
blood, with claws and �angs. When he strikes, he kills. But what goes on
in his head? "I am not a professional killer," he says. "It is not easy to
shoot point blank someone who is looking at you...." He f ires, however, in
the name of the Revolution, as if shaken by a calm orgasm, and the "guy who
is full of fun" becomes a cold angel of death. Then, life begins again,
between raids, and the girls, lots of girls, comfort the terrorist. There
was Angela Otoala, the young waitress at a Spanish restaurant, 23 years old,
and pretty, whom he seduced in 1973 in London. There was Maria Romero, also
in London, a Colombian lawyer, older (39 years old) and a former member of
the Secretariat of the Colombian Communist Party, who f ell for his charms.
In Paris, there was Nancy Sanchez, a Venezuelan studying anthropology at the
Sorbonne, and Angela Armstrong, the very young English girl born in South
Af rica. On Rue Toullier, the Fifth Arondissement, a f ew steps away from the
Pantheon where Nancy was renting an apartment, it was a nonstop party. Every-
one had a good time. The students living in the maid's rooms on the sixth
floor were always welcome. They were offered a drink and permitted to use
the shower or to wash their jeans. Very nice, these Americanos. You
couldn't ask for better hospitality. Did the girls know who their boyfriend
- was? No. Probably not. But why ask questions? Carlos, a virtuoso of f ake
identities was only for them a Venezuelan friend, funny and cosmopolitan,
- who was working for an "international company" and had plenty of money. If
he was using their studios or apartments as hideouts, he obviously refrained
from admitting it to these young women. Other questions: for whom was Carlos
working during those years? Officially, if we can use the term, for the
Palestinians, alongside the PLO. Unofficially, to find that out you have to
zigzag your way through a labyrinth of i.nternational terrorism, bumping up
against artificial mirrors, having to retrace your steps 10 times, going
_ around in circles, going from the Red Brigades to the ETA Basque Fatherland
and Liberty Group], to the RAF [~Red Army Faction, Germany], from the RAF to
the Japanese, etc.... If you don't let yourself get caught up in t}lis mare's
nest, one fixed point remains, around which are centered the "tripa" of
Carlos: the services (and among them the most spec:Lal ones) of the KGB.
- Thus, and according to the most reliable information, the famous terrorist
is said to be in Damascus, in Syria, close to Rif'at el Asad (the brother of
President Hafez el Asad), the head of a militia composed of 50,000 men in
political police work so serious thaC it often worries his own brother.
And everyone in Damascus knows that Rif'a'_ "is playing for" the Soviets....
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V. Hecatomb
The further adventures of our man. In 1974, the attempt to launch a rocket
attack at Orly against a plane belonging to the Israeli airline E1 A1. A.
failure. In December 1975, the stakes were raised. In Vienna, during a
meeting of OPEC, a terrorist group led by Carlos and made up of two Germans,
a Palestinian and two Lebanese, attacked the building where the oil ministers
_ were meeting. Three were left dead and one wounded. And the ministers
were held captive. The Austrian Government capitulated and the DC 9 which
they boarded as hostages, along with their captors, ended up, after a wild
odyssey, landing in Algiers, where the right of asylum was granted the
terrorist group in exchange for the hostages. Why this "action," as Carlos
called it? So that the rich oil states do not forget, under the shower of
- dollars they are receiving, that they must serve the Palestinian cause. All
right. It's as good an explanation as any.
_ But it was 5 months earlier, on 27 June 1975, in Paris, that Carlos carried
out, if not his bloodiest elcploit, at least his boldest. The police, acting
on information from an informer, a certain Mokarbel, who was the contact
between Carlos' team and the FPLP Lpopular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine7 raised (unarmed!) Rue Toullier, where the terrorist was living.
Mokarbel, had stated to the police that a certain Maya Lara, a Venezuelan, in
whom they were interested, was there; the police went in. They were also
carrying in their pockets a photograph in which, next to Mokarbel, appeared...
another man. He is the one who opened the door. They politely asked him if
he knew rfokarbel. He politely answered that he did not know anyone by that
name. They politely told him that this man claimed to know him and they
showed him the photograph. He politely asked where Mokarbel was. They
politely told him that he is over there in a car. He politely asked if he
could see him. Of course. The police went to get Mokarbel. When they came
back, it was to meet their death. Two were shot dead and a third wounded.
Mokarbel, lastly, got a bullet between the eyes and was finished off with a
- bullet in the temple for good measure. And from one building to the next,
Carlos, leaping like a deer, got down to the street and f inally made his way
to a hideout on Rue Amelie, rented by a friend, Sylvie Masmela. From that
hideout, he left, once more, to disappear in the wilds of the other side of
the Mediterranean, from which he did not reappear, as we said bef.ore, until
he showed up in Vienna. Since then....
VI. Fingerprints
Since then the trail of Carlos has become vague and is lost. Did the real
man fly off into the heaven of myths to repose in his �rightening glory?
Is he in Libya, in Yemen, in Lebanon, in the East, in Syria? Everywhere and
nowhere at the same time? Has he become a professor or doctor of
terrorism, given his vast experience and is he planning acts of terrorism
or is he putting a stamp of certif ication (seriously) on those who are
carrying them out? Recently, we know, and this is his most recent sign of
life after a long absence, he threatened Mr Deferre, leaving fingerprints
to authenticate his message, if two of his terrorist friends arrested in
France were not freed. They were not. LE CAPITOLE blew up. Carlos? Not
- Carlos? Who knows or will know?
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VII. A Business and a War
Unquestionably, Ilitch Ramirez has created a famous nickname and has suc-
ceeded in raising himself up to terrorism, is highest rung and he is the
- number one world star. That being said, as the saying goes, one lends only
to the rich, which is sometimes a mistake, as Carlos is now being credited
for what has been done by someone else. Actually terrorism is not limited to
a single man, a kind of bogey man, present everywhere and everywhere
invincible. Terrorism is a business. Deliberate. Calculated. Perf ected.
Terrorism is a war. In the limelight, Carlos is only the most famous
footsoldier. It remains to be seen who are the officers who, in the shadows,
order the disorder of this army of terror.
And that, more frightaning than Carlos, is the real question.
[Photo caption] Behind the tragic smoke on the rue Marbuef emerges the
shadowy figure of Carlos, buC more than he, it is his "protectors" who
have declared war on France.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 par Cogedipresae SA
8956
CSO: 6131/509
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ITALY
MEMOIRS FROM THE UNDERGROUND: AN UNREPENTANT TERRORIST TELLS HIS STORY
Milan IL PANE E LE ROSE in Italian Nov 81 pp 1-126
[Memoirs by Giorgio: "Memoirs From the Underground"]
[Text] For the past few months, in the most recent volume of IL PANE E LE ROSE
[BREAD AND ROSES] the series editor, Anna Maria Caredio, invited readers to
submit their narrative works for a reading. Thus, when a script arrived accom-
panied by a short vague message simply signed "Giorgio" no particular attention
was given to it. It seemed one of the many manuscripts that had come in re-
sponse to the appeal. But it was not just another script. Certainly the level
of the writing and the autobiographical sketch were all within the average
limits common to youthful literary production in the 1970's. But the story
told was not.
Until now all those events had been described from the outside by sociologists,
politicians, and journalists. In the best of cases statements by some peni-
- tents had penetrated those dark events, but their abjuration could have marred
the credibility of the tale. Instead, this was the first time that, even
though anonymously and with the risk of not being authentic, a direct testi-
mony came out into the open in compact form from within the armed struggle.
It was not easy for us to decide upon its publication. The discussion within
the publishing house was intense, reflecting positions and attitudes on the
question of terrorism that are heard in political debates throughout the coun-
_ try. Even while unanimously condemning terrorist violence, a question of prin-
ciple was raised. Then, what dissolved our doubts was precisely the passage
from abstract debate to a specific assessment of Giorgio's book. We reread it
carefully and that dry and unrhetorical style, the minute description of the
gray Travet-like [bureaucratic] life of terrorism, the anxiety and the soli-
tude that shone through and was almost declared, brought us back to the speci-
fic terms of the problem: It was not a matter of deciding whether or not to
publish a political message of the armed party but only whether to publish the
tale of a manrier of living one's life which, chilling though it might be, was
chosen by hundreds of youths in recent years. We could not turn back.
The Editors
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NuK uFH�rCIAL u5E oNLv
Dear Comrades:
After having read the appeal of Anna Maria Caredio after the end of The Girl
of Thousandlire Road [La ragazza di Via Millelire] I decided to send you my
manuscript which might interest you. In fact it seems to me that in the
flood of disinformation falsification idiocies which surround the world of
- the armed struggle and its militants, this might be at the very least a use-
_ ful firsthand testimony of how different things are.
1 I have nothing to add except that I hope you will publish these pages.
- Communist gr.eetings
Giorgio
We used to go to the shore in summer. (Or perhaps it was the mountains, or the
country, or the hillside: And I say this to make it immediately clear that the
story I have to tell cannot be the truth but only verisimili tude; and to remind
many that even telling one's story is a privilege, not a courageous gesture.)
So, we used to go to the shore.
But the shore was always so incredibly distant, and those distant vacations
seemed to remind me only of an interminable dusty road and pitiless heat and
the repeated sound of my wooden shoes. Of so many wooden shoes, of so many
wet bathing suits, of so many packages bumping each other.
And a smell of doughnuts (but perhaps they were kraffen [krapfen: doughnuts]
or strudel or tarts or buns): an afternoon smell that still comes back today
near a pine grove; an afternoon too blue and too long, says the poet.
But a doughnut every day, I ask myself, isn't that like never having a
_ doughnut?
Then there were the cicadas (or the crickets or the blackbirds or the newts).
Cicadas chirp: That's what they do, isn't it? They do it continuously, they
never stop. And the children don't sleep: because it is too warm, they say,
but really they are waiting until the cicadas stop. Chirping. And then this
is a vacation. The BR [Red Brigades], it is said, give their militants money
for a month's vacation. No one pays me for anything.
My vacation will be this: to write my story or one which somehow will resem-
- ble us. This also will be an anonymous vacation, one of those that are not
recounted because after all it's not worth the trouble. That leaves no trace,
not even a picture, of those with so many children covered with black sand and
it's so hard to recognize yourself, imagine the others.
While my most ardent desire would be to go away.
To take a trip, a very long one, that would take me with my head, as well as
with my body, elsewhere. I am very tired and when you enter this tunnel that
is my life, you must give up the idea of a future. Ways out are unknown.
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- Certainly, there could be the revolution. Can't you 3ust see it? More likely
there is jail or worse. Obviously, you don't think about it but you don't
even succeed in ima.gining that you can go on like this for all your life. I
- accept boththe possible hypotheses: jail or worse. I don't care at all. In
_ the rneantime, I take my trip in my head and in my books and the images I have
- preserved.
It is the world reread through my feelings.
~ My friendly voyager is, it is useless to hide it, Corto Maltese [comic strip
character]. I would like to visit the China of Corto Maltese and the Amazzonia
[play on the verb to kill and the word Amazon] of Corto Maltese.
Corto Maltese's China is full of paving stones, sketches of dragons and chil-
dren's shoes. Full of lanterns and butterflies in the rice fields. Red lan-
terns from when revolution was possible. From when in Russia there were still
warlords, and the baronesses traveled in trains with a part of the Tsar's
treasure.
It is not the China of manifestos and leveled mountains.
And Amazonia is that of the last headhunters and the last adventurers. Venice
is that of the card-reading fortunetellers and of the Masons; America still
- does not exist. Only the Orient exists. Not the mystic one, but that of ships
with masts, of trade and of the oppressors.
I like the world in which something crawl:s, in which there is something but no
- one yet knows what.
The world, perhaps, like that in which I feel I really am today.
It can be said that everything began with that demonstration in March 1977.
I had been a member of an organization in the autonomist wing for a year and a
half. It was an active student organization with many members and our posi-
tions were notably eccentric in regard to the traditional culture of Autanomy.
No one had yet called it the theory of need, but for us it already was a prac-
tice. Our conversations were constantly--almost obsessively--about what we used
to call, and what we still call, behavior: The standards of living of the
young proletarians, the desires within them, how they are manifested, how they
are affirmed, how they attack the system ot power. This, this above all, was
our political and cultural interest.
A11, or almost all of us came with a background of experience in youth clubs
and we had done a11 kinds of things in the clubs. From disputes at concerts
to misappropriation to invasion of moviehouses upto expropriation and psyche-
delic experiences, with drugs, I mean (acid above all).
- Everything was born there: My resignation from Lotta Continua jContinuing
Struggle] and my membership in Autonomy. At that time I was a strong, but
very strong, proponent of spontaneity: I felt that something very big was
developing among the proletarian youth and i felt that any speech and organi-
zational structure was too tight and rigid to coniain it; and that the needs
and behaviors must "explode." I thought just that: explode. Without
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ruK urrlk-iAL uI)r, uNLY
intcrmediation. And Lotta Continua instead talked about organizing them, ttie
clubs. This seemed unbearable to me. I thought that we clubs must organize
tlie clubs: In substance, we must organize ourselves.
And we began to do it. Here is how. jde would make a big speech against
"povertyism," against that concept of the workers' movement that provides
for the conquest of the least necessary, and that projects an image of itself
as austere, ascetic, disciplinarian. On the contrary: We want the extras,
' we used to say. We want abundance. We don't only want bread. And at that
point someone said: We want the roses, too. No, I said once, it is that we
want the cake. Marie Therese [as published] was ri.ght. The idea was very
appealing: and it was thus that we decided to appropriate blue jeans for
ourselves.
- No, I swear, I had no fear whatever. And not because I am particularly co.ura-
geous. That is something that isstill to be seen. But because, more si.mply,
it happens that way: that I perhaps feel fear at first, a long time before:
or afterward, etien after a very long time; never during. In brief, for me
fear does not accompany reflection or even imagination and the development of
- Fantasy. And then it happens that I feel fear even after 6 months, when I
be;an to think, perhaps by chance, when I touch on a detail, a moment, an
episode of an action I took or was about to take: or when a dream, a fantasy,
bri.ngs back to me an image or a face or a gesture.
If., instead, I am intent on accomplishing it, the action, my feelings are all
concentrated on the action itself and there is no time or space for anything
el.se. And that's how 4 t was that time too. I prepared myself in very minute
- detail: and perhaps I was the only one who did it; for the others it was
- like pl.aying a gar.e. Not for me; I stayed home a long time preparing it':
deciding above all what to wear. For two reasons: because I wanted to wear
appronriate clothing--agile, comfortable, swift--and then because of a kind
of vanity.
a It may seem absurd and ridiculous, it can leave me open to sarcasm, specula-
- tion, exploitation. I can already hear thun say: Her.e are the young gentle-
men, they dress elegantly to fight ttie revolution--but that's how it is.
I would never attend a proletarian expropriation if I did not feel well even
concerning my dress, if I did not feel comfortable: I find absolutely nothing
strange in this. llressing toell is not what people believe: dressing well
means feeling comForL-able and in harmony with one's clothing even with form
and color 3I1d size. And then, why should I not try to dress well when I do a
job, jusC as I try to dress well when I go to the movies? In fact, it is
precisely because the action. is necessarily (and fortunately) anonymous that
the reason for the choice of this suit and not that is not pure exhibitionism.
l.n any case, I recall_ that at that time--it was mid-November--I wore a pair of
- green wide-ribbed corduroy pants and a skiing sweater. And it was strange
l>ecause instead the others--for the very reason (which was very strange I be-
- Lieved) that we must not be "identified"--all were dressed in what they be-
lieved made them anonymous and normal: or perhaps they were, normally,but on
them they immediately became eccentric and very eye-catching.
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I, instead, wore an enormous red ski windbreaker over my sweater. And then
a green woolen cap. We agreed to meet not far from the boutique, near a tele-
phone booth, and there is where we actually met. I was commander of the
action: Even though, to tell the truth, there was very little to command.
There were about a dozen of us including four girls} all very young.
The comrades kept the appointment individually and at different times. Fxcept
that this, which had been a precaution, risked being transformed into an im-
prudent act because--either because of a distraction of excessive zeal--there
were some who came as much as an hour late, and there we were, like fools,
- waiting for them. The atmosphere was in any case incredible. Among us there
was something like what precedes student trips and mixed with it, the complic-
- ity that urLi.tes a group of boys who court girls of their own age. And so we
were there and there was one who liked to be funny and he said: I want to get
- myself a white tie and tails; and someone else: Please, let's be sure no one
pulls out his wallet by mistake. And a girl said: It will be a problem match-
ing colors, I certainly don't want to take things that I can't wear. Etc.
Finally everyone arrived and I said: Let's go. Thus we entered the boutique:
bJe wandered around a little so as to spread out into the two large rooms of
which the shop was composed. There were some people inside, but not many, and
about 10 clerks, all young and alert. There were two more, older, at the two
cash registers. I walked around a little until I stopped near a pile of jeans:
Since I was at it, I selected the Levi's. I began to look at them more
~ attentively, as though I was considering the pos,s:,bility of buying them, and in
the meanwhile I thought: Now. Now. Now.
It was up to me to give the signal. But I couldn't make up my mind; I looked
behind me out of the corner of my eye and I said to myself: Just a bit more,
just 1 seco nd more and away we go! Then I became aware that the comrades were
watching me with some surprise and a little anxiously and that the clerks be-
gan to look at us. Surely they could not imagine our intentions, but perhaps
- they began to become alarmed. And who knew whether there was a warning signal
in the shop. Or a security service. Or aclosed-circuit television camera.
And so I became aware that if I waited a minute more nothing would be done.
And I said to myself: Now. I raised up from the pile of pants precisely
while the clerk, a very lean fellow with the face of a fool, asked me: "May
= I help you? What size were you looking for?" In a flash, I lowered the ski
- cap over my eyes--that was the signal we had decided on, and I started to
shout, "Andreotti pays!" The others also began to shout. I pulled out from
beneath my windbreaker a hammer that I had in an inside pocket and I turned to
- the clerk: "Don't move this is an expropriation." The others more or less
did the same. The girls pulled out of their handbags large sacks like those
used by the garbage collectors and they stuffed them with everything they could
grab from the counters. Another fellow and I in the meanwhile had moved toward
the cash registers and had immobilized the two persons who were there, evidently
the owners of the shop. "We don't want the money," I said, but they continued
to watch us desperately. Meanwhile, another three members of our gang were in
front of the door, blocking the way so that no new shoppers would enter and in
~ any case it was very clear from outside what was happening within the shop.
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Everything, hoWever, did not last more than 5 minutes. The girls had filled
their sacks; all of us had three piles of stuff--as much as they could hold
in their arms--and I said: "Let's go; everyone out!" And the girls were the
first to liead toward the door; then the others left and, I left last. Before
moving away, I put on the ground near the door a plastic envelope and in a
very loud voice I said: "There is a bomb in here, stay near the wall, there
in the back, and nothing will happen to you." Later I learned that they
really had stayed close to that wall. And for a quarter of an hour. As
soon as we were outside we ran as fast as we could.
Outside there were many people, a real crowd, it could be said, and so we
ran off in 12 different directions. Not 12 exactly, but almost. I, with my
blue jeans under my arms ran toward a square, not farther away than 500 meters.
There, between twa parked cars, I had left a plastic athletic bag covered with
cardboard. Fortunately, the bag was still there; I opened it and put the
jeans in it; then I walked slowly away with it.
'rhat first action was very important: For the first time I had carried out an
illegal act not within a mass demonstration. And that's how it was with most
of the participants.
Already there caas Anna. Present, important.
I am tlle sort of person 1JI10 fundamentally is tied to the idea of the family,
of a stable situation of affection. The idea of children was never very far
from my mind. I have never approved very much--even though I am not scandal-
ized by'them--of the situations which in general are called "liberated." They
seem to me only a gr_eat big madhouse. Just to indulge in a little bit of
poor-man's psychoanalysis, it must be true that my family situation left
either a model or a regret.
And I had a ioay of doing things that I liked: Proud and therefore very de-
tacned from the others. jdhen anyone succeeded in overcoming her contrariness,
which was always exasperated, you felt like the only privileged possessor of
something. It was most like what I under.stood to be a traditional relation-
s}i ip. Because it aroused in me a desire to conquer and possess.
I never tlred of that relationship. When we met I never knew whether I would
find her distant or affectionate; whether we would make love or not, whether
she would lie there immobile, wide-eyed, or whether she would participate.
1 loved her very much.
Shc watched everything and spoke littl.e. She watched in a serious and distant
way: "All this is very difficult to understand," was always her phrase. She
repeated it slowly perhaps after hours and hours of intense listening to
speeches at a meeting, hours and hours of marching that would pain the feet.
"I never really understood why." But she was never cynic2l. The next time
stie would start from ttie beginning: Hours and hours of ineetings, much cold
along the way, doing what had to be done; without any emotion, with an exas-
perating lucidity. I loved her very much.
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tdhen we met with the others at the club, we talked for a long time and imme-
diately we became aware that that action had to some extent marked the border
between two different phases of our activity.
Meanwhile the newspapers: The news they gave was very clear. They spoke of
us as hippies and criminals and this was no little thing. We were no longer
the run-of-the-mill exfiremists: We were irresponsible and violent political
militants, but always political militants. Not here; here we were no more or
less than crooks. And we still didn't clearly understand the reactions of the
others in the club and of all those who had some contact with the club: the
proletarian youth of the neighborhood first of all. We decided to print a
leaflet. The choice was between printing a leaflet in the name of a youth
club--and in that case, we could have spoken only in general about the action
without taking credit for it (to do otheYtaise would have meant openly stating
our criminal responsibility and exposing ourselves to repression)--and claim-
ing the action secretly.
We chose the latter course. Immediately the problem of a mimeograph machine
had to be solved: We could not mimeograph a leaf let and then leave the mime-
ograph machine available to the police who would easily identify the origin.
Thus, since no other mimeograph machine was available, we decided to use the
club's and to hide it later. I made that proposal and added, very clearly,
that to do something like that in some way meant "going underground." That
is, it meant having an outlaw organization. At that moment no one worried
about it very much. We decided that we would hide the mimeograph machine in
a closet in the basement of a member's house. And so we printed the leaflet:
It was very attractive and was very successful in the neighborhood, among the
- boys, naturally; we even drew sketches and the style, in general, was full
of sarcasm. The result was that many boys in the neighborhood came to us and
asked to buy the clothing at a discount price; and we, just barely talcing
some precautions, would give them away. The incredible thing was that despite
our caution, we avoided being identified. By a hair. The mimeograph machine
was supposed to have been hidden right away, but then as always happens) a
little problem arose--the key to the closet could not be found or something
like that--and so, 2 days after we circulated the leaflet, the mimeograph
machine was still on the club premises. On the third night to be exact, we
moved it away and the police search took place exactly the next morning:
Just barely 6 hours after the mimeograph machine had changed residence. The
fact is that I thought a lot about the progress oz that story; I minutely
examined the entire action; the most minor details, the errors committed and
the tliings that went well. And I scrupulously thought again about all my
movements; I even took notes and discussed them with those I considered to be
most trustworthy and determined among the comrades. And I believe that it was
precisely on that occasion that I thought that I would never turn back again.
- I, under those circumstances, had carried with me a compressed-air pistol, a
Flobert. I kept it in the pocket of the windbreaker just in case something
unexpected happened: An unforeseen reaction, a security man, or someone who
might try to stop us. The Flobert was not even a pistol, it can be said; or
better, it is, but it is a pistol for young boys and girls. It can neither
kill nor seriously injure, so much so that a license is not required to buy
it: You go to a gun store, you buy it, you give a name and everything ends
there; you can even give a f alse name since no one will check it.
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iJit11 that Flobert, Piero and I went to the shore two or three times; and we
tried to shoot until we became expert in it and could hit any target, even at
liigh speed. At short distances, because the Flobert tends to become very in-
accurate beyond 20 meters. Then we bought another pistol, also an air pistol,
and that's how it happened that we were armed when we went to some demonstra-
tions. Armed in a manner of speaking, but armed. This thing seemed like an
enormous undertaking for us. We moved about together, from the first moment to
- the last, with tlie pistols inside the jacket pockets and our hands on the butts,
but--for one reason or another--we never had the opportunity to use them. And
perhaps deep down we were glad of that. Then we decided to "raise our sights."
- We said it just that way, "raise our sights," with some seriousness because in
our heads this meant moving forward, continuing, becoming radicalized. It
meant just that "raise our sights." It meant using real pistols. And we did
that very soon.
Anything but, "Step fo naard a moment, you unknown ones, with the hidden faces."
That was undoubtedly something for other times, other men.
= Not ttiat ttiere was no longer any need for hidden faces.
(And why otherwise would I be among them?)
but it is that to say it thus evokes only a little pain
and a little laugliter.
Lilce some ancient thing
or like the Unita Festival at Bovisa.
Or it pains tlie heart, the hands and the sex organs.
I3ecause vour heart and hands and sex organs hurt,
and a lot, if you always deny them and hide the-n
l.il:e absurd habits you want to forget:
because there is and always has been plenty of time to
Ilide them and you finally would want them to breathe
the open air.
- 'I'hat's what I would want, I who was not quick enough,
it can be said,
to pass f rom when I covered my f ace
to hide acne and pimples, and I covered my hands
to hide fears and clumsiness,
aild I covered my sex to hide blushing and fears:
and today, when I cover body and face to hide what...
'Clie blue jeans were useful. We had hidden a large number in Piero's house,
not even knowing ourselves what we might do with them, and also the sweaters,
the shirts, the shoes.
ldc collected them together in two packages and we went to the Senigallia
Fair. We sold everything at the first stall we came t:o for 100,000 lire.
And we decided that we would buy a real pistol. But 100,000 lire wasn't very
mu ct: .
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_ I performed the second act. Piero was, is, the son of rich people; not very
rich, but rich. We decided that the easiest thing to do was to break open a
dresser-drawer containing cash in his parent's room.
And that's what we did. One Sunday morning, Piero had to leave with his
parents for Camogli, where they own a house. When they were already in the
car and about to leave, he said he had forgotten one of his schoolbooks in
the house. He went back in, picked up the book and left the front door open.
This for two reasons: because it was already Saturday afternoon when we
learned of the departure of the entire family for Camogli and it was not pos-
sible to have a duplicate key made; and on the other hand, as a precaution, we
_ did not want to use his key. In fact, during the day, Piero was to let it be
known that he still had the key. So it was that I, an hour af ter the departure,
was at his apartment building and when the front door opened to let in an
elderly lady who obviously was returning from church, I sneaked inside. I
climbed slowly to the third floor and as expected, I found the door open. I
- wandered about the rooms until I stopped in the bedroom of Piero's parents.
- In the dresser only one drawer was locked. From a closet near the kitchen I
had taken a large screwdrive.r and with that it was really easy to open the
drawer. It was enough to insert the point into the top of the lock and push.
In a matter of seconds it opened.
I recall having had a strange feeling when I opened the drawer. Clearly it
_ was reserved for the mother's things and in it were little bottles of women's
perfume whose fragrances spread through the room as though they had been
miraculously liberated from my hands. Something like a magic casket, I
- thought, or like Aladdin's Lamp.
Under a pile of white handkerchiefs which also had been [illegible] a wallet.
I opened it and inside found five 100,000 lire notes. Then one of those
strange things happened to me that I had experienced occasionally before.
I gave no thought to putting everything in its place, or of escaping or of
checking to be sure I had left no trace. I si.mply and avidly began to search
through the drawer. Packages of letters held together with a rubber band,
pictures of various periods and places, vital statistics documents. I began
to open the letters almost as though I had been seized by an insane curiosity.
I repeat: It is something that happens to me frequently, perhaps while I am
involved in shadowing someone or in an on-the-spot investigation. Or even
during the course of an operation. It happens that--in a silly way--I become
- distracted; but in a way that is alienating and excludes everything. Or my
energies and my nerves up until that time had been entirely concentzated on a
man or a place or an action, move somewhere else and they concentrate on that
somewhere-else without reservation. And that somewher.e-else can be a woman,
shopwindow, or when I am in a particular mood, even a monument, an architec-
tonic detail, the facade of a church. But let us return to the letters:
- They all began with "Dear Sandra" and the recigient evidently was Piero's
mother, and they were love letters; I immediately was aware that they were
not all in the same handwriting and, grotesquely, this amused me; almost as
though it was obscene to discover that Mrs Sandra, the mother of Piero, had
had several finances. Then I saw other envelopes with notes on them: for
Piero, for Letizia and thentheother names of his brothers and sisters. I did
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not hesitate to open them also: They were sorts of testaments, messages for
future memory. The one for Piero was the most ridiculous: it contained
plirases like "you who are the most rebellious of my children," "you who remind
me of my poor brother." At first I was aniused by reading them; then I was a
little ashamed: It seemed to me that search among the perfumes, the letters,
the papers and photographs was something indecent. However, I thought that it
- was in some way useful to cover my tracks and I created even more disorder in
the drawer, pulling all the letters out of the envelopes, uncovering dozens of
boxes of every shape and form and color, and also opening other drawers. Then
I ran about the room upsetting everything in order to simulate a hurried
search. I created some superficial disorder in the bookcases, in the closets,
on the shelves. Then, with a screwdriver, I forced the entry door near the
lock in order to simulate a nonexistent break-in and I left after being careful
to close the shutter so that the damabe would not be noticed earlier than
necessary. At this point the second absurd thing happened to me: Who knows why,
I toolc the elevator.
It- was absurd because I had not taken it to 0o up, and absurd because I clearly
recall that I did not do it intentionally--how do I know?--to avoid being seen.
'L'hen, as I descended, everything suddenly went dark and i felt the elevator
stoP. Oh God, I thought, just like in "Elevator to the Gallows." I was in the
dark for several minutes and in the meantime I thought about where to hide,
i_f necessary, the 100,000 lire notes. I carefully poked at ttie ceiling of the
elevator and I became aware of the e:tiistence of a sort of hollow space that
created a usef'ul hiding place. I decided I would use it if the need and the
- opportunity arose. After some minutes more, the elevator was still stuck, the
ciarlc w1s still complete and I began to feel a subtle uneasiness. I decided
to pusii the various buttons and I imagined that the alarm button must be the
- last. I thought to myself that if I were to be interrogated, I would say that
I was Piero's friend who, after finding the building's main door open, I had
uselessly gone to the floor where his apartment was located. I rang the
alarm. There was the long sound of a bell. In a split second I heard a voice
Lhat shouted: "Zihat floor are you on?" After some minutes, someone opened
the door with some keys. Then I had to hoist myself up to the level of the
Lirst floor, lielped by a very fat man in a tee shirt--undoubtedly he was the
porter. He was very upset because he had been disturbed on his day of rest
and he didn't even ask me who I was. Thus I left unconcerned.
Now we llad 600,000 lire. And with that, at the Senigallia Fair, we thought we
could buy twn pistols. Then actually it did not work out exactly that way.
nt the fair ttiey took us for fools or for plainclothes detectives and they off
offered us either antique pistols or toy pistols: Real toy-pistols--for
children, I mean. I3ut throubh an independent person---with whom we had had
meetings when we wanted to coordinate the youth clubs--we succeeded in
- talcing possession of two pistols. Small revolvers. nnd it was that same
independentperson--one who is politically close to the anarchists, a pawnbroker
or something of the kind--who offered to teach us how to use them.
We went with him twice along the road toward Pavia, along the canals: It was
not at all difficult.
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That was the first time we went to a demonstration carrying arms. The demon-
stration was different from all the others, even different from the toughest
Autonomy demonstrations. We understood it when we became aware that quite a
few of us were armed. In reality, we did not have a clear idea what to do.
We knew that if the police fired, we would answer their fire. We had decided
- upon this and we f irmly intended to do it.
That's all there was, and it was not insigificant. The slogans were af the
most violent and radical. Thus it was that when we arrived near San Vittore,
I understood that something was bound to happen, that something was about to
happen and, to tell the truth, it was not so difficult after all to understand
that. We had decided without any consultation and without any predetermined
p.lan that we would not yield to any demand: And it was clear that demands
- would be made on us. The order not to go close to San Vittore was, for example,
plainly taken for granted. So when we saw the police cordon facing us I looked
at Piero and it was as though we were telling each other: This is it. However
we still did not dare take out our pistols.
In acertain sense, we did not dare ever to take them out. In a sense that I
do not recall even now--yet I continue ever so often, but only ever so often,
to think about it--wher the "moment" arrived. It was the recognition of a
f act more than a decision. I became aware that others, like myself, carried
a pistol. Like myself, in fact, who had pulled it out. I did not even have
time to look at Piero. I know for certain, even then I knew it, that he was
doing the same things T did. And he felt like I felt. The action was re-
solved in a flash: A leap to the center of the road, a very short pause, shoot,
run. That's all. I noticed that further on someone, like myself, was moving
_ rapidly. I was already running away with Piero at my side.
Via Darducci is long and broad,and while we were running it was still broader
and wider. Now almost dark. I did not feel the slightest fear. I ran effort-
lessly; no anxiety. There was something behind me from which I was escaping,
but it was not fear. My only thought was to reach the rest of the demonstra-
tors. But while I ran, one step arter the other, a secret, private f eeling
clutched my throat: I wanted to laugh, to smile, to leap.
"Piero, Piero, Piero wait for me," I began to yell in order to suppress my
feelings. I was almost ashamed of the sort of contentment that was spreading
- throughout my being. Hell, it was nothing, absolutely nothing: Only something
that resembled calm, and a profound sigh with open lungs.
Anna studied medicine by choice and with intensity. The night following the
deuonstration while I was still in a stupor and happy, I telephoned her.
"When will I see you?"
"Right away, stop by my house." She answered with no hesitation at all.
She knew what my political positions were, she followed me closely. Yet th.at
- evening we arrived at a ridiculous settling of accounts, which was very irri-
tating. We had an aperitif in the most expensive bar in the city. The waiter
brought canapes, small onions, potatoes, olives. Anna was dressed up and she
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was chatting about various things: I shifted about in my chair out of bore-
dom. I believed she did it purposely.
I interrupted "The young ladies from good families of the city always dress in
blue. But you forgot to put on a collar."
"Tlie collar and something else I think. The shoes too are also not the right
color. I don't have blue ones. I don't approve of what happened today. Were
you there?"
"And you?"
"I certainly was."
"Tliey why do you ask me if I was there or not?"
"Because I didn't see you and I looked for you."
_ "You were with the wrong people." I could no longer restrain my irritation
with that young aspiring doctor.
"Or maybe it was you who was among the wrong people. Someone died."
"A cop?"
"Someone. Or better a person. These things are revolting to me and they
scare me. Where were you? I didn't see you, Gianni or even Piero. You were
among those who left the main group, otherwise I would have met you later.
But I don't know what you did. What did you do?"
"Would you like to have a discussion on proletarian violence? Would you like
to know what the newspapers wi11 say tomorrow...?"
"Don't always drag out t'nis story about the newspapers.... "
"Do you want me to tell you whether I agree with firing weapons? Whatdoes your
good-family attitude need to know?" My voice rose and fell. Occasionally, my
voice would crack under the charge of tension within me. But I could never
liave accepted her tone of voice. Thatwas what I actually hated in her:
td}ien her detachment was merely the good-family attitude of someone who has
- always lived in the center of the city.
- "And even if I had done something, would it matter to you what? Would you tell
me whether you have ever posed for yourself the problem of understanding, in
addition to judging?
She interrupted, "If you don't lower your voice everyone will look at us and if
you really were among them today I advise you to begin to watch out for some
_ possible witnesses. If, you really want to continue, I advise you to learn some
additional skills. Or do you do it, like always, in order to be able to tell
yourself about what you are doing? If this is the only reason, I give you a
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last bit of advice: Get friendly with those who go to the bar in your neigh-
borhood. They discovered long ago that things can be talked about without
necessarily doing them." She rose, "In any case, I am absolutely .uninterested
in anything concerning this affair. I don't want to hear any ideological
preaching from you. I've had it up to here with preaching from all those who
were close to me over the years. And if instead you don't want to talk, it
is useless to ask you to continue. Perhaps in a few years perhaps I will
make you pay for what you say."
In her own style she arose, left 2,000 lire and walked out with her blue dress
worn by a girl from a good family.
News of the death of the policeman spread very rapidly. We held no meetings.
Not because there had been a decision. Rather the reverse. We all showed off
a great confidence in our judgment. The police had initiated the provocation.
= The order to stop was intolerable.
In Rome, the government held the entire nation under siege. And then, we
were much angrier about those turds of the Mls [expansion unknown], who that
morning had beaten with wrenches everyone suspected of having participated in
the demonstration. Confident judgments, in brief, ran like water. But deep
down, there was a slight fear of holding a meeting. I don't know whether it
was only because of the possibility of a search or of police intervention.
Today I am led to think that there might also be fear of something else: for
example fear of having to reason a little better. Tliis however, is something
I hazard only now. At that time, in reality, I was only very tired. I only
wanted to talk with Piero.
"Where did you put it?"
"I didn't hide it. Why, was it necessary?"
"No, actually not."
- "Were -you afraid?"
"No, at least it doesn't seem so."
The moistgrass was squashed under the feet like in March, in the evening, at
Milan. Piero was almost embarrassed. Almost like myself.
"Are you all right?"~
"Never better." Piero cont:tnued to answer peevishly.
"Never better. In f act, I'm worried because I feel so well." He turned.
"That does it. I am not even a bit sorry. What about you?"
How I felt the city was mine, at that moment, in that park, with that friend;
it never happened again. Not even later when T had learned to know it
entirely, in my infinite days of shadowing, as a student of unknown itine-
raries of as many known persons.
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The story of those first pistol shots really be,gan the next day. Naturally it
was on the front page. And the headline in the Milan edition of CORRIERE was
"Autonomists also use sawed-off shotguns to attack riot police." There was a
picture of a fire. The picture of some of the demonstration [words illegible]
I had never seen the events of those months from that point of view. As seen
by me, what I did took other names. For me they were the names of the
neighborhood club, of that so rt of anger and delusion that for some time had
been circulating among official political groups, and the names of my friends.
For me, everything had other names and other times. The time, above all, was
different. Within me, I had felt no gap between the club, that shop, the pur-
chase of the gun and yesterday's demonstration. But yesterday something cer-
tainly happened, because now I was there splashed on the front page as a
terroris t.
I continued to hold IL CORRIERE open in my hands as I stood in front of the
newsstand. It was a newsstand far away from the one I usually went to. Un-
consciously, I had implemented something that I would later consider one cf the
minimum rules of underground security. I held in my hands IL CORRIERE which
angrily described episodes which, for me, had been those thoughts, that
footrace and that half mile that had come to my lips against my will. I felt
split in two: Me on paper and me as I was yesterday. I folded the newspapEr
and again went over the events of the preceding day street by street, corner
by corner.
The warning not to go to San Vittore was certain. Proletarian Democracy and
- the others had earlier decided that the demonstration must be "peaceful and of
the masses," as they used to say in those days. That formula was a message to
the authorities but above all to us. We, naturally, had ignored the warning
that time and at other times in the past. The remaining groups had a strange
way of being members of the movement: A way that was a bit cannibalistic, it
seemed to us. They had all resurfaced, big chiefs and little chiefs, trying
to direct a thing in which you were present and not present. Because the prob-
lem was, in the end, that of doing or not doing, not that of deciding on behalf
of others. But they had not understood this. And so, with a little feeling
- of shame, trying as much as p.ossible to mask that way of ineasuring up to them-
selves, they continually tried again. No one any longer held group meetings,
but nevertheless agreements, priorities little or big old leaders circulated.
- To us, therefore, nothing ma ttered.
To us, who, then? I don't know. The "Autonomists," as far as I was concerned,
consisted of myself and those I knew. There were also others. I suppose it
was all there, more or less like myself, without any prior agreement to be
there. Others, too, had arrived, but I had always stayed close to Piero. Even
this, I learned later, is a f undamental rule of armed struggle: You must func-
tion with sameone in perfect agreement, as if with your other self. That
morning IL CORRIERE said that we numbered 300. In reality there were many more
o� us. This numbers game is an old habit of old political groups: they were
always counting others and themselves. I didn't give a damn. But it comes
back to me once in a while, automatically, because within it there is a kind
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of pride. Yesterday, therefore, we were here. We stood in line, in the midst
of general antipathy. I stayed f arther back. Also among us had sprung forth
many holy men, the venerable recognized chiefs of Autonomy, who walked in
front, who formed the link between two parts of the parade. Oreste moved for-
ward and backward. He was always active, very active, to the point of being
annoying. Continuously moving he always made organizational suggestions. The
pistol was heavy in my pocket. My first pistol in a demonstration. Here, in
Via Carducci, we separated. The Avenue Porta Vercellina. Papiniano Boulevard.
Sant' Agostino Square. Yesterday I did not look at the street signs. Every
moment I expected an obstacle, a problem. How would I have reacted? Ol.ono
Street.
I read that the conductor of No 97 was Lino Baracchi, 37 years old. That turd,
I didn't quite understand what he wanted to do yesterday. To tell the truth,
I didn't even understand what the others wanted to do. The 97 arrived practi-
cally in front of us. A group darted off and stopped it. I followed the wave.
I climbed aboard and I did not need to push anyone because everyone had with-
drawn. Witr two other men, I went to Lino Baracchi who was screaming� A
short distance in front of the streetcar bottles exploded. Among the flashes
and a movement at the end of r_}ie street, it was 3 question of a second. Oreste
had gone to the head of the column shortly before, arms spread, when we lef t
the group, shouting: "Continue the parade; continue comrades." But what did
he want? This was where we had to arrive. The police were a dark mass at the
end of the street. I heard gunshots and then other shots. I also heard my
own. Standing in the middle of the street, I f ired.
The newspapers published a picture that shocked everyone: Two Autonomists who
were firing in the middle of a deserted street. One is bent over holding his
arm in order to take aim, the other had already turned in full flight while
he looked behind him. That's how I must have looked. That's how Piero looked:
white trousers and pullover. Once again that picture of ine, stolen from me and
projected outside. Immobilized in an action that I had taken and that somehow
- I didn't recognize in this picture. That action was natural, obvious for me,
already decided upon inside myself a long time ago. That action now is there,
imnobilized forever: gigantic, while instead it is an infinitely small act.
- And, large and immobile, it remains with a different name: "terrorism."
Very well, a definite void has been dug between myself and them.
Admission into the organization had been extremely easy. It is funny now to
think how and how much one fantasizes and mystifies the subject: How many in-
ventions and exaggerations are resorted to in order to picture an act which, on
the contrary, is among the simplest. Almost banal. Spurring the imagination
once again is probably lack of experience and ignorance. Ignorance about what
Milan was 3, 4, 5 years ago. Yet, it is not an exaggeration to say that then
in Milan there were many who carried arms when they went to a restaurant in the
evening; or who after leaving the restaurant, decided to go and arm them-
selves. In the sense of procuring weapons. And it was an incredibly easy
thing. Almost ridiculous. A saying circulated among us: Get your weapons
where you can. And someone, with a greater sense of humor, picked up a recur-
ring phrase in the newspapers and in the mouths of politicians, saying "There
are too many weapons around.... Fortunately."
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And so, people went to buy these weapons. The time selected was habitually
that which by tradition is indicated as the most propitious, at 4 o'clock
in the morning, too late for the night people, too early for the morning
people. There were usually two targets: the railway police and private police
agents.
One evening we went to Pavia, we ate in a stupendous restaurant on the other
side of the Po (I remember as though it were yesterday: We ate snails and
drank an incredible quantity of wine). Returning, we stopped the car in a
- country road and it was so hot we decided to cool off a bit. We stretched out
in a grassy plot and 5 minutes later we were peacefully asleep. I awoke and
saw that it was 2:30; I felt chilly. I awakened the other two and we decided
to return to the city. We reached Plilan 4 hours later.
But Piero, who caas driving, evidently had no desire to sleep; he started to
tour the city. Once again we were back in the suburbs. The streets were com-
pletely deserted. Even the watermelon stands were closed. And there was ab-
solutely no one on the street. It was I who saw him. He was a private police
agent and he was curiously different from his usual colleagues: He was elderly.
Perhaps he was not 50 years old but certainly he was over 40. He walked slowly
along one of those pretentious little streets that are also found in the
suburbs, where all the "richer" shops are lined up one after another:
jewelry, the fur shop, up to the grocery store with caviar in the window.
The man stopped in front of the metal window guards and stuck a night watchman's
card in each one. At llis side he carried a beautiful white holster, which was
enormously bright on his dark uni�orm. Once again, it was T who said: Disarm-
ing that fellow is like stealing ice cream from a baby. I said it just like
- that, without thinking too much about it; and without thinking that what I said
might be a suggestion. It was Andrea who said: Okay. Andrea was at least 3
vears older than I and was undoubtedly the best trained of us: Not only of us
tiiree but probably of all the persons he associated with at that time. More
tlian once I thought that very probably Andrea had something to do with an
underground organization and his reservations about a part of his life con-
- firmed it for me and made me appreciate him even more. The car by now was
one-half kilometer away from the man when we decided.
Lde moved in a broad circle, and we turned back on a parallel street and we
stopped. We decided that it was better if someone remained at the wheel and
- it was Piero who did so. Andrea and I walked along the street taken by the man.
1'he plan was elementary. Andrea hid in a semi,closed doorway almost at the
corner of another street, and I was behind the corner. I was supposed to let
tlie guard see me only when he reached the end of the street in order to
increase the surprise.
rverything went smoothly. Smooth as oil. Nothing went wrong. I hid betiind
tlle corner, I heard his footsteps approaching. tdhen I thought that he was
2 meters away--and therefore 1 meter beyond the door -vihere Andrea was hidden--
I emerged from behind the corner and walked toward him. I said something fool-
_ ish: Do you know where Garibaldi Street is (which was many kilometers from
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where we were), in a very relaxed and happy tone. He was startled by the sud-
den voice and my sudden appearance, but not to the point of becoming alarmed
and putting his hand on his gun. And on the other hand, he did not seem to be
too agile and abie a man and in any case the holster was kept shut by a button.
z saw Andrea behind him: He had a wrench in his hand and shoved it in his
back: "Put up your hands, or I'll shoot," he said, and the man obeyed imme-
diately. It was T who approached him and put out my hand to loosen the hol-
ster, to take the large revolver. Andrea ordered: "Inside" and I pushed the
man toward the doozway where he [Andrea] had hidden until then. He did it all
without letting his face be seen and without showing his fictitious weapon.
Once inside the doorway, we tied hi.m up in a manner of speaking: because we
bound his wrists with a handkerchief and we shoved another into his mouth.
Actually, it was enough if he remained quiet for one-half minute. We made him
sit on the ground. When we emerged from the doorway and turned the corner, the
car was there with Piero at the wheel. We jumped aboard and after 2 minutes
were very far away, and we were full of excitement and happiness. At least,
- Piero and I. Andrea seemed calmer and perhaps more preoccupied. But he denied
it when I asked him. The revolver was big and shiny and I had no desire to go
to sleep. Again it was Andrea who insisted: We can't wander around the city
with a revolver we just stole, he said, tde went to sleep.
In the morning, Andrea sought me out. We went toward Ticinese, then along the
- Grand Canal. It was the f irst time that Andrea had sought me out and I, still
very excited, immediately said to him: "Well? When is the next one?" ! He
answered brusquely: "This isn`t a game." I understood he wasn't kidding. He
began to talk and he told me to listen ca.ref ully to him. He minutely
described everything we had done the previous night, listing all the errors
we made (the damnfoolishness, he said) and the incredible luck we had had:
that things of that sort could not be improvised, that they cannot be done
with a car with the right license plate; that it was really by luck that the
guard was alone, that habitually there are two and they have an automobile
which they use even for moving very short distances, that usually they are
young robust and even courageous people and at times even imprudent; that you
can't bluff with a wrench. I didn`t understand clearly. Or rather, slowly I
began to understand and to see intuitively how it might have ended. And
that's exactly how it ended: Andrea asked me if I was willing to do things
seriously. And he told me textually: "Are you willing to join our organiza-
tion?" He added immediately: "You don't have to answer now; think about it
- for 3 days, then let me know." And he wouldn't answer my questions.
Not even the elementary one that I asked him immediately: "What organization
are you talking about?"
I continued to believe that it was the Red Brigades and I was very perplexed.
Thus it was that 3 days later, the talk we had was different from what could
be foreseen. I said that I was willing to do things, to make radical choices,
L-ut that I was net convinced by their point of view.
"Our point of view?" Andrea asked. "Ours, whose?" When I said "the Red
Brigades" he laughed out loud (he was one who did not laugh much; he was
almost melancholy). He explained things to me from the beginning and 3 days
later I entered the organization.
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Iri gener.al there are two ways of resolving the problem of one's woman when
going underground: either to decide on a course together, or to break it up.
Witli a person like Anna, the first solution was unthinkable. Unaffected by
any kind of excitement, she could not have followed me in an affair that in
. any case required a moment of enthusiasm if not of confidence. Churning in-
side me was also the residue of the traditional reasoning men make on these
things: I lived through my entire affair lilce something in which a woman must
not be involved. It was, rather, a relationship of solidarity among men, a
story of secret complicity that only men can develop. With her I would in any
rasc have had to wear a mask, so as to interpose betcaeen her and reality at
- least a possible protection, or a mediation. This, however, would have meant
liaving no fear, not to show oneself anxious, and not even in doubt. Instead,
Itaas in a completely different mental situation. In any case, I still am not
too clear about it. After all is said and done, it was perhaps a matter only
of wtiat I said earlier: That her eyes were opened too wide, and I lived in-
ste;d, much more than she, in a situation of desire for something. I was, in
- brief, if not more fanaiic, more tense than she was.
'1'hus going underground was also a slow crisis for the two of us. All coupl.es
sui:fer them. This is what happened to us. ror some t_'ne we did not contact
eacii other. Also because my new "work" took a lot of my time. OF course, for
some time nothing extraordinary happened. In addition to Andrea I knew only
one other militant, my inunediate "superior" in the section to which I had been
assigned. I continued to live at home: I was only told about an apartment in
wriicFi I was to keep papers and documents; but it was not a"safehouse" (a very
attractive term that surprisingly reflects the "typical" culture of the bour-
- ge_ois journalist and makes him ridiculous. That newspaperman is halfway
between a coal worker and DiaUolik [comic strip character]. Rather it was the
normal apartment of a normal comrade, not a member of the organization and per-
liapS not even aware that I was a member.
But the "work" in itselt was very burdensome. I had been assigned--not by
.ho:ice--to the "factory section" (lEt's call it that); and at first I was
c
SupPosed to limit myselF to a profound study of a given industrial sector; or
hetter--and I caas Lo1d this--to make a deep study of the "anal.ysis of the
clriss and capital composition" of that sector.
Spccifically tlzis meant to consume and digest an untold quantity (or at least
so it seemed to me) of books, maoazines, newspapers. Mark, make notes, syn-
- the5ize, reworlc, condense. And what is more, I did it with an almost obses-
,;ive diligence proportionate to my preceding disinterest--and consequent
ignorance--concerning that entire cultural area. At the beginning obvious
' p5ychological elements played a role in determining my stubborn perseverance:
1'he desire to look good, to attract esteem and tY;e confidence of this organiza-
tion about w}iich I still knew very little. But it was also true that slowly
- I achieved a real respect (even though it was never love and passion) for that
"cul.ture," whose importance and meaning I discovered to be incomparablv great-
- er than anything I had formerly considered culture.
I.et it be clear: There was no lack of moments of discouragement. One of these
momentG ttia; occurred daily, came fr.om reading newspapers. I was already in
tlle habi-t of considering books and magazines boring, or at least potentially
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so. But I had had a full-blown love affair with the newspapers. Until then,
reading them daily had been one of the unconditionally pleasurable moments of
my day. Yet that moment was rapidly reduced, and almost exclusively, for rea-
sons of time, to the reading (and certainly not the usual rapid and distracted
attention with which a newspaper is read) of economic, financial and trade
union sections (I always skipped the first) of some of the major dailies; and
above all the intense reading of the pages of SOLE 24 ORE.
I discovered later that reading SOLE 24 ORE was not an isolated fixation of
my section or of my organization, but rather a collective mania of groups
like ours; not, after a while, did the significance and justification of this
escape me.
But at f irst, I confess, when after shaving and having my coffee, I opened the
pages--well--I could amost cry.
- So: If I have succeeded, at least partially, in giving an idea of how I
lived during that first underground period, it will perhaps be understood why
many of the questions people want to ask me do not make much sense.
- What did you feel? What did you think? Why did you L-ake the "l.eap?"
_ That's it: The point is that there was no "leap" except that of no longer
~ reading LOTTA CONTINUA and of instead zeading SOLE 24 ORE. Or of having
little time for friends or girls: But, if I had been studying medicine, it
would have been the same thing.
At the same time, the "banal" and "boring" activities of that period un-
doubtedly were preparing me for others, those to which reference is made when
"the leap" is mentioned. And not because of some subtle linking mechanism,
of a progressive entanglement and involvement from which I could never es-
cape; but because only by that road (I understood this later, obviously)
could I have understood whether hatred, anger, rebellion, grew mainly out of
reason, whether they possessed a rationale that could guide and consolidate
them.
To the point of killing or crippling, certainly: but as a choice of reason
and humanity.
Yes, said with no joy:
- The meaning of the death of an oppressor
is written in the pages of SOLE 24 ORE.
It was Anna who called me first. At that time I had begun to alternate
evenings spent at home with those spent outside. I needed my house: it was
still the situation of tranquillity as well as of "normality." No one asked
- me for anything at home. I would drop a few hints so as to let it be under-
stood that I was out with Anna. My parents had met her. I was out when she
called; I didn't bother to call back. So, when she found me, more time
and more suspicion had passed. New distances were interposed between us.
She told me to go to her house, because her parents had gone to the shore
for the weekend.
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I don't think 1 will ever forget that Saturday and Sunday stolen from her
parents. She was somewhat reassured by those pieces of furniture, those walls,
those certainties and she loosened up with me. She assumed the sof t tone of
_ the master of the house, but behind that manner of ineeting me there was also
t}le tacit reference to a possible life together which it was unthinkable to
mention except with ironic allusions.
I have always loved Saturday. Something--on Saturday--is calmed down within
me. On Saturday it is all right not to work. Saturday is just to be lazy.
The mental void that torments you like a sense of guilt all the other days is
even obligatory on Saturday. The air is rarefied. Noise decreases and there-
fore something returns that is adequate to the measure of your spirit. You
can illude yourself that there is no need, day by day, to do something. At
such a slow pace, in such a beautiful city, in these streets that are so
; empty, you could even have time to study, to find a house with a garden. In
the center of the city, perhaps, so that you won't need to take long trolley
car trips. Or, why not? Why not even choose more? Why do I need to put up
with this shit everyday? It could be Saturday everydayfor me if only I would
decide to leave, to drop everything and do like Michael does who is in
t}le country.
Ln the country, but without the damnf oolishness of a new ideology. In the
country, because I want to live as people have always lived, finding time for
things, and life and death can be a part of a natural cycle; to live like one
among the others.
- But thoughts about other days came back to me, even if they were more distant,
on the sun-sweetened Saturday mornings. To go to the country to be turds.
Like those who then are willing to be journalists, intellectuals, and travelers.
In the country to do what? And where? Where has this countryside survived
- where living and dying are part of the natural cycle of life?
LJhen Anna opened the door to me that Saturday, the burden of these thoughts
had already become too much. A�ter a week spent in a sort of sensorial
deprivation made up oF an artificial ability to feel everything to excess.
Only Anna, standing beEore me, was made of flesh and bone, only she. She
opened the door, I embraced her, I closed thp door ho]_ding her tightly, I
let her fall slowly to the floor beneath me on the parquet. Without undress-
ing and without undressing her, I sought the heat of her legs, of her abdomen,
her breasts,searching her and embracing her, with not even the need to make
love. And she, so well-behaved, made no move to stop me.
'1'liat's also how Anna was, she who always understood ever.ything.
But that new life did not only take me further away from Anna.
Almost inadvertently, that entire thick and mobile fabric of sociality in
which I liad been immersed in recent years began to faJ.l apart. Here again,
without any "leap": And this perhaps is bad because there is ttie lack of a
symbolic moment in which a community, no matter how informal, is dissolved and
each of its members enters into another, something like the dinner at the end
of the school term.
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So, there was no mourning for those lost friends. Perhaps this is why they are
more ghosts than dead.
A short time ago I met Mario, in a restaurant.
Jiist the fact of ineeting him in a restaurant so surprised me that it left me
dumbfounded, and made this strange conversation possible.
Yes, because from the time I began this life, and it has become important--
- essential--to avoid meeting former acquaintances, I dedicated special attention
to the restaurants. I mean to their choice. Because they are the sost danger-
ous places, undoubtedly. On entering a bar, one glances around first and even
if someone should enter later, it is in any case a mattier of a few minutes that
are easily occupied with a few formal phrases. At the movies, it is enough to
- sit somewhere toward the front and to bury oneself in a newspaper during the
intermissions. On a trolley car, instead, it is a big problem because "what a
shame, I get off at the next stop" is the only solution. It is even more com-
plicated in a train: "The next stop" could be 300 kilometers; thus one chooses
a train with many stops, ready to gPt off if all the rest ("baggage in another
compartment," or "the men's room") doesn't work. Even if being stranded like a
turd at Chiusi-Terontola is certainly not amusing.
On the street instead, a hasty greeting and the air of someone who is in a
_ hurry is enough. And it is incredible how often you happen to meet someone.
So long as you have no reason to want to avoid him, you are not bothered: The
world is really small, say the fools, and it is not that they are exactly
wrong, the idiots.
_ However, as I said, the worst places are the restaurants.
Naturally, there too you must glance around before entering; but if after you
- have been seated and perhaps have ordered the first and second dish and side
~ dishes and fruit, someone enters, you're screwed. You can't slip away: Not
so much for r_he restaurant owner and the annoyance he would express, as because
_ the people "of before" are people that can guess, understand intuitively, sus-
~ pect: And a precipitous escape from a steaming dish would practically be a
conf ession.
On the other hand, when you live alone you can't avoid going to restaurants. A
meal out once in a while is necessary: It almost becomes a physical need.
Evnyone who thinks that it is sad to eat alone in a restaurant does not know how
sad is a long succession of canned goods and fried eggs. I know friends who,
in situations like mine, developed the hobby of cooking; not I: Perhaps a
_ fault in my education and of a bourgeois home in which cooking was always the
mother's job; the place in f ront of the stove was hers and hers alone.
And so it was necessary to go to restaurants.
I thought for a long time about the restaurants that were the least "dangerous"
or not "dangerous" at a11. And I arrived at this conclusion: That--from my
point of view--the absolutely secure ones were the restaurants to which you
could attach no possible adjective, those that are so anonymous that they can't
be defined in any way.
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Ttie "comradely" restaurants are the first to avoid for obvious reasons. Also
tiie notoriously "good" restaurants: Once it would have been enough to stay
clear of the "good and cheap" restaurants but now I seeri to understand that
many comrades are disposed, perhaps once in a whiie, to spend a lot of money
to eat well. Or perhaps it means that the so-called comrades, nowadays, also
have money to spend: or it could also be that this is a kind of reflux. The
consequence is that--even having the money to go there--you must avoid the
"good and expensive." You can't trust the "exotic" restaurants: There are
tiiaes when they are considered tourist traps or for damn fools; at other*
times there is a fashionable outburst for the "Chinese," the "Vietnamese," the
"Arab." Or even the "Greek." And when, like me, you're out of touch it is
difficult to know what period you are in.
It may seem strange, but even the "family restaurants" and the "neighborhood"
restaurants are dangerous; the comrades would never go there with a girlfriend
or with male friends, but they would go there once in a while with their parents,
for example, for a Sunday dinner (Sunday is a very, very dangerous day to eat
in a restaurant: with shops closed people can go anywhere).
In short, the secure restaurants are those that are absolutely and totally anon-
ymous. It can be said that the comrades never go there.
And do you know what is discovered? That there are many such restaurants.
Anotlter aspect of reality which, under normal conditions, escapes one com-
pletely: If you think of a neighborhood you know very well and you try to
remember the restaurants, you can recall 3, 4, 10 for each of which you could
find one adjective, or many adjectives. And instead, there are twice, three
times that many: and before you had never even seen them. Yes, but who goes
to those restaurants? At times I think that when everything is finished, I
would like to take a degree in sociology, and write a thesis on "anonymous res-
taurants and their patrons" it would be an interesting study because it is
obvious who some of tllose patrons are: soldiers, travelers without money, or
- peoPle who are in a hurry to eat something; others are mysterious and alarming,
persons you can't describe no matter how hard you try. And then there are
couples: Who could they be, and wny are they there? Secret lovers? In a
neighborhood where they won't be recognized? To tell the truth, I don't know
w}ly I spent so much time on restaurants: to explain the surprise of that
meeting, yes, Uut also because--in loneliness--one develops strange fixations,
marbles in the head in short; and for me, restaurants, or rather "the theory
of restaurants," is one of these. In any case that restaurant was absolutely
anonymous; yet, I had just barely attacked the spaghetti when I heard:
"(Iey, look who's here! Niay I sit?"
It was rtario and I was screwed.
I raised my eyes and he was there; the same face, the same calm and just a hint
of ironic air, those eyes "that look through you," but with no evil intent.
"Ubli..." I answered, a last vain attemPt to keep hiri away; or perhaps only to
salve my conscience, and to be able to say--above all to myself--"I did every-
tliing I could to avoid ttiis meeting."
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His next phrase should have been "May I sit?" He did not say it: he just sat.
Right then I didn't understand, I continued to be fearful and anxious concern-
ing the imminent conversation: But then, on thinking i:. over, I saw the signal
he wanted to send me: You don't ask an old friend, a comrade "May I sit?"
- Even after 2 or 3 years, because surely nothing has changed, right?
Yes, a signal. Because he knew: I mean he understood intuitively, he sus-
pected, and something more. But he also knew he must not know. He understood
that in order to speak wi*h me we had to--we damn well had to--both pretend,
he that he did not know, I not knowing that he knew, the penalty--at least in
theory--his life or mine. And perhaps he wanted to speak with me; and I, per-
haps with him.
He asked, "What do you advise me to do?"
I had no advice. It was the first time I had eaten in that place and surely
the last. And then, in such a place....
He continued, "I was thinking of you recently when I saw that film, what's the
name of it, you know that about the aircraft carrier that disappears and goes
back into time and comes out at Pearl Harbor and the story could change. A
funny film; maybe a turkey, but funny. Well, then, who knows why, I began to
think of us, about old times; and to fantasize about what we would have done
had we been transposed--but us, just as we are--to a time 100 years ago or 50
years in the future. Fifty years ahead is a madhouse, it becomes fantasy
science. But 100 years ago.... Let's say, at the time of the first leagues,
the first socialists. I mean, would we have understood that at least 100
years were lacking, and then what? Or would we not have wanted to, or been
able to, understand it; and considering that loneliness, the fact that we were
so desperately few, what would we have thought of doing...."
I could only listen. What could I say about such a pointless discussion? He
really had not changed. The same reasoning that was as 3eep as it was meaning-
less, of ten concerning distant events or unimportant facts, the same curiosity--
that was almost morbid--for the 1,000 rivulets of the possible beside a poorly
J disguised scorn f or reality.
Perhaps I had stopped listening to him when he asked:
"ldhat do you think?"
And perhaps this was why, because even for an instant I had lost control of
the situation, and had wander.ed off for a second in fantasy and memories, I had
a great desire to tell him what I really thought; that I didn't give a damn
about all that bullshit, that the socialists and he could shove the socialists
and the aircraf t carriers you know where, and as far as I was concerned, it was
enough to eat alone in an anonymous restaurant without throwing other shit onto
the fire. But fortunately he didn't give me time.
"Have you ever seen the TV show, around 7, 'The Smith Family,' I think it's
called? It's noton anymore, but there are many like it, I mean normal families
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l'VIM V111'll.1lAL. VJL. V/\Ll
= that do normal things with a normal iinch of adventure, at times drama. Well,
tliat stuff has a strange effect on mz: I mean, even knowing that it's all crap,
I am taken in,I participate; and they make me anxious.... Because you can't help
asking yourself all the tir.ie, 'But, by God, what are they living for, for what
purpose'; except that you no longer have the pretext--I mean I don't have it--
that the question is only about them, why they are like this and not like
that...."
He was off; even the arrival of the pasta could not stop him: He spoke while
he ate, and he ate while he spoke. And I was torn between the pleasure of
havino avoided a difficult choice of calibrated words, and anger against his
pointless chatter; it seemed almost as though he was doing it to me purposely.
"It is like certain days that have a particular taste smell, I don't know .
whether you understand what I mean, and it reminds you of when you experienced
them for the first time, and of yourself, and then you say: What happened in
between, what has changed, perhaps nothing, and the children of today feel the
same things and that won't protect them from becoming adults, like us, don't
you think?"
- But they were all rhetorical questions much less did they wait for answer.
So I was free to think: Like about that story of the smells and tastes, which
for me instead were old songs heard on the radio, each an era, and often a
moment; that one: 16 years old and a vacation at Rimini (even though, obvi-
ously, it is not Rimini); that other: still a few years and then nursery
sctiool--or was it already elementary school?--etc. But my anger grew: What
use was it to talk about such things, after we had not seen each other for
- years and after all that had haopened? When one does all he can to avoid
thinking about them, I say.
"Everything going well?" he asked suddenly in the middle of an endless speech.
"Well, the usual life..." I began. He didn't let me finish.
"No, I meant your main dish, was it good?"
It was really sickening.
Later when I was alone, wandering about that neighborhood semi-unknown and
with a Sunday sadness, his chattering suddenly seemed to me--who knows why--
important and I tried to remember what he had said.
- But everything had been so confused, so pointless. Only at the end, when we
were saying goodbye, did he seem to emerge from that kind of delirium, and to
speak seriously. "Will we see each other again," he had said, just because
it was the thing to do. A ghost.
- It wasn't too long before my activity in the organization changed for the first
- time. They believed (at that time I didn't know who they were) that I had ac-
quired sufficient expertise in the sector entrusted to me ana that I could move
on to the study of a specific reality, in short a large plant, concentrating
on details of relations between the organization of labor and the hierarchical
organization.
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To achieve this, I was putinto contact with 3nother comrade of the organization,
- a worker in that plant. I worked with him for some months.
I must say--that perhaps f or generational reasons--I had never experienced my
relations with the working class in terms that put any great emphasis on their
problems; I had never made it that dark desire that it was, and often is, f or
many comrades whose b ackgrounds are the events of 1968.
What I considered "4ny " working class were the youths wro attended the youth
clubs in the area and in Autonomy, who in addition to everything else were in-
- distinguishable from the students, from the "do nothings," from the "drug
users" (also because often they also were drugged, do nothing students), which
- entirely fitted them (except for their hands, my grandmother would say).
This comrade, let us c all hi.m Fabio, was something else again. He certainly
wasn't the mythical wo rker with a communist heart but in need of guidance and
of awareness; undoubtedly he had a better background than I in that new "cul-
ture" that by now I also considered my own; in my eyes he drew further authori-
tativeness from the lo ng underground militancy entirely "in the field" and at
great personal risk. But at the same time I was aware of a"difference"--
against which I fough t for a long time before I resigned myself to accepting
it--that I had never noticed. Perhaps for reasons of age (he was an "adult")
and therefore, perhaps, because of the different personal roads we had traveled,
ttie point of arrival was the only thing we had in common.
What struck me most was his absolute unwillingness to engage in so-called per-
- sonal discussions; an attitude that was not common to underground militants,
and which was not even--at that time--a prudent way to act toward a"new"
person: After some t ime, I learned where he lived, and it happened that I
would speak on the te lephone with his wife and children; but never to speak
- with him about his wif e and children.
, However, he was extrao rdinary in his work. He knew the �actory brick by brick,
machine by machine, man by man; and if from our comnon work emerged the need
for a bit of information that he did not already possess, he was willing to get
it with a speed and a ccuracy that for me, today like then, was amazing.
The plan of that facto ry gradually began to take shape in my head, in all it's
infinite (and monstrous) aspects; in the end, I knew all. All all all. But I
had never seen it except from a distance. But I had n.ever observed it well
from closeup. Nor, as long as I continued in that work, was I to approach it.
And now that I think of it, I did not even do it afteYward.
_ Fabio, my "eyes in that work, fell not long ago.
It was one of those f ates for which they will have to pay. Even though, basic-
ally, I did not like him very much. But he was really "a good comrade": a
description probably made precisely for those who are not too likeable.
Sometime after that S aturday at her parent's house, I went to the shore with
Anna. But it was no t something serious.
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I liad L-o go to a meeting, for the first time outside the limits of those three
or four persons I knew: nothing important, I was merely to deliver an envelope.
In any case, to go about with a girl was "safer," and that`s the explanation I
gave to the organization for my going about with her.
I began to feel, through hints and words dropped, how this strange and irregu-
lar relationship with Anna was not acceptable at all to.the organization.
'L'Iie alternative became increasingly clear: Either she became involved or we
liad to break it off. It was not possible to involve her; I preferred not to
: tl11ilIC of leaving her entirely. That vacation could be a way to solve the
problem.
lier parents have a house by the sea on the western shore. It was a house I
liked very much because it was lacking in ostentation, one of those houses that
- speaks of the well-being of many generations. An old house, almost a cottage,
small and flat, but with a very dense garden near the sea. You see itmnediatelLy
that it is one of those gardens that has not been developed meter by meter for
' speculation. It expands in a normal way, following the terrain with its hills
and valleys; while the other gardens are flat or terraced, organized in order
to exploit every millimeter of land bought at a high price.
When we were younger, we had worked in that garden on our final exams, with the
house officially and pompously made available to us by these democratic parents.
Democratic but not to the point of letting us go there alone: three other
friends liad come witll us and an aunt came down from Genoa every other day.
But in that garden I had read Tolstoy, and for me that garden had become the
scene of a Russia revisited. I had the impression that somewhere I had al-
ready heard the Kreutzer Sonata, during my life, exactly under the bougain-
villeas. I knew that there are no bougainvilleas in Russia, but a garden is
something more than just a collection of plants. It is a place that lias dis-
appeared from our life. I had never had a garden in my life as a child. So
I borrowed Anna's garden for my memories, which were not my own.
I want to try to te.ll about that garden because I sometimes think about it even
today. 'Lhe thing that fascinated me most was the fact that it was fenced in by
a net, a net that I have often seen in the country, with rhomboid links,
stretched on wooden poles and held by bent nails. That fence made me think .
ot foYes. A fox could easily tiave dug under it enough to lift it and then
enter. The characteristic of these fences is in fact that of having borders
that stretch. You could grab the bottom of it and lift: That`s how foxes
get into the chicken coop, I thought.
l,ut the borders are all so loose on the top. And above it had another effect
_ typical of fences: It would become undone under the weight of the bluebells
and the heather and all those climbing plants tllat grow in gardens. The blue-
bells are my favorite. These too are in fact ancient and rural, like the foxes
in the chicken coops. Then, they have this strange way of living. They need
water, a lot: They close at night and they become a sort of dried-up little
tube; the morning after, when it is cool, they open up again, the very same
ones, not new ones, with a rose-tinted violet or an iiitense blue that fades
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toward the base of the calyx. They are bothered by someone touching them, they
are bothered by too much sun, they become painfully limp if they don't have
enough water. Everything seems to make them a delicate and languid plant.
Instead, you later discover that it is a flower that you cannot uproot. They
grow if they just barely go to seed. And they grow with a frightful voracity.
Every seed a branch. Every branch becomes other branches, other flowers, they
grow by centimeters daily, you can see them grow. And within a few days they
bQCOme a hedge, a mass, a web that cannot be untangled, and that attaches
itself to everything it sees including other plants, even the roses.
Fascinated, I watched them grow before my eyes, so perfidious in their voracious
splendor, in their faithless delicacy. Yet I loved them. Their duplicity fas-
cinated me. One day I provoked them, with a pair of scissors I cut them all
down at the root.
And I stood watching that empty fence for a little time. Only a little. Until
I saw the first new growth. Then I resigned myself laughing. It seemed to me
a sign of good luck, for my life and for my choices.
Therefore, that weekend vacation was for me a happy desire fulfilled. The
time of our examinations and of that struggle with the [blue] bells seem so
far back in time to me.
But when a thing changes, it is no longer possible to recover it.
. My business appointment was for Sunday morning in a bar, in one of those horri-
ble marbleized squares that are typical of that city. I had tried to change the
time of the appointment because it would have been difficult for me to leave
- Anna on Sunday morning in a place where all our common friends were and on a
day when all the shops were closed. But it was impossible to change the
appointment.
The thought of what I would tell her never left me, not even for a minute dur-
ing the entire 2 hours on the road that was between us and the sea, with
Guccini`s latest record constantly repeated.
Anna was very happy. She, too, evidently had decided to put aside those last
weeks that were so strange, so syncopated, nervous. Conversation without
politics. The latest book by Roth, Le Carre's, "The Fionorable Schoolboy!"
She said, "What I like is that in reality there are no enemies in the book.
What is an enemy if not someone you create inside yourself? Or at least it
is true that the materiality of a conflicting presence is not enough to make
that presence an enemy.
"With a conflicting presence you can choose to measure yourself a.n many ways.
You can wish to dominate it by concentrating on something else, for example,
and thus creating the conditions that will cancel out the negative weight;
for example, you could create a vacuum around it. Or you could love it.
Sometimes love is in f act a conciliation that grows out of conflict. As hap-
pens, for example, between a man and a woman. Or you can submit and wait on
the.bank of the river because i.t is true that often conditions of history
change...." Slowly, I began to feel within me a sense of discomfoxt that
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already began to become i:ritation. "...An enemy, to be such, also needs to