JPRS ID: 10666 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500080040-4
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• Sequence Number: 40
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10666
16 July 1982
~ Near East I'~lorth Africa Re ort
p
~FOUO 26/82)
FBIS FORE!GN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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~ ~ JPRS L/10666
~ 16 July 1982 ~
NEAR EAST/NO~TH AFRICA REPO~T
(FOUO Z6/82)
CONTENTS
AFGHANISTAN '
Guerrilla Leader Evaluate~a Mi~itary Situation .
(Ha~i Mangal Husayn Interview; TOKYO SHIMBUN, 3 Jun 82) 1
ALGERIA .
Aftermath of UGTA Reorganization Reviewed
(MARCHES TROPICAUR ET MEDIT~RRANE$N3, 7 May 82) 4
ISItAEL
Approach to Zaire, Other African Nations Analyzed
(Sennen Andriamitado; JEUNE AFttIQUE, 2 Jun 82) 7
JORDAN
Queen Nur Interviewed on Role in Society
. (Florence Ra'd; AL WATAN AL-'ARABI, 14-20 May 82) 12
OMAN
Country's. Widening Role in Gulf, Regional Affaira Examined
(Ahmad Hafiz; AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, 21-27 May 82) 22
- a- [III - NE & A- 121 FOUO]
F(1R nFF'~~~L IiSF. (1Ni.Y
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AFGHANISTAN
GUERRILLA LEADER EVALUATES MILITARY SITUATION
_ O~WQ51912 Tokyo TOKYO SHII~UN in Japaneae 3 Jun 82 Morning Edition p 5
[Interview with Haji Mangal Hueayn, external affairs official of the Islamic
Alliance of Afghan Freedom Fignters, by reporter Yoahio Kasahara in Tokyo--
date not indicated].
[Text) It has been 2 and 1/2 years since the Soviet Union launched ite
military intervention in Af ghanistan.� The Afghan issue tends to escape the
people's attention, being overshadowed by the recent new developments in the
Falklands dis~ute and the Iran-Iraq war; but there is no denying the fact
that "another~war" ia going on in that country. Engaged in a determined
guerrilla warfare against the taassive Soviet forces are Islamic fightera
called Mojahedin. The guerrilla forces recently attained their cheriehed
desire, unity, which boosted their fighting spirit even more. Thia reporter
has called on Ha3i Mangal Husayn, one of the guerrilla leaders now visiting
Japan, at a Tokyo hotel and asked him about the latest developments and
prospecta in the Afghan war.
Question: How far has the unification of the guerrilla organizations pro-
gressed?
Answer: Last September seven major groups agreed to band together. They
then made efforts to unify the varioua organizations, and set up the
"Alliance of Afghan Freedom Fighters" an 14 March. The largeat guerrilla
organization, "Islami.c I~Yont" (the Hekmatyiar faction), naturally joined
this alliance. The new alliance has set up 12 committees, including the
military, education and refugee measures com~ittees, under it. The heads of
these commi.ttees and the chairman, vice chairman and secretary general of the
alliance make up the 15-man supreme leadership.
Question: Thus far the guerrilla organizations have gone through a repeating
process of unification and division. Is there no chance of another split?
Answer: The alliance this time is very firm and lasting. There was the
question of who should be named chairman of the unified organization, but
this time we decided on a monthly rotating system based on voting. Reelec-
tions are accepted. The present chairman is Profe$sor (Saif) of the ~
Islamic Revolutionary Front. Mr Hekmatyiar, the strong man, made a
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concession and.became vice chairman. This showa consideration for the sake
of keeping unity.
Question: How are you going to coordinate differences in campaign policiea
a.id views among the.various groups? What is the basic strategy of the new
alliance?
Answer: The internal differences within our organization have largely been
exaggerated and are contrary to fact. Our aim is to chase out the Soviet
forces and establish a true Islamic government in Afghanistan. The Soviet '
forces control "points" (cities) in Afghanistan only during daytime, and 90
percent of the territory is under the control of the guerrillas. Local
governments have been establishe~ in the liberated areas. We en~oy the
support of the entire people. We firmly believe in the victory of the
resistance movement.
Ques[ion: How are you going to chase out those mighty and huge Soviet
forces? Do you not think that it is militarily impoasible?
Answer: We do not think so. Af ghanistan did not yield to Alexander's
expedition forces, nor to the repeated attacks by the British forces. We
will absolutely not lose. The ~rale of the Soviet officers and men is
extremely low, far from being mighty and huge. They have doubts about what
they have come to Afghanistan for. In comparison, the Islamic fighters
engaged in carrying out Jihad (holy war) have a firm belief. .The weapona
used by the guerrillas have been i~stly seized from the Soviet forces. We
will accept assistance from outside on a case-by-case basis.
Question: How do the guerrillas view the present situation? Can you give
figures? . ~
An~wer: The Soviet forces stationed in Afghanistan number 150,U00 men making
up 17 divisions. Thus far they have suffered 40,OOQ men killed in action
with the number of woun~~d many times that number. The Afghan government
forces have been reduced to between 20,000 and 30,000 men. Armed members of
the guerrilla forces number 200,000 men. There are 3 million refugees in
Pakistan and another million in Iran.
Question: How do you evaluate the plans for a political settlement of the
Afghan issue or for a neutral Afghanietan?
- Ans~azr: They are t~tally out of the question. We do not wa~t to be swayed
- by the big powers. As a matter of fact, is the Soviet Union, a superpower,
not carrying out aggression in Afghanistan? What we seek is not neutrality
for our fatherland but true independence and the establishment of an Islamic
government.
Question: My last questton. What do your people want from Japan?
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Answer: The purpose of nry visit to Japan thia time is to let the Japaneee
- people know about the present situa~tion of the Mojahedin. I am not in a
position to aslc~for asaistance for the Afghan refugees, but I sincerely
thank you, the people of Japan, for the warm assistance you have given.
QOPYRIGHT: Chunichl Shimbun Tolryo Honsha 1982
CSO: 4120/314
~
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ALGERIA
AFTERMATH OF UGTA REORGANIZATIO~T REVIEWED
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET I~DITERRANEENS in- French No 1904, 7 May 82 p 1188
[Text] M important speech by President Chadli Bendjedid opened the Sixth
Congress of the UGTA [General Union of Algerian Workers] on 6 April. The
head of atate did n~t limit himself to dealing with the problems af workers
and work from a very pronounced production perspective; he devoted part of
his speech td foreign policy, and eapecially to rela~ions between Algeria '
and Libya.
The UGTA, as such, had only a limited plac;, in the president's speech.
"Its effective contr.ibution in the gtruggle to build the nation" was men-
tioned, and this was the only praise beatowed upon it. Then "ita everyday
activities within the coatext of general worker status and strengthening
socialist management of companiea" was briefly noted. Finally, its eubordina-
tion to the party was forcefully recalled: The UGTA "is in the forefront
in being responsible for applying and spreading the party's ideology among .
workers,'' reaulting in its "importance as a permanent human resource for
the pax~ty, and ite responsibility in developing awareness among workers and
mobilizing them."
A Strong Appeal to Production
The president strongly emphasized the personality and the role of the Algerian
worker as being "fundamentally different from those of a worker in a capi-
talist economy." In fact, he asserted, "the worker who labors in the enter-
prises of the Algerian revolution ia an integral part of thia revQlution
andof the political leadership.... The Algerian Government is a govern-
ment of workera.... The worker in our country cannot be considered as ,just
a wage earner, but must be considered as responsible for production at the
work statfon which he occupies.... There can be no 'master' or 'sub3ect'
here, but only a distribution of responsibilities according to the type of
work and the obligations connepted with it. Beaides, the rights of the
worker are guaran teed by the law." Consequently, contrary to what happens
in the capitalist system where the worker struggles to seize his rights, ~
"in our socialist syatem, there can be no reason for conflict, and com-
plementarity and uniformity must be imperative." ~ '
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Making several refexences to errors, shortages, oversights and mistakes,
the president justified the campaign to improve sanitation and the insti-
tution of quality control; he will not hesitate, he said, "to take the
necessary steps, despite the atmosphere of confusion that some people are
trying to introduce among activists and citizens."
Social developments in progress were then reviewed: overall status of the
worker, socialist manag~ment of enterprises, restructuring of enterprises,
- social legislation, wage increases and so on; as well as the measures taken
against those in charge who have tried to delay application of these pro-
visions. The president particularly stre-sed the restructuring of enter-
prises for better management, along with decentralization of the headquartera
of national enterprises. He endeavored to dispel workers' fears in this
regard and asserted that this reform is not at all intended to cause lay-
offs; quite to the contrary, 140,000 new ~obs were created in 1981.
Housing, reintegration of emigrants, wages and price control were also
mentioned. But, the president noted, the cost of subsidizing the vital
necessities rose from 900 million dinars in 1979 to 2.35 billion in 1981,
and could reach 4 billion in 1982. As we cannot count on petroleum revenues
indefinitely, it is essential to increase national production and to eliminate
waste. If not, the speaker str~ssed, in a few years the consumer will per-
_ haps have to pay four or five titaes as much for his sugar as he does today!
Union Confederation Reform
With an emphasis intended to be noted, the president therefore recommended
an increased production effort. For the workers are generally dissatis-
fied, especially in the national companies, and strikes have increased
over the past 2 years. The UGTA has not been able to discourage, or even
to moderate, these protest tendencies; furthermore, many of its membera
have incited them. This seems to be the consequence of the policy of open-
ness toward the extreme Left which the union federation followed not long
ago under the influence of former party coordinator, Mr Mohaamied Salah
Yahiaoui, who is no longer part of its administration. Although the
secretary general appointed at the time, Mr Abdallah Demene Debbih, responded
strongly to accusations directed at him, and succeeded in having his moral
report adopted, he was not reelected; nor was the national secretary long
responsible for socialist management of enterprises, Mr Moustafa Boudina.
Thus, in the opinion of the president and the Central Committee, the per-
manent secretary of the FLN Central Committee, Mr Mohammed Sherif Messadia,
the party's true motivator, has succeeded in reorienting the union con-
- federation along orthodox lines. Cleverly coached by him, the congress
replaced the UGTA's Executive Committee with a mostly new national council,
decided to eliminate the large union federations (energy, education and the
like) and to emphasize communal unions and other more manageable horizontal
structures, and created national "professional sectors" directly inspired
by federation leadership.
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It would therefore appear, once again, that the party will now more clearly
impose its authority over mass organizations. Thus the revival and the .
strengthening of the FLN are follawing their course.
Meaningful Rapprochement with Libya
The president took the opportuaity offered by the UGTA session to bring
up some important international matters. The problem of the Western Sahara,
through political prudence no doubt, was mentioned only discreetly: "As
for the question of the region, our poeition is well known and there is
no need to go over it.... In regard to our region, our policy is clear,
as it is based on the principles of a good positive neighborly relationship."
After having asserted that reaolutions could be neither exported nor i~-
ported, the president dwelt at length on relations with Libya, several of
whose leaders met with their Algerian counterparts on 3 April in order to
build a complementary ec4nomy. While conceding certain "differences of
opinion with our Libyan brothers, "Mr Chadli Bendjedid firmly declared
~ that any attack directed against Libya today will be directed ageinst .
Algeria tomorrow, for it aims at the progressive forces in the region."
Due to a clearly recognized com~wn destiny, Algeria and Libya have there-
fore begun to prepare a joint program: economic complementari~y and rap-
prochement of political points of view in favor of the Maghreb and Arab
unity. They will proceed toward these goals in stages, through Algerian-
Libyan meetings at all levels, with the Algerian people obviously having
to have the last word as far as the decisions to be made. ~
A briefer reference was made to cooperation with Tunisia, which has been
pursued sincerely despite "disagreements on several political points."
Good relations with our "brothers to the south" are being implemented
through the mar-ing of Algerian borders which is in progress.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1982.
9693
CSO: 4519/177
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ISRAEL
APPROACH TO ZAIRE, OTHER AFRICAN NATIONS ANALYZED
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French No 1117, 2 Jun 82 pp 28-31
[Article by Sennen Andriamirado: "How Mobutu Was Lured"] '
[TextJ "There still remains one racial problem to solve. Only a Jew can
understand it campletely. I am thinking of the African problem." These words
were not spoken by Menachem Begin, whose intimacy with the only political sys-
tem in the world openly based'on racial discrimination, apartheid, ia well-
known. They were written at the beginning of the century b; Theodor Herzl; in
� "Altneuland," in a senae, the bible of Zionism.
Later, much later,.an African statesman would echo him: "Israel has become a.
place of pilgrimage for African nations seek~ng a sourcp of inspiration in
the building of their country." It was not Mobutu ~2se Seko who delivered
this credo in arder to explain his decision to reatore diplomatic relations
between Zaire and Israel on 14 May 1982. Rather, it was former Malian Presi-'
dent Modibo Keita, who, at the beginning of the 1960's, wanted to breathe into
~ his country a"pioneer apirit" inspired by the mqth of the time: that of the
Israeli pioneer who "made oranges grow in the desert."
Twenty years have gone by. The ~pyth has evaporated. The Sahel does not pro-
duce oranges, to say nothing of~the Sahara, because Africans do not have the
means of the Jewish Diaspora that financed the orange groves in the Neguev in
such an exorbitant manner for the sole.purpose of glorifying Israeli technology.
Israel has been "found out" by Africa: intransigent,'dominating, smug. The
October 1973 War put an end to Israeli-African relations. Out of solidarity
with Egypt, part of whose terr~itory had at that time been occupied since 1967,
and with the Palestinians, depriVed of a homeland because of Tel Aviv's will,
Africa drove Israel out. At the beginning of 1982, except for South Africa,
only two nation8 were sti11 hosting official Israeli representations: Malawi
and Swaziland. Everywhere else, the front of solidarity with the Arab coun-
tries and against Israel held firm. Zaire has opened the path to a new Israeli
foothold in Africa. It is a diplomatic succeas of Is.rael, which seea in it
the culmination of a ca~paign to charm launched less than 2 years ago and com-
pleted by suatained pressure lasting scarcely 6 montha. ~
The signing of the Camp David Accords in 1979 ratifying the Egyptian-Israeli
peace would serve as a basis for the Tel Aviv offensive aimed at Black Africa.
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Iii March 1980, Special Ambassador E1~iashiv,Ben Horin made a visit to Zambia and
the Ivory Coast to.test the water. His message to the Afaicans: You have bro-
ken with us out of solidarity with Egypt. Now that Egypt has dealt with us,
you are f reed fr an your commit~nents. The response: A resumption of diplomatic
relations is still untimely. On the other hand, the OAU chiefs of state stead-
ily refuse to condemn Camp David, to the detriment of the hard-liners in the
Arab League.
Uther (secret) contacts were made, always at Israeli prompting, reveaLed by
words dropped by African off icials. In December 1980 in Nigeria, the principal
leader of the opposition, Chief Obafeni A~zolowo who had lost in the presi-
dential elections the~previous year came out for a"resumption of diplomatic
relations with Israel in the country's interest.." Two months later, in Febru-
ary 1981, Kenyan lawmakers invited to Israel by Labor Deputy Moshe Shahal can-
ccled their visit at the last minute. Israeli radio had triumphantly an-
nounced their coming.
This blunder did not discourage Tel Aviv. At.the beginning of March, Rahamin
Timor, director of~international cooperation, discreetly toured Africa from
east to west. His ob~ective:, to strengthen Israel's economic cooperation with
Kenya. Lesotho, Malawi (which has never broken off relations), Nigeria and the
Ivory Coast. In mid March 1981, the JERUSALEM POST revealed that David Kimche,
general dire:tor from the Israeli Ministry of~Foreign Affairs, had made an un-
published visit to Kenya but h~d not been able to go to Zimbabwe. Formerly
director of the African Department in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, he was
at the time expectQd to head the Mossad (secret services). '
This long march toward Africa would end with a sprint. In mid November 1981,
Ariel Sharon, the hard-line m~nister of defense, headed a large~delegation
(From 5 to 15 high officials, depending on the source) to "African nations � ~
that might be the tdrget~of Libyan'expeditions": Central.Africa, Gabon and '
Zaire. The trip would not be confirmed in Jerasalem until 3 December, after
the Zairian president had said in Washington, on 2 December 1981, that "we
could immediately renew relations with Israel." At the same time, Israel
made a decision that would only embarrass African candidates for reconcilia-
tion: the annexation of the Golan Heights. Even Kinshasa had to get its back
up and on 5 January, its representat.ive in the United Nations, Kamanda Wa Ka-
manda. voted that Israel should be condemned by the Security Council. He was
_ sharply rebuked by President Mobutu, who, the American press revealed, wrote
to Ronald Reagan saying that his ambassador to the United Nations had misunder-
stood his instructions. Since that time, Zaire has abstained from participat-
� ing in any vote against Israel.
'I't~e process continued its inexorable marcn and the evacuation,of the Sinai on
25 April 1982 removed the last scruples. No parcel of territory of any Af rican
nation was occupied any longer, as the OAU had demanded. But it was forgotten
ti~at the OAU was also~demanding "that the Palestinian people regain.their legi-
timatP national rights in full." Mobutu ~had said in December: "Zaire is not
alone in Africa. There must be consultations with other African nations. For
the time being, I am waiting to see what the others do."
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He would not wait. JEUNE AFRIQUE's weeklq TELEX CONFIDENTIEL revealed (No 30
of 7 May 1982) that President Mobutu could "a~ounce the restoration of diplo-
matic relations between Kinshasa and Tel Aviv on 20 May, at the time of the ~
" congress of the MPR (Popular Movement of the Revolution), the single Zairian
party." The congress of the MYR was postponed until Nov.ember. The restora-
tion of diplomatic relations with Israel was moved up to 14 May and greeted
with a general outcry in the Arab worid, especially since the Zairian Gc;iern-
ment had f irst of all decided to set up its embassy in Jerusalem, A1-Qods, _
the holy city seized by the Jewish state.. This was a supreme offens,e to the
Muslim world. Kinshasa took a half step bac~cward, announcing on 20 May that
its representation would definitely be opened in Tel Aviv out of~respect for
UN resolutions condemning Israe~'s decision to make Jerusalem its "eternal
capital." The Arab countries were not thereby appeased. Ryad broke with
Kinshasa and others followed. The PLO demanded a boycott of Zaire. All Arab
aid was suspended, a serious warning to anyone tempted to follow the movement.
Precisely what other African nations might widen the bxeach ogened by Zaire?
The question does not even concern members of the Arab League or those which
are strongly Islamized, as,in the.case of the Comoro Islands, whose government
has taken an indignant stand. Also excluded are those which pass for revolu-
tionary or anti-imperialist. To believe Jerusalem, several so-c~lled moderate
states were only await~ng the first step~taken by Zairian. In the confusion
following Kinshasa's decision, names were mentioned: the Ivory Coast, Gabon,
Togo, all of which vigorously protested their~loyalty to the position taken by
the OAU in 1973 and which, because.of having been thus singled out, would
, probably not decide to immediately renew relations with the Jewish state.
For the time being, Israel wants to push its advantage and has revealed that
4,000 of its advisers are reportedly still on African soil. The absence of
diplomatic relations has not prevented commercial trade: from $30 million,
Israeli exports to Africa have risen to $100 million in 7 years, according
to Naftahil Blwnenthal, general director of the Korr Industries, the top-
ranking Israeli industrial firm. In many countries, Israeli enterprises are
opening up, particularly i~n public works and building. in Tanzania, it is an
Israeli firm that will build an international hoteY in Arusha. It is true
that President Julius Nyerere has always demonstrated great independence in
the Arab-Israeli conflict: "We shall not allow our� friends to choose our
- enemies," he has said. Less doctrinary but more direct, Gabonese President
Omar Bongo hopes that Arab-African solidarity wi,ll operate in both directions:
"Arabs must understand ~hat the African countries have broken with Israel
solely out of solidarity with them. They must in turn put their money in our
countries and not in Geneva or the United States."
Arab money has truly not been lacking in Black Af rica. From 1973 to mid 1981,
the total commitments of Arab countries or institutions in the South Sahara
amounted to $6.67 trillion. .The main beneficiary, Guinea has received credits
amounting to $604.6 million, 85 percent of it on preferential conditions.
Senegal has reportedly received $413.3 million snd should expect additional
efforts in its behalf. Mali has commitments of $345.5 million and Niger
$273.8 million. Mathematically speaking, these f igures seem to explain why
certain countries are not willing to stand in Zaire's way.
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And yet, it woulc? be unfair to ma~ntain that African solidarity with the Arab
countries ~nd agai.nst Israel is based solely on promises of f inancial
aid. Proof of this is that after Guinea, it is Zaire that has obtained the
largest cammitme~Its from the Arabs: $444.4 million in less than 8 years,
three-fourths of it already paid. The remaining one-quarter will not�be and
there will be no new commitments. Mobutu knew this and took the risk. There-
fore, money does not explain everything.
- Although contrary to the Zairian path, Senegal's.way also shows that money
. a1~ne does not determine solidarity with the Arabs. Here, religion is an
important factor. The social influence and individual nature of Senegalese
Islam give to the religious brotherhoods, particularly the Mourids and the
Tidians, a quasi political dimension (see JEUNE AFRIQUE, No 1096). Solidarity
with Arab countries is.religious and is instinctively expressed against the
"sacrilege" of which the Israelis have been guilty against Islam. Thus, follow-
ing the massacre in the courtyard of the A1-Aqsa and Omar mosques in Jerusalem
on 11 April, the protest strike decreed by the gov~rnment was widely f ollowed.
Other countries do not have such large Muslim communities to deal with. Or
subsidies to expect from Arab funds! This is the case of the Ivory Coast,
which, of all the countries having broken with Israel in 1973, has received
the least from the Arabs and has asked for nothing: a total of $58 million
in credits in 8 years, little more than what Cameroon received in a single
year ($55.8 million in 1981). What is more, the Ivory Coast received no favors
f:or the total: Some 89 percent of the credits were obtained at market rates.
The United States would have done better. But Houphouet-Boigny will not
_ thereCore decide to renew relations with Israel immediately. He has still
not forgotten that the Israelis "betrayed" him in 1977 when Jerusalem published
the contents of his talks with Yitzhak Rabin. Nor can Begin calm the "Old Man,"
wlio has never liked the arrogance of the current Israeli prime minister.
Then who will follow .the Zairian example? Togo and Gabon, to which Israel
nas proposed to supply with military equipment and the construction of a muni-
tions plant in Libreville, have denied having any such intention. So has
7ambia. Nor will Cameroon take the step. Nigeria, the ailing OPEC giant,
cannot now market its oil on the world market without Arab pressure on Western
buyers. In short, Zaire has gone too far too soon to be followed
en masse, even if "only" to Tel Aviv.
Uespite certain fairly embarrassed denials, a few nations.are awaiting the
proper time to renew relations with Israel. The Central African Republic is
tempted. In Bangui in November 1981, Ariel Sharon, flanked by Ariet Ganger,
sp~cialist in Israeli arms exports, spoke the same language as in Kinshasa:
"You are threatened by Libya. Commandos from your country are being trained
with Qadhdhaf i or in Palestinian camps in Lebanon. Entrust your security to
us. We are used to terrorism." Gen Andre Kolingba still hesitates: ~His
country receives too much aid from Iraq, particularly to resume uranium mining,
to decide to give it up. But two other factors work in Israel's f avor: The
Central African Republic now has the feeling of being the poor cousin of French
cooperation. It therefore seeks an alternative which,if it f~= not Libyan
~~r Soviet, could be American and Israeli, especially since tt~e Central African
regime has privileged links with that of Mobutu, once again the friend of the
Israelis. ~
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Another country tempted is Kenya, which it naturally denies, at least until .
President Daniel Arap Moi is no longer president of the OAU. Then he will
feel free and will have time to recall that it was in Nairobi with the
consent of the Kenyan Goverrunent that com~andos from Tel Aviv set up their
rear base at the beginning of July 1976, at the time of the freeing of the
Israeli hostag held at the Ugandan airport of Entebbe. Kenya has received
a great deal o~money from the Arabs? Yes, some $339.6 million between 1973
and mid 1981. But Israel and especially, the Zionist lobby in the United
States will make a ma~or effort to take the Arabs' place because for Israel,
Kenya is the maritime port of a key region: East and Central Africa.
The political-strategic interest of the region stems from two considerations,
in the eyes of the Israelis. First, it is the least Islamized of Africa and
Muslim solidarity would therefore not work in favor of the Arabs. Second, �
it must stand up to the Soviet belt which, it is thought in Jerusalem, is
tightening more and more, from Angola and Mozambique. Third, it is the
closest to South Africa, whose objective and sub3ective alliance with Israel
is ignored or denied by no one. With Kenya, Zaire, the Central African
Republic, Malawi and Swaziland the two eternal loyalists the Hebrew
state intends to start or consol.idate privileged relations, for in its opinion,
the region is part of the "Western defen~e arrangement" against what Ariel
Sharon calls "Soviet expansion in.Africa." In an interview granted to the
French weekly PARIS-MATCH in February, the Israeli minister of defense be-
trayed his true obsession with the subject. Ten times he pronounced the word
Africa to wield the Soviet threat. In France, Ariel Sharon criticizes its
"passiveness i~ East Africa." And Menachem Begin proposed Freneh-Israeli
cooperation (including military) on the continent to President Francois Mit-
terrand. According to same information, he reportedly even asked him to help
Israel renew relations with French-speaking African nations. Mitterrand re-
Eused. On 17 May, when questioned by Radio-France Internationale, he responded:
"I do not see_why the countries of Black Africa.that recognize Israel could
be (prevented) from recognizing Arab countries or the reverse. Having said ~
that much, it is their business. It is not my job to give them advice on
their conduct on the international scene. That~ would be a complete violation
of the way I proceed and especially of my convictions. Every one of those
countries is an adult."
We are willing to believe the French president, especially since Israel might
become an awkward partner (or even dangerous rival) of France on the political
and even military level. Menachem Begin does not conceal the fact that
Israel's return to Africa is part of the Israeli-American strategic cooperation
agreement signed in the name of the defense of the West. France witl get
nothing out of it, for its reputation as a great power is also based on its
influence in Afriea. And what about Africa? Which Africa? It canYiot be
viewed in the singular, but only in the plural. The current crisis in the OAU .
has divided it ~ven further and has undoubtedly helped israel because the
crisis has encouraged individual moves.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1982
11,464
CSO: 4419/19
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/ ~
JORDAN
QUEEN NUR INTERVIEWED ON ROLE IN SOCIETY
Paris AI.-WA`lAN AL-'ARABI No 274, 14-20 May 82 pp 19-22
[Interview with Queen Nur of Jordan by Florence Ra'd: "Every Woman Has a
Destiny and Mine Is Husayn"; date and place of interview not given]
[Text] "The most beautiful word in my life is Husayn, the most en~oyable days
- are those I spend outside Amman and the palace. I meet with ordinary, older
people and talk with them. I believe in God's will more than in destiny...To
be a queen was my fate!"
These words of Queen Nur, Nur al-Husayn, and these spontaneous confessione in
AL-WATAN AL-'Arabi were part of a long interview in which she says, "Anyone
who is afraid will not do anything in life, and I will not let fear enter me
either as a citizen or as a queen."
However, in Nur al-Husayn's life and the happiness that radiates in the
Jordanian court, there is some regret: "Neither of us has enough time for
the other. We do not have time for our hobbies. I share all of Husayn's
problems as a trusted wife."
She is straight-forward when dealing with others, warm when she meets them,
_ quiet, a deep thinker, elegant and she has a smile on her face that rarely
disappears. These are some of our initial impressions of the lady of the
Hashemite court, Queen Nur.
. She is a graduate of an American University, Princeton, in the field of
architecture. She participated in international city planning pro~ects in
~ . America, Australia and Iran. She worked for the Royal Jordanian Airlines,
ALIA, in 1977 as director of planning, a year before her marriage to the .
Jordanian monarch on 15 June 1978, and has been blessed by two childr~~n, ~
Hamza and Hashim.
Between Queen Nur's meeting with the members of the Higher Committee for the
Environment to study the pollution problem in the city of al-'Aqabah,
attending the celebration to award prizes to the top Jordanian children
in Princess 'Alia College and supervising the Spanish art exhibit in
al-Thaqafah Palace in Am~an, we were able to meet with her in al-Hamr Palace,
which is located 15 kilometers from Am~an. We had the following conversation
with her:
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~Question] You met Husayn before marriage, and you got to know him better
after marriage. What is the difference between the king that you met and the
one that you married?
[Answer] The most important difference is the depth of feeling. I have
now become more understanding of the varioua prob~ems which His Ma3esty has
faced for 30 years.
I am happy that he shares in our family life as the father of our childien.
His giving is limitless and increases daily. I can't imagine a better father
for my children, nor a better partner until the end of my life.
A1-Husayn is still the same man I loved at the beginning, but our love has
grown and developed with time, the friendship that brought us together before
marriage arose from his agreeability, warmth, sympathy, selflessness in his
work and responsibilities and noble feelings toward everyone, me or his
children, or anyone else. I love him as a husband, respect him and admire
his characteristics as a man and a king. In my entire life, I have never
shared this feeling with another human being. We are partners, and I will
stay at his side, working with him until the end of my life if he asks me to.
[Question] In every woman's life there is one word which she considers the
most beautiful. In you life with Husayn, which word is the most beautiful?
[Answer] It is the word "Husayn."
[QuestionJ But when a man calls to his wif e, he doesn't use his name...
The Queen laughed and came back to me with the question, "If someone loves
you what will he call you?"
I said, "He will call me 'sweetheart' or 'my life' or..." The Queen
interrupted with a laugh to add, "You just said the word for me. The word
'Husayn' includes all these words..."
[Question] Before marrying al-Husayn, did you have other ambit;ons? What
were they and what are your ambitions today?
[Answer] My ambitions before and after marriage are the same--to help in
development and in making life better on this earth, to do something good
for the inhabitants of the world and to improve their lives in any way
possible. This idea still attracts me, and I ask God to give me the ability
to do any job for a better life and future for the people of my country and
through this for the Arabs and the world.
Not a Prisoner '
[Question] Are you a prisoner of the rules of protocol in the palace, and
what are these rules specifically?
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[Answer] IM Jordan we do not have protocol controlling our daily lives .
because we are still one family. My husband feela responsibility toward his
people in the same way he feels it as a father.
We do not need protocol. However, there are a number of principles throughouf
the world which are not difficult for a pereon to heed because they are
natural. I can go wherever I want and talk with whomever I want, whenever
time allowa.
[Question] Where do you stand with regard to Jordanian women and Arab women
in general? If you were asked to categorize the problems of Arab women,
what would you say?
[Answer] Women throughout the world face many similar problems. Jordanian
~ women face some of the same problems as European and American women. How-
ever, there are some issues that Jordanian women alone face, and others which
Arab women, or women all over the world, face. Most of these problema stem
from the limitation of the role of women and how this ties in with the
economic situation. Working women are the result of historical models through-
out human development and growth. In Jordan we are trying to give women
opportunities to choose suitable ways of life that will balance their family
and working lives. We are concentrating on the necessity of keeping the
strength and cohesiveness of the family, which characterize Arab soeiety, �
without ignoring women's role in developing themselves as individuala and as
partners in national development.
[Question] I repeat...how would you categorize the problems of Arab women?
[Answer] It is difficult to categorize these problems because each country
is different. I do not think that I could def ine the most important problems
that Arab women face. There are many problems which boil down to f inding the
opportunities for them ta play their role in developing the Arab world along-
- side men. This is the problem that men and women in every country must strive
to solve. Every woman has her own situation and circumstances in her develop-
ment, and I can't say that the most important problem that confronts Arab
women is the one that I see as the most important Jordanian problem. This
isn't right because I don't think I have the right to speak for women in all
the Arab countries.
Women and Traditions
- [Question] What about Jordanian women?
[Answer] We ar~e passing through a special stage in development. Women have
their civil and political rights, like men, and share in development. The
main problem is in their ~oining with men. Jordanian women are now passing
through a stage of education and training to participate and find the
opportunities to prove their ability to take part in different spheres.
Today women bear the responsibility of proving their ability to share in
development in the Arab world.
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~QuestionJ What Arab women complain about primarily is that they have been
cheated. Because you are the first lady of Jordan, if you were asked to draw
up a new law to el.iminate this unfairness, what would it be?
[Answer] Women havQ begun exercising their rights, a draft law for political
rights has been submitted and we are struggling for women to be equal with
men in development. There is no doubt that traditions have prevented
Jordanian women from exercising these rights, which are fairly recent rights.
There are good opportunities for Jordanian women. However, the problem ~
concerns their exercising other rights, which is of great concern. This
applies to women in other countries of the world, and women must strive to
prove their abilities to men. I worked before my marriage, and therefore I
know the true situation and my opinion of these matters comes froin my own
experience.
Daily Problems
(Question] What is your role as a queen and as a woman in pro~ ecting a clear,
accurate image of Arab women, and how do you represent these women?
[AnswerJ My role as a queen is a complement to my husband's role in special
situations that concern me as his partner and as a woman. My role as a queen
uses my experience to find solutions to citizens' daily problems because H.M,
the King deals with the large problems, draws general plans and devotes most
of his time to establishing the general principles for political activities
which affect all walks of life in the Kingdom. I hope to round out this work,
but on a narrow scale, through tending to the siua.ll details in citizens'
lives and working to establish social and cultural foundations for a better '
�uture.
I also hope to play my role as a queen to make the Jordanian people feel that
their lives are an expression of their legacy and hopes. As far as repre-
senting Arab or Jordanian women on the international level, I work hard to
carry the message of the Arab world and Arab women, which is linked to our
great legacy, our aspirations for the future and strengthening our ties with
women all over the world. I try to confront the Western images of Arab women
that are not positive. These images are a result of inaccurate information
about the situation of Arab women in Arab society. There is no doubt that
this mistaken view of Arab women has negatively affected relations among the
cultures of the world.
[Question] Leadership is a responsibility and a trust in the ruler. Through
your sharing, do you feel this responsibility and to what degree?
[Answer] I share my husband's concerns and I bear with him the burdens of
leadership through my role as a loving concerned wife. I share his happiness
and sadness through his past and future accomplishments. However, my
participating is not through political activity, but as the trusted wife of
the king.
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Flying Airplanea
'[Question] What hobbies do you and a1-Husayn share?
[Answer] Unfortunately, we don't have enough time f or our hobbies. However~
we do participate in sports, especially tennis, skiing, water sporte and
flyi~g airplanes. The king finds that very en~oyablQ. When he ia under
great ~ressure, he flies the plane himself, which calms and stimulatea the
. nerves at the same tim~. ~ ~
When I was a child, I used to go with my father on his txipe, and he also
loves to fly airplanes.
Another of our hobbies is traveling, which is no longer a hobby because we
usually travel on official visits. We also enjoy taking the children to the
zoo or museum or to any place for children. .
[Question] Does His Maj esty set aside a great deal of time for you?
[Answer] Neither of us has enough time to give to the obther because the king
is preoccupied most of the time with his responsibilities. I divide my time
between my official work and ury family responeibilities. Despite this, we
always f ind some time to spend together.
[Question] Do you share your problems and reaponsibilities with the king or ~
do you try to face them yourself?
[Answer] I always try to avoid sharing them with him unless I face a problem
of great importance and i feel that I need his advice. Anyway, I try not to
add new problems to his own because he already has enough. I also try to
lighten his burdens by solving those problema that I can.
[QuestionJ What have you gained from your marriage to King Husayn?
[Answer] I have gained a great deal from my marriage and from ~ny special
position with its respansibilities. I have gotten to know Husayn's character-
istics well and hope to be able to iacorporate them into my personality. In
the end, I have gained a good example in my life to emulate.
[Question] Officials' lives are exposed to dangers such as assassinations.
Do you feel this fear as a wife?
[Answer] The livea of officials are complicated and full of problems .1nd
challenges, but these dangers a:,e part of our lives, no more important than
any other part. In fact, they are the least important. When my time comes, ~
I hope that I have helped do something and have lived a full life. For this
reason, I will not let f ear control me at any time. The most important thing
is to make a mark in this life, and anyone who is afraid cannot do anything.
[Question] Which Arab or international f igure has earned your admiration?
I
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The queeu laughs, trying to avoid the question, then says, "If I have to
answer, the Arab personality who has impress me is my husband. This is of
course not ob~ ecLive."
[Question] On the international level?

J [Answer] I am impressed by any peraon who has the courage to make difficult
decisions. I will give as an example the former ~?merican president Dwight
Eisenhower, was was able to do what no president has been able to da since.
He had the courage to stand by his principles and bear his international
responsibilities and those to the Arab world. This has not happened eince.
Remember that he was the first to face lobbies and private interest groupe
and the first to say, "I am doing this becauae I am right." I am impressed
by him, especially after seeing recently how difficult it is for a person in
his position to take such a stand and maintain his principles.
[Question] And if you were asked to name a woman?
[Answer] I wo~jid not select anyone in particular. The women who impress me
are those who ~levote their lives to taking part in eomething and to giving
that goes beyond their family cixcles to touch on the interest of society and
the nation as a whole. Yes, I a8mire ~omen who devote themselves to the
interest of society. Arab women who giue themselves and their families to
serve society's interest deserve admiration.
[Question] Who are your friends?
[Answer] Our friends are the people we get together with for hobbies and
common interests. We have friends in various countries, among them kings
and presidents. Our friendship with them is not ~ust personal, but is linked
to the relationships between us as officials at the same level. I also have
my childhood f riends Ln the United States and other parts of the world.
[Question] What are the most beautiful moments in yo~:t life?
[Answer] The most beautiful moments of my li.fe are those when I share my
- husband's problems as a wife and mother.
They are simple moments. For example, a few days ago, I came back with the
king from al-'Aqabah to Amman in our small car. The trip took 4 hours. It
was a very beautiful trip that gave us the chance to be together and to see
up close the villages which we passed through.
[Question] Queen Nur is an educated, purposeful young woman. How do you
see yourself helping develop the Jordanian Arab society?
[Answer] Arab women had a large role during the spread of Islam and even
until the 15th centruy. They played an important role in the events of that
perfod. Today, as the Jordanian queen and an Arab queen, I carry the Arab
legacy in my heart, and I identify with Arab women. I work hard to help
develop my country as Arab women helped during the spread and conquests of
Islam.
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The Queen's Lettera
[Question] Do you receive many lerters? From whom? Do you always answer
them?
[Answer] I receive a large number of letters from all over the world. Many
of these letters come from people who want pictures, a word or an autograph
f rom us. Some have suggestioas and pro~ects to help solve the crisis in the
region. We also receive many lettera with various comments about an official
visit that we made or a press interview. We also receive requests to help
individu-zls or areas that need something specific. We usually try to find
general solutions instead of dealing with a limited private matter. There
are also some trivial letters.
We always try to help whomever we can, to answer all letters and to keep in
touch with the people who show sincere interest in and concern for Jordan
and its future.
[Question] How do you deal with the children in the royal family?
[Anewer] As you know, the family is large and I do all I can with all His
Ma3esty's children to rear them to be like him, endowing them with the
characteristics that have made him a loving leader to his people.
I try to rear them like other children who do not have the titles of prince
or princess, to be humble, sympathetic and sincere and to learn to treat
others as they treat each other. This way in the future they can help build
Jordan as their father and grandfather did before them. Their titles must
not be what distinguishes them, but their deeds and characters.
[Question] Do you select Hie Ma~esty's clothes yourself? Do you find this
dif f icult?
[Anewer] Most of the time we select his clothes together. He like to try
new things, and I try to bring new colors and touches to his clothes. Men
are like women, they en~oy change. His Ma~esty is flexible in this regard.
In the morning I choose his clothes, as well as when we travel abroad.
Most En3oyable Days
~Question] How does the queen spend her day? Does she follow a specific
routine?
[Answer] Every day has its own schedule and rules. For example, Friday is
devoted to the family in principle and as much as possible. There are days
that we spend traveling or on official duties, spendirng the entire day
cementing our relations with one country or another and opening new fields
for the exchange of ideas, groups and expertise. Some days we stay in the
office until late at night. Sometimes I work in the afternoon so that I can
meet with ministers and officials since they are busy in the morning. The
most enjoyable days are those that I spend outaide Amman meeting groups of
older people and young people and talking with them.
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~ [Question] What countries had you visited before?
[Answer] Before my marriage I worked in the f ield of architecture in Iran and
Australia and had done research in the Arab world,visiting Iraq, Kuwait,
Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan and also visiting Europe. After my marriage ~
I got to know most of the European countries, Southeast Asia and America. I
would like to visit the rest of the Arab countries to know them better.
[Question] Do your official visits give you an opportunity to know the true
aituation in the country?
[AnswerJ Official visits do not give you the chance to know the actual
situation in the host country, nor to get in touch with the ordinary people.
My visits before my marriage were more useful because I got to know the
people from my own point of view, not the official one. Personal contacts
reveal the truth of the country's history and future. I have visited some
countries with H. M. the King unofficially, and it was very en~oyable because
we were in direct contact with the public.
Politics
[Question] Does the king talk to you about political matters?
[Answer] Yes, and this is part of the understanding and harmony that brings
us together as husband and wife and as two people. He talks to me about
things that worry him, and I pay attention most of the time. I consider this
part of my responsibility as a wife who is concerned about her huaband and
considers him part of her life.
[Question] How do you assess your recent visit to the United States?
[Answer] The visit was welcomed by the Arab community and by many Americans
who are interested in the Middle East. My role came as a surprise to some
people because they considered it political rather than traditional. At any
rate, this doesn't mean that my future vieits will be of the same nature,
although I am willing to play any role that the king and the Jordanian people
ask of ine.
The speech which I made in Washington was the essence of the king's concerns
and opinions about the present situation. I think that my visit in general
was an unusual way to represent Arab women. Being an Arab-American, I grew
up with a special understanding and ideas. Being the Queen of Jordan, I
understand the relationship between Jordan and the United States very well.
My visit was a challenge to the widespread, mistaken idea in the United
States about Arab women and their tnarginal role in d~veloping their countries.
[QuestionJ What is your opinion of Lebanese women?
[Answer] Lebanese women have faced a continual state of war for 7 years. I
am sure that they live through heartbreaking events unable to do anything
except maintain their courage, faith and families. They deserve admiration
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and sympathy for their great suffering and loss. We are ready to give any ~
kind of aid to the women and people of Lebanon as individuals or groupe.
(Question] Paychiatrista say that colors reflect personality trait:. What
are your favorlte colors?
[Answer] I can't narrow it down to oae color. Aowever, the impression which
colora leave on your peyche is important. Anang my favor3te colora are the
' colors of the desert, a sunset on the beach and the sunrise.
I Believe in God's Will
[Question] Do you believe in destiny?
[Answer] I believe in God's will more than in destiny. When I compare my
life before and after marriage, I feel that many of the unconscioua decisions
that I made were in preparatioa for my marriage and my life now. Therefore,
it seems to me that it was my destiny.
[Question] Do you think that you are lucky? ~
,[Answer~ Life has blessed me. flowever, life is full of blessings and
challenges at the same time. I am very fortunate of course, and the most
important blessing is that I have learned from the challenges to live a
fruitful life:
[Question] Do you want to say a word to the readers of AL WATAN AL-'AItABI?
[Aaewer~ I want to tell them that I hope my answers were clear and expressed
~ my feeliugs for mryr country, my family and my people. I am sure that the
readers of AL WATAN AL-'ARABI share these feelings with me and that we have
many things iri common, not the least of which are our hope for a better future,
our striving for a better preaent and the nece8sity of our working together
for this.
Chairwoman
A list of Queen Nur's honorary and actual responsibilities:
_ Honorary Chairwoman of the National Federation of Business and Professional
Women
Honorary Chairwoman of the Working Women's Club
Honorary Chairwoman of the Queen Nur Flyiag Inatitute
Honorary Chairwoenan of the Jordanian Natural Medicine Association
Honorary Chairwoman of the Royal Society foz Jordanian Arts
Chairwoman of the Royal Foundation for Culture and Education .
Chairwoman of~the Higher Organization for the Protection of the Environment
Chairwoman of Princess 'Alia Com~aunity College ~
Chairwoman of the Higher Committee for the Jerash Fair
~ Chairwoman of the Ma'an Housing Pro~ect
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Chairwoman of the "Jordan Society" in America, which i~cludes many Americans
interested in improving Arab Amer~can relatione.
She also supervises the construction of several hospitals,.sections of the
Jordanian Dabka Fair, the encouraging of exchange visits between Arab childreti
and preserving architectural and engineering nwnuments in Jor~;~ and the Arab
world.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
9882 -
CSO: 4404/481
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OMAN
COUNTRY'S WIDENING ROLE IN GULF, REGIONAL AFFAIRS ERAMINED
Paris AL~IATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 275, 21-27 May 82 pp 28-29
[Article by Ahmad Hafiz: "Qabus' Egyptian Trip Within the Logic of History
and Geography"]
[TextJ The Sultanate of Oman is active these days on the Gulf and Arab levels.
The Omani concept of Gulf security, and the pan-Arab nature of the battle
with Iran, are among the clearest concepts recently. AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
sent a correspondent to Oman to try to connect Omani logic with history and
geography, in an interview with several Omani officials.
There is nothing new under the sun. History repeats itself, and positions
essentially are repeated through developing forms that accompany the
vissitudes of the times.~
~ In the 19th century, when the Persiari Safavids attempted to occupy ~asrah, ~
~ the Omani army opposed them in defense of the religious protection that
composed the basic factor of Arab solidarity. Oman received compensation in
the form of a generous "financial ~rant" from the Ottoman authorities at
~ that time, who ruled the entire Arab area, with the exception of Oman, which~~
had come to the aid of its Arab brothers in Iraq. It did that out of its
spontaneous feeling of Arabism and its common destiny with Iraq, and not out
of anticipat~on of a gift from the Ottoinan authorities.
Officials in the Sultanate referred to this historic fart in submitting their
-interpretation of the active initiative that Sultan Qabus has carried out on
the Arab scene, through h~s recent official visit to Egypt, and his surprise ~
private visit to King Husayn, for the purpose of inending the rift in Arab
relations and taking a decisiWe Arab position with respect to the Iraqi-
Iranian war, whose cont~nuation threatens the entire area with flames.
The Omani initiative was tantamount to starting over. ~
The fact is that the visit of the Sultan of Oman to Cairo, and f rom there to .
Jordan, stirred up far-reaching reactions in Gulf and Arab capitals, and
political predictions on other levels, especially since it coincided with
heated political events in the Gulf. Certainly the most important of these
was the confirmation to everyone o~ Iran's intransigeance in its rejection of
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all offers of inEernational and Arab mediation, and prior to that, the state-
ments of President Husni Mubarak, in which he made a connection between
Egypt's security and Gulf security, and described the Gulf states as "Egypt's
scrategic security dimension."
Mubarak's statements were accompanied by semi-confirmed information about
Egypt supplying Iraq with various types of arms, and about the Omani role in
this regard. There were rumors in Gulf capitals about a new Omani role
which this time took the form of arranging the restoration of bridges or
relations between Egypt and a larga number of Arab states, especially since
Oman was one of the Arab states that did not sever relations witt~ Egypt. �
wt~y? ~ .
Political observers in the Gulf area give great pause these days to the
intensive political activity on the Arab.level, which the Sultanate has
carried out. Zt is the active member of the Gulf Cooperation Council [GCCJ,
especially since it is well known for being cautious about interfering in
- Arab disputes, and for confining itself to announcing its pan-Arab support for
Arab issues, and especially the Palestinian question. Its rulers devoted
fhemselves to the important matters and issues of internal growth and the
development of the Omani society. This had been the case since Sultan Qabus
assumed power in his country in 1970. Perhaps the question that is currently
being asked in the Gulf area, apropos of this Omani political activity, is
why, at this particular time, did Sultan Qabus begin to bring Oman out of
its well-known role into these spasms of activity on the Arab scene?
I asked this question of more than one high-level official in Oman, and I
heard the same reply from all of those I interviewed: "We in Oman, after
completing constructing the basic infrastructure of the state, and establishing
the basic pillars of the political, economic and social sectors, have begun
to look more to the outside, especially toward our Arab brothers, in order
to carry out our pan-Arab duty with respect to their issues, which are our
issues as well, fateful issues of an indivisible Arab Nation."
Sultan Qabus himself recently expressed this position in a press statement:
"Oman always wishes to participate, if it has the opportunity, in any good
endeavor. We sanction any effort by any Arab, Islamic or non-aligned nation,
or by any other state, to solve a problem between two Muslim neighliors, to
restore right to its normal position and sp~re the blood of Muslims. We are
prepared to make any effort in this regard."
When the Sultan oi Oman was asked about the facts of his country's role in
mediation between Egypt and Iraq, he s~id: "The matter of inediation to
purchase arms for Iraq can be summarized in a few words: When one asks us
to do a service for any brotherly Arab nation, we do not hesitate to do it."
Return to History
Those who follow Omani activities on the Gulf scene can confirm that a new
stage in Omani-Iraqi relatians and Arab-Omani relations has crystallized and
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its basic features defined. On this level, the question that must be answered
is: If what is rumored is true about "nec~ Omani mediation" between Egy�~t and
the Arab states to restore relations between the two sides, what is the
essence of this mediation and how is it proceeding?
In their response to this question, Omani officials are inclined not to
describe the efforts being undertaken by Oman as mediation: They prefer to
term this as "an effort to unite the efforts bf brothers with respect to
mutual dangers."
They say that, if Egypt has a view regarding solving the Arab-Israeli dispute,
it is still impossible to forget the role it could be playing in confronting
the dangers surrounding the Gulf region and the Arabian Peninsula. It is
�the only Arab state qualified by virtue of its large population to be the
natural strategic depth for that region. Political observers feel that when
~gyptian President Husni Mubarak recently declared, yet again, that Gulf
security was a part of Egyptian securiry, it was not in the interests of
anyone to neutralize Arab Egy~pt in this struggle that threatens the Arabism
of the Gulf. When Egypt expressed its desire to assist Iraq militarily in
its war against Iran, out of a pan-Arab sense of its Arabism, would it have
been proper to reject this assistance on the grounds that al-Sadat signed the
"Camp David" accords?
� Those observers add that the Omani point of view regarding the development of
recent events in the Gulf region was governed by the logic of history and
geography. The Gulf states and the Arabian Peninsula, including Iraq, form
a homogeneous security belt for the Arab Nation, with its natural and strategic
depth being Egypt. Based on this premise, the Omanis do not see a;1y difference
between Iran's occupation of the Lessor and Greater Tumb and Abu Musa islands
in the Arab Gulf~and ita war with Arab Iraq, and Turkey's occupation of Arab
Syria's province of.Iskandarun and Israel's occupation of Arab Syria's Golan
Heights. Occupation is occupation, and a threa-t is a threat, whether it is
Israeli or Iranian. Moreover, the Iranian threat to Iraq is a threat to
the Gulf's Arabism. Iranian designs on the Gulf states are historic and well-
known. If it happens--God forbid--that Iran is victorious over Iraq, who
can guarantee the Arabs that a new Persian imperialism will not sweep the
Gulf, and who would be able to prevent the Iranian advance after that?
Defining Positions
Perhaps this interpretation of the reality of the situation justifies the
intensive Omani activity on various levels. Fortunately, matters currently ~
have become ~?learer in the Gulf region ~ore than at any other time. The two
enemies of the Arab Nation, who war against it every day, are Israel and Ira�.
Consequently, those who support those two, whether Arab or non-Arab, are in
turn enemies of the Arab Nation. Based on this premise, a conviction has
formed among the GCC nations that certain rulers of Arab states, who are
aiding Iran in its war against Iraq, are working against the basic interests
and sentiments of pan-Arabism. In this regard, the GCC nations are
currently working to make those rulers, led by Hafiz al-Asad, radically
re-consider their position regarding the Iraqi-Iranian war. In concert, they
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sent al-Asad a letter to this effect. The GCC foreign ministers conference,
held in Kuwait last week to discuss taking a positive and unified position
regarding the development of events in the Gulf, was aimed at showing every
Arab party from outside the Gulf region that it has pan-Arab responsibilities.
Gulf sources, who closely followed what went on behind the scenes of the Kuwait
conference, say that the Syrian position was the object of harsh criticism
from the GCC nations. However, most of the foreign ministers preferred to
give the Syrian regime another chance to back away from its support of Iran,
which is not aimed just at Iraq alone, but also at the Gulf nations as a
whole. Accordingly, it was decided to postpone the conference until 25 May,
under the pretext of "more consultations with other Arab nations." If
the prevailing sentiment in Gulf political circles weighed heavily in favor
uf al-Asad's not retreating from his position of support for Iran against
Iraq, the evidence was that he has begun to prepare to hold an impromptu
"Steadfastness and Confrontation" summit. They say that if it is held, it
will be a summit steadfastly resistan~t to the Arab pan-Arab consensus, or
to be more precise, in reaction to the Gulf position regarding the Iraqi-
Iranian war. This would then split the Arabs into two camps: the~Arabs
committed to defend Arabism and the Arab Nation from east to west, regardless
of who the enemy is, whether Israel or Iran, and the Arabs who call for an
attack on Israel, but who at the same time are cooperating with Iran, who
is supported by Israel against Iraq, and against all the Gulf states and the
Arabian Peninsula.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
7005 ~
CSO: 4404/505 E~
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