NEW TIMES, SOVIET-PUBLISHED MAGAZINE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83-00415R007700030003-0
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 19, 2001
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: May 5, 1951
• Content Type: REPORT

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 25X1A
FORM NC. 51.61
MAY 1949
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CLASSIFICATION CONFIDENTIAL
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
INFORMATION REPORT
COUNTRY Uruguay
SUBJECT New Times, Soviet-published Magazine
25X1A
PLACE
ACQUIRED
DATE OF
THIS DOCUMENT CONTAINS INFORMATION AFFECTING THE NATIONAL DEFENSE
OF THE UNITED STATES WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE ESPIONAGE ACT 50
U S C. 31 AND 32 AS AMENDED. ITS TRANSMISSION OR THE REVELATION
OF ITS CONTENTS IN ANY MANNER TO AN UNAUTHORIZED PERSON 15 PRO-
HIBITED BY LAW REPRODUCTION OF THIS FORM IS PROHIBITED
25X1X
REPORT
CD NO.
DATE DISTR.
5 May 1951
NO. OF PAGES
1
NO. OF ENCLS.
1
(LISTED BELOW)
SUPPLEMENT TO
REPORT NO.
*Documentary
1. There is attached for your information and retention a copy of the Soviet-
published magazine, Nev_ Times, which is now being distributed at the offices
of Institute Cultural Uruguayo-Sovietico in Montevideo.
2. The magazine, which arrives in Uruguay by air mail in a limited number of
copies, is printed only in English and is read exclusively by Party in-
tellectuals. According to source, Nov Times was received locally for the
first time on 1 January 1951.
Encl.: (1)
STATE
ARMY
/S19 I, S F I CAT 10 N CONFIDENTIAL
NAVY SRB V 4 DIS1 U ION y.T
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NEW
TIMES
A W E E K L Y J O U R N A L
25X1A
C 0 N T E N T S
LENINISM-MANKIND'S BANNER OF EMANCIPATION 1
N. FARBEROV: Local Government Councils in the
People's Democracies . . . . . . . . . . . 3
N. B.: Reconstruction of the Kekkonen Cabinet . . . . 7
A Weak Link in the North-Atlantic Chain (Review of the
Italian Press) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
INTERNATIONAL LIFE (Notes) . . . . . . . . . 11
A. FROLOV: 179 Days in Korea . . . . . . . . 18
M. CHIAURELI: Paris Impressions (Notes of a Film Pro-
ducer) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
BOOK REVIEWS
1. YERMASHOV: Story of Struggle and Victory . 26
FROM THE EDITORIAL LETTER BOX
Dyson CARTER: The Canadian Sector of the Peace
Front . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Chronicle of International Events . . . . . . . . 31
No.4
1951
PUBLISHED BY THE NEWSPAPER "TRUD"-MOSCOW
fide
So pa-3s'63ya,
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 A'lrontF anKers 2/0118 olana So43~Rqusc~o~oy 003-0
An important contributing factor in the successes
achieved by Polish industry is utilization of the
experience of Soviet Stakhaiiovites, on which Polish
workers and engineers are drawing freely.
Our photos show: Top right: Steelmakers
Truchan and (logolin of the Tadeusz Kosciuszko
Mills, who are using with splendid effect Soviet
Stakhanovite methods of high-speed smelting.
Above: Stefan Matela, lathe-operator at the
Railway Car Works in Poznan, who was among
the first to use Stakhanovite Pavel Bykov's high-
speed machining methods,
Right: These bricklayers, Frawisrek Witek and
Wladyslaw Gorecki, are using the experience of
Soviet building workers in their work on an
apartment house in the Marszalkowska District
of Warsaw,
Left: Two distinguished miners, Eryk Ciron amid
Franmciszek Apryjas, studying the methods of Soviet
ruiners in a research laboratory. Franciszek Apryjas
has won Ilene "Build,r of the People's Poland" Order
by his splendid work.
Below: Flzbieta Rapala, Warsaw clotiiing worker
who initiated over-all economy of material on the
method of Lydia Korabelnikova. The factory she
works in has been named in honour of the defenders
of Warsaw.
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NEW TIMES
A WEEKLY
No. 4 JANUARY 24, 1951
Leninism-Mankind's Banner of
Emancipation
T HE PEOPLES of the Soviet Union and
hundreds of millions of working folk in all
countries of the world have just commemorated
the 27th anniversary of the death of Vladimir
Ilyich Lenin, supreme genius of the human
race. The grandeur and vitality of Lenin's
cause stand out with particular force today, in
the present state of international affairs. The
major world events of these past years, as
indeed the whole history of the first half of
the twentieth century, demonstrate over and
over again the invincible power of the im-
mortal ideas of Lenin, leader and teacher of la-
bouring humanity and founder of the Bolshevik
Party and the Soviet State.
A living and most vivid embodiment of the
ideas of Leninism, which have been further de-
veloped in the works of the genius who was
Lenin's closest colleague and is the continuer
of his cause, Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin-is
the state which they founded, the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics. The victory of the
Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia
ushered in a new era in world history.
Lenin said as far back as January 1918 that
in Soviet society "all the miracles of technol-
ogy, all the achievements of culture, will be-
come the property of the. whole people, and
henceforth the mind and genius of man will
never be converted into a means of coercion,
into a means of exploitation." And this task set
by Lenin has been fully accomplished: by the
will and effort of the Party of Lenin and Stalin,
the Soviet Union has become a mighty social-
ist power, with a first-class socialist industry
and a large-scale collective-farm and state-.farm
agriculture; exploiting classes and all forms
of exploitation of man by man have been abol-
ished; unemployment and poverty have been
eliminated for all time; the material welfare of
the people is steadily and continuously rising,
and the benefits of the foremost of all cultures,
Soviet culture-its science, its literature, its
art-have truly become the possession of all
the people.
The Party of Lenin and Stalin, successfully
liberating the minds of the Soviet people from
the selfishness, individualism, racial and na-
tional enmity which cripple man's mentality
under capitalism, has imbued our people with
the new and noble sentiment of collectivism,
the striving for peace and friendship with all
nations.
Under Lenin's banner, and led by Stalin, the
Soviet people have built Socialism, and are
successfully advancing to Communism, the
contours of which can be clearly discerned in
the majestic Stalin plans for the remaking of
nature, which are already being implemented.
That the Soviet social and political system, a
system of peaceful constructive endeavour, is
superior to the capitalist system of robbery,
destruction and violence, is now obvious and
incontestable to every honest-minded person in
every country.
Lenin's genius foresaw that "our Communist
economic development will become a model
for the future socialist Europe and Asia." This
prediction is being realized before our eyes.
The grand achievement of the Soviet Union
in building a socialist society has already been
taken as a model by the European People's
Democracies-Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hun-
gary, Rumania, Bulgaria and Albania, which
were liberated from the chains of imperialism
by the victory of the Soviet Union in the second
world war, and which have firmly embarked on
the road of socialist development. The ex-
perience of the Soviet people is being broadly
drawn upon and adapted to the conditions of
their own historical development by the great
Chinese people, who have emancipated them-
selves from imperialist oppression and have
begun to build a new life under the banner of
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No.4 N E W T I M E S
Leninism. The historic victories of So-
cialism in the Soviet Union inspire the
masses in all countries to fight for a brighter
future, and they are rising against American
imperialism-the most brutal and savage of
all imperialisms-and its junior partners and
servitors.
The vilest and most bestial features of im-
perialism have found their most complete and
undisguised embodiment in American impe-
rialism. More than thirty years ago Lenin
pointed out that British and American impe-
rialism were out for world domination. He
said in November 1918:
"We find England and America-coun-
tries with greater potentialities of remaining
democratic states than any-going to just
such savage and insensate lengths as Ger-
many before them, and they are therefore
just as rapidly, if not more rapidly, ap-
proaching the end which has so effectively
been reached by German imperialism. The
latter first swelled, spread over three-quar-
ters of Europe, grew incredibly fat; then it
burst, leaving a ghastly smell behind it. And
that is the end for which British and Amer-
ican imperialism are now heading."
Pointing out that German imperialism had
dug its own grave in 1918 when it tried to
crush the revolutionary workers and peasants
of Russia and the Ukraine, Lenin predicted
that
"all the more will British and American
imperialism dig their own grave when they
embark on a similar venture, which will lead
to their political collapse-when they con-
demn their troops to be the thugs and gen-
darmes of all Europe."
How timely these prophetic utterances of
Lenin sound today, when American imperial-
ism is openly laying claim to world supremacy
and has already passed from preparation for
aggression to outright acts of aggression.
Today, when American shells and bombs have
for already more than half a year been destroy-
ing Korean towns and villages, when Amer-
ican troops are slaying Korean women, chil-
dren and old folk, when the United States and
its satellites have launched into an incredible
riot of militarism and reaction, and when the
American imperialists have assumed the role
of thugs and gendarmes of Europe and Asia
--what a prophetic warning Lenin's words are
of the inevitable collapse and certain doom of
American imperialism.
The myth of the almighty power of American
imperialism has already been dispelled in the
fields of Korea, where the courageous Korean
people, heroically upholding their liberty and
independence, have inflicted telling defeats on
the American interventionists. There can be
no doubt that the American intervention in
Korea will end in complete fiasco.
The masses the world over are resolutely
combating the menace of a new world war,
which the U.S. imperialists are trying to pre-
cipitate. The front of peace is spreading and
serrying its ranks. The protest movement
against the arming of Western Germany and
Japan isa demonstration of the maturity of
the forces of peace, and of their ability to
bridle the aggressors.
If the American imperialists so far lose their
heads as to precipitate another world war, and
venture to attack the Soviet Union, the Chinese
People's Republic and the European People's
Democracies, that war will end even more de-
plorably for American imperialism than the
second world war did for Hitler Germany-it
will end in the universal downfall of impe-
rialism.
Countries embracing 800 million people-
more than one-third of the population of the
globe-now stand rallied beneath the victor-
ious banner of Leninism. The peoples and gov-
ernments of these countries do not want war
and harbour no aggressive designs against any
country. They are building a new society, and
are interested in stable and enduring peace
among all states in order that they may suc-
cessfully accomplish this work. Democratic
peace and friendship among nations is one of
the first slogans inscribed on the banner of
Lenin and Stalin.
For more than thirty-three years now the
Soviet Government has been unfailingly and
persistently upholding the cause of peace and
friendship among nations. The Lenin-Stalin
peace policy, the struggle of the Soviet state
for a democratic peace, runs like a crimson
thread through the entire history of interna-
tional relations in these past decades. Educated
by the Party of Lenin and Stalin in the spirit
of peaceful co-operation and friendship with
other nations, the Soviet people head the
struggle of all the peoples of the globe for .
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1951 N E W
T I M E S No.4
durable peace and against the imperialist war-
mongers.
Leninism laid the foundation for the people's
struggle for independence, democracy and
peace. The 500 million signatures appended to
the Stockholm Appeal are a vivid indication
of the strength of the peace front, headed by
the Soviet Union. The defeat sustained by
American imperialism in Korea testifies to the
fact that there are formidable obstacles to its
schemes for unleashing another world war.
Obsessed by a lust for world domination,
the American imperialists are endeavouring,
by wholesale bloodshed, to prevent the deliv-
erance of mankind from capitalist slavery. But
no moribund and doomed class has ever suc-
ceeded in halting and reversing the march of
history. Still less can this succeed now, when
hundreds of millions of people have stirred into
action, guiding themselves by the teachings of
Lenin and Stalin, as a sure compass pointing
the way to their complete emancipation.
Local Government Councils in the People's
Democracies
T HE MEASURES of democratic reconstruc-
tion undertaken in the People's Democra-
cies have definitely put these countries on the
road of socialist development. They are in the
period of transition from capitalism to So-
cialism.
Of immense significance was the abolition
of the old, bourgeois-landlord, machinery of
state, which was so detested by the working
people, and its replacement by an apparatus
of government which is in the hands of the
people and serves to promote their interests.
Legislative authority in the People's Democ-
racies is exercised by democratically elected
higher representative institutions: the People's
Assembly in Albania, the National Assemblies
in Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia, the Sejm in
Poland, the Grand National Assembly in
Rumania, and the State Assembly in Hungary.
The members of these legislative bodies are
men and women of the people, representatives
of the workers, the peasants and the intel-
ligentsia. Forty-four per cent of the deputies
of the Hungarian State Assembly are work-
ers, about 29 per cent are peasants, and the
rest are representatives of the professions or
small artisans. In the Grand National As=
sembly of Rumania there are 177 workers and
66 peasants, and the remaining deputies are
professional people.
In all the European People's Democracies,
a new system of elected local government bod-
ies has latterly been introduced. This places
the coping stone on a single and uniform sys-
tem of organs of authority, elected from bot-
tom up by the people and responsible to the
people.
The law on the local government councils
in the Hungarian People's Republic states:
"In its advance towards Socialism, the Hungar-
ian People's Republic is creating a system of state
administration which will ensure the constant and
active participation of the working people in the
exercise of state authority and the work of govern-
ment administration, bring the decision of all mat-
ters within closer reach of the working masses, and
consistently practise the principles of socialist law."
With the creation of the People's Councils,
as the sole organs of local government, the
last vestiges of the old forms of local adminis-
tration are eliminated.
In Poland, parallel with the People's Coun-
cils (Rady Narodowe) there existed until
March 1950 authorities appointed or endorsed
from above: the governor in the province, the
elder in the county and rural area, the mayor
in the town. .,
The law passed by the Seim on March 20,
1950, introducing a uniform system of local
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t
No.4 N E W
T I M E S 1951
government organs, abolished the antiquated
dual system of local authority which was
hampering the Republic's further develop-
ment.
"The concentration of authority in the Peo-
ple's Councils," said Premier Cyrankiewicz of
the Polish Republic, "means annulment of the
division into government and self-government
administration, which is contrary to the es-
sential nature of a people's state and is a sur-
vival of the now abolished capitalist system."
In the elections to the new local government
bodies in the People's Democracies, the voters
display a high level of civic activity. In the
elections in Albania in 1949, 97.99 per cent of
the electorate went to the polls, and 96.99 per
cent of these voted for the candidates of the
People's Democratic Front. In Bulgaria, 96.73
per cent of the voters took part in the elec-
tions to the county and communal councils on
May 15, 1949, and 92.01 per cent of the bal-
lots were cast for the candidates of the
Fatherland Front.
Elections to the local councils in Hungary
were held in October 1950; 96.9 per cent of
the voters went to the polls, 97.8 per cent of
the votes going to the People's Independence
Front.
A high civic consciousness was likewise dis-
played by the populace in the elections to the
People's Councils in Rumania on December 3,
1950: 9,473,872 persons, or 95.27 per cent of
the electorate, took part in the voting, and
9,124,766 ballots, or 96.31 per cent, were cast
for the candidates of the Front of People's
Democracy.
In Poland, the Presidiums of the People's
Councils have already been elected on the
basis of the law of March 20, 1950, and the
election of the Councils themselves is to take
place shortly.
The elected People's Councils replace the
provisional organs of local authority which
have existed hitherto. The latter were set up
with the object of speedily replacing the for-
mer system of local administration, ousting
the bureaucratic officialdom, creating a new
machinery of local administration, and pre-
paring for the elections to the People's Coun-
cils. In Bulgaria, the powers and functions of
the People's Councils were exercised for the
time being by provisional boards. In Rumania,
before keg first People's Councils were elected,
their powers were exercised by provisional
committees appointed by the Council of Min-
isters.
These provisional authorities were set up as
a preparatory step to the institution of elected
People's Councils, and they fully answered
their purpose.
The provisional bodies were a school for
training future officials of the People's Coun-
cils. They accomplished a good deal. Here, for
example, are some figures from the record of
the Bucharest provisional committee, which
was headed by a journeyman printer, Nicolae
Vaculescu. In 1949, 44 streets were paved and
the roadways of 33 streets repaired, and 12
new dispensaries and 5 polyclinics for
school children were opened. In one year-
from April 1, 1949, to March 31, 1950-60,193
apartments were assigned to workers' fami-,
lies, and 266 apartments were built for fore-
most workers in production. The provisional
committee opened 18 public libraries and 4
houses of culture in working-class districts.
A People's Council is elected for each admin-
istrative division of the country. In Albania,
for instance, there are district, city, rural area
and village People's Councils; in Hungary-
provincial, county, city, city district and vil-
lage; in Bulgaria-provincial, county, and
communal (urban and rural) ; in Rumania-
provincial, district, city and village; in Po-
land-provincial, county, city, city district
and rural area; and in Czechoslovakia-pro-
vincial, district, and local People's Councils or
Committees.
Prior to the emancipation of these countries
from the yoke of capital, their local authorities
were headed by officials appointed from above,
or were a mere parody of self-government. The
picture there was the same as in other capi-
talist countries, where the organs of "self-gov-
ernment" are nothing more than advisory
bodies, with very restricted powers. In France,
for example, over the General Council, the
organ of "self-administration" of a depart-
ment, stands a prefect appointed by the gov-
ernment. Under the constitution, he exercises
"administrative control over the local com-
munities." Decisions of the municipal councils
are valid only after they have been endorsed
by the prefect. A city mayor may be dis-
missed by the government on application from
the prefect; so may a municipal council. The
French Minister of the Interior has on more
than one occasion dismissed Communist
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1951 N E W
mayors and dissolved municipal councils that
incurred the displeasure of the reactionary
government.
In Italy, under the constitution of 1947,
every department, in addition to its elected
council, has a government commissar, and all
the council's decisions have to be endorsed by
him, as the representative of the central gov-
ernment. A departmental council may be dis-
solved by decree of the President on practi-
cally any pretext.
In contrast to this undemocratic system, the
organs of local government in the People's
Democracies are elected or dismissed by the
will of the people. The People's Councils are
the local organs of state authority in the full-
est sense of the term.
"The system by which the local organs of author-
ity, which will now also be the sole organs of the
executive power of the state in the given district,
are appointed and dismissed by the will of the
population," says President Boleslaw Bierut of the
Polish Republic, "is the most democratic form of
government known in the history of social relations
up to the present time, a form which has been
tried and tested by the more than thirty years'
experience of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics."
The People's Councils are mass organs of
government authority. The number of mem-
bers elected to them aggregates 220,000 in
Hungary, over 95,000 in Poland, 50,000 in
Bulgaria, 18,000 in Albania, and 109,000
(elected on December 3, 1950) in Duman;a.
The Councils are truly representative of the
people. In Poland, 29.5 per cent of their mem-
bers are workers or of working-class origin,
50.8 per cent are peasants, 14.2 per cent are
professionals, and 4.9 per cent are handicrafts-
men.
Of the members of the local councils in
Hungary, 55,000 are industrial workers,
132,000 are labouring peasants, 10,000 are
professionals, more than 5,000 are handicrafts-
men, while many thousands are clerical
workers or representatives of other walks of
life.
The People's Councils are thus a medium
for training tens of thousands of working
people in the art of state administration.
"The creation of these local organs of authority,"
says Gheorghiu-Dej, Vice-Chairman of the Rumanian
T I M E S No.4
Council of Ministers, "will mean drawing the mass
of the populace into the work of directing the state.
"They will be a genuine school for the training of
government officials of a new type, government of-
ficials coming from the ranks of the people."
The powers conferred on the People's Coun-
cils by the constitutions and by special legis-
lation are very broad. They direct the economic
and cultural affairs of their locality, endorse
its economic plan and its budget, see to the
maintenance of public order, help to strength-
en the defence capacity of the country, en-
force observance of the laws and protect the
rights of citizens.
Improvement of the conditions of the work-
ing people is one of the chief concerns of the
People's Councils. The People's Council of
Sofia has restored the city's water supply and
sewage systems and extended them to sur-
rounding industrial settlements, resurrected
its neglected or devastated public parks and
gardens, and laid out new parks with a total
area of 240,000 sq. metres. New hospitals, dis-
pensaries, maternity homes and children's
creches have been built in the city. In 1949
over 108,000 sq. metres of roadway were
asphalted or paved.
The Sofia Council has started a number of
establishments catering to the needs of the
population: a system of consumer goods dis-
tributive stores, a meat distributive system, a
house building organization, and suburban
market-gardens, which supply 60 per cent of
the city's vegetables.
The People's Councils meet in regular ses-
sion to consider and pass decisions on eco-
nomic, cultural and other matters cowing
within their jurisdiction.
In Bulgaria, the provincial People's Coun-
cils meet in session once in three months; the
county councils, and the city councils directly
subordinated to provincial councils meet once
in two months; and the communal and city
district councils meet once a month. In Po-
land, the new law provides that the provincial
councils shall hold sessions not less than
once in three months; the county councils,
not less than once in two months; and the
other councils, not less than once a month.
The relations between the various rungs of
the ladder of People's Councils, and between
the latter and the higher organs of state au-
thority, are based on the principle of demo-
cratic centralism. This combination of central-
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ized direction and planning with broad pop-
ular initiative and local activity and close
attention to specific local features and require-
ments yields splendid results. The principle of
democratic centralism makes it possible to
harmonize local interests with the national in-
terests and to co-ordinate the activity of the
local and higher organs, which together con-
stitute a single system of government. Higher
People's Councils direct those below them and
see to it that their actions do not infringe legal
requirements.
Elected by the people, the People's Councils
are responsible to the people, maintain close
contact with them and must periodically re-
port to the electorate on their activities. The
Bulgarian constitution, for example, requires
that the communal and county People's Coun-
cils shall render account to their electors not
less than once a year.
In Rumania, the law on the People's Coun-
cils provides for the convening of regular
popular assemblies, as a means by which the
population can share in the exercise of gov-
ernment functions and supervise the activities
of the Councils. Popular assemblies must be
held in both rural and urban election areas not
less than once in three months, and are open
to all voters in the area. Extraordinary pop-
ular assemblies must be convened if demanded
by one-fifth or more of the voters. The popular
assemblies are empowered to discuss the work
of the Councils and other matters of local im-
portance, and also the activities of higher
authorities.
The People's Councils are obligated to dis-
cuss the decisions of the popular assemblies
and to report to them on measures taken.
The People's Councils are thus under the
constant control of the populace. If a deputy
forfeits the confidence of his electors, they
may unseat him before the expiry of his term.
This right to recall deputies is one of the car-
dinal guarantees that the organs of govern-
ment authority will function in a truly demo-
cratic spirit.
In the performance of their duties, the Peo-
ple's Councils enlist the initiative and activity
of the working masses. The law on the Peo-
ple's Councils of the Bulgarian People's Re-
public expressly states that the Councils must
rely in their activities "on the broad partici-
pation of the masses, and on political, trade-
union, mass and other organizations." To
assist the Councils, permanent committees are
set up for all the principal divisions of eco-
nomic and cultural affairs. The Bulgarian law
on the People's Councils provides for the for-
mation-depending upon the specific require-
ments of the given community, district or
province-of the following committees: fi-
nance, municipal services and improvement,
public education, social welfare, local industry
and handicraft, agriculture, animal husbandry,
sanitary and veterinary, trade and food, health,
etc.
Workers, labouring peasants, professionals
and housewives are invited to take part in
the work of these committees. Such voluntary
aides of the People's Councils total about
200,000 in Poland, and over 60,000 in Bul-
garia. The permanent committees (those deal-
ing with cultural matters, sanitary arrange-
ments and municipal improvement) supervise
the building of schools, the repair of roads and
so on. Such matters as education, bread tak-
ing, and location of retail stores are handled
by the Sofia People's Council with the active
participation of the permanent committees.
By enlisting the assistance of such bodies
of volunteers, the People's Councils strength-
en their ties with the masses and draw them
into the work of state administration.
The directing and guiding force in the local
People's Councils, as in the higher organs of
authority, is the Communist and Workers'
Parties.
In the performance of their manifold func-
tions, the local Councils of the People's
Democracies draw freely upon the rich expe-
rience in administrative organization and ac-
tivity of the local organs of authority of the
Soviet Union.
The inspiring record of Soviet socialist
democracy-the highest type of democracy-
and the remarkable achievements of the
world's first socialist state are a glowing
example to the working folk of the People's
Democracies in the building of their new
states.
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1951 N E W
Reconstruction
THE PROLONGED and persistent intrigue
and the enormous pressure exerted by
the Finnish Coalition and Social-Democratic
Parties on the Agrarian Union have borne
their fruit: on January 17, the President of
Finland appointed a new cabinet which in-
cludes the Social-Democrats. Kekkonen -re-
mains Prime Minister, and Gartz (Swedish
Popular Party) retains the Ministries of For-
eign Affairs and of Foreign Trade. The Social-
Democrats have been given seven cabinet
posts: Minister of Defence, First and Third
Ministers of Communications and Public
Works, Minister of Trade and Industry, Sec-
ond Minister of Social Affairs, First Minister
of Finance, and Second Minister of Agricul-
ture.
In the program it published on January 18,
the new Finnish government declared that it
would adhere to the foreign policy course of
the previous government, and would "in its
activity cherish and promote friendly relations
with the Soviet Union on the basis provided
by the Peace Treaty, the Treaty of Friendship,
Co-operation and Mutual Assistance, and the
trade agreement of June 13, 1950."
This, of course, is a very important assur-
ance. It certainly conforms with the senti-
ments of the Finnish people at large. And it
is in Finland's interests to pursue such a
policy.
However, democratic opinion in Finland
expresses the apprehension that the presence
of Right-wing Social-Democrats in the cabi-
net may prevent the Kekkonen government
from adhering to its intentions. The Vapaa
Sana points out that, with the advent of the
Right-wing Social-Democrats, the government
now includes representatives of the most anti-
Soviet and most pro-American group in the
country.
To take, for one, the new Minister of Trade
and Industry, the Right-wing Social-Democrat
Penna Tervo. He is the editor of the central
organ of the Finnish Social-Democratic Party,
a paper which rabidly campaigns against the
Soviet Union and supports the war policy of
of the Kekkonen Cabinet
the Western powers. Penna Tervo is one of
those Right-wing Social-Democrats who spe-
cialize in foreign affairs and are associated with
Comisco (International Socialist Conference
Committee), which is notorious as a doughty
auxiliary of the North-Atlantic bloc. He is,
moreover, a former functionary of the fascist
Brotherhood-in-Arms, which was disbanded
by the Control Commission. The new Minister
of Defence, Right-wing Social-Democrat
Emil Skog, is also associated with this fascist
clique.
Such being the complexion of the Right-wing
Social-Democratic leaders, and especially in
view of the anti-Soviet campaign conducted
by their sachem, Tanner, no particular confi-
dence is inspired by the effusive assurances of
the Finnish reactionary press that the recon-
struction of the Kekkonen cabinet was prompt-
ed solely by considerations of home policy,
and that it will not be productive of any
changes in foreign policy. Is this not a smoke
screen?
Are we to believe that the American and
British diplomatic circles who for six months
manoeuvred behind the scenes to get the
Right-wing Social-Democrats included in the
Finnish government were interested in chang-
ing only Finland's home policy, and not her
foreign policy? And now, when some of
Tanner's most intimate colleagues, like
Messrs. Penna Tervo and Emil Skog, really
have been included in the Kekkonen cabinet,
is it not natural to assume that, both in home
and in foreign policy, they will strive to carry
out the will of the Finnish and Anglo-American
reactionaries, whose appointees they are?
The reconstruction of the Kekkonen cabinet
aroused the vehement protest of Finnish dem-
ocratic opinion. A resolution of the Finnish
People's Democratic Union states:
"The foreign and internal reactionaries have suc-
ceeded in carrying out their plans for forming a
bourgeois-Social-Democratic government. The de-
mand of the working masses and other democratic
elements of the country for a government of demo-
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No.4 N E W
T I M E S 1951
cratic co-operation has been grossly flouted. As a
result, the vital interests of the working class and
the country's international position are imperilled."
The Coalition Party I's not represented in the
cabinet. Its leaders realize that the inclusion
of its representatives in the government would
be too brazen a challenge to the peace-loving
Finnish people, who know that this party
openly supports the machinations of the Amer-
ican warmongers. But the Coalitionists regard
the present government merely as a caretaker
government, and undoubtedly have an eye to
forming their own cabinet later on. Mean-
while, they consider that the Tannerites,
now that they are in the government, will
help them to create conditions more favour-
able to their interests in the next elections-
all the more that, in matters of home and for-
eign policy, the Right-wing Social-Democrats
in all essentials take the same stand as the
Coalitionists. What this stand is in regard to
foreign policy is only too well known: it is
one of participating in the anti-Soviet intrigues
and criminal ventures of the American war-
mongers.
It is obvious that with the appearance of the
Right-wing Social-Democrats in the Kekko-
nen government, Finland has made a step
away from the path to peace and progress.
A Weak Link in the North-Atlantic Chain
Review of the Italian Press
1 APPEARS that Italy is another sector of
1 the aggressive North-Atlantic bloc that is
beginning to wobble.
The policies dictated to De Gasperi from
Washington have long since brought the Italian
reactionaries into sharp conflict with the peo-
ple. The atmosphere is strained enough as it
is; yet the United States keeps piling on the
pressure. The appearance of Eisenhower in
Western Europe threw Italy's ruling circles
into what 11 Popolo called an acute "fit of
neurasthenia."
The first signs of the fit came on January 11,
at a meeting of the parliamentary group of
the party in power, the Christian-Democrats.
Hitherto, they unmurmuringly carried Wash-
ington's orders through parliament, where
they command an absolute majority. But this
time they fell to quarrelling over the govern-
ment's foreign policy. The chief protagonist
of the dissidents was no other than Giovanni
Gronchi himself, speaker of the Chamber of
Deputies. He said that the government's pol-
icy was arousing alarm and apprehension in
the country, and that there was no unity
among the Christian-Democrats on the sub-
ject.
Speaking in connection with the affairs
Eisenhower has come to Europe to arrange,
Gronchi insisted that the Italian government
under no circumstances enlarge its commit-
ments under the North-Atlantic pact, and dis-
countenanced the moves to involve Europe in
the war the United States is engineering.
On the eve of the meeting of the parlia-
mentary group, La Libertd carried an article
by Gronchi, in which he said that "Italy is
fatally committing herself to decisions which
she has no power to influence," and that
"dissatisfaction and alarm are charac-
teristic of very large sections of the Italian
public."
Gronchi disapproved of the plan to form a
European army under American command,
and sharply criticized Minister of Defence Pac-
ciardi and the Italian generals, who, he said,
instead of training army cadres "on the model
of the German Reichswehr," were prepared to
place divisions at Eisenhower's disposal.
Gronchi repeated this criticism at the meet-
ing of the parliamentary group, where he de-
manded the resignation of Sforza and Pac-
ciardi-a demand which, the Rome newspapers
say, was greeted at the meeting with manifest
approval.
The government's policy and war prepa-
rations were taken exception to by a number
of other Christian-Democrat deputies
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1951 N E W
notably Del Bo, who declared that "all Italy is
opposed to a preventive war."
So trenchant was the opposition that De Gas-
peri deemed it necessary to give assur-
ances in the press that there would be "no
alterations in the government" and that no
consequences would follow the wordy battle
in the Christian-Democrat parliamentary
group.
Nevertheless, the press which is close to
government circles intimates that the govern-
ment's policy is badly discredited. "The gov-
ernment will have to reckon with the situa-
tion," says Il Momento Sera.
La Voce Repubblicana, organ of the Repub-
lican Party and mouthpiece of Ministers Pac-
ciardi and Sforza, whose policy Gronchi criti-
cized for its lack of independence and dis-
regard for Italy's national dignity, gives the
following insight into the discord prevail-
ing among the Americanized politicians:
"Every party ... has split into active Westerners
and passive Westerners, or fatalists, into consistent
and convinced supporters of the Atlantic pact and
ostensible supporters."
In the opinion of these "ostensible" support-
ers, the paper says, participation in America's
ventures must be more cautious and rearma-
ment must as far as possible be only symbol-
ical. They consider that "an extra day of peace
is preferable to war," and therefore support
the idea of talks with the Soviet Union on
major international problems. Apparently, La
Voce Repubblicana is worried by this trend,
and says:
"If this attitude goes much further, it will threaten
to end in a split, and its supporters run the risk
of sliding into neutrality and open opposition to
the Atlantic pact."
The appraisal of the state of political feeling
given by such a reactionary paper as II Tempo
is significant:
"It is in the natural order of things that the same
tendencies should be manifested in Italian home
affairs as in foreign affairs. Their source is the
widespread dissatisfaction, both in Europe and in
America, with the polities hitherto pursued by the
Western powers."
Some prominent members of the Italian rul-
ing camp favour the calling of a four-power
conference to settle the German question, and
T I M E S No.4
are also urging negotiations on Far Eastern
affairs. Writing in La Liberia, Christian-Dem-
ocrat deputy Igino Giordani vigorously op-
posed rearmament and war, and urged that
"before going the whole hog in rearmament, let us
pause and reflect ... and try to achieve agreement,
conciliation."
Be it noted that these Christian-Democrat
oppositionists do not attack the North-Atlantic
bloc openly and directly. Senator Quinto Tos-
atti declared in an interview printed in Paese
Sera:
"The Atlantic pact is not subject to discussion,
but we must not step by step increase our com-
mitments under it. For example, the appointment
of a supreme commander in Europe in peacetime
is a step which requires explanation, and which
may immediately involve direct interference in eco-
nomic affairs. In my opinion, such interference is
impermissible outside of normal diplomatic chan-
nels. Reasonable rearmament commensurate with
neutrality, defence or nonbelligerent status is the
right of every country. But such rearmament must
be undertaken on the basis of the broadest possible
agreements, and not for ends which may create the
impression of prejudiced hostility."
The controversy in Christian-Democrat cir-
cles is highly symptomatic. It bears witness to
a certain discord among the reactionary forces
on which Washington relies. Even many of
those who helped to draw Italy into the North-
Atlantic pact are becoming apprehensive of
the possible consequences of participation in
this aggressive undertaking of rabid Amer-
ican imperialism.
Like France, Italy is regarded by Washing-
ton as a weak link in the North-Atlantic
system. Its weakness, of course, springs from
the attitude, not of the Christian-Democrat
reactionaries but of the Italian people.
The policy of the ruling camp which has
placed the country at the mercy of the Amer-
ican monopolies has brought intolerable hard-
ships upon the Italian working masses. Their
legitimate demands go unheeded, their eco-
nomic interests are suffering severely, and their
democratic rights are trampled upon by Euro-
pean gendarmes of American imperialism like
Minister Scelba.
When the people of Italy came out in stormy
demonstrations of protest against Eisenhow-
er's proposed visit to the country, some of the
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No.4 N E W
reactionary newspapers asserted that it was
all the result of "incitation." But such state-
ments are a smoke screen, intended to hide the
wide scope, the unanimity, the spontaneity
and unquestionable legitimacy of the people's
protests against the policies of the De Gasperi
government and against the North-Atlantic
bloc. In point of fact, it is the American war-
mongers themselves and their Rome abettors
who are inciting the Italian people to protest.
Hunger, violence and preparation for war are
the most powerful incitations to popular in-
dignation.
The uproar caused by Eisenhower's visit to
Rome confirmed the worst fears of the Italian
agents of the North-Atlantic bloc. Once again
the Italian people gave an impressive demon-
stration of their desire for peace and their op-
position to plans that would involve Italy in
the preparations for imperialist war. The gov-
ernment resorted to extreme measures of vio-
lence. But firing upon men and women who
EISENHOWER'S MISSION IN EUROPE
T I M E S 1951
demand peace, slaying, maiming and arresting.
peaceful people, are misdeeds which can only
add fuel to the flames of popular wrath. If,
besides acquiring military bases and establish-
ing control over the armed forces of America's
European satellites, Eisenhower really desired,
as he claimed, to feel the pulse of popular sen-
timent, he certainly had no cause to ponder
over the diagnosis. The sentiment is as clear
as clear can be.
And the Italian reactionaries too are aware
of the sentiment of the people, and fully realize
that they remain in power only thanks to the
American system established in Western Eu-
rope. And it is the bankruptcy of this system
that is the cause of the doubt, alarm and crisis
in the ranks of the Christian-Democrat politi-
cians.
One can imagine what an impasse Truman's
policy has reached when it is being criticized
even among the Rome politicians, the meekest
of the U.S. satellites.
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INTERNATIONAL LIFE
It took Adenauer six weeks to reply-in the
negative-to Prime Minister Grotewohl's pro-
posal for negotiations to set up an All-German
Constituent Council with a view to re-estab-
lishing German unity. Adenauer's rejection
was accompanied by a whole stack of ex-
planations, calculated, presumably, to provide
some sort of justification for a policy that cuts
against the national interests of Germany and
her people. But all these explanations and
elucidations elucidate absolutely nothing, ex-
cept the fact that the Adenauer gang of Amer-
ican hirelings do not want to see Germany
take the path of peace and democratic unity.
Adenauer gives his whole game away when
he names the Peace Defence Act recently
adopted by the German Democratic Republic
as one of the reasons for his flat rejection of
the negotiations proposal. This law, which
makes war propaganda a crime, does not suit
Herr Adenauer. And no wonder, for prohibition
of war propaganda cannot but infuriate the
men who are working so hard to resurrect the
Nazi Wehrmacht and turn Western Germany
into a base for fresh aggression.
It is highly indicative that it took Adenauer
so long to reply to the Grotewohl letter. The
explanation is that the initiative of the Prime
Minister of the German Democratic Republic
met with such support throughout the coun-
try, and among all sections of its population,
that the Bonn puppets were in a quandary.
Not only the democratic elements, but quite a
large section of bourgeois opinion too, have
been bringing strong pressure to bear on
Bonn, demanding that an end be put to the
treasonous policy of splitting Germany and
that some understanding be reached with the
German Democratic Republic. Neither Bonn
nor Petersberg (residence of the Western High
Commissioners) could make up their minds
just what to do. After a series of backstage
conclaves a document was produced which,
needless to say, advances no valid arguments
against negotiations and only exposes the
Bonn rulers as obedient tools of the U.S. and
British policy of partitioning Germany.
The Adenauer reply is a clear-cut demonstra-
tion to the German people that the Bonn rul-
ers are agents of U.S.-British imperialism,
that they are prepared to convert Germany
into a bridgehead of war, and her people into
cannon fodder for Eisenhower.
The rejection of Grotewohl's proposal was
met with indignation by the German peo-
ple. Protests are being voiced in every pact
of the country and by all sections of the popu-
lation.
Every German can now see that all the
Bonn politicians' talk about German unity is
just so much humbug. German unity and peace
in Europe are about the last thing Adenauer
and his crew want. Adenauei's reply to the
Grotewohl proposal is fresh proof of that.
The Bonn "government" has come out in
its true colours-as an enemy of German
unity, and this will undoubtedly serve to in-
tensify the popular struggle for the demo-
cratic unity of Germany and the peaceful de-
velopment of her people.
The assurances of Sweden's Social-Demo-
cratic Ministers that they have no hand what-
ever in the aggressive North-Atlantic bloc
would by now probably fill quite a thick vol-
ume. But there are numerous facts showing
what these assurances are really worth. Some
recent events have been especially revealing.
Visits by American and British militarists
to Sweden and by Swedish military men to
America have become more frequent. In De-
cember the Swedish press reported the arrival
in Stockholm of British Lieutenant-Colonel
Bell, whose official mission it was to arrange
supplies for the Swedish air force, and of
U.S. Assistant Secretary of the Air Force
Stuart. Swedish Admiral Ekstrand went to
Washington "to contact representatives of the
U.S. armed forces." In an interview published
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early this month United Press quoted a mean-
ingful statement by the admiral to the effect
that supplying the Swedish armed forces with
the war materials they need is in line with
America's own interests.
It should not be difficult to divine just what
"American interests" the admiral had in mind,
especially if we recall that Sweden is herself
supplying arms to members of the North-
Atlantic bloc, primarily to Norway and Den-
mark. The Dutch De Waarheid reported on
January 9 a number of interesting statements
by Colonel Saebo, head of the Norwegian del-
egation at the recent meeting of the North-
Atlantic "Defence" Production Board. It ' ap-
pears that there is a ramified network of
Swedish-Norwegian military committees,
which, on Colonel Saebe's admission,
"allocate war contracts, co-ordinate armament sup-
plies for the Swedish and Norwegian forces, deal
with matters pertaining to joint command of the
armed forces, and study the strategic plans and
tactical objectives mapped out for the Scandina-
vian general staffs."
In pursuance of these strategic plans and
objectives, the Washington origin of which is
beyond doubt, the Swedish authorities-to
quote Saebe once more-
"have in the specified period provided Norway with
sufficient arms to enable her to complete the rear-
mament of her forces."
Saebo further boasted that regular co-oper-
ation was practised between the Norwegian
and Swedish general staffs, and also between
their joint military committees and the cor-
responding North-Atlantic pact body.
Saebs's opposite number on the Danish del-
egation, Lindhardt, was likewise lavish in his
praise of Sweden for the assistance she had
rendered to the Danish army. He also an-
nounced that, on the recommendation of U.S.
advisers, a joint Swedish-Danish military com-
mittee would soon be formed.
General Eisenhower did not visit Stock-
holm during his tour of the capitals of the
Marshallized countries. But, as the Stock-
holms Tidningen reported on January 12, the
Danish government took upon itself the mis-
sion of "informing Sweden of the talks with
General Eisenhower."
The militarization of Sweden is being
pushed at top speed. One very plain indication
of it is the new national budget submitted to
the Riksdag by the Erlander Cabinet. Military
allocations in the fiscal year 1951-52 will be
nearly 50 per cent above the figure for the
preceding year: 1,212 million kronor compared
with 839 million, and will account for over
22 per cent of all budgetary expenditure.
All these facts go to show that the U.S. im-
perialists, through their agents in Sweden's
ruling circles, are continuing their attempts
to draw Sweden into the aggressive North-
Atlantic bloc, even if by the back door.
The Pakistan papers announce that the so-
called All-Moslem Conference will meet for
its second session in Karachi this February.
The conference leaders maintain that the pur-
pose of their organization is merely to pro-
mote cultural, religious and economic rela-
tions among the various Moslem states. But
the facts indicate that its activities and the
plans of the politicians grouped around it are
of quite a different nature.
The conference was inaugurated in Febru-
ary 1949. It was sponsored by leading mem-
bers of the Moslem League, the ruling party
in Pakistan, and by the heads of the Egyptian
International Islam Brotherhood Association,
a product of the British intelligence service.
It was clear from the very outset that these
Moslem politicians were plotting against the
national-liberation movement in Asia and the
Middle East and supporting the anti-Soviet
military schemes of the U.S. and British im-
perialists. The leader of the International
Islam Brotherhood Association stated outright,
in connection with the call for the All-Moslem
Conference, that his party was striving to
build up a Moslem alliance "to combat Com-
munism in the East."
Right after the first session of the confer-
ence, representatives of the Islam Brother-
hood and the Pakistan Moslem League made
an extensive tour of the Arab countries to
bring the rulers of these countries into their
plan.
In November and December 1949, the first
"economic conference" of Moslem countries
met in Karachi. Commenting on its outcome,
the London Foreign Report, a City mouth-
piece, gave its undivided approval to the idea
of a Moslem bloc in Asia as a "counterblast
to Communism."
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1,951 N E W
The practical implementation of this idea
Washington entrusted to the leaders of the
Pakistan Moslem League, who tackled the job
with the greatest zeal. The League's president,
Khalik ez-Zaman, visited various Moslem
countries, the expenses of the trip being de-
frayed, according to the Pakistan Imrooz, by
the U.S. Embassy in Karachi. The same paper
stated that the object of the tour was to pre-
pare the ground for the foundation of Islami-
stan-an alliance intended to combat the
mounting movement for national liberation in
Asia.
A second "economic conference" of Moslem
countries was held in Teheran last October;
Pakistan's Finance Minister Ghulam Moham-
mad was elected chairman. The purpose and
underlying idea of this conference did not re-
main a secret either. The Ahang-e Shark news-
paper described it, and not without reason, as
a "continuation of the same old bloc-building
policy." And another paper, the Peyk-e Isfa-
han, added that the aims of this meeting were
anything but economic, its chief object being
to line up an "anti-Communist bloc."
The purpose of the forthcoming second
meeting of the All-Moslem Conference is to
found a "World Moslem Brotherhood." The
engineers of the new aggressive bloc hope
that the Karachi meeting will speed up the
implementation of their plan. The clique of
unscrupulous imperialist-serving politicians
behind these insidious schemes are shamelessly
trying to capitalize national and religious sen-
timents in order to disrupt the just struggle of
the masses in the Eastern countries against
imperialist oppression and for national libera-
tion.
When the U.S. military attache in Finland
went on a "vacation trip" to Kauhava, where
there is a military airfield and other military
installations, no one was very much surprised.
Indeed, what could be a more suitable place
for the military attache to rest from his la-
bours? But when, shortly after, a plane be-
longing to the American legation appeared
and circled over Kauhava, many Finns felt that
this was really going too far, particularly as
this was not the plane's first visit to the area.
Some Finnish papers asked the Defence Min-
istry to explain why American pilots were
T I M E S No.4
flying over Finnish military installations. A
week passed, then another, vet no official ex-
planation was forthcoming. There was an un-
official one instead: sonic of the papers said
the American pilot had flown over the Kau-
hava installations only to "convey a message
of New Year greetings" (the flight took place
on December 28)-see how polite and courte-
ous the Americans were! But other papers re-
fused to swallow the story. The plane hadn't
come to bring "New Year greetings," they
said, but to take photographs of the airfields
in Osterbotten, and the American pilot had
no doubt received permission to do so from
the Defence Ministry.
Driven to the wall, the Defence Ministry
had to give some sort of explanation. It turned
out that the man who flew over the Kauhava
airfield was not an ordinary pilot, but the
U.S. air attache himself. And, so the version
ran, he was not going specially to Kauhava;
his destination was Vaasa and Kemi further
on, but he encountered "bad weather" near
the Gulf of Bothnia and only got as far as
Kauhava. As for permission to fly over that
village, it was issued by radio immediately.
So it was "bad weather" that was to blame for
the whole affair!
A STRATAGEM THAT FAILED
Last December, rumours began to spread
in the Middle East to the effect that a new
"independent Arab State" was to be founded
in the Persian Gulf area. It was to include the
Bahrein Islands and the states of Kuwait,
Oman and Qatar, the rulers of which had
been conducting negotiations that month
about amalgamating their police forces and
customs, currency and postal systems.
According to Teheran newspapers, the proj-
ect for this new state enjoys governmental
support in some of the Arab countries, whose
press and radio are insisting that it include
also the Iranian province of Khuzistan.
The Iranian public was not slow to detect
in this suspicious clamour a new piece of
British imperialist intrigue against Iran.
"Teheran political circles think that Britain prob-
ably has a hand in the affair," wrote the weekly
Tehran-e Mosavcar.
Nor did it require any particular perspicac-
ity to arrive at this conclusion. Everybody
knows that the Bahrein Islands, Kuwait, Oman
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and Qatar are British protectorates and their
rulers cannot move a finger without London's
consent. Then again, Britain's Iraqi vassals
would never have dared to challenge Iran's
territorial integrity had not the word been
given from London. It now turns out that the
word had been given.
Telepress reports that a special meeting of
the British Cabinet was held early in Decem-
ber at which Labour M.P. Philips Price re-
ported on his recent trip to Iran. The object
of that trip was to prepare the ground for
Mejlis approval of the notorious "supplement-
ary agreement" with the Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company, which was intended to perpetuate
the domination of the British monopolies in
Iran. The news Price brought back was not
reassuring. He had seen for himself that Ira-
nian opinion is vehemently opposed to the "sup-
plementary agreement" and, in fact, demands
the dissolution of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Com-
pany altogether.
Then it was that sinister rumours began to
be disseminated from every British source in
the Middle East about the establishment of a
new "independent" Arab state, of which Khuzi-
stan was to form part.
But this stratagem failed to produce the de-
sired effect. The "supplementary agreement"
was not ratified by the Mejlis, which, evidently,
could not disregard the violent popular op-
position to the British plans for turning Iran
into a colony.
SOLIDARITY
The heroic struggle of the Korean people
against the American intervention meets with
the support and sympathy of the masses every-
where. Relief funds have been started in many
countries; people are donating food, clothing
and money to help the Koreans, the victims of
monstrous atrocities and marauding at the
hands of the American soldiery, who are laying
waste the land of Korea.
Numerous meetings dedicated to the libera-
tion struggle of the Korean people are being
held throughout the Rumanian People's Re-
public. In response to an appeal of the Demo-
ratic Women's Union and the Rumanian Red
Cross, over 1,000,000 lei were collected for
Korean relief in the space of a few days. Ru-
manian women are knitting socks, gloves and
other warm things for Korea. Patriarch
Justinian of Rumania has called on all mem-
bers of the clergy and their congregations to
come to the succour of the Korean people.
"The Koreans are battling in a sacred cause,
the hardships and sufferings of this heroic
people are numberless," the Patriarch's ap-
peal reads.
The Polish Peace Committee is collecting
gifts for Korean children who have lost their
homes. Women's, youth and other mass or-
ganizations, writers, actors and artists, are all
sharing in this undertaking. Contributions to
the Korean Relief Fund already total millions
of zloty.
Over 110,000,000 leva have been collected in
the Bulgarian People's Republic for a fund in
defence of peace and to aid the embattled
people of Korea. The workers of the Plovdiv
tobacco factories alone donated about 1,500,000
leva.
In the German Democratic Republic, about
2,000,000 marks have been contributed for re-
lief to the victims of American air bombings
in Korea. The Korea Relief Committee formed
in connection with the National Council of the
National Front of Democratic Germany has
purchased and shipped to Korea large quan-
tities of medical supplies.
Relief funds are also being collected in
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Albania.
A BRAZEN COURSE
The French National Assembly has lately
been debating a bill sponsored by a Right,
wing Socialist called Guy Desson. This col-
league of Jules Moch wants to give back to
the French fascists the property of publishing
houses and newspapers that worked for Hitler
during the occupation. He also wants to re-
habilitate collaborationist publishers and
newspaper proprietors, restore their property
rights and pay them 3,000 million francs in
"damages"! Under the Act of May 11, 1946,
the property of these publishing concerns was
confiscated and turned over to Resistance or.
ganizations. The Desson bill accordingly
strikes at the democratic publications, which
appeared illegally during the Nazi occupation
and after the liberation of France took over
the premises of the pro-Hitler publishing
firms.
Why was the present government in such
a hurry to frame this bill? Why is the National
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1951 N E W
Assembly being asked to rehabilitate forth-
with individuals who used their pens to betray
martyred France? Replying to these questions,
the Paris Ce Soir says it is because the Wash-
ington directors of French policy have so
ordered. They are arming Germany, amnesty-
ing collaborationists and restituting the prop-
erty of notorious Nazi abettors.
And indeed the Desson bill is not the first,
and presumably not the last, link in the long
chain of pro-fascist measures put through by
France's rulers and the reactionary majority
in the National Assembly. On January 2, this
majority approved a bill amnestying French
traitors and accomplices of Hitler. It is also
known that an amnesty is being prepared for
the fascist Marshal Petain, the arch-traitor of
Vichy.
T I M E S No.4
While rehabilitating fascists and paying
them "damages," the Washington agents in
the Pleven-Moch Cabinet are trying to oust
all democratic, progressive and genuinely pa-
triotic elements from the civil service, the army
and police, and from every sphere of public
life. A pretty brazen thing to do in a country
with such glorious democratic traditions, and
with such a powerful popular movement as
exists in France today.
ANOTHER FLOP
Three years ago the reactionary A.F. of U.
leaders, acting on instructions from the
State Department, collected a handful
of Latin American trade-union splitters
and blacklegs and proclaimed them the
WASHINGTON TO THE RESCUE
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"Inter-American Confederation of Labour." The
move was meant to produce a bogus trade-
union centre as a counterblast to the progres-
sive and influential Latin American Confedera-
tion of Labour. The Green clique sank many
a million dollars in this scheme, but it failed
for all that. The Inter-American Confedera-
tion of Labour exists only in the lists of
Acheson auxiliaries, and it is not a paying
auxiliary either.
The American imperialists regard the
struggle waged by the Latin American Con-
federation of Labour for peace, for better
working and living conditions, for the national
independence of the Latin American peoples,
and against imperialist oppression, as a se-
rious hindrance to their plans.
The State Department accordingly decided
to step up its efforts to undermine the Latin
American labour movement by enlisting the
services of the CIO leaders, who have long
since become agents of Wall Street. Last year
Jacob Potofsky and other CIO officials made
a series of visits to Latin America in search
of new adherents. But their praises of the
Truman program and lies about the "Com-
munist peril" failed to bring the workers over
to Washington's side. As before, the American
reactionaries could count only on their puny
collection of corrupt trade-union politicians.
They had to manage with these, and the
Green-Murray clique summoned this crew to
Mexico City for a "Regional Inter-American
Labour Conference," held on January 8-12.
An Associated Press message from Mexico
City gives a very candid description of the
gathering:
"Even the newspapers most friendly towards the
United States reported that the meeting was a ma-
noeuvre to bring the Latin American workers under
the control of U.S. labour organizations. Pro-
foundly anti-Communist newspapers are echoing the
statement that the meeting only wants to enlist
Latin American labour on the side of the United
States in a war with the Soviet Union."
The conference announced the establishment
of an "Inter-American Regional Labour Or-
ganization," which is to be an affiliate of the
so-called International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions. Actually no new organization
was established; there was only a new reg-
istration, so to speak, of the old gang of
trade-union fakers who have taken upon them-
selves the ignominious mission of splitting the
labour movement in Latin America and are
unable to deliver the goods.
Near the town of Wolbrom, in Southern
Poland, three gunmen lay in wait for 15-year-
old Waldemar Grabinski and shot him dead.
Monstrous as it may seem, Waldemar's
mother, Marja Grabinska, was not at all
grieved by the death of her son. She knew he
would be killed. More, she had given priest
Piotr Oborski her written consent to the mur-
der of Waldemar, and the priest had absolved
her of all sin.
Such are the gruesome details in the trial
held in Cracow of the priests Gadomski and
Oborski, Marja Grabinska and other members
of a band of assassins, terrorists and robbers
who operated in the counties of Olkusz and
Miechow.
The trial untangled their skein of crime. It
came to light that the band had been organized
by one Henryk Adamus, a known criminal and
former member of the counterrevolutionary
Armia Krajowa, who had been released from
prison by the people's government under the
amnesty of 1948. It was led by Oborski and
Gadomski.
Gadomski supplied the bandits with weap.
ons, which he kept in his church, and organ-
ized the murder of militia officials and mem-
bers of the Workers' Party. Among the gang's
victims were Sawerin, headmaster of a vi1-
lage school, and militia corporal Kamionka.
The gang also committed a number of armed
robberies.
When Waldemar Grabinskf found out that
his mother was connected with the terrorists
and was sheltering one of their leaders, he
warned her that he would report the murder-
ers' hide-out to the militia.
The cassocked bandits at once decided to
get the boy "out of the way," and his
mother gave her consent to their villainous
plan.
The crime in Wolbrom sheds a lurid light
on the infamous methods employed by Vatican
agents in their fight against people's democ-
racy.
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-1951 N E W
The campaign launched by reactionary cir-
cles in Western Germany for the release of
German war criminals has been intensified of
late. The Bonn Bundestag even passed a spe-
cial decision to send a delegation, headed by
the Social-Democrat Schmid, to U.S. High
Commissioner N,IcCloy with a petition request-
ing the pardon of criminals now held in the
Landsberg jail.
But as a matter of fact, the German neo-
fascists do not have to exert themselves
much to secure the release of their colleagues.
They are being released by McCloy of his own
accord.
A Nuremberg tribunal tried Krupp and Flick.
Now, with McCloy working hand in glove
with the Ruhr magnates, Flick and two Krupp
directors, Houdremont and Ihn, have been set
at liberty, and I. G. Farben director Fritz ter
Meer was released a long time ago.
A Nuremberg tribunal tried Nazi diplomats.
Now one of the major accused, von Weiz-
sacker, has been released.
A Nuremberg tribunal tried Nazi jurists.
Now Schlegelberger, former state secretary
to the Nazi Ministry of Justice, who was
sentenced to life imprisonment, has been
set free.
The American authorities are riding rough-
shod over the will of the peoples, who have de-
manded stern punishment for the Nazi war
criminals. Is it not because many American
military and civilian leaders are themselves
guilty of heinous war crimes?
FUTURE
(Szabad Nep, Budapest)
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No.4 N E W
T I M E S 1951
179 Days in Korea
W F. ARRIVED in Korea in May 1950.... A
clear sky of pastel-blue, the shimmering
blue of flooded rice paddies. In the paddies,
men in white, women in white blouses and
bright coloured skirts-and children, many
children. Wooded mountainsides, a picturesque
irregular coast line, wide rivers that start as
creeks somewhere up in the mountains. The
first general impression was of a wealth of col-
ours, in glorious and startling combinations.
We visited all the principal areas of North
Korea. And wherever we came we saw the peo-
ple busily at work. Factories and roads were
being built, irrigation canals and fishing ves-
sels, bridges and stadiums, schools and homes.
The city of Phyongyang, provisional capital of
the Korean People's Democratic Republic, was
being reconstructed. A broad new thoroughfare
was cutting its way among the little ram-
shackle houses, a new railway station was be-
ing erected, a huge sports ground was being
laid out at the foot of Mount Moranbong.
We observed the people's life, their daily
doings, and endeavoured to make as complete
a film record of it as we could. We did not sus-
pect then that soon we would be witnessing
events which would focus world attention on
Korea.
The Korean Cinema
Korea never had a film industry of her own
before, and no film workers. It was only the
government of the People's Democratic Repub-
lic that provided the conditions for the develop-
ment of a Korean cinema art and industry.
Film studios were built in Phyongyang. They
were just outside the city.... I put that sen-
tence down and had to stop. It is bitter to have
to say that the Phyongyang film studios exist
no more. Early in October they were razed
to the ground by American aircraft. But I
know they will rise again. You can destroy a
house, can wreck the walls, the roof, but you
cannot destroy the living art of a living
people.
Besides a number of newsreels and docu-
mentaries, Korea's young cinema industry put
out three full-length feature films: "Home-
land," "Blast Furnace" and "Frontier Guards."
This latter picture was released when the war
was already on, and it met with a tremendous
response, for the subject of it was the heroic
frontier units, which were the first to repel the
foul underhand attack of the Li Seung Man
hirelings of American imperialism.
In South Korea, the development of a Ko-
rean cinematic art was not even attempted
under the American marionette Li Seung Man.
American firms monopolized all the screens
and swamped them with Hollywood trash. All
that was done at Seoul was to put Korean cap-
tions to the American pictures.
When the People's Army freed Seoul, a
large stock of newsreels made by South-
Korean cameramen was discovered there. And
epitomized in them was the puppet nature of
the whole South-Korean regime. The Seoul
cameramen's work seems to have revolved
largely around MacArthur: the General arriv-
ing, the General appearing before the people,
Li Seung Man making a lengthy speech in
praise of General MacArthur. MacArthur here,
MacArthur there, MacArthur everywhere....
Dulles arriving in Korea. Dulles on the 38th
parallel.... An American military parade in
Seoul, and so on and so forth. I saw several
thousand metres of captured newsreels but
failed to discover even a few shots from the
life of the people of South Korea. What the
newsreels did bring out, however, was that Li
Seung Man and his henchmen were foreign
flunkeys, and their regime an outrage on the
people. Well, we may be grateful to the time-
serving South-Korean cameramen even for
that: they have made a lasting record of Li
Seung Man's infamous betrayal.
North-Korean cameramen, on the other
hand, did work that was truly invaluable. From
the moment hostilities broke out, they were
up front all the time and produced a success
sion of reels which were an important factor
in mobilizing the efforts of the Korean people
for the liberation struggle.
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The North-Korean cameramen filmed the
jubilant reception accorded the People's Army
by the inhabitants of South Korea. They made
films of the election of the People's Committee
in liberated Ongdin, the liberation of Seoul,
rejoicing crowds at meetings of many thou-
sands. There are shots of a bridge over the
Hangang River blasted by the Li Seung Man
troops in their flight from Seoul, of the heroic
South-Korean guerilla fighters who helped the
People's Army, and of the rehabilitation of
damaged railways. Other films show the grue-
some atrocities perpetrated by the American
and Li Seung Man fiends and of the sufferings
of the people. I recall this episode, for ex-
ample: an old mother wandering among mu-
tilated corpses, looking for the body of her son;
finding it, and sitting down on the ground be-
side it, her face stony with grief.
These film records belong to history.... The
day of the Korean people's final victory is not
far off, and many a film will be made about
Korea's matchless, heroic struggle for in-
dependence. And some of the newsreel shots
will undoubtedly figure as evidence before the
International Tribunal that will try the Amer-
ican war criminals.
First Impressions
Arriving while Korea was still at peace, we
for several weeks saw a country absorbed in
peaceful constructive endeavours. We went
about studying it. Not knowing the language
was a hindrance, of course, but it could not
prevent us from seeing the noble qualities of
the industrious and freedom-loving Korean
people.
The bulk of the population are peasants. The
Korean peasantry follow time-honoured tradi-
tions in their daily round of life, beginning
with the clothes they wear and the way they
cook their food, and ending with family rela-
tionships.
Rice is the staple food of the people. The
"agrarian reform carried out by the democratic
authorities gave the peasant land and freed
him from age-old servitude to the landlord. At
long last, the tiller began to work fields that
were his own. Growing rice is hard work, it
calls for patient, painstaking, scrupulous la-
bour. And yet you do not see even a scrap of
land untilled. Even the steepest slopes are
cultivated. Kaoliang, millet, potatoes are grown
on them.
The rice paddies are arranged in terraces,
and are flooded in the spring. The rice is
planted in dead-straight rows. Gradually slen-
der shoots push up through the blue of the
water, the colour of the field changes from blue
to pale green, then a darker green, and finally
yellow-towards the end of September, when
the rice ripens. And all this time you see in the
fields, from sunrise to sunset, the patient white-
clad figure of the peasant tending his plants.
Grateful nature repays man's work a hundred-
fold. Rice yields abundantly, but only if given
this painstaking care.
The Korean peasant works his land individ-
ually, but irrigation matters are dealt with
collectively. The complex system of dams,
ponds, canals needed for the purpose cannot
be built by individual effort. And the inhabit-
ants of a whole village or district, as the case
may require, go out together to dig pits and
canals and put up dams and locks.
Even the visitor from outside could not help
seeing how much the country's progress, its
political and economic development had been
impeded by the artificial partition into North
and South Korea. It was also clearly to be seen
that North Korea was rapidly developing her
potentialities.
American aggression broke into the people's
peaceful life and destroyed the things they had
created. But the fires of war only steel the will
of a people that has known freedom. Their
ordeal and tribulation once behind them, the
Korean people will square their shoulders and
begin anew to build the glorious life of peace.
19
Geography
The confusion prevailing in the names of
Korea's towns, rivers and mountains is a re-
flection of her history. In no other country has
history left so distinct an imprint on the map.
It is often difficult to find the place you want
on maps of Korea, because nearly every point
has two names-a Korean and a Japanese.
In the Soviet Union we now generally use
the Korean names, with the Japanese added
in brackets. I should add that Korean names
are very hard to transcribe in other languages,
and many variants exist as a result. There is
a town for which practically every map you
see has a different designation: Haidzyu,
Hedyu, Haiju, Hyadzyu, and lastly, the Jap-
anese version of Kaisyu. And none of them
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really reproduces what the name sounds like
in Korean.
He who has not seen the Keumgangsan Hills
has not seen Korea, Koreans say. Translated,
Keumgangsan means "Diamond Hills."
"Diamond" is used here, I imagine, in the sense
of "precious," for these hills contain untold
mineral riches.
The Diamond Hills were a favourite holiday
resort of the working folk of the Korean Peo-
ple's Democratic Republic. There were hot
springs there, and well-appointed sanatoriums,
hotels and tourist camps.
These hills have long known the presence of
man. They are crisscrossed with paths; there
are steps cut in the mountainside, and railings
around the edge of sheer cliffs-the work of
nameless hermits who in days gone by sought
quiet and solitude here. Each mountain top
has its crop of tales and legends.
We were told that the Japanese deliberately
impeded geological prospecting in the Dia-
mond Hills. Fortunately for Korea, the future
of these hills now no longer depends either on
Japanese or any other imperialists. It is in
the hands of the people, who have shed so
much blood for their homeland.
In mid-June I spent some time on the 38th
parallel. On the map, the parallel cuts across
the Korean peninsula, from the Yellow Sea to
the Sea of Japan, in a straight line. That, of
course, is a conventional representation of the
demarcation line. Actually, the line is not a
straight one-it skirts communities and winds
in and out among the mountain ranges.
In Haiju the line ran along the shore of a
small inlet of the Yellow Sea; it was inadvis-
able, I was told, to appear on the shore.
"Why?" I queried in surprise.
The answer was that anyone who appeared
there was fired upon from the other side. There
had been no fresh fish in the local market for
a long time past because the fishermen could
not put out.
We drove over a road running along the
parallel. Peasants were at work in the paddies
and apple orchards. Wherever you looked you
saw the labours of peace, a peaceful life. Noth-
ing to indicate that only a few days separated
us from the great tragedy that was to befall the
Korean people.
Phyongyang, June 25, 1950
In the evening of June 24 1 went to a dance
recital by a young Korean ballerina, Li So Ge.
Korea's art, young, optimistic, full of promise,
had thriven marvellously in the five years.
Standing on Mount Moranbong on our way
home from the recital, we gazed down on
Phyongyang's sea of lights. It was to be the
last time....
Next morning promised a beautiful day. The
sun rose hot and clear. The morning hours in
Korea are wonderful; nowhere else, I would
say, is sunrise so majestic. Perhaps that is why
Korea-Chosen-is called the Land of Morn-
ing Calm-clear, fresh, tranquil. And so,
the morning promised a beautiful day. Be-
sides, it was Sunday-the day of rest.
The town's awakening was quiet and peace-
ful.
And into this calm, peaceful quiet of the
Korean morning broke the news that the Li
Seung Man hirelings had invaded North-
Korean territory at dawn, and that the order
was out to throw them back across the 38th
parallel. All this was announced over the radio,
and during the day, notices issued by the Min-
istry of the Interior of the People's Democratic
Republic were posted up on the walls. People
gathered in groups to read them. Otherwise
the city was still much as it had been. Only
the lights did not go on at night.
We sat on the roof. The city was dark.
Every now and again we could hear the police-
man calling out below: a window was not
blacked out properly, or someone had struck
a match to light up.... In the darkness, the
stars burned brighter overhead. Little by little
the city settled down for the night, and only
the sound of cars, moving with lights down,
broke the stillness.
On the fifth day, June 29, at 5:30 p.m., Amer-
ican B-29's-Flying Fortresses-made their
first appearance over Phyongyang. There were
27 of them. People looked up at the sky with-
out any great apprehension, for they did not
expect Phyongyang, a peaceful city, to be at-
tacked. They did not know that that hour was
to mark the beginning of the ruthless destruc-
tion of Phyongyang, of the barbarous bombing
of peaceful communities, of the American free-
booters' savage policy of turning a flourishing
country into a wasteland.
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Black Sunday
Sunday, July 23, fully deserves the name
Black Sunday. We looked out in the morning-
clouds hung low overhead and there was a
drizzle of rain. Someone said:
"It should be quiet today...."
The words were no sooner spoken than the
drone of approaching planes was to be heard.
The sirens sounded the alert. Bombs screamed.
The air blast shook the house, windowpanes
clattered. AA-guns opened up, then stopped-
the gunners could not see their targets through
the solid cloud bank.
Korean AA-gunners are amazingly good
shots. I myself saw enemy planes hit time
and again-one of them went off listing bad-
ly, another fell to pieces in the air. The Amer-
ican airmen accordingly preferred to fly out
of range of the AA guns, which naturally af-
fected the precision of their bombing.
The raid lasted a long time. The drone of
engines, the screech of bombs, then the hurri-
cane blast of an explosion; again the drone,
again the screech, again the blast.... Unable
to see the target, the Americans took to instru-
ment-bombing or simply dropped their bombs
at random.
Time passed. At one moment it would seem
that the noise was subsiding and the air
pirates were gone.... But then came the
screaming of bombs again.... It was raining
harder now, the drops pattered loudly on the
iron roof, it was hard to sort out the sounds,
but again we thought the noise had les-
sened.... Then bombs tore down once
more.... This went on for eight hours; we
had ceased to believe that it would ever end,
that the planes would ever go away.
During one of the lulls we climbed up on
the roof. A black pall of smoke hung over the
city. Whole blocks were aflame. There were in-
jured people on the streets, the rescue crews
were out, ambulance parties darted about with
stretchers. Two children knocked at our front
door, we went down and let them in. They
seemed to be brothers; one a tiny thing, the
other a little older. They were so worn out
with crying that they could only whimper. We
did our best to soothe them, though this was
rather difficult, as none of us knew Korean.
Gradually the older boy calmed down; he
whimpered no more and talked gently to the
little one, evidently telling some story to
divert him. The little boy stopped crying too
and even smiled. Nowhere have I seen such
relations among children as in Korea. The
little Koreans "have their own unwritten code
of how older children should treat the younger
ones. They care tenderly for their smaller
brothers and sisters, feed them, play with
them charmingly, doing much to relieve the
mother....
At last the elder lad managed to comfort
his brother, and the little one went to sleep
in his arms.
Twilight fell on Phyongyang amid pillars
of smoke and clouds of dust raised by the ex-
plosions. We went to look at the damage. The
city had been deluged with bombs. They had
wrecked the unfinished new building of the
railway station and razed the whole working-
class district around-a giant plough might
have passed there. Pieces of wall were piled
on each other in grotesque confusion. Many
of the streets could no longer be distinguished.
Overturned tramcars had been flung a long
way from the tracks; tram rails stood up on
end and lampposts lay on the ground. Bomb
craters gaped in the asphalt; the roadways
were littered with pieces of mangled human
bodies and scattered household effects....
Such measureless suffering among these peo-
ple here below, and such inhuman cruelty of
those others up above-it was terrible....
The things that we saw in many different
parts of the country cannot possibly be ex-
plained away as "tragic accidents." Korean
hospitals had large canvasses marked with the
Red Cross stretched on their roofs. These huge
crosses were visible from any altitude. Perhaps
it was just because these international insignia
were so conspicuous that the American flyers
chose hospitals for their targets. I saw a
bombed hospital in Phyongyang, under the
ruins of which hundreds of sick and wounded
had perished; and besides this I saw the smok-
ing ruins of many other hospitals-in Wonsan
(Gensan), Heungnam (Konan), Nampho
(Tsinanpo), Sariwon and several other towns.
Heroic People
North Korea has quite a network of rail-
ways. Whereas the Japanese were out to build
a base for attack on the Soviet Union and were
interested only in strategic routes, the People's
Democratic Republic began to reconstruct the
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transport system to promote Korea's econom-
ic development. The mountainous nature of
the country makes it very difficult both to build
and to operate the railways. Electric traction
is extensively employed on steep gradients, as
for example, on one section of the Phyong-
yang-Wonsan railway, which runs across the
peninsula, over the Masikren mountain range.
You see no elderly railwaymen in Korea.
The entire transport system is run by young
people. Under the Japanese, Koreans were
allowed to perform only the roughest unskilled
work on the railways. But in the five years
of North Korea's independence, forces of Ko-
rean railwaymen have been trained. The rail
system passed the grim test of war and has
been working without a hitch, thanks to the
heroic Korean youth.
Nor is heroism confined to the youth. Here
is another instance. Near the town of Heung-
nam (Konan) on the shores of the Sea of
Japan, stood a large mineral fertilizer works.
I write "stood," and my heart boils with anger.
For the savage bandit bombings have de-
stroyed this factory, as they have destroyed
the greater part of the Korean people's prop-
erty. The Heungnam works was one of the
largest in the country, producing the sulphate
fertilizer that is so vital to agriculture. It had
trained skilled forces, its workers and engi-
neers made numerous inventions and did much
to rationalize and advance production. Like
other factories, it was a centre of public ac-
tivity.
Such was the Heungnam works when I
visited it the first time. How different the
second!
A few days before, seventy Flying Fort-
resses had reduced it to a pile of tangled iron
and a maze of broken walls. The ruins were
still smoking, rescue parties were still trying
to save people buried under the debris....
And of Heungnam itself, nothing whatever re-
mained-nothing but a scorched patch of earth
and small heaps of rubble. The cranes in the
port were mangled, the very fish in the water
were dead.... Yes, it was a scene of death.
Some of the survivors wandered like shad-
ows among this devastation. But others were
working to clear the wreckage.... American
planes came over again-not Fortresses this
time, but fighter-bombers with machine guns
going full-blast.... Once they came, and a'
second time.... But the people went on with
their work-nothing could terrorize them.
Another instance still-something that hap-
pened in July in the town of Hamheung, fifteen
kilometres from Heungnam. Hamheung stands
on the Sonchongang River. Near its source in
the mountains, the turbulent stream has been
harnessed for hydroelectric power; then it
flows on through the valley, bringing moisture
to the thirsty rice fields. By the time it gets to
Hamheung it is very wide, and a long railway
bridge spans it here.
That day in July, an American plane made
this bridge its target. From bank to bank, the
bombs came crashing down. Two bridge-spans
and one of the piers-the second from the right
bank-were smashed to smithereens. But this
bridge was vital to railway traffic between the
northern industrial area and the south. Any
interruption might affect the supplies of the
fighting forces. The damage must be repaired
without delay!-the Party of Labour called,
and all the people in the Hamheung area re-
sponded. Men, women, old folk and children-
over 3,000 people in all-turned out for the
repair job. The river's swift flow was dammed
back with sand bags while a pier of wooden
logs was erected. Day and night they worked,
by torchlight when it got dark-and in three
days' time, traffic over the bridge was resumed.
I travelled over it myself several times. The
trains moved slowly, the logs creaked under
their weight, and no doubt the driver heaved
a sigh of relief when the last car was safely
across. But the trains were running, and that
was the main thing.
The heroic effort of the Korean men and
women who rebuilt it seemed to have given
this bridge a charmed life. The Americans
bombed it time and time again, but without
effect. I was there in August, and again in
September. Everything around was hideously
mutilated, but the bridge remained intact. And
when the air bandits saw this, they vented their
spite in murdering children bathing and wom-
en washing clothes up the river, a long way
from the bridge. The bridge, they realized, was
invulnerable.
(To be concluded)
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Paris Impressions
Notes of a Film Producer
M. CHIAURELI
L AST DECEMBER the France-U.S.S.R. As-
sociation invited a delegation of Soviet in-
tellectuals to visit France and take part in
the Franco-Soviet Friendship Month.
By the time the Soviet delegation, headed
by Academician Nesmeyanov, rector of the
University of Moscow, arrived in France after
surmounting countless obstacles in the matter
of visas, the Month was nearly over. How-
ever, the cordial welcome we were given on
French soil quickly dispelled the understand-
able feeling of resentment evoked by the
actions of the Paris authorities.
The Franco-Soviet Friendship Month was a
striking demonstration of the deep and unfail-
ing sympathy which the ordinary people of
France cherish for the Soviet people. The mem-
bers of the France-U.S.S.R. Association come
from all sections of the nation. True French-
men and ardent patriots, they repose great
hopes in friendship between France and the
U.S.S.R. and bring the truth about the Soviet
Union to the masses, explaining its peaceful
aspirations and giving a true picture of the
Soviet people's tremendous achievements in
economy and culture.
Thanks to the Association, tens of thousands
of French men and women are receiving cor-
rect information about the life of the Soviet
people, and are getting to know their liter-
ature and art. The Association arranges talks
and lectures about the Soviet Union, pub-
lishes books and magazines, holds exhibitions,
concerts and demonstrations of Soviet films.
All this activity knocks great holes in the iron
curtain of malicious lies with which the pres-
ent rulers of France and their American task-
masters want to shut the French people off
from the land of Socialism.
Inviolable friendship between our two peo-
ples was the watchword of the congress of the
France-U.S.S.R. Association, which met in
Paris. The welcome accorded the Soviet del-,
egates was unforgettable. And the stormy ova-
tions that rocked the hall whenever a speaker
mentioned the name of Comrade Stalin, the
touching expressions of love and gratitude to
the Soviet people for saving the world from the
Nazi plague, were eloquent testimony that
American propaganda is powerless to make
the French people hostile to the Soviet Union.
"Long live peace!" "Long live friendship
with the Soviet Union!" "Long live the great
Stalin ["-echoed and re-echoed through the
hall.
In the right-hand corner sat a delegation
from one of the northwestern departments.
The women were dressed in picturesque local
costumes, the men wore the traditional red
caps. Colourful too were the costumes worn by
women delegates from the department of
Hautes-Pyrenees, who, we were told, had
worked hard all the previous summer on vege-
table plots planted for the express purpose of
raising money for the trip to Paris to attend
the congress.
From the rostrum of the congress, the finest
men and women of France voiced the senti-
ments of the French people.
"The real France is true to its friendship
with the Soviet Union, and that is the best
guarantee of peace," said Marcel Cachin, vete-
ran Communist Party leader.
"You don't have to be a Communist to be
a friend of the Soviet Union," Pierre Debray,
the Catholic writer, declared.
Fanalette Janneau, a peasant woman, said
that never will Frenchmen take up arms
against the heroes of Stalingrad.
Our Soviet film "The Fall of Berlin" was
shown in Paris during the Friendship Month.
The French authorities had not permitted the
picture to be released, but that had made the
public only the more anxious to see it. The
huge Mutualite hall where the film was to be
demonstrated was filled to overflowing. The
showing was preceded by an introductory talk
about Soviet cinematic art. Then the lights
went down, but no sooner had the opening
shots of the film been flashed on to the screen
than the police appeared and ordered the
showing to stop on the grounds that no official
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No.4 N E W
permit had been issued for the picture's re-
lease in France-although the law permits
the private showing of such films. Only upon
the unanimous protest of the audience and the
assurance on the part of the organizers that
the film would not be shown in full did the
police withdraw.
Incidentally, the leaders of the Association
found an ingenious way of compensating for
the mutilation of the film by the censorship:
they inserted explanatory titles in the spots
that had been censored out. For example, in
Part I after Alexei Ivanov and the factory
director leave for Moscow at the invitation of
Comrade Stalin came the subtitle:
"Here Stalin receives the ordinary steelworker
and has a friendly talk with him, but on the insist-
ence of the censors this section has been omitted."
And in place of the deleted section at the
Yalta Conference:
"Here Stalin demands from the Allies guarantees
of peace and security for the peoples, but this scene
has been deleted by the censors."
It is difficult to describe the storm of pro=
test and indignation in the hall when the de-
letions began. Still, with the help of the cap-
tions the audience was able to follow the ac-
tion and understand what was happening.
Each appearance of Comrade Stalin on the
screen was greeted with fervent ovations.
The other Soviet pictures shown during the
Month, "The Third Blow," "Kuban Cossacks,"
"Men of Courage," and "A Forest tale," were
likewise highly successful. The progressive
French press printed enthusiastic reviews of
them. The reactionary papers as usual either
tried to ignore them or showered them with
abuse. Curiously enough, however, the very
same bourgeois reviewers who disparage our
films in the columns of the yellow press rush
to see every Soviet picture that happens to be
shown in France.
As an art worker I was naturally interested
in the position of my French colleagues. I must
say that acquaintance with the cultural life
in bourgeois France today makes a depressing
impression on the Soviet visitor.
The indifference of the powers that be to-
ward genuine art and the resounding publicity
given to nonentities who pander to the lowest
T I M E S 1951
tastes are evidence of the spiritual devastation
that the American "benefactors" are bringing
Western Europe.
I visited the art gallery where the works of
Rodin, France's greatest sculptor, are ex-
hibited. It was impossible, however, to view
all of his work: the premises are so cold and
gloomy that you simply cannot remain there
for any length of time.
"We are poor, we have very few visitors,"
the attendant explained.
If few people visit the Rodin Gallery, that
is again the fault of those who are trying to
divorce art from life, from the people, those
who in place of the lofty ideas of democracy,
freedom and peace that nourish true art are
preaching obscurantism, savagery and moral
corruption, degrading art by being accessories
of capitalism in its preparations for another
destructive war.
I saw the cafe where the "existentialists,"
those cosmopolitan aesthetes, foregather. It is
in the very heart of Paris, the reactionary
press is full of the doings of its habitues, and
their delirious writings are given blaring pub=
licity, while true, humane, realistic art is ne-
glected.
The "existentialists"-the followers of
Sartre--and other proponents of fascist-
minded cosmopolitanism, have no homeland.
for the interests of the land of their birth are
alien to them. These outcasts can only pile up
their ill-gotten gains, considering this the be-
all and end-all of life, or squander them in
dissipation to kill the years of their pointless,
futile existence. They are like the sparrows
who point their tails impudently skywards
with their beaks stuck in the dung on which
they feed.
It is evil-smelling, noxious spiritual pabu-
lum that the cinema, the radio and the press
serve up to the French people. Nearly 75 per
cent of the films shown on the French screen
are American gangster, pornographic, or
frankly fascist pictures. And in the meantime
the French cinema is falling into decline, un-
able to compete with the American trash
which enjoys the encouragement of the Mar-
shallized authorities.
At the beginning of last year the American
film magnates, out to get the French cinema
completely under their thumb and ensure the
undivided domination of Hollywood in France,
imposed on the French film industry what they
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1951 N E W
call "Joint Franco-American film production,"
which, like all other forms of "co-operation"
between the U.S.A. and France, has turned
out in practice to be a flagrant violation of
French interests. French actors, producers and
technicians have simply been left without
work to do, and the "co-operation" simply
amounts to the use of French film studios and
properties for the shooting of American
movies. Script-writers, actors (including those
featured in leading roles), producers and
technicians are all brought over from the
United States. One of the provisions of the
arrangement is that each picture is made in
two versions, French and English; but Amer-
icans are cast in the French versions as well,
and as a result, French cinema workers do
not take part even in the shooting of films
destined for the French screen.
The censorship in France is perhaps as
much an enemy of the French cinema as the
American producers are. While readily issuing
licenses for American films, it savagely sup-
presses everything progressive and honest in
French cinematography.
Soviet film-goers saw "The Battle of the
Railways," which gives a faithful picture of
the French patriots' heroic struggle against
the fascist invaders; but few people in France
saw it. "The Man We Love Best," a poetic
record of the love that the working people of
France bear the great leader and teacher of
toiling humanity, was banned by the censors,
as was "Battle for Life," a film about the
First World Peace Congress in Paris. Among
the many other films banned were "1848," put
out for the centenary of the 1848 revolution,
and "They Rose Before Daybreak," about the
struggle of the Spanish people for their in-
dependence.
Progressive film workers and their trade
union are putting up a vigorous fight against
the censors' tyranny. The infamous actions of
the censorship authorities are the subject of
indignant articles in the progressive press and
of interpellations by Communist deputies in
parliament. The ordinary film-goer, sick to
death of the American trash, also has his say
on this score. Outside cinemas with dazzling
advertisements of American "hits" I saw
posters with fiery protests against the flood of
imported tripe, and appeals for the promotion
of French films.
American ideological aggression in France
is not confined to the cinema. Lying prop-
aganda about the American way of life, which
is utterly repellent to honest French men and
women who want to see their country free
and independent, is dinned into the ears of
radio-listeners on all wave lengths.
In broadcasting, as in the cinema, progres-
sive elements are being hounded at the bid-
ding of the American imperialists.
Not long ago Jean Vidal, one of the most
popular radio reporters in Paris, lost his job.
The circumstances of his dismissal are note-
worthy. Vidal arranged a program about the
demonstration in the High Commission for
Atomic Energy of the film "Life Begins Tomor-
row," made by Nicole Vedres and Andre La-
barthe. The broadcast consisted of brief state-
ments by Mme. Vedres and Labarthe and the
comments of four employees of the Commis-
sion who had viewed the picture.
"Life Begins Tomorrow" treats of famous
men of France. The different parts of it are by
no means of equal merit as regards their con-
tent. The film gives equal prominence to the
"philosopher" Jean-Paul Sartre and the out-
standing peace champion, the artist Pablo
Picasso, to the mediocre reactionary writer
Andre Gide and the famous progressive sci-
entists Frederic and Irene Joliot-Curie. How-
ever, it poses the question: is creative work of
any kind possible under the threat of the atom
bomb? And it shows what awaits mankind if
the threat to employ the bomb should be car-
ried out.
In his broadcast Vidal interviewed Andre
Labarthe, co-author of and actor in the film-
though, incidentally, before the program went
on the air, Vidal's chiefs cut Labarthe's state-
ment, ostensibly in order to shorten the broad-
cast from five to three and a half minutes.
What did Labarthe say to his listeners? He
told them that his film was not about politics,
that it was about peace and science.
What did the four spectators say? That the
film is an appeal to all workers in science to
unite in the interests of peace; they spoke
about the indignation aroused by the govern.
ment's decision to remove Professor Joliot-
Curie from his post as High Commissioner for
Atomic Energy, and said that they continued
to consider Joliot-Curie their chief.
They said what they thought, and they
thought what millions of other French people
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No.4 N E W
1951
who do not want war and are demanding the
outlawing of the atom bomb are thinking.
But this was enough to alarm the reaction-
aries and obscurantists in the Paris radio.
One of them, Vasseur, publicly admonished
Vidal thus:
"You ought not to have brought spectators in.
Peace is a subject of Communist propaganda, and
Communist propaganda cannot be tolerated on the
radio. To speak of peace is to fling a challenge to
the government."
These frankly cynical words actually re-
quire no comment, but there is one colourful
sidelight I should like to mention: Vidal's
broadcast was given in the program "Paris
Speaking," which is beamed to America. Evi-
dently it was an irate reprimand from that
quarter that set the Paris reprisal machine in
motion, and Jean Vidal found himself without
a job.
It was painful for us to witness such out-
rages against the national dignity of the
French, in whose country the American im-
perialists are trying to behave like conquerors.
In an effort to suppress all true French
thought, the overseas businessmen are seizing
control of both the publication and sale of
literature and flooding the French book market
with trash. Countless "digests" crammed with
American propaganda are being put out in
France with American money. To the "Read-
er's Digest," "Sport Digest, "Catholic
Digest," and numerous others, one more
was recently added-the "Family Digest." It
is, so it says, "a publication intended for
the family, a happy, healthy, purely French,
pleasant and useful publication." But the
only thing it could do to prove its "purely
French" origin was to proclaim the notorious
Vichy slogan, "work, family and country,"
which the Petain crew advanced with the
blessing of Hitler and invested with a pro-
foundly reactionary meaning. Thus are the
reactionary "ideas" of the fascist occupation
period being revived today in Marshallized
France, this time in an American version.
But there is another France, the true, coura-
geous, freedom-loving France; there is the
great French people, loyal to the glorious tra-
ditions of the Paris Commune, firmly resolved
to fight for the independence of its homeland,
for the triumph of progress and democracy,
for world peace. And it is to this France that
the future belongs.
Story of Sfruggle and Victory
THE AUTHOR of "China Victorious," a Rus-
sian translation of which appeared recently,
is an Austrian progressive who spent a num-
ber of years in China and took part in the anti-
imperialist liberation struggle of its heroic peo-
ple. Jensen dedicates his book "to the millions
of men and women fighting for China's free-
dom." His account was completed a few
months before the history-making victory of the
Chinese people and the birth of the Chinese
People's Republic. Permeated with the fervour
Fritz Jensen. China siegt. Vienna, 1949.
Russian translation, Moscow, 1950.
of revolutionary struggle, the book traces the
principal stages in the people's revolution and
exposes the terrorist regime of the Kuomintang
clique and the machinations of the imperialists.
Despite some shortcomings, "China Vic-
torious" is a valuable addition to literature on
the new China.
Jensen was born in Austria and is a phy-
sician by profession. He came to China in 1939
with a background of three years of anti-fascist
struggle in the ranks of the International Bri-
gades in Republican Spain.
"In spite of my... practical experience in polit-
ical struggle on my native continent, I was still
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1951. N _E W
weighed down by some of the prejudices of the
'educated European,' " the author writes. "I re-
garded my mission to China as that of the dis-
penser of knowledge, teacher and enlightener; I
thought I knew what I had left behind and what
I could expect here. Only gradually, through in-
tense work, did I change from 'adviser'-the ca-
pacity in which I had come to China-to pupil.
And I remained a pupil for several years before
I could become useful in at least a modest
measure." (P. 27.)
Comparing the capitalist jungle of Western
Europe with the new China, Jensen came to
see that it is the labouring masses, raised to
political maturity in the struggle for independ-
ence and true democracy, that are the creator
of a genuine human culture.
..In the liberated areas, the areas of the Com-
munist Party and Mao Tse-tung, I found the peo-
ple of our own future: millions of workers,
peasants and soldiers who, in spite of the material
want still to be overcome, were united by such a
high level of political consciousness that compared
with them the entire mode of life of the European
bourgeoisie and its fellow travellers from the labour
aristocracy-a life externally comfortable and se-
cure yet so utterly hopeless-seems like the darkest
Middle Ages." (P. 27.)
The people of the liberated areas, Jensen
found, had not the slightest doubt about the
nature of imperialism:
"The soldiers of the People's Liberation Army
know what they are fighting for, and they are fully
aware that their struggle is closely linked with
the struggle of the workers of Europe and Amer-
ica. In this respect they belong to the most pro-
gressive forces of the world.... They are the brothers
of the workers and peasants who built up the
European People's Democracies." (P. 36.)
The Chinese people are inspired and edu-
cated by the Communist Party, which springs
from the midst of the people and has
supreme faith in their revolutionary powers.
The People's Liberation Army grew into a
formidable adversary of imperialism and
Chinese reaction, winning the unbounded love
and confidence of China's population. Every-
where the behaviour of its soldiers showed that
they are fully aware of their political respon-
sibility and the identity of their interests with
the interests of all working people.
The P.L.A. did not have to resort to mobi-
lization to augment its numbers. The peasants
flocked to its banners, knowing that in its
ranks they would be defending their own vital
interests. Nor did the P.L.A. have to turn to
other countries for help. The population of the
liberated areas voluntarily supplied it with
food and clothing, and armaments it captured
from the enemy.
"We are scoring our victories without outside
military aid. We have achieved great successes and
are winning because the strength and support of
the entire Chinese people are on our side,"
Chou En-lai told foreign correspondents at a
press conference in February 1947. (P. 184.)
Jensen quotes the following eight rules gov-
erning the behaviour of soldiers toward the
civilian population:
"1. If you remove a door from a peasant's home
to use for a bed, put it back before you leave
the village.
"2. Before leaving, tie up the straw you slept
on and put it back where you took it from. Put
everything you may take back into its place. Sweep
the floor before you leave.
"3. Be modest, truthful and friendly.
"4. No requisitioning. Pay at market prices for
everything you buy.
"5. If you borrow anything, return it.
"6. If you cause some damage, compensate
for it.
"7. Do not dirty the village.
"8. Do not annoy women." (P. 175.)'
Whereas in the liberated areas the peasants,
workers and intellectuals took over the admin-
istration of the state and became the masters
of their own lives, in the Kuomintang-con-
trolled territory the workers and peasants, that
is, the bulk of the population, remained down-
trodden slaves.
Ruinous rents, landlord usury, crushing
taxes and outright extortion by Kuomintang
officials reduced the peasantry to a state of ab-
ject poverty. Peasants died by the million from
hunger and disease. As for the Kuomintang
army, it was founded on a system of forcible
mobilization, with slave traders trafficking in
men irrespective of whether they were fit for
military service or not; the recruits were put
in irons and otherwise brutally treated, and
a large number died even before they reached
training camp.
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1951
Describing the appalling social conditions
and the monstrous corruption that was rife
throughout the Kuomintang military and gov-
ernmental machine, Jensen shows how the
Communist Party became the rallying centre
for patriots in Chiang Kai-shek's rear. It was
the organizer of the united national front of
the entire Chinese people.
s s s
Chiang Kai-shek worked out his strategy
and tactics in the civil war with the direct
assistance of such a prominent representative
of the American military clique and Washing-
ton ruling circles as General Marshall, the
present U.S. Secretary of Defence. Marshall
came to China as a special representative of
President Truman shortly after the surrender of
Japan. In the performance of his mission k e
was assisted by U.S. Ambassador Hurley and
General Wedemeyer. In organizing aid to the
Kuomintang regime which had rotted to the
core, they
"assumed the role of proponents of the American
postwar policy. It was part of that policy to em-
ploy any feudal dictator to serve as agent of the
huge commercial concern which is the imperialist
camp." (P. 131.)
The Washington diplomatists and strategists
screened their far-reaching expansionist plans
with hypocritical protestations of their desire
to put an end to the civil war in China and
effect a "reconciliation" between Chiang Kai-
shek and the Communists. And General Mar-
shall was sent to China at that time to play
this part of "peacemaker" and "mediator."
The practical purpose of these manoeuvres
was to gain time for military preparations. The
idea was to complete the reorganization of the
Kuomintang army, under the direction of
American instructors, and move it, on Amer-
ican transport facilities, to advantageous bat-
tle positions. All told, nineteen armies were
carried by American ships and aircraft to the
North and Northeast and to Manchuria. The
plan was to throw a tight ring around the
liberated areas. With U.S. aid Chiang Kai-shek
had thus secured great numerical superiority
over the P.L.A., and his army was supplied
with American arms, in addition to the
weapons it received after Japan's surrender.
In July 1946 Chiang Kai-shek, with the as-
sistance of a staff of American advisers and
the American troops which had occupied
Tsingtao and Tientsin, launched his offensive.
But already by the beginning of 1947 the
P.L.A. began to strike back and soon it halted
the Kuomintang drive all along the front. The
strategic objectives which General Marshall
had set Chiang Kai-shek were not achieved. In
the summer of 1947 the P.L.A. mounted a
counteroffensive that smashed the Kuomintang
"fortress" and buried Washington's plans un-
der the ruins. The policy of the Communist
Party, the strategy and tactics of the People's
Liberation Army brought the people of China,
complete victory over the enemy, thereby,
thwarting the designs of the American monop-
olies, which sought to establish their undi-
vided domination over this vast country and
turn it into a colony of the dollar and a stra-
tegic springboard for the preparation of a new
world war.
As we have already said, Jensen's book is
not free of flaws. Its main shortcomings are
the following:
In discussing feudal relations in China, the
author approaches the question too narrowly
when he explains the persistent and stagnant
nature of these relations by the geographic
factor and overlooks the fundamental economic
and political factors. He even loses sight of the
fact that in the last hundred-odd years feudal
relations in China were preserved and sus-
tained by the foreign colonial powers, which
resorted to every means, force included, to
prevent China's progress.
Jensen also fails to see so important a fact
as the development of capitalism in China.
True enough, Chinese capitalism came into
being in the specific conditions of semi-colonial
subjugation, but for all that capitalist relation-
ships had already taken shape in the latter
part of last century. This is of cardinal impor-
tance, for it helped to undermine feudal rela-
tionships and accelerated the development of
the struggle waged by the peasant masses.
The prime factor, of course, was the appear-
ance of a working class, which gave leadership
to the peasantry, became the hegemon of the
national-liberation movement and ensured the
victory of the great Chinese people's revolu-
tion. The triumph of people's democracy in
China is a fitting culmination of the bitter but
glorious fight of the masses for independence,
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1951 N E W T I M E S
for the overthrow of the foreign yoke and the
abolition of the chains of feudal exploitation.
Lenin's brilliant prediction that "the trans-
formation of the old Chinese riots into a
conscious democratic movement is inevitable,"
came true. The working class was able to
unite the basic, predominant forces of the na-
tion-the peasantry, urban working people and
the petty and middle bourgeoisie, all of whom
suffered from the oppression of foreign capital-
ists and the feudal exploiters.
Although he gives a correct and vivid pic-
ture of America's imperialist policy in China,
Jensen does not lay sufficient emphasis on the
fact that the American imperialists have always
been the worst enemies of the Chinese people.
And yet this circumstance is of particular sig-
nificance at the present time, when predatory
American imperialism is seeking to camouflage
its criminal plans of aggression by the old
claim that the Wall Street magnates "are not
interested" in exploiting the Far Eastern coun-
tries, a claim which the American colonial in-
terests have used for more than a century to
conceal their efforts to establish themselves as
the sole masters of China.
These shortcomings, however, 'do not nullify
the merits of Jensen's book, which con-
tains a wealth of factual data characterizing
the policy, strategy and tactics of the Commu-
nist Party of China at the various stages of
its struggle and its vast constructive activity.
The value of Jensen's book lies first and
foremost in the fact that it is the testimony of
a participant in the historical events described,
events that culminated in the complete failure
of the "anti-Communist crusade" in Asia, the
defeat of Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary, fas-
cist clique, and the collapse of American policy
as a whole in China and throughout the Far
East. Under the leadership of the Communist
Party, the people of China have done away
once and for all with the yoke of imperialism
and made their country a bulwark of democ-
racy and progress in Asia.
The lessons to be drawn from the events in
China are timely indeed. For not only
the reactionary comprador bourgeoisie of the
colonial and dependent countries whose peo-
ples have risen to fight for freedom and in-
dependence, but also the ruling circles of the
metropolitan countries of Europe have, like
Chiang Kai-shek, pinned their hopes on Amer-
ican imperialism. After the second world war,
the forces of peace and democracy clashed with
the forces of imperialism on the vast expanses
of China, with the Kuomintang armies serving
as American mercenaries and carrying out
plans drawn up in Washington. The flames of
civil war in China were fanned by the Wall
Street moguls, their aim was to strangle the
people's revolution and turn Asia's greatest
country into an American colony.
The book ends with the spring of 1949, when
the People's Liberation Army redeemed Peking
and Tientsin and only a few months remained
until the great day-October 1, 1949-when
the Chinese People's Republic was proclaimed.
The victory of the Chinese people has been
a source of inspiration for all the oppressed
peoples of Asia, who are waging a struggle for
freedom and independence, against imperial-
ism. China's example shows them that if their
struggle is to succeed, all the national forces
must be united under the leadership of the
working class, the most progressive class of
modern society, headed by the Communist
Party, the most consistent and steadfast cham-
pion of the people's interests.
The heroic fighters and builders of dem-
ocratic China, Jensen writes,
"hold a forward outpost in the vanguard of the
democratic world. ... They are Asia's people of the
future. They are the focal point of the revolution
that has stirred a billion men and women in the
colonies and semi-feudal countries of their conti-
nent." (Pp. 36-37.)
Speaking of the machinations of the Amer-
ican imperialists in Asia and the help they are
rendering the feudal, comprador elements of
Indo-China, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philip-
pines, etc., Jensen points out that the struggle
of the peoples of these countries against the
forces of reaction
"is at different stages of political development, but
they all are following the same path, the path of
people's democracy in China." (P. 267.)
Mao Tse-tung, analyzing the roots of the
military and political fiasco that overtook
Chiang Kai-shek and American imperialism in
China, said in one of his speeches:
"When the reactionary Chiang Kai-shek
clique unleashed in 1946 civil war against
the people throughout the country, it em-
barked on this gamble ... mainly because it
relied on the support of American imperial-
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No.4 N E W
ism, considering the latter extraordinarily
powerful, equalled by none in the world,
inasmuch as it possessed the atom bomb....
This clique harboured insensate hopes of the
'inevitability of a Soviet-American war' and
the 'inevitability of a third world war.'
"After the second world war, this depend-
ence on American imperialism has become
a common feature of the reactionary forces
in all countries....
"However, is postwar American imperial-
ism really so powerful as Chiang Kai-shek
and the reactionaries in the various other
countries imagine? Can Chiang Kai-shek
and the reactionaries of the various coun-
tries really expect unlimited aid from Amer-
ican imperialism? By no means.... The
might of the U.S.A. is of a superficial and
transitory character. American imperialism
is sitting on a volcano of crisis which threat-
ens to erupt at any moment. This compelled
the American imperialists to draw up a plan
T I M E S 1951
for the enslavement of the entire world, and
they are now tearing about like wild beasts
in Europe, Asia and other parts of the globe,
collecting reactionary forces, the scum cast
out by the peoples....
"The international anti-imperialist camp
is stronger than the imperialist camp. We,
not the enemy, have the advantage..:
'(Pp. 273-74.)
These words from Comrade Mao Tse-tung's
report to the Central Committee of the Com-
munist Party of China on December 25, 1947,
carry a redoubled impact today.
Events in Asia and Europe show that the
arrogant claimants to world dominion have
everywhere earned the hatred of the peoples,
who are firmly resolved to fight against the
instigators of a new war, for world peace.
The Chinese People's Republic, which has
entered into fraternal alliance with the Soviet
Union, has become a mighty peace factor in
Asia.
FROM THE EDITORIAL LETTER BOX
The Canadian Sector`- of the Peace Front
"IT IS OUR ardent wish that Canada and the
Soviet Union may be on the same side-the
side of world peace." This was the keynote of
the Canadian-Soviet Friendship Month which
opened in the early part of last November, and
it expressed the sentiment of thousands of or-
dinary Canadians.
Our Society had to cope with many difficul-
ties in arranging the event. The big dailies and
the broadcasting stations surrounded our work
with a conspiracy of silence. Our modest funds
did not even permit us to advertise the planned
lectures, talks and meetings. High railway
fares ruled out a national tour to make ar-
rangements for the Month. Our country, as you
know, is a large one.
All the same, the Month was a success. Some
thirty public meetings were held. Over six
thousand people signed or approved a Letter
to the People of Stalingrad. Thousands saw the
films and visited the exhibitions illustrating
Soviet life, art, industry, agriculture and
science. In some towns the meetings were so
large that big theatres had to be hired for them.
In the prairie provinces farmers and miners
travelled many miles in the bitter frost to at-
tend gatherings. Special meetings were ar-
ranged for women, youth and students. Books
and magazines about the Soviet Union sold
like hot cakes at all the meetings. There was a
particularly big demand for Soviet works of
fiction.
Before the Friendship Month our Society
had only three local committees. By mid-De-
cember about twenty groups had been formed.
Furthermore we obtained over 500 new sub-
scribers in the four weeks to the Society's small
bulletin, News-Facts.
All this is very significant in a country like
Canada, where the government, the radio,
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19'51 N E W
press, cinema and church are lashing up war
hysteria and conducting a campaign of vili-
fication against the Soviet Union, and where
"emergency measures" in the American style
threaten all who fight for peace or who desire
peace. This is because ours is a Society of
ordinary Canadians.
The Letter to the People of Stalingrad says:
"We who sign this letter are not great
people. We are ordinary Canadians, writ-
ing to you ordinary citizens of Stalingrad.
Believe us ... we have no wish to see you
and your families blown to dust with atomic
bombs, any more than we ourselves want to
suffer that fate!"
The old National Council for Canadian-
Soviet Friendship was at one time patronized
by prominent members of the Canadian bour-
geoisie. These distinguished "friends" have
long ago ceased to favour co-operation with
the Soviet Union. In December 1949, the Coun-
cil decided to form a society of friendship with
the Soviet Union in which ordinary Canadians
would take part. The idea found a response
among workers, farmers and progressive mem-
bers of the middle classes.
January 14
The Viet-Nam People's Army
launches an offensive on a 120-130
km. front. Fighting is in progress
northwest and northeast of Hanoi.
40,000 women in Hankow (Chi-
nese People's Republic) demon-
strate in defence of world peace.
January 15
The High Command of the Ko-
rean People's Army issues a com-
muniqud summarizing the results
of the New Year offensive. 13,009
American, British and Li Seung
Man troops were killed, wounded
or captured in Central Korea.
Breaching the enemy's defences at
numerous points and advancing at
the rate of 15 km. a day, the Peo-
ple's Army and the Chinese volun-
teer detachments surrounded and
mopped up the enemy forces in
Munsan (Bunsan), Yijonbu (Gisei-
fu), Kaphen (Kahee) and Chhun-
T I M E S No.4
Canada is rife with unscrupulous fabrica-
tions about the Soviet Union. The truth about
the land of Socialism is practically boycotted
by the press. But the Canadian people are
deeply interested in the life of their great
neighbour.
The decisive thing for the Canadian masses
is that the Soviet Union is the most deter-
mined, the strongest and most reliable cham-
pion of world peace.
This truth is shaking the foundations of anti-
Soviet propaganda.
Of course, it will take a great deal of work
before the Canadian-Soviet Friendship Society
can down the anti-Soviet lies and slanders
spread by the warmongers and their abettors
in Canada. But the motto "friendship with the
Soviet Union means peace and prosperity" is
now re-echoing through Canada and finding a
response among the masses. This too is one of
the sectors of the great peace front.
Ottawa
January, 1951
CHRONICLE OF
INTERNATIONAL
EVENTS
January 1951
chhon (Sunsen). Giving pursuit to
the enemy, the People's Army and
Chinese volunteers liberated Seoul
and numerous other cities, air-
dromes and seaports. Extensive
booty was captured.
Chancellor" Adenauer of West-
ern Germany rejects the proposals
of Prime Minister Grotewohl of the
German Democratic Republic, de-
signed to promote the establishment
of German unity.
In his budget message to Con-
gress, Truman demands a budget
of 71.6 billion dollars for the 1951-52
Dyson Carter
President, Canadian-Soviet
Friendship Society
fiscal year, admitting that near-
ly 69 per cent of this sum is as-
signed for military purposes.
American planes again violate
China's air frontiers at several
points.
A big peace meeting in Chicago
is addressed by delegates returned
from the Second World Peace Con-
gress in Warsaw. The meeting ap-
proves a program of action provid-
ing for a popular ballot on major
peace issues to be arranged in
Chicago.
By 36 votes to 5, the State Senate
of North Dakota (U.S.A.) passes
a resolution demanding that Con-
gress and Truman order U.S.
troops to withdraw from Korea im-
mediately.
The Italian Council of Ministers
threatens "severe administrative
and judicial action" against all
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No. 4
persons who protest against Gen-
eral Eisenhower's visit to Italy.
January 16,
Following up their successes in
all sectors of the front, the Korean
People's Army and Chinese volun-
teers continue to deal the enemy
telling blows,
January 17
Foreign Minister Chou En-lai of
the Chinese People's Republic sends
the United Nations his reply to the
proposals of the "three-man cease-
fire commission" for Korea. Chou
En-lai's reply contains four pro-
posals: withdrawal of all foreign
troops from Korea, withdrawal of
U.S. armed forces from Taiwan, es-
tablishment of the legitimate sta-
tus of the Chinese People's Re-
public in the United Nations, and
convocation of a seven-nation con-
ference to adjust the Korean and
other Asian problems.
General Eisenhower arrives in
Rome. Protest strikes and demon-
strations are held throughout Italy.
The Kekkonen Cabinet in Finland
is reconstructed to include 7 Social-
Democrats.
William Rogers Herod of the
U.S.A. (President of the Interna-
tional General Electric Company)
is appointed "Production Co-or-
dinator" of the North-Atlantic alli-
ance.
January 18
The Soviet press announces com-
pletion of the transfer to the Cen-
tral People's Government of the
Chinese People's Republic of the
property temporarily administered
or leased by the Soviet Union in
the town of Dalny, as well as of
the property acquired by Soviet
economic organizations from Jap-
anese owners in Manchuria and of
all the buildings in the former mili-
tary compound in Peking. This
transfer, made without compensa-
tion, was provided for in the agree-
ment of February 14, 1950, on the
Chinese Changchun Railway, Port
Arthur and Dalny.
The Korean People's Army con-
ducts active operations on all
fronts.
For "security" reasons, the U.S.
military authorities cease publica-
tion of any communiques on the
fighting in Korea.
January 20
A. Y. Vyshinsky, Minister of
Foreign Affairs of the U.S.S.R., pre-
sents to French Ambassador Cha-
taigneau the Soviet reply to the
French note of January 5, 1951. The
reply again calls the French gov-
ernment's attention to the need for
it to observe the Franco-Soviet
Treaty of Alliance and Mutual As-
sistance of December 10, 1944.
U.S.S.R. Foreign Minister
A. Y. Vyshinsky presents to British
Charge d'Affaires Nicholls the Soviet
reply to the British note of Janu-
ary 5, 1951. The reply again calls
1931
the British government's attention
to the need for it to
observe
the
British-Soviet
Treaty
of May
26,
1942.
January 21
The Soviet people and the whole
of progressive humanity observe
the 27th anniversary of the death
of V. I. Lenin, founder of the So-
viet state and the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks),
leader and teacher of the working
people of all lands.
The first Czechoslovak Peace
Congress, opened on January 20,
ends in Prague.
The 29th Congress of the Socialist
Party of Italy, in session since
January 17, concludes in Bologna.
January 22
The third Congress of the Ger-
man-Soviet Friendship Society,
which opened in Berlin on January
20, concludes its proceedings. The
Congress issued a manifesto to
the people of Germany, adopted a
new constitution and elected a new
Executive. Friedrich Ebert, Ober-
burgermeister of Greater Berlin,
was re-elected President of the So-
ciety.
The Korean People's Army forces
advancing in the Kanwong province.
on Yonwol (Neietsu) rout the en-
emy troops and free this important
communications hub and the sur-
rounding area.
12 Kalashny Pereulok, Arbat, Moscow, U.S.S.R.
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1950 U.S.S.R. Art Exhibition
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