THE ENCLOSED ISSUE OF RCDA, NOS. 10, 11 AND 12, CONCLUDE VOLUME XX (1981). NOS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 97
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 5, 2007
• Sequence Number: 67
• Publication Date: September 1, 1982
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
Published monthly by
RESEARCH CENTER FOR RELIGION AND
HUMAN RIGHTS IN CLOSED SOCIETIES
reliGion i,i comet nsr
oosnna eo areas
RCD
Blahoslav S. Hrub}-
Executive Director and Editor
475 RIVERSIDE DRIVE
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10027, USA
September 1982
The enclosed issue of RCDA, Nos. 10, 11 and 12, conclude Volume XX (1981). Nos.
1, 2 and 3 of V. XXI and Index to V. XIX are now in the press and will be mailed in
November. We hope that during the first half of 1983 we shall be able to resume a
regular schedule of publication.
As most small periodicals, we are particularly vulnerable to the inflation and
its consequences which have been the major cause of delays in the publication of
RCDA. Moreover, we have been overwhelmed recently by the influx of documenta-
tion on violations of human rights in the Soviet orbit where the situation is deterior-
ating rapidly. It would be unrealistic to expect any spontaneous improvement; the
only hope is in planned, systematic actions of the Free World. We are encouraged
especially by the interest expressed by certain members of Congress in the issues
of human rights and religious freedom in closed societies. In July we had the honor
and privilege to testify before the Congressional Subcommittee on Human Rights and
International Organizations whose Chairman, Representative Don Bonker, is very
attentive to these problems and determined to take action. In our opinion, this should
be done in the form of defense of the persecuted as well as by offering captive nations
authentic information and ideological alternatives to the monopolistic dogma of Marxism.
In this conjunction we should like to call your attention to a discussion of Rep.
John Le Boutillier with Alexander Solzhenitsyn concerning U. S. broadcast to the
USSR, the text of which we present in this issue. Solzhenitsyn's criticism and pro-
posals merit consideration of all persons interested in aiding captive nations.
Important documentation presented in this issue of RCDA offers insight in the
developments in Poland. The Solidarity movement has outdistanced by far any preced-
ing outbursts of opposition against Communist totalitarianism in Eastern Europe,
because by the mediation of the Catholic Church the overwhelming majority of Polish
people, workers, peasants, intellectuals and students, have joined the reform move-
ment which threatens the inertia of the corrupt, spiritually exhausted Communist
leadership of that country.
We continue our efforts to enable the Siberian Seven, the Vashchenkos and
Chmykhalovs, to emigrate. Bill H. R. 2873 which would give them permanent resident
status is now pending in the House Subcommittee on Immigration, Refugees and Inter-
national Law whose Chairman Romano Mazzoli seems unwilling to release it for
further action. The bill may be reintroduced in the next session, however, it is
hard to predict how much more can the two families endure, physically and psycho-
logically, after more than four years in a twilight zone. Letters to Rep. Mazzoli
should be sent to Rayburn H. O. Building 2137, Washington, D. C. 20515. We urge
you to contact in this matter Rep. Peter W. Rodino, Chairman of the Committee on
the Judiciary (same address) as well as your congressman.
Thank you for your support and interest
Sincerely ygn.rs,
Rev. & Mrs. t. S. Hrub
Editors, RCDA
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20th Year
ISSN 0034-3978
Documentation selected and translated under the direction of Blahoslav Hruby and Olga S. Hruby, Editors.
Paul B. Anderson, Editor Emeritus. Published monthly by
RESEARCH CENTER FOR RELIGION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN CLOSED SOCIETIES, LTD.
475 RIVERSIDE DRIVE, NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10115, U.S.A.
The purpose of this publication is to make available and to analyze information on the attitudes and prac-
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USSR and USA
Aleksandr I. So1zhen tsyn Interviewed by U.S. Congressman John LeBoutillier
 Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
RCDA - Religion in Communist Dominated Areas
BOARD OF DIRECTORS:
OFFICERS:
President:
C. H. Kallaur
Vice Presidents:
Rev. Ralph Mortensen
Rev. Frank D. Svoboda
James E. Wilson
Treasurer:
Ellsworth G. Stanton, I l i
Secretary:
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Executive Director:
Rev. Blahoslav Hruby
Deputy Executive Director:
Mrs. Blahoslav S. (Olga) Hruby
Directors:
Vladimir Bukovsky (USSR)
Rev. James R. Corgee
Rev. Burkert Cree
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Very Rev. F. M. Galdau
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Very Rev. Leonid Kishkovsky
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Dan N. Pitner
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Frank E. Shaffer
Rev. Sheldon M. Smith
Bryan B. Sterling
Rabbi Marc H. Tanenbaum
Mrs. James E. (Evelyn) Wilson
Mrs. Charles (Babette) Wampold
COUNCIL OF ADVISORS
AND SPONSORS:
Rev. Wladimir Borowsky
Rev. Paul R. Carlson
Msgr. Eugene V. Clark
Rev. Gaston D. Cogdell
Angelo Cosmides
R. H. Edwin Espy
Rev. John S. Groenfeldt
Jerzy Hauptman
His Eminence
Archbishop lakovos
Starr West Jones
Rev. Won Yong Kong (Korea)
His Eminence John Cardinal Kral
Rev. J. Oscar Lee
Julius J. Manson
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Very Rev. John Meyendorff
Miha(lo Mihajlov (Yugoslavia)
Rev. George H. Muedeking
Harry Piotrowski
Ralph M. Pope
Rev. Alfonso Rodriguez
Rev. David H. C. Read
Rev. John Coventry Smith
Philip H. Snyder
Rev. T. Watson Street
Rev. Theophilus M. Taylor
His Beatitude Metropolitan Theodosius
Rev. Robert G. Torbet
Charles J. Turck
Most Rev. Archbishop Valerian
Jan S. F. van Hoogstraten
IN MEMORIAM:
Heinz Joachim Heydorn
(West Germany)
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published by
RESEARCH CENTER FOR RELIGION AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN CLOSED SOCIETIES, LTD.
475 Riverside Drive, New York, NY 10115, USA Tel.: [phone] or 2440
Editors: Blahoslav Hruby and Olga S. Hruby
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Contributing Editors: Kent R. Hill, Mihajlo Mihajlov, Casimir Pugevicius,
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Copyright 1981, RCDA - Religion in Communist Dominated Areas
SOLZHENITSYN CALLS FOR IMPROVEMENT
OF U.S. BROADCASTS TO SOVIET UNION
WE always consider it a great honor and privilege to publish A. Solzhenitsyn's
penetrating observations and comments on critical issues of our time and,
in particular, on attitudes of the USA and the Free World toward the Soviet
Union and other Communist countries and toward Communism in general.
We have supported him from the beginning of his courageous struggle for his
freedom for the freedom of all oppressed and persecuted. Today, there are many
self-appointed prophets proclaiming false moral and political ideas. They sap the
will of the people in the Free World to stand up and defend their freedom and help
the oppressed and persecuted by the Communist governments. They are selective in
their protests and are concerned solely with the situation in non-Communist totalitarian
countries.
It is, therefore, refreshing, inspiring and encouraging to listen to a genuine
prophetic voice of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn who miraculously survived long years of
Soviet persecution was expelled from the USSR. Thus, he was able to present to the
USA and the Free World an uncensored, most detailed and devastating report about
the most crushing terror perpetrated on millions of innocent citizens. It seems, how-
ever, that his shattering testimony on the brutal character of Communism and his warn-
ings to the Free World not to trust the Soviet Union and other Communist countries
did not find a sufficient response which they deserve.
In Congressman John LeBoutillier's interview published in this issue Solzhe-
nitsyn analyzes the U.S. broadcasts to the Soviet Union on the Voice of America and
Radio Liberty and comments on U.S. policy toward the USSR and People's Republic
of China. These broadcasts reaching millions of listeners deprived of basic news
by the Communist media have a tremendous impact. It is, therefore, of utmost
importance that they be prepared by people who understand the spiritual, social and
political climate in the country. Unfortunately, according to Solzhenitsyn who fol-
lowed closely U.S. broadcasts to Russia, they have many shortcomings. Solzhenitsyn
and many listeners in the Soviet Union became therefore disillusioned.
"The West, the entire West, including the United States, seems to be bewitched -
doomed eternally to have an incorrect idea about the situation in Communist countries,
doomed to draw for itself pleasant pictures, illusions, and to be guided by and follow
these illusions," Solzhenitsyn complains. "I want to remind you that in the 30's, during
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the most dreadful time of Stalinist terror, when Stalin
destroyed many millions - during that particular time,
your editorials proclaimed the Soviet Union to be a coun-
try of global justice, where the best truth on earth could be
found. And at the same time your President Roosevelt
extended helping hand to Stalin, and your businessmen
jumped over there with technological assistance, without
which Stalin could not have built his industry. And sub-
sequently at the end of the war, the American administra-
tion, without any need, made Stalin a gift of all of East
Europe, and gave away China to Communism."
Solzhenitsyn stresses the fact that the Soviet govern-
ment is the enemy of the Russian people and this applies
to all Communist countries. In his opinion Roosevelt
made a great historical mistake in the 30's and 40's and
the same mistake has been repeated all these years. "That
is the fatal historical mistake of liberalism, not to see the
enemy on the left, to consider that the enemy is always
on the right, and that there is no enemy on the left,"
Solzhenitsyn comments. "It is the same mistake which
ruined Russian liberalism in 1917. They overlooked the
danger of Lenin. And the same thing is repeated today -
the mistake of Russian liberalism is being repeated on a
worldwide scale everywhere."
Solzhenitsyn does not believe that the USA should
arm People's Republic of China. He regards Com-
munist governments as cancerous tumors whose main
concern is to consolidate their power and expand their
boundaries. In his opinion, American leaders "have for
decades been nurturing illusions and false impressions,
especially in relation to countries opposing America. They
constantly paint a more rosy, pleasant picture than is
actually the case."
Voice of America, according to Solzhenitsyn, be-
lieves that it has the right to broadcast only in a way
which will not irritate the Communist leaders. After a
Voice of America announcer read in 1973 an excerpt
from Solzhenitsyn's "Gulag" and the Radio Moscow pro-
tested that the VoA had no right to interfere in the
internal affairs of the Soviet Union and spoil the inter-
national atmosphere, the U.S. Department of the State
prevented further reading from "Gulag."
Answering a question about the life in the USSR
Solzhenitsyn paints an appalling picture of physical and
spiritual degradation. "We are poisoned morally, because
for 65 years we have been inculcated with Communist
lies. The combination of all this has brought people to a
state close to death, to spiritual and physical death. All
memory of our past, our history of the last century has
been wiped out." Solzhenitsyn does not believe that U.S.
broadcasts offer to the Russian people an adequate mes-
sage in such a tragic situation.
American broadcasts to the USSR should inform the
listeners about the situation of Soviet workers and peasants
as well as about Soviet provinces and the "cruel situa-
tion" in the army. The devastating problem of veterans
from the Great Patriotic War, exiled to remote northern
islands and hidden from society, "disabled veterans who
have lost their health in defense of this country and are
persecuted, constrained," should receive some attention.
There is such information available but it was
not broadcast because it could violate the policy of the
U.S. Department of State and irritate Moscow leaders
so that they would refuse to purchase from USA the
modern electronics "without which they cannot live." "The
greatest need of our people is to become aware of them-
selves as what they really are," says Solzhenitsyn. "If
during these 30 years you had helped our people remember
who they were, to help them to rise spiritually to their
feet - the entire world situation today would be dif-
ferent."
The Soviet average citizen needs to know the truth
how the peasantry and the working class were destroyed
by Communist terror. In Solzhenitsyn's opinion the gen-
eral goals and general programs of U.S. broadcasts are
run by ideologists influenced by false myths about Russia
whose first originator was Karl Marx. According to Marx
the Russian people were, in general, "reactionary." The
label of reactionary was put on Russian history, traditions
and even on the Russian Orthodox Church. Solzhenitsyn
complains that Radio Liberty and the Voice of America
cancelled a broadcast on the 70th anniversary of the
murder of Prime Minister Stolypin. Stolypin was, in Sol-
zhenitsyn's opinion, the greatest Russian statesman of the
20th century who in 5 years succeeded in pulling Russia
out of complete chaos and disintegration. Solzhenitsyn
criticizes both radio stations that they cancelled these
programs though they had been announced in advance to
the listeners in the USSR.
During the past 65 years the Russian Orthodoxy
suffered its Golgotha and in Solzhenitsyn's words the Rus-
sians "experienced persecution which surpassed in dimen-
sions all the persecution of Christianity in ancient times."
He emphasizes the urgent need to broadcast to the USSR
divine services and special religious broadcasts for child-
ren who are most of all deprived of religion. He is severe
in his criticism of ideologists in Radio Liberty and Voice
of America who think that Russian Christianity is "reac-
tionary," and that all these 30 years U.S. broadcasts
"systematically aimed at not allowing Russian Orthodoxy
to rise up and become an organized social force in Russia."
Asked whether he noticed any improvement of U.S.
broadcasts to the USSR under the Reagan Administration
Solzhenitsyn answered that time was too short for Presi-
dent Reagan for any action. In Solzhenitsyn's view the
Russian program of Radio Liberty "degenerated to such
an extent, is so bad that, if things continue in the same
direction, it would be better to do away with it altogether,
because it harms the relation of the Russian and the
American people even further." He does not call for an
increase of the budget but for a change of the funda-
mental direction of Radio Liberty and Voice of America.
As in the past Solzhenitsyn warns the USA not to
repeat a historical mistake "when you gave away the other
half of the Earth. Do not repeat today this same mistake,
and by trusting China, give away the other half of the
Earth; for now I see as the main threat in the foreign
policy of the present American administration its trust
in China. This is impossible! They are exactly the same
Communists with the same methods, and with the same
policy of annihilation."
Solzhenitsyn's hope of returning some day to Russia
is not fading: "God willing, I still have some time left...
And besides, a writer always has a way out - if he him-
self does not return to his Motherland, his books will."
(Continued on Page 191)
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USSR
INTERVIEW WITH ALEKSANDR SOLZHENITSYN
by JOHN LeBOUTILLIER
U.S. House of Representatives
(Translation from the Russian of the October 12,
1981, Congressman John LeBoutillier's interview with
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, part of which appeared on the
NBC "Tomorrow" show on October 26 and 27 of 1981).
1. LeB.: Mr. Solzhenitsyn, if you could be director
of radio-broadcasting to the Soviet Union, what would
you do, and how would you do it?
A.S. Your question is not a strange one for me.
For 30 years I have followed closely the concept of A-
merican Russian-language radio broadcasts to the Soviet
Union. I am not going to say anything about broadcasts
in other languages. I don't know. Perhaps they make the
same mistakes, perhaps not, but I know well how it is
in the Russian language. Thirty years ago, in 1953, when
I had just been freed from the labor camp, I bought a
radio receiver with the first money I earned. This was
during my exile in Kazakhstan, and it was even con-
sidered criminal there - suspicious - why should some-
one in exile buy himself a radio? But I listened intently
through all that horrendous jamming, and tried to under-
stand, to catch some bits of information. And I got to be
so expert that even if I could only catch half a sentence,
I could complete it from just a few words. For 20 years I
listened constantly in the Soviet Union to Western Rus-
sian-language broadcasting and rejoiced in all its suc-
cesses, and made use of its information, and was deeply
distressed by its mistakes.
1. LeB. You mean - you sat there with your ears
pressed close to the set and kept twisting dials to under-
stand better?
A. S. Yes - in order to hear through all that racket,
you have to know how to listen. If you hold your ear
close to the set, you can sometimes hear better. And so I
was saddened by the shortcomings of the broadcasts. And
I must say that these shortcomings were a constant factor
all those years. It is difficult to overestimate the importance
these broadcasts could have if America conducted them
properly.
1. LeB. Do you think that the people of the Soviet
Union listen to the radio today and still have difficulty
understanding?
A. S. Of course they listen, but many, like me, be-
come disillusioned. You must understand - I am afraid
that those who determine the general tone of American
Russian-language broadcasts, did not understand from
the beginning, and do not understand today, the main
aims and purposes of these broadcasts. If they understood
correctly, the picture over the past 30 years in the Soviet
Union and in other communist countries would have
changed. That is, I can say without exaggeration that may-
be today we would not be thinking that there is danger
of another world war. The objective should be to establish
mutual trust, warm feelings, and contact with the oppres-
sed peoples, and thus to tear them away, to help them
tear themselves away, from their communist oppressors.
1. LeB. You say that for the past 30 years, America
has made mistakes in its broadcasts to the Soviet popula-
tion, and that a third world war which may be approach-
ing could have been avoided if these mistakes had not
occurred?
A. S. Yes. I am afraid that the theoreticians involv-
ed in your broadcasting do not understand this to this
day, because today, even in recent years, the line is not
only not better, but, as, for example, in Radio Liberty, it
is worse, much worse. In order correctly to formulate this
general direction, one needs a clear answer to at least
two questions. First question: what is the situation in
those countries to which the broadcasts are beamed? And
second question: what is the condition of these oppressed
peoples, what are their needs, what kind of spiritual
hunger do they have? The West, the entire West, includ-
ing the United States, seems to be bewitched - doomed
eternally to have an incorrect idea about the situation
in communist countries, doomed to draw for itself pleasant
pictures, illusions, and to be guided by and follow these
illusions. I want to remind you that in the `30's, during
the most dreadful time of Stalinist terror, when Stalin
destroyed many millions - during that particular time,
your editorials proclaimed the Soviet Union to be a coun-
try of global justice, where the best truth on earth could
be found. And at that same time, your President Roose-
velt extended a helping hand to Stalin, and your business-
men jumped over there with technological assistance, with-
out which Stalin could not have built his industry. And
subsequently at the end of the war, the American admin-
istration, without any need, made Stalin a gift of all of
East Europe, and gave away China to communism. Ques-
tion: - with what objective in mind could a strong West
sacrifice East Europe? - Today, you are extolling Po-
land.
J. LeB. I want to be more specific. Do you think
that at the time, President Roosevelt and the American
government had a mistaken understanding of the Soviet
government? They were people with whom one should
not be friendly?
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A. S. It should have been understood that they were
enemies of their own people, and this was not understood.
The Roosevelt administration, and, for decades after-
wards, American public opinion, identified the Soviet
government with its oppressed people. While, in actual
fact, they are categorically opposed to each other. And
so, as I say, today you enthuse over the stoicism of Po-
land - but why did you hand Poland over to communist
slavery - why? Today, it is very fashionable to say that
there, for some reason, in that same Soviet Union - why
don't they fight? - these slaves, who do not want to fight
for their freedom. But I consider slaves not those who
sit in prisons, I consider slaves those free people who see
how prisons are built, and give their blessing - let them
build prisons! Today, recently - the anniversary of the
Berlin Wall was marked. Who are the slaves? The East
Germans who could not prevent the construction of this
wall, or those Western powers who stood by quietly and
watched the construction of the Berlin Wall and did not
interfere? The slaves are those in West Germany, who to-
day went to demonstrate against the arrival of Haig,
that's who the slaves are - who today are stretching out
their hand to Soviet shackles, they voluntarily want to go
to the Gulag, that's who the slaves are!
J. LeB. Can you tell our viewers briefly the dif-
ference between the Soviet government and the Russian
people? In your words, the government - is the enemy
of the people.
A. S. That is a basic fact, which should always be
understood as the foundation of something your leaders
are always forgetting.
J. LeB. Does this apply to all communist countries?
A. S. Definitely to all the communist countries. But
the Western conception is: since in the West the govern-
ment is elected by the people, you think that the govern-
ment and the people are one and the same. In actual fact,
- no, with us, there is a gulf between.
J. LeB. In your words, then, it appears that we
should aim at finding allies among the Russian people
against the Soviet government?
A. S. Yes. Yes. I want- to say that Roosevelt made
a great historical mistake in the '30's and `40's. This
mistake cost the whole world exactly half of the globe -
perhaps less than half in terms of territory, but more
than half in population. And today, the greatest danger,
if you do not resolve it, is that you can repeat the same
fatal mistake made by Roosevelt. Strangely enough, the
same mistake has been repeated all these years. For
instance, with Tito. Tito - was the murderer, the execu-
tioner, of his people. Right after the World War, he
destroyed, he shot, hundreds of thousands of his citizens,
and was longing to seize Trieste. And insolently shot down
American civilian planes near the Austrian border. All
this is now forgotten and forgiven. And he was held up
as a great statesman, a leader of some kind of non-existent
"nonaligned" movement.
1. LeB. In America, right up to his death, he was
considered practically a hero. He was what we are wont to
call a "good communist". But we know that there are no
"good communists". President Carter was even proud
that he sent his mother to Tito's funeral.
A. S. The same thing is being repeated with Cuba.
It was proclaimed in the West that what was transpiring
in Cuba was a people's revolution. And the same thing is
being repeated in North Vietnam. There was a totalitarian
gang there which was acting to seize the whole country.
And your progressives proclaimed that it was a national
movement for freedom. Nicaragua - right before your
eyes - a totalitarian group of communists were seizing
power, and the Carter administration hurried to help
them with money, so as to strengthen its soon-to-be enemy.
But the worst of all is China.
J. LeB. Before talking about China, why, strictly
speaking, is it so fashionable among our progressive public
figures to praise the regimes in Nicaragua and the parti-
sans in Salvador, and also the regimes in Cambodia and
Vietnam?
A. S. That is the fatal historical mistake of liberal-
ism, not to see the enemy on the left, to consider that the
enemy is always on the right, and that there is no enemy
on the left. It is the same mistake which ruined Russian
liberalism in 1917. They overlooked the danger of Lenin.
And the same thing is being repeated today - the mis-
take of Russian liberalism is being repeated on a world-
wide scale everywhere.
J. LeB. Do you think that our policy of drawing
closer to Red China is on the same level as the mistake
made by Roosevelt when he became friendly with Stalin?
A. S. Indeed it is on the same level. Indeed it is.
If you repeat that mistake today... Today China is in
the same situation as was the Soviet Union in the `30's;
it is in need of everything. It needs aid from America.
If you now provide it with American economy, and then
with weapons, for awhile China will serve as a safeguard
against the Soviet Union, but even that is problematical.
But if you arm China, then, as a result, you will give it
the second half of the Earth, that second half which con-
tains America. And then you will have no one to use as a
shield.
J. LeB. Do you think that the Peking government -
Mao's government - disposed of its people as cruelly as
the Soviet leaders?
A. S. Definitely. They acted exactly the same way.
And they destroyed millions - even more, probably, in
proportion to the population. But China is even more
closed to foreigners than the Soviet Union. You know
even less about China than about the Soviet Union. That's
why the legend has been created about the "good" com-
munism in China. When, in 30-40 years from now you
read the Chinese "Gulag Archipelago," you will be amaz-
ed: "Oh, what a pity, and we didn't know!" You must
know! You must know in time, and not when it is too
 Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
late. You need to know now - today! I want to say
that in the long run this mistake threats you with the
loss of the existence of America itself.
But - closer to our subject, our talk is not pointless.
The thing is - very recently, the Director of the United
States International Communications Agency went to
China and came back with a rosy impression. He announc-
ed that he was amazed at the friendly talk of the Chinese
leaders. And how should they talk if they are in need of
your technical know-how - how else should they talk?
He confidently repeats what he was told there: that China
is striving for human rights; that China is trying to be-
come an open society; that the Chinese Communist leader-
ship cares about the development of its people. And your
Director of the International Communications Agency is
now repeating all this!
1. LeB. Many levels of society in America are very
concerned about the progress of underdeveloped nations,
human rights, aid to the needy. Do you think that the
leaders of Red China say all this to their American
visitors only to derive some benefit from them?
A. S. It is exactly the same picture, the same hypo-
crisy shown for decades by the Soviet government. They
talk in order to get something.
As for the second question: it is no less difficult to
understand the state of the people toward whom the radio
broadcasts are directed, to understand their spiritual hun-
ger, their difficulties, their aspirations. Socrates' method
has been famous since ancient times: if you want to con-
vince the person with whom you are talking, assume his
point of view and develop it further. And a proverb says:
if you want to have a friend, first become a friend your-
self.
J. LeB. Don't you think it strange that, just as in
communist countries, a gap between the government and
the people exists with us too, a collossal difference between
those who run the country, and the people?
A. S. With you the gap is not so hopeless, and
it has a different meaning. But I must say, if I compare
my impressions of my Vermont surroundings, of the simple
folk here, with the New York or Washington press, it
grieves me to say that yes, there is a big gap. This gap
is not a confrontation, not the relationship which exists
in communist countries, not the relationship between op-
pressors and the oppressed. But even you have differences
of opinion.
1. LeB. Do you think that our leadership is rather
more naive than acting with malicious intent?
I. LeB. We have lots of arguments here in America
on questions of human rights in other countries. For
instance, when the Iranian Shah was overthrown, it was
said in our country that he was a bad ruler, that he
violated human rights. Very few of the Shah's critics
would maintain that there are more human rights in Iran
today. Are there any communist countries in which human
rights are observed?
A. S. When the Chinese government says that is
supposedly cares about the development of the people, it
is hard to imagine anything more senseless. No communist
government ever cares about the rights, the development
of its people. Communist governments are like cancerous
tumors: they grow senselessly, for two aims only: first
of all, to consolidate their power, and, as soon as they
consolidate their power, to expand to further boundaries.
The Soviet government always had such aims in mind,
and the Chinese government has those same aims, and
only those same aims. Note that as soon as the Washington
Post correspondent reported one incident where a Chinese
was in prison for defending human rights, he was given
a strict warning that he would be expelled. - And with
such a government your Voice of America, returning to
our side, concludes an agreement about a battle against
disinformation! That is completely ludicrous. What kind
of disinformation can the Chinese radio help you battle?
The Chinese radio is busy spreading solid disinformation;
it conceals everything going on in its country; it is the
embodiment of disinformation. Or, for instance, about
Cambodia. Is the Chinese radio really going to help the
Voice of America find out how the Khmer Rouge forces
destroyed their people? Or help to find the mass graves
of over 60,000 Cambodians? As I said, Western society
seems doomed always to have an incorrect picture of the
situation in communist countries.
A. S. Quite right.
1. LeB. Does this mean that instead of pointing a
pistol at the back of the head and shooting people, we
lead them to the slaughter with eyes closed?
A. S. The root of all this lies in your leaders of
public opinion who influence government policy. They
have for decades been nurturing illusions and false im-
pressions, especially in relation to countries opposing A-
merica. They constantly paint a more rosy, pleasant picture
than is actually the case.
1. LeB. Let us talk now about the internal situa-
tion in the Soviet Union. Our population does not know
either from magazines or from the press or television what
life is like in the Soviet Union.
A. S. And for those living in the Soviet Union it is
even harder to get authentic information. Foreign informa-
tion in the Soviet papers and on television is distorted
beyond recognition. Domestic information is even more
distorted. Those who live in the Soviet Union know vague-
ly, in a general way, what is happening in the world, but
they know nothing of what goes on in the neighboring
town, in the neighboring country. That is why foreign
broadcasts are so important for them - they can get
news about themselves - about what is happening to us.
I. LeB. In America, during the Vietnam War, all
Americans could follow military events on their television
screen, on the news. But the average Soviet - does he
know what's going on in - let's say, Afghanistan?
A. S. Everything he hears from the government is
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distorted. And the Voice of America's mistake is that it
has limited itself in its sources of information. It believes,
for instance, that it has the right to broadcast only in a
way which will not irritate the communist leaders and not
to use a rich accumulation of anti-communist material.
For instance, there is an emigre anti-communist journal,
Possev, in Frankfurt am Main. It contains plenty of
material about Afghanistan; its reporters travel to Af-
ghanistan and meet with Afghan resistance fighters. Never
would the Voice of America lower itself to broadcast this
to the Soviet Union, because it comes from a publication
which is too anti-communist. Instead, the Voice of America
feeds us with some kind of third-rate gossip about what
diplomats in Delhi hear third-hand. Actually, instead of
effectively giving us news, the Voice of America, in gen-
eral, also helps us to be uninformed. This is tied in with
the mistake in principal ascribed to the Voice of America
- it has to act so as, God forbid, not to violate the policy
of the State Department. And so they give us a stone
instead of bread, instead of the real information which
they could give us.
Here is another example: the famous Novocherkassk
rebellion took place in the Soviet Union in 1962, but for
over ten years, there was not a word about it on Western
radio broadcasts - not one! never! because either they
did not know about it, or it was not from "sufficiently
confirmed" sources! Because, if they do not have docu-
mentary proof, they can't broadcast about rebellions. And
so, it was not until ten years later that we heard news
over Western broadcasts about our own great rebellion
in Novocherkassk.
I. LeB. Two brief observations: you say that, in
order not to irritate the Soviet leaders, our government,
our State Deparrnent, and the radio stations which they
run, deliberately soften the tone of the broadcasts, and
do not broadcast news which could displease the Soviet
leaders, and broadcast harmless news instead?
A. S. I can speak from personal experience. In
December, 1973, when I was still in the Soviet Union,
Gulag Archipelago was published in the West. And the
Voice of America, or, strictly speaking, a Voice of America
announcer, read an excerpt from Gulag on the air. Im-
mediately Radio Moscow started screaming that the Voice
of America had no right to interfere in the internal af-
fairs of the Soviet Union, that it served to spoil the inter-
national atmosphere. And what did the Voice of America
do? With the agreement of the State Department, it took
the announcer off that assignment, and forbade the read-
ing of Gulag Archipelago to Russia! More than that: for
several years, it was forbidden to quote Solzhenitsyn on
the Voice of America, so as not to harm communist pro-
paganda. This means: my book was written for Russians,
millions of copies were read in the West, but it should
not be read to our Motherland because, otherwise, the
Voice of America would spoil relations with the Soviet
Union. In such a way, information for our country is
silenced. - I would not want to lose our train of thought,
and want to speak of the situation of the people to whom
these broadcasts are beamed.
1. LeB. Yes, it is important to find out what life
is like in the Soviet Union.
A. S. For 65 years, we have been working almost
for nothing. For 65 years, both the mother and the father
in the family have worked, and their combined earnings
are insufficient to support a family. Their work is never
paid for any higher than 10 or 20% of what it is worth.
All the surplus is taken by the government in order to
prepare weapons and attacks against other countries in
the world. Several generations of us have gone hungry
for 65 years! It is already becoming close to physical
degeneration. We are poisoned with alcohol. Women are
carrying a load which men could not manage, a double
load. Our birthrate is sharply declining, and infant mor-
tality has sharply risen. We are poisoned both physically
and morally. Physically poisoned, because all the military
manufacturing is done without any protection of the sur-
rounding environment. There is no one to control water
pollution, air pollution. We are poisoned morally, because
for 65 years we have been inculcated with communist lies.
The combination of all this has brought the people to a
state close to death, to spiritual and physical death. All
memory of our past, our history, and especially the
history of the last century, has been wiped out. The
history of the last century is particularly dangerous for
the communists, because it was their enemy. Those who
are acquainted with history before the revolution, and the
history of the revolution and after the revolution - they
are already free of the communists. But the communists
are carefully destroying all traces of the truth, so that
we won't know anything about ourselves. I would com-
pare it with when, in Stalinist times, the father and the
mother of a family were both arrested, and little children
were sent to an orphanage, and their last names were
changed so that they never knew whose children they
were, what their origins were, what their past. And our
people are in the same situation. They are deprived of
any memories about themselves. Our people are like some.
one fatally ill who is lying in bed, dying, - and the
American radio broadcasts are like a visitor who comes
by, - not a doctor, - but a visitor, who comes in very
self-satisfied, cheerful, beautifully dressed, sits down and
starts saying: "Now I will entertain you, now I will tell
you how many suits I have, how I dress, what a wonder-
ful apartment I have, what I recently bought, how much
money I save, what a good time I have, - you want me
to do a little dance for you?" And begins to perform
various dances in front of him. That's the way radio
broadcasts to the Soviet Union are run today.
J. LeB. In other words, you say that the contents
of our broadcasts to those who are so oppressed only
show them a world in which they cannot live anyway, and
give them nothing to appease their spiritual hunger, no-
thing with which to resist the yoke of their government.
A. S. And not only that, not only that. Yes, they
don't offer anything to slake our spiritual hunger. Instead
of that a foreign voice reads us lectures on how to under-
stand the world - a suicidal stand for radio broadcasts.
Propaganda is conducted on how to understand it from a
liberal-democratic point of view, but all propaganda has
become repulsive to us after 60 years. And that's only one
side; but there is another side, the most important for
your people. Your broadcasts give a picture which does
not correspond to the spiritual life of your people. Your
broadcasts are conducted so primitively that they project
a false image of your country, they speak about the most
superficial, the most trite things. So that our people have
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a lower opinion of the American people than the American
people deserve. Your broadcasts are full of rubbish.
If one were to speak, for instance, of the Voice of
America, one could list many broadcasts on which it is
impossible to understand why America spends money,
instead of spending it on something worth broadcasting.
For instance, I will tell you: there are three different jazz
programs; not 3 repetitions of one program, but 3 separate
programs; then a separate program of pop music, a
separate program of dance music, and a separate youth
program, on which all this is repeated. This is such a
mistake; perhaps those people who are interested in jazz
might turn on their radio five minutes earlier or turn it
off five minutes later and hear something besides jazz.
But the thing is, we have very few people who are interest-
ed in jazz, they don't need your programs, which are
jammed, because they have at their disposal all the world
jazz programs which no one jams. They can hear these
programs perfectly. So you do not attract any listeners
that way, you only spend valuable air time on nonsense,
on frivolity. Or, for instance, sports. With great impor-
tance, with great solemnity, you broadcast programs on
sports. But sports is a favorite subject of Soviet radio, it
is the only subject which the Soviet radio willingly instils
in our youth. Because in the Soviet Union, sports acts as
opium for the people. It diverts young people from think-
ing about their situation, about their origin, and about
politics. And here your broadcasts are busy with all this
meaningless stuff. Even worse - you find time to broad-
cast about "hobbies". This program only repels and angers
the Soviet listener and makes him turn off the radio and
not listen any more; he feels only contempt for such a
broadcast, because he is being told how loafers who have
lots of time at their disposal collect labels from something
or other, or empty bottles. That's just awful! Or, in great
detail, it gloats over the conveniences of international
travel. And all this time could be spent on subjects which
would be valuable for us, which your radio doesn't even
think of broadcasting, particularly, history and religion.
1. LeB. In other words, the contents of our pro-
grams to the Soviet Union are unpleasant, irritate people,
do not take into consideration the situation in the Soviet
Union, and we do not do what America should be doing
for oppressed people?
A. S. I would sum it up like this: your radio broad-
casts do not give our people the spiritual help they need.
That is one side. The other side - you present yourselves
as being lower and less significant that you really are,
i.e., you are doing yourselves harm. And in the third
place, you limit even simple information about current
events. In matters of foreign policy, you are being over-
scrupulous about your use of sources - as with Afghan-
istan. And insofar as the internal situation in the Soviet
Union is concerned, you have been concentrating only on
material provided by dissidents from Moscow. If tomorrow
the dissident movement should be completely destroyed,
you would lose such information altogether. But there are
great fields of information about the Soviet Union of
which we need to hear, and which your radio station
either does not have, or does not wish to use for lack
of sufficient proof. And what is given instead? Instead,
there is a wide coverage on Jewish emigration from the
Soviet Union. That is, half-hour after half-hour is spent
on interviews with recent emigres: how they like America;
how they have found work; how much they earn; how
they furnished their houses. Not that there is anything
bad about this, except that it is disproportionately exag-
gerated, and replaces information about the situation in
the Soviet Union. And what feelings must it arouse in the
Soviet listeners? Irritation. No one of the Soviet popula-
tion can emigrate to the West. Only a certain number
of Jews can emigrate to the West. Why then boast about
how well they are doing, why irritate those who are left
there?
J. LeB. So our broadcasts irritate those who can-
not leave with tales of how well we live here?
A. S. It is tactless. Our people want to be told about
our workers, how they fare in our country - but your
broadcasts do not speak about that. What is the situation
of our peasantry? - there is never a broadcast on that
subject. The situation in the provinces. The cruel situa-
tion in the army. They listen to the broadcasts in the army,
there are many shortwave sets there. But nothing is ever
broadcast about any of this. And your stations don't even
want to know anything about it. For instance, we still have
a devastating problem about our disabled veterans from
the Great Patriotic War who are hidden from society, so
that no one can see them; they are exiled to remote
northern islands - disabled veterans who have lost their
health in defense of their country and are persecuted,
constrained. There is nothing of this on the radio - only
tales of happy refugees, how well those who fled from all
this are living.
J. LeB. How about the Soviet army? You say that
they have radio sets to which they can listen, and we do
not try to communicate with the Soviet soldiers. Is there
a possibility of demoralization? Because they say that the
troops sent to Afghanistan refuse to shoot at the Moslems,
at the civilian population.
A. S. Unfortunately, you have never been interested
in the situation of the Soviet worker, the Soviet peasant,
the Soviet soldier. They are all under dreadful pressure,
and your radio broadcasts have never concerned them-
selves with investigating this, with getting such informa-
tion and airing it. I repeat, there is much such informa-
tion available in the emigre press, and it could all have
been broadcast to the USSR without much effort, but that
could violate the policy of the State Department, the Mos-
cow leaders might suddenly get mad at the State Depart-
ment and refuse to purchase from you the modern elec-
tronics without which they cannot live. That is what you
are afraid of!
The greatest need of our people is to become aware
of themselves as what they really are. If during these 30
years you had helped our people remember who they
were, to help them to rise spiritually to their feet - the
entire world situation today would be different. All our
recent history has been trampled under and distorted
beyond recognition, it is saturated with propaganda. I
would like very much for the American TV viewer to
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imagine this for himself, it is difficult to imagine. Our
average citizen in essence knows nothing: what were the
causes of the revolution; how the revolution occurred,
how it all went over to the Bolsheviks under a totalitarian
rule; what great people's movements there were against
the Bolsheviks, and how they were suppressed, how our
peasantry and our working class were destroyed by ter-
rorist means. We need to know the truth about all this.
And if such knowledge were given us, we would become
spiritually free of our government - both those in
civilian life and those in the army. But the general goals
and general programs of your broadcasts are run by
ideologists who, unfortunately, are under the influence of
myths, false myths about Russia. I must say that the
first originator of these myths we find Karl Marx. Marx
proclaimed that the Russian people, as such, in general,
were "reactionary". And from that it followed: all of
Russian history was "reactionary," the monarchy was
"reactionary," Russian expressions of tradition were "re-
actionary," the majority of the Russian leaders were "re-
actionaries," even our Orthodox religion was "reaction-
ary." And this is what the ideologists of your radio broad-
casts do: they ram through our history like a burst of
machinegun fire, they shoot down two-thirds of our
historical figures, fearful that some of them might be
"reactionary." If some American journalist - just one -
or a second-rate American scholar - once said about
some Russian leader that he was "reactionary" - that
Russian leader or philosopher is eliminated from history
- he no longer exists. Paradoxically - the ideologists
of your broadcasts stretch out their hand to communists.
The communist fight against our memory of history, and
your broadcasts do the same. I cannot leave out the most
recent example: recently, this September was the 70th
anniversary of the death, of the murder of Prime Minister
Stolypin, the greatest Russian statesman of the 20th cen-
tury. It is not enough that the very act of his murder
inaugurated the terror of the 20th century, but this man
in 5 years succeeded in pulling Russia out of complete
chaos and disintegration into a state a prosperity.
hard to absorb this. To increase expenses, to enlarge the
organization for the purposes of censorship.
J. LeB. Let us talk now about the state of religion
in the Soviet Union. Has the Soviet government been sup-
pressing religion since 1917? Do they want to destroy
spiritual sources, to destroy the soul?
A. S. All of Marxism is based on hatred of religion,
and Lenin, when he came to power - it seems paradoxical
- did not perceive a more dangerous enemy than Rus-
sian Christianity, and he carried out violent attacks on
it and this continued under Stalin, and Khruschev, and
Brezhnev, in a somewhat different form. During these 65
years Russian Orthodoxy has suffered its own Golgotha.
We have experienced persecution which surpassed in
dimensions all the persecution of Christianity in ancient
times. Limitles efforts were made to destroy Christianity
in Russia, to root it completely out of memory and heart.
That is the consistent policy of the Soviet government,
and it has resulted in tens of millions of people not being
able to go to church. Many people live in places where
the nearest church is 300 miles away, i.e., they can go,
say, to have a child christened, but they cannot get
there on Sundays. Our population is in dire need of
listening to church services over the radio, to mark, over
the radio, our Christian holidays, to have our divine
services, our terminology explained, to have a broadcast
for children, who are most of all deprived of religion in
the USSR. Communist power has deprived us of all this,
and your radio broadcasts, your ideologists, proceeding
from the stupid thought that Russian Christianity is "re-
actionary", conduct that same communist line - again,
they echo the communist position: i.e., they are suppress-
ing Christianity there, and your people here are trying
with all their might to squeeze and force out Russian
Orthodoxy.
J. LeB. You probably find it amusing when you
hear that Carter, for instance, said that he thought he
could convert Brezhnev to Christianity.
And so, two of your radio stations, under different
management, Radio Liberty and the Voice of America, A. S. Horrible! And so, all these 30 years your
both killed a broadcast on Stolypin, the anniversary broad- broadcasts have been directed at, deliberately directed
cast. A fine broadcast was prepared by Radio Liberty; it at, systematically aimed at not allowing Russian Orthodoxy
was forbidden without any discussion or explanation. And to rise up and become an organized social force in Russia.
a few days ago, the Voice of America announced an 8-
minute reading from my chapter on Stolypin. The broad- I. LeB. Let us talk briefly about the situation in
cast was already announced, but it was immediately killed. Poland today, because in Poland there is organized dis-
This shows that it is not a question of different administra- sidence, opposition to the government. How much do you
tors, but of your dominant ideology. think this has been helped by a Polish Pope?
No matter what one thinks of Stolypin - some con-
A. S. The Polish Pope has been of considerable
sider him a liberal, others a conservative - he was a
great Russian statesman - how can he be censored? I inspiration to the Poles. But aside from that, the Catholic
would like to call attention to the amazing fact that A- Church has never been as demolished as our Orthodox
merican broadcasts, both radio stations, independent of Church. I don't know anything about the American Polish-
each other, carry out censorship, moreover, censorship in language broadcasts. I assume that they were excellent.
advance, even in such scandalous circumstances, as when I assume that they supported Polish Catholicism, strength-
the broadcasts are
listeners have already been told that the broadcast would ened it. But for the Russian people,
take place, and then it is cancelled. This year Radio Liberty conducted in just the opposite way, i.e., it is as if you
used censorship in advance only in fundamental Russian- deliberately set up the task of not creating a Polish situa-
language broadcasts; moreover, they intend to expand tion in our country, so that we could not have such
their bureaucratic superstructure, to bring in consulting strength in the Church, and such religious unification as
advisors, exclusively for the purposes of censorship. It's in Poland.
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1. LeB. In Poland - is there an example of good
radio broadcasts in cooperation with the Church, under
the sponsorship of a leader like the Pope, which could
act for unity? I would like to ask you about reports from
the Vatican - that they suspect that the Soviets, the
Kremlin, participated in the attempt on the life of the
Pope.
A. S. There can be no doubt that a Polish Pope
greatly hampered, and continues to hamper, Soviet com-
munists by his very existence.
1. LeB. You would not be surprised if through the
terrorist network they found out about the Turk who
wanted to kill the Pope, and the Soviets told their agents
... ?
A. S. I don't doubt that; in general, world terrorism
is run by the Soviets, yes.
I. LeB. I would like to sum up what has been said.
We are not speaking about large expenditures, we are
speaking about a change in the fundamental approach to
the direction and the contents of the Voice of America and
Radio Liberty. When we held elections last year, we
elected a man who holds very clear views in relation to
the Soviet government, there can be no doubt about that.
He said of the Soviets that they reserve the right to com-
mit any crime, to lie, to cheat, in order to achieve world
domination. It is clear that President Reagan understands
the Soviet approach. Do you see any difference in our
approach to broadcasts to the USSR during the past year?
A. S. The President cannot have had enough time in
this one year, given the numerous branches of such a
tremendous government as that of the United States. That
is probably why he has not yet been able to do anything
about the radio broadcasts. And, paradoxically, I must
say, the year 1981 has seen in Radio Liberty a sharp turn
for the worse. Everything that for years was getting worse
was made even more so by the famous memorandum which
was accepted for implementation by the radio station
Radio Liberty. But if they don't stop going in that direc-
tion, they will once and for all mess up the Russian De-
partment of Radio Liberty. I will not say anything about
the 15 other languages in which Radio Liberty broadcasts,
which I don't know, but the 16th, for Russians, has
degenerated to such an extent, is so bad that, if things
continue in the same direction, it would be better to do
away with it altogether, because it harms the relation of
the Russian and the American people even further.
J. LeB. You pointed out that if 30 years ago we
had behaved differently, we might have prevented world
War 111. But in October of 1981, we are saying that no-
thing has changed, that everything is only worse. Is it
really too late, if we do change, or is a Third world war
really inevitable?
A. S. A Latin proverb says, "Dum spiro, spero" -
where there's life, there's hope. Yes, 30 years have gone
by, but that does not mean that we should not begin again
today. We do not know how much time history will give
us, and maybe it is still possible to accomplish much if
you actively undertook to improve your broadcasts. I
emphasize that I am not even speaking about an increase
in the budget, but about changing the fundamental direc-
tion, to sober up, to come to your senses ...
1. LeB. That is, we should change our broadcasts
to the Soviet people? But we must also, I think, change
our approach to trade with the Soviet Union - not to
give them modern electronics which they will use for
arms against the West; that, you know, is a continuation
of the Roosevelt policy.
A.S. We are today concentrating on the problems
of radio broadcasting, and, in general, I said yes, a
historical mistake was made when you gave away half the
Earth. Do not repeat today this same mistake, and by
trusting China, give away the other half of the Earth; for
now I see as the main threat in the foreign policy of
the present American administration its trust in China.
This is impossible! They are exactly the same com-
munists with the same methods, and with the same policy
of annihilation.
I. LeB. You said that ever since you left the Soviet
Union you have cherished the hope of returning to Rus-
sia. Time is passing, and our government has not changed
its policy. Is your hope, perhaps, fading?
A. S. You know - my hope is not fading. God
willing, I still have some time left. And in the meantime,
I have not wasted time - I am writing constantly. I am
now finishing an epos of the history of the 1917 Revolu-
tion. And besides, a writer always has a way out - if
he himself does not return to his Motherland, his books
will.
1. LeB. Your books, Gulag and others, are for some
reason forbidden by our radio stations. If this policy
changes, could you in some way change the substance of
radio programs to the Soviet people?
A. S. I have said today much that needed to be
said. But I think that all efforts and possibilities are in
the hands of your administration.
1. LeB. I think that the majority of people who see
this program will be amazed that our government does not
want your words to be heard by your people, that it is
not the Soviet Union - it is our government which does
not allow it, particularly, when the censorship is by our
government - which only does this because it is afraid
to distress and anger the Soviet leaders. The majority of
our listeners will not only be amazed or shocked, they
will want to know why this is so, and why it continues
to be so. In appearing on a program such as this, you
must know that it is accessible to the average person in
our country, to a wide circle of average people, and gives
them information which they have never had before.
A. S. I understand. I will be very happy if we have
helped in clearing up the situation.
A. Solzhenitsyn's answers translated from the Russian by
Julia Mansvetov.
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POLAND
IN PRIMATE GLEMP'S VIEW THE "SOLIDARITY,.,
REPRESENTS POLISH NATIONAL FEELINGS
RCDA Comment
T HE following interview given by Archbishop Jozef
Glemp, the Primate of Poland, to the Marxist weekly
Polityka offers an interesting insight into the Pri-
mate's views regarding several issues of church-state re-
lations, dialogue and moral, political and social problems
in the context of the recent developments in Poland.........
Archbishop Glemp does not agree that a dialogue
has been going on in Poland between the Church and
state over the past thirty years. Instead of a dialogue,
there was confrontation taking place under the slogan of
atheization which frequently involved persecution of the
faithful and the clergy. The Primate believes that Marx-
ism did not deal with the issue of religion in an honest
manner and that there was mutual discouragement and
lack of confidence.
Asked about his attitude towards the independent
trade movement "Solidarity" the Primate believes that
"Solidarity" is "representative of the feelings of the
nation, the most broadly conceived working class." How-
ever, the Church does not want to be directly involved
in it; She conceives Her role towards the society as that
of service.
In the Primate's view the Church is strict not only
on abortion or divorce, "but also the whole erotization
of everyday life, consumerism, hedonism - up to drug
abuse and terrorism." He believes that all this is "inter-
related with neglect of social duties of man, to which
Marxists also have turned attention."
Archbishop Glemp rejects any suggestion of "Kho-
meinization" of Poland because Christianity is not Islam,
and Poland is not Iran. The Church has no political
ambitions and there are no prospects in Poland for "the
alliance between the altar and the throne." Though the
Polish Church supports democracy as "the most beautiful
gift of the 20th century," Her structure is hierarchical
and Her character is supernatural. The Mass in the Lenin
Shipyard at the Solidarity meeting in Gdansk in August
1980 was not a triumph but a demonstration of the
workers' religiosity as "their response to their religious
need, which is deeply rooted in the Polish working class."
Archbishop Glemp's wish is to continue the work of
the "Great Primate" as a "minor primate" with no per-
sonal aspirations. He had no schooling during world
War II and was a juvenile laborer. He believes, that this
can influence his attitude to life and to workers.
From: ChSS Information Bulletin (Christian Social As-
sociation), No. 9, Warsaw, September 1981.
INTERVIEW VITW THE PRIMATE OF POLAND
N NATIONWIDE Marxist weekly, Polityka, whose
editor-in-chief is Mieczysaw F. Rakowski, at pres-
ent deputy premier of the Polish People's Repub-
lic, published an extensive interview with Archbishop
Jozef Glemp, Metropolitan of Gniezno and Warsaw, Pri-
mate of Poland [Polityka No. 31, July 31, 1981]. The
interview was granted to Adam Krzeminski, author of
many Polityka articles on ideological issues. The text
here below is a full reprint of the interview published in
Polityka. We believe that it gives a better picture for
evaluations, views and plans of Archbishop Jozef Glemp
than his first brief press statements.
Subheadings and footnotes by the editors of the ChSS
Information Bulletin.
Dialogue or Confrontation
Mr. ADAM KRZEMINSKI: Your Excellency. I am
aware of the fact that this interview has had no precedent,
that we shall only manage to tackle many problems, which
would require profound substantiation and subtle analyses.
Our paper, however, would like to present as broad a
gamut of phenomena and problems as possible, related to
the firm position of Catholicism in the Polish society, to
the dialogue which has been going on in Poland between
the Church and the state for the past thirty years ...
Primate Jozef Glemp: You say it is a dialogue,
while it actually was confrontation. As for a dialogue,
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the parties missed each other's point too often. Many more
effects, apparently adverse, stemmed from confrontation,
which on the part of the state consisted in the administra-
tive manner of speaking, limiting the rights of the Church
and the believers. This confrontation was taking place
under the slogan of atheization, though in practice it
frequently involved persecuting the faithful and the clergy.
When the Church was organizing any kind of a religious
campaign, children were kept on in school under any
pretext, competitive campaigns were organized, e.g. civic
ventures. I do not know whether you are familiar with
the details of parish life, but there were instances of far-
reaching interference of local Departments for Religious
Affairs in the life of the Catholic community. There were
instances of persecuting the faithful, rejecting permission
for church repairs, attempts at winning over priests for
Caritas...
The Primate: I would not go too far here. We
know that the Catholic philosophy in Poland has not
made any comprehensive study of Marxism, although of
course phenomenological and neo-Thomist studies took
account of the social dimension of religion. On the other
hand. I think that Marxism did not deal with the issues
of religion in an honest manner. There was mutual dis-
couragement and lack of confidence.
Mr. K.: But as a layman I think that the firm stress
placed by Polish theology on ethics can be regarded some-
how as an indirect response to Marxism.
The Primate: I would put it differently: as a doctrine
Marxism has introduced something new into our life, i.e.,
a certain postulate of democracy as opposed to the prewar
style. To a certain extent it is also true of the Church.
Mr. K: ... which is not accepted by the Church.
The Primate: Since the time it was taken away
from the Church. This administrative pressure passed, of
course, through different stages; it was different during
the Stalinist period, and it was different in the 1960's.
In the 1970's2 it was considerably diminished. The Church
was given greater freedom, though it is difficult to speak
here about a deeper dialogue because of unrelenting athe-
ist propaganda.
Mr. K: But there were periods of a far-reaching
convergence of positions: in October 1956, after December
1970, as well as following last year's strikes.
The Primate: Of course, both in the difficult situa-
tion in 1956 and after August of 1980, the role of
the Great Primate, the Reverend Cardinal Wyszynski, was
clearly evident. The late Primate very much believed in
the renewal and was greatly involved in it. It is character-
istic of us, Poles, that at critical moments we are able to
unite. This has been confirmed in history many a time.
When such a supreme value as the nation is at stake we
are able to unite. Things are, however, somewhat different
in everyday life.
Mr. K: What is your evaluation of the spiritual
dimension of the dialogue or perhaps the confrontation?
Meetings of Marxists with Catholics, mutual penetration
of ideas, points of view and world outlooks.
The Primate: I am not a philosopher, but I think
the dialogue used to be quite insignificant. What was
published in liberal papers such as Po Prostu3 or in atheist
periodicals like Argumenty4 concerned only the principles
of coexistence between the two world outlooks and con-
stituted perhaps only the substantiation of institutional
struggles.
Mr. K.: A similar opinion was once voiced by Ka-
zimierz Kakols that the dialogue involved only a number
of churches instead of a thorough discussion. However,
just like socialism must have impressed its presence on
the consciousness of priests and theologians, the vital pre-
sence of Catholicism had an impact on the thinking of
Polish Marxists.
The Church in Poland After the War
Mr. K.: Might it be said, therefore, that after the
war the Church moved more leftward? More in the direc-
tion of Laski than of Niepokalanow?6
The Primate: Left, right - I do not like these ex-
pressions. The Church has not so much moved leftward
as it has become closer to man, to the working class,
although it may sound paradoxical for a Marxist. But
since the direction of social transformations in post-war
Poland was based on the Marxist doctrine, that is, na-
tionalization of the means of production and collectiviza-
tion, which was rejected by the majority of the society,
it might be said that anyway, Marxism shaped the people.
The same people who sought the protection of the Church.
In that situation the Church managed to come closer to
man in order not to lose the opportunity.
As concerns your counterposition of Laski and Nie-
pokalanow, it is difficult to accept. The pre-war activity of
Rev. Kornitowicz in Laski, his dedicated intention to meet
half-way atheist or representatives of other religions, such
as Jews, was an anticipation of this Christianity which
has become fully evident after Vatican Council II. One
should not forget, however, that the tradition of mass
Catholicism has also remained, although it looks different
today. The outside form of the Church depends on char-
acteristics of a society.
Mr. K.: It is hard to expect intellectually sophisti-
cated Catholicism in a poor and backward country. Are
the opinions that Polish Catholicism is conservative justi-
fied today?
The Primate: Again, you attempt to transfer secular
standards to the matters of faith and religion. Every na-
tion gives its own characteristics to its Church, thus also
some of its folklore. Speaking the language of the Council
- the Church takes roots in the nation, forms a symbiosis
with the society. Of course, Polish Catholicism is different,
but its conservatism should not be exaggerated. Indeed,
sentimental elements do occur in our religious practice,
especially in the Marian cult, which are simply in line
with the Polish nature, but I do not think it to be as
"conservative" as it is sometimes claimed by Western
intellectuals.
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Mr. K.: What has changed in Polish Catholicism
over the past thirty years?
The Primate: On the one hand, atheization has be-
come more pronounced, though on the other, there are
ever bigger and stronger strata of people whose faith is
conscious, who are consolidated in their faith, consolidat-
ed also intellectually. Polish Catholicism today is no longer
only a small village church or traditional urban centres,
it is also the Work integrating the society, especially in
the Western and Northern Territories7, it is the work of
disseminating the Gospel and the Council documents. The
Church in Poland today involves also ministry to doctors,
teachers, lawyers... Ever more numerous are groups with
deeper religious life, e.g., in youth "oases", academic
circles, clubs of Catholic intelligentsia, which have recent-
ly been quickly expanding. Today, the Church is not in-
volved in simplistic activity, referring exclusively to tradi-
tion not underlied with a doctrine, as it hapened in
certain Catholic groups before the war. Today, the Church
in Poland extends its care to man in a personalistic way.
that is taking into account the tradition, the mind and
the feelings.
"Borderland People"
Mr. K.: At the same time, a new problem became
manifest after the war, namely, that of the "borderland
people". The party has known it in the form of proverbial
district secretaries, who secretly went to confession or sent
their children to religion classes to distant parishes. The
Church, on the other hand, has known Catholics who
have been observing orders of religion in a very arbitrary
manner, who have not accepted sacraments, and still they
have remained under Church's influence. In general, a
kind of a two-way traffic has evolved between the party
and the Church: on the one hand, many people lose their
faith, depart from the Church, and many others, disil-
lusioned with socialism, persecuted or lost seek support
in the Church. A lot has been recently spoken about this
"intermediate zone".. .
The Primate: I followed the discussion started by
Bratkowski8 with great interest. Obviously, there is a big
group of people who externally or marginally feel attach-
ed to the Church as an institution which impresses with
its durability, its ceremonies. There are also people who
seek in Church the experience which they need temporari-
ly. And finally: if there is an issue of "believers in the
party," it is quite a different matter of "party members
in the Church." It makes no difference for the Church
whether a person is a party member or not - what is
important is the attitude of faith and conscience.
which is tolerant, though She leaves certain things un-
spoken. Although I have an impression that here the
practice is also more liberal than the principles.
Mr. K.: For some time now, however, certain
tightening of discipline has been noticeable in the Church
-this is manifested on the occasion of baptisms, wedd-
ings, funerals.
The Primate: This is a result of the serious attitude
towards the freedom of accepting faith. The Church can-
not consent to the practice that through baptism the
parents put the child before an accomplished fact, having
no intention of fulfilling the obligation of the Catholic
education of the child, since they themselves are either
non-practicing or outright non-believers. The same con-
cerns weddings. The Church is something more than the
ceremonial rite. It is the true, objective value of sacra-
ment understandable through faith.
Mr. K.: I think, however, that Poland has been
reached by the wave at critical Catholicism, that is big
independence of believers in accepting and rejecting both
the dogmas of faith as well as moral standards propounded
by the Church. This is revealed not only by statistics,
but is confirmed by everyday observation that Catholics
are neither so ethical not so industrious as it is required
by the Church. Otherwise we would be a country of
angels.
The Primate: This criticism can be perceived today
all over the world, in one country it is more, in another
less pronounced. The Church has to be consistent and far
from praising moral relativism. But the Church also
recognizes the freedom of accepting faith - it does not
impose it on anybody. A man who selectively accepts
certain truths, and does not accept others, is not - of
course - removed from the community in an administra-
tive manner. He places himself on the margin of his own
will. The Church cannot regard the doctrine as a jigsaw
puzzle, from which everybody would select what is con-
venient to him. Our attitude towards the "borderland
people" - to use your term - is that of persuasion and
tolerance.
The Church at the Time of Renewal
Mr. K.: Excellency, our fresh pluralism in public
life results in the phenomenon that ever new groupings,
social and political programs make their appearance,
which often refer to the authority of John Paul II and
the Church, though actually they have their own goals in
mind. What is the Church's attitude towards this new
role?
Mr. K.: Once there was talk of excommunication9.
The Primate: Excommunication has never became
a problem in Poland. The Church is open to everybody
who needs her. Things are different in the Party, how-
ever. Assuming in many cases the confessional character,
the Party is of the opinion that Party affiliation cannot be
ultimately reconciled with religious faith. It might be said
that the Party is more conservative than the Church,
The Primate: It is hard for me to talk about the
groups and programs, the actual objective and inspiration
of which are often obscure. It is also difficult for us to
take a stand on every case of reference to the Church,
whether we like it or not. Attempts at making the Church
instrumental, of utilizing it by extremist groups are no-
thing new and the Church has always been reserved to-
wards them.
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Mr. K.: What is your attitude towards Solidarity?
The Primate: I already made a statement on this
subject in Tygodnik Powszechny10. I do not think it to be
one of the extremist groups. Inasmuch as Solidarity is
representative of the feelings of the nation, the most broad-
ly conceived working class, the Church will be present at
this movement. It will never want to become directly in-
volved in it, since that is not the task of the Church. The
Church conceives her role towards the society as that of
service and neither wants to subordinate this movement,
which is to be the movement for protection of labor, nor
to become its instrument.
Mr. K.: Would you care to expound on what is the
attitude of the Church towards various Catholic group-
ings. There are several of them: Znak, the Polish Catholic-
Social Union, Clubs of the Catholic Intelligentsia, Pax, the
Christian Social Association". August 1980 has left a lot
of changes on this map, too.
The Primate: Catholic groups have been hitherto
quite atomized, while today a propensity to act closer
together can be noticed. They are no longer so manipulat-
ed as in the past and they want to prove they are reli-
able. This emphasis on reliability is a very positive
phenomenon. Hence also these groups, which were inspir-
ed by somebody and which had various connections, at
the moment want to prove they are reliable and it is on
this plane that rapprochement can be reached.
Mr. K.: Or even unification?
The Primate: I do not think so; they have too many
differences: the past, political biographies of their leaders,
etc. Anyway, each one has certain defined goals, which
are not limited to servicing the Church only. They have
different ideological or social concepts and they try to
implement them in a different way. I do not think that
one Christian organization will evolve in Poland, though
they can come closer together. I will have talks with
representatives of each one of these groups1-.
Mr. K.: What do the talks with the state authorities
look like? Which one of the controversial issues needs to
be solved most urgently?
The Primate: We have found forms of dialogue in-
stead of confrontation on a number of issues. Today we
know what is the joint commission, what are the working
teams, among others the legislative team, where in a quiet
and methodical way we discuss and settle matters, which
were controversial until recently. There is still a long
way ahead of us, but we have already elaborated the
method of solving serious matters.
will maintain contacts with the Church. We should follow
along this road further - while mutual respect of part-
ners is a pre-condition for the correct development of this
dialogue.
On the Ideological Neutrality of the State
Mr. K.: Excellency, there is much talk about the
ideological neutrality of the state, while at the same time a
postulate is put forward by Catholic circles to abolish
the law on abortion. Whereas doctrinal reasons against
the liquidation of the conceived life are convergent with
humanistic or medical reasons, the pressure on the abolish-
ment of this law does not take into account the fast that
this law is a lesser evil than illegal abortions, and second-
ly that for many non-believers the matter of abortion is
the issue of their private conscience.
The Primate: It seems that you are mixing two
things here. For us the issue of state neutrality is con-
nected with the equality of the rights of believers and
non-believers. A neutral state is the one which does not
interfere in the religious attitudes of citizens. The state as
such does not have its own morality, it can only be con-
cerned about the morality of citizens. Therefore, if to-
day citizens are of the opinion that abortion is an evil,
the state loses nothing of its neutrality. For the Church
the matter of abortion is the issue of the concept of man
set in faith, that is, in God. Moreover, the law which
provides for taking away life violates moral norms
from the all-human point of view, since it provides for
the possibility of imposing it on a doctor to abort an
unborn life. The pressure on the abolition of the law is
accompanied by work on shaping such a moral attitude
of man that he internally considers abortion as an act of
evil. The law deforms conscience in this sense that man
accepts as good is compatible with the law.
Mr. K.: However, these laws are commonly accept-
ed as revealed by the referendum in Italy.
The Primate: This manipulated will of the majority
in Italy proved to be a fact; nobody has organized a
referendum in our country. It can also happen that the
majority is wrong. If we take a glance at this civilization
from a certain perspective does not it become evident that
it is banished - and it is on the very issue of abortion
- since it gives such a superiority of an adult over a
helpless being. And in what name?
Mr. K.: This is a general question whether the
course of history does not push our civilization in the
direction of liberating individuals and social groups from
the rule of imposed norms and prohibitions, towards
emancipation.
The Primate: We look at the Church in Poland
as a whole. We employ the legal language of People's
Poland, we are discussing the matter of the legal status
of the Church, of filling posts and mutual relation between
the Church and a relevant organ of state authority, which
The Primate: This process is a certain historical
regularity and it cannot be halted. Periods of stringent
morality are followed by the time of relaxation, we are
periodically experiencing the recurrence of renaissance.
I believe, however, that today we are witnessing the re-
turn - or perhaps the need of returning - to more
ethical life, bigger balance and observance of norms. In
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this changing world the Church is not a weathervane; it
guards permanent values. I think, anyway, that as con-
cerns many issues, e.g. respect for life, the Church is
much closer to certain formulations of Marxism than ex-
tremely liberal doctrines which voice unlimited freedom
of the individual and this leads to disrespect for life,
partnership, to spreading selfishness and consumerism.
We should not forget that an individual does not always
have independent insight to perceive the deep sense of
his activity, an individual often yields to schematic think-
ing - today the slogan of "liberalization", almost un-
limited freedom, thirst for pleasure. This concerns not
only abortion or divorce, but also the whole erotization
of everyday life, consumerism, hedonism - up to drug
abuse and terrorism. All this is interrelated with neglect
of social duties of man, to which Marxists also have
turned attention.
Mr. K.: At this moment appeals of the Church
against demoralization in TV, cinema, literature come to
my mind. Is there no danger that more stringent moral
censorship will deprive us of many important literary or
cinematic works?
The Primate: This is a question whether drastic
concentration on only one aspect of human life can be
connected with art? The Church has never opposed nudi-
ty - suffice it to make a tour of the Vatican museum -
but pornography, showing off sex and reducing man to
the level of an object; she was been against turning
society's attention to the most important problems. The
Church views man in a very humanistic way, integrally,
as an entity.
Without Political Ambitions
Mr. K.: Excellency, nobody questions the strength
of Polish Catholicism, but what is going to happen next?
Let us assume that renewal will survive; is there any
danger involved in it? On the one hand, the Church
acted at moments of crisis as an intermediary between
the authorities and the society, which, if practiced for a
long period of time, may be regarded as an "alliance
between the altar and the throne," and on the other hand,
the restoration of natural, democratic mechanisms in the
society may result in the fact that many people will no
longer seek asylum in the Church.
The Primate: Do not forget, please, that the Church
has never had and does not have now any political ambi-
tions. Its role in the political life of the nation stemmed
from the country's situation, when the authority was not
able to find a common language with the society, but this
was only a temporary role: priests do not aspire to polit-
ical power...
Mr. K.: ... this is a response to the claim of "Kho-
meinization" of Poland, which is sometimes voiced abroad.
The Primate: I do not know who formulates such
claims. Christianity is not Islam, and Poland is not Iran.
I do not think the Church will have to continue its role
as an intermediary in Poland, since in a normal social
arrangement, which is being shaped in our renewal, the
society and the authorities can reach agreement without
intermediation of the Church. The Church has no polit-
ical aspirations and fortunately there are no prospects for
the "alliance between the altar and the throne." The sub-
stance of the Church is to disseminate faith, ministry and
religious-social activity, rather than a political one.
"The Polish Church Does Not Have to
Fear Democracy"
Mr. K.: Will the current of universal democratiza-
tion of social life in the country and public institutions
have also no influence on the Polish Church, e.g. in the
form of young priests' striving for bigger internal democ-
racy; will there not appear voices - like in France or
Holland for relaxation of celibacy, organization of "work-
er priests," greater decentralization of church life?
The Primate: The Church is a part of society, which
it serves and - as I have already said - she carries a
lot of characteristics of this society. The Polish Church
does not have to fear democracy, since democracy is the
most beautiful gift of the 20th century - it convinced
us that people are equal, that they can speak out, and
that the will of the majority needs to be accepted. On the
other hand, the Church does not feature a democratic
structure, she is hierarchical, she has her durable princi-
ples, and does not resemble a secular institution due to its
supranatural character. In the Church, however, much
stress is on brotherhood, neighborly love, collectivity -
so in spite of her hierarchical structure the Church has
her own deeper democracy. Of course, young priests will
impose a new style, this manner of conduct is already
noticeable - direct and democratic. I do not suppose,
however, that the movement of "worker priests" will oc-
cur here...
Mr. K.: .. with the Marxist orientation on top of
this, like in France ...
The Primate: ...since in Poland the attitude of
workers towards the Church is very natural. A priest in
Poland does not have to look for a worker since he also
does not have to seek manual work either - he knows
its from daily practice. Such a movement will not be
formed here for another reason: we, Poles, are not people
able to sacrifice themselves in such an unimpressive way.
Religiosity of Polish Workers
Mr. K.: With your permission, Excellency, let us
tackle the problem of religiosity of Polish workers. The
August mass in the Lenin Shipyard13 came as a shock for
the whole world. Of course, it may be explained also in
such a way that the strikers were under extreme stress,
exposed to danger, that they needed psychological support
and they found it in the feeling of security which had
been given to them in childhood by the Church. I do not
suppose that all the strikers were so religiously minded in
their every life as on that dramatic Sunday. Was that
triumph surprising for the Church?
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Shipyard triumphal. Demonstration of religiosity by the
workers is not a triumph, but their natural need; it was
simply their response to the religious need, which is deep-
ly rooted in the Polish working class, even as regards
those workers who do not strictly observe the norms of
Catholic life. These early experiences from childhood are
revived in most of them at important moments. That Mass
was neither a political demonstration, nor exclusively a
psychological need, it was the Mass which was a profound
experience; it is simply in our nature to be able to ex-
perience religion deeply, we are simply religious. The
fact that the same workers go to church less frequently
afterwards does not alter the fact that they are able to
experience religious feelings.
3 The weekly Po Prostu [In Simple Words] was
founded in 1947; from 1955 it published bold, matter-of-
fact appraisals of the then situation in Poland, it was a
manifestation of the approaching wave of the liberaliza-
tion of the intellectual life in Poland. It ceased to appear
in 1957.
4 The weekly Argumenty, organ of the Association
of Polish Atheists, now of the Society for Disseminating
Secular Culture, founded in 1957.
5 Kazimierz Kakol, former minister - head of the
Office for Religious Denominations in the years 1975-
1980.
Prognoses
Mr. K.: And finally my last question. While Car-
dinal Wyszynski was called "the Primate of the Mil-
lenium", his successor might be called "the Primate of the
21st century". With what premonition do you intend to
introduce the Polish Church into the next millenium: of
the approaching catastrophe or of the chance for the
general renaissance of mankind?
The Primate: Well, we still have a lot of time before
the 21st century starts. I do not suppose that I myself will
introduce the Polish Church into the next millenium. My
only wish is to continue the work of the Great Primate.
1, a minor primate, would like to follow His footsteps, if
possible, in new conditions. I would like to develop col-
lectivity, to listen to what happens in the nation. I do
not want to impose my personality, but I shall try to be
faithful. I am aware of the fact that the times are dif-
ficult, and I am a man of the Church who believes and
knows that actually there should be neither difficult nor
easy times for the Church. Any time is good for sowing
what we have to sow. I have no personal aspirations, I
think I am a simple man. I think I would like to retain
this simplicity. I was brought up in different times, I
had no schooling during the war, I was a juvenile laborer,
and this can influence my attitude to life, to workers. I
would also like to be close to what is going on.
Mr. K.: Thank you very much for the interview.
1 In 1950 establishments run by Caritas, as an organ
of the Catholic Church in Poland, were taken away from
the Church and subordinated to the newly established
Caritas Association of Catholics, which was not subject
to Church jurisdiction. Here, Dr. Glemp speaks about the
Caritas Association.
2 Archbishop Glemp uses here the chronology of the
three periods in the post-war history of Poland, climaxed
with violent social unrest. "The Stalinist period" - its
symbolic end was the year of 1956; "The 1960s" - their
end was marked by the December 1970 events in Gdansk;
the period of "the 1970s" symbolically ended with mass-
scale strikes in the summer of 1980.
6 Laski near Warsaw, a house of Franciscan Sisters,
a well-known educational center for blind children. Intel-
lectual center, before World War II related to the person
of Rev. Wladyslav Kornilowicz (1884-1946) and the Ver
bum monthly. It carried out active missionary work, pri-
marily among the confessors of Mosaism. Niepokalanow
near Warsaw, a monastery of Conventual Franciscans
founded by blessed Maksymilian M. Kolbe (1894-1941).
Before World War II a large publishing center of the
Catholic press. The counterposition of these two centers
of religious life by Adam Krzeminski stems from different
concepts of their goals and different forms of religious
activity.
7 The territories situated on the Odra river and on
the Baltic coast acquired by Poland in the issue of the
2nd World War (Potsdam Agreement). Integrated with
the west of Poland in the first post-war years.
8 Discussion in press, initiated by Stefan Bratkowski,
party member, president of the Association of Polish
Journalists, on the place of believers in the Polish United
Workers' Party, took place in March this year. A re-
verberation of that discussion was an article of Ada Szu-
bowa published in the Slowo Powszechne daily (No. 139,
July 10-12, 1981) "Faith - Believers - the Church.
Before the 9th Congress of the Polish United Workers'
Party".
9 Pius XII.
10 Tygodnik Powszechny, No. 25, June 21, 1981.
11 Three out of the groups mentioned by Adam Kzze-
minski - the Christian Social Association, the Polish
Catholic-Social Union and the Pax Association - have
the character of associations and participate in public
life (i.e., they are represented in the Sejm). The remain-
ing ones: the Cracow Znak group, clubs of the Catholic
Intelligentsia and the group around a Warsaw monthly
Wiez - the latter not mentioned by Krzeminski - con-
centrate on club, intellectual and publishing activities.
12 Archbishop Jozef Glemp has already met with re-
presentatives of the following associations: on July 16th,
with representatives of the Christian Social Association;
on July 20th, with the representatives of the Pax Associa-
tion; on July 21st, with the representatives of the Polish
Catholic-Social Union.
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POLAND and USSR
POLAND WITHOUT ILLUSIONS
T HE leader of Polish Communists staged a successful
military coup, which came as a surprise to the
Poles, East Europeans and to the West. The leader
of the coup declared that he wanted to prevent chaos and
civil war.
Democratic statesmen expressed in one way or an-
other their condemnation of the coup; the Communist
governments of the USSR and East European states wel-
comed it.
There are two things we must do:
1. To see reality as it is, with no illusions.
2. To communicate the recognized reality, and to
witness to the truth.
The purpose of the military coup was to liquidate the
Solidarity trade unions, to stop the process of Polish
renewal and to restore the totalitarian Communist regime.
It would be childish to expect that the martial law in
Poland would soon be abrogated and that the interned
individuals would be released expeditiously. It would be
highly naive to believe that some dialogue could begin
between the government and the Solidarity movement.
Return to the period preceding December 13, 1981, is
impossible. Whatever will happen will be just a game
played to help the West swallow more easily yet another
Soviet bitter pill - after Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Af-
ghanistan and many others.
Those who rule Moscow and East Europe are con-
vinced that though the West might kick and scream, it
cannot lift a finger. I had heard this assertion time and
again from high officers of the Czechoslovak secret police.
Moscow succeeded in stifling the workers' riots in
the GDR (East Germany) in 1953, massacring the Hun-
garian nation in 1956, attacking Czechoslovakia in 1968,
occupying Afghanistan in 1979 - and we should be so
reckless as to pretend that the Kremlin should not be
blamed for the military coup in Poland in 1981? Should
we try to tell our people that we do not believe that Mos-
cow had anything to do with it?
Policy-making is no child's play. It shapes the destiny
of nations and at this stage we may say that it affects the
destiny of our planet. To assure peaceful life for the
world - that calls for formidable policy-making skills,
for seeing the world without illusions, for speaking the
truth about the world and for courage to make bold
decisions.
J i r i L e d e r e r, a Czech journalist, civil rights activ-
ist and former political prisoner, now in exile, has closely
studied the Polish situation since the 1940s. His book
"My Poland Lives" was published recently. Lederer is a
frequent contributor to RCDA.
Moreover, it requires a clear perception of the es-
sence and the role of the USSR in today's world. The
prime strategy of the Soviets is to break down or at least,
to weaken the alliance of West Europe with the USA.
For that purpose they aimed a battery of SS 20 rockets
toward the West in order to intimidate its citizens. For
that purpose Moscow insisted on Brezhnev's visit in Bonn
at a time when the military coup in Poland had already
been prepared. For that purpose Chancellor Schmidt re-
ceived a friendly welcome in the GDR. For that purpose
writers from both German states held their meeting in
West Berlin. Without Moscow's benediction that could
never have happened.
As a young man I began my involvement in politics
as a member of the Social Democratic Party and ever
since I have followed with interest the actions of the
socialist and social-democratic parties which are in power
in many countries and which therefore bear considerable
responsibility for the future. Too often I feel at a loss to
understand the utterances of certain socialist leaders who
are spreading illusions about the Soviet state and its
leadership, presenting Soviet leaders as though they were
trembling anxiously about peace on earth. Anyone can
see that precisely the rulers in the Kremlin sent their
troops to Afghanistan to kill - they dispatched them
without any trepidation or mercy. I feel profoundly dis-
appointed by socialist leaders who are equating the USA
with the USSR. Their statements prove that they do not
understand basic social and political problems.
The peace policy cannot be equated with the so called
detente which has been used to camouflage Soviet op-
pression. Detente failed because the agreements between
the East and the West had not ensured greater freedom
for the citizens of totalitarian states. Whether we like it
or not, the principles of detente did not succeed.
East Europe, a zone of tension and unrest, endangers
peace in the world. The fulcrum of the danger is Mos-
cow which, as a result of Yalta, considers itself the master
of East Europe. Having enslaved its citizens and robbed
many nations of their independence, the USSR represents
the greatest menace for the world today.
This is not a clarion call to organize a holy war
against the USSR but an appeal to be fully aware of that
danger and to recognize its specifics. On the basis of our
historical experience we must search for means to reduce
that danger to an absolute minimum.
Some statesmen say that nothing more can be done
because of Yalta which has become an indelible factor in
shaping Europe's destiny. However, Helsinki is also in-
tegral factor of Europe today. The Helsinki Final Act
set the outlines for relations among states as well as new
opportunities for all European nations. The Final Act is
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an indivisible unit whose success depends entirely on the
implementation of its letter. Economic and any other co-
operation among states can serve the spirit of Helsinki
only if it goes hand in hand with the fulfillment of the
articles on observation of human rights as specified in the
Final Act, otherwise Helsinki would be a fraud com-
mitted against every nation in Europe and against peace.
We know that the Soviet power cannot be impressed
by beautiful pronouncements but by considerations of its
own interests. Moscow fully realized that its military
intervention would endanger its main strategic objective,
which is to break down the alliance of West Europe with
the USA. For that reason already in the spring of 1981
the Kremlin considered another Polish solution: military
dictatorship, which needed a long period of incubation.
The first step was to find appropriate traitors among the
Poles.
Thus, the Communist coup against the Polish people
who are represented by the Solidarity trade unions came
into being. The Polish Communist Party was in a state
of disintegration and the army under the leadership of
the Communist Party chairman had to carry out the
putsch. Those who regard the perpetrator of the coup as
a Polish patriot fail to comprehend any of the current
realities of Poland and of East Europe in general.
What happened in Poland is not a lesser evil but
the greatest evil possible because there are some Poles
willing to strangle their own nation in defense of Mos-
cow's imperialism.
From these difficult times the Poles will always re-
member the name of one man, Ronald Reagan, as the
only statesman willing to do something more than a
verbal protest. He took steps to protect the innermost
interests of the Polish people. We hope that he will remain
in the future as steadfast as he appears at present.
Translated from the Czech by Olga S. Hruby
From: Zycie i Mysl [Life and Thought], monthly, No. 3,
Warsaw, March 1981.
POLAND
A MEETING B ETWIEEN THE PRIMATE AND
RE]~ER XXXIiSrEiNTATIVES OF INDEPENDENT
TRADE UNIONS 6 SOLIDAILRIT JL 99
T HE Press Bureau of the Polish Episcopate announced
that, on February 6, 1981, the Primate of Poland,
Stefan Wyszynski, received, in the private residence
of the Archbishops of Warsaw, Lech Walesa, head of the
National Committee for Reconciliation of the NSZZ So-
lidarnosc [Solidarity], and Patrycjusz Kosmowski, head
of the NSZZ Solidarnosc for the Podbeskidzie region,
together with other activists of that region.
The delegation thanked the Primate for help given
by the Episcopate, especially by the Episcopate's Secre-
tary, Bishop Bronislaw Dabrowski, in reaching the agree-
ment of February 6, 1981, in Bielsko-Biala, between the
Governmental Commission and the Inter-factory Strike
Committee of the NSZZ Solidarnosc for the Podbeskidzie
region. The delegation reiterated its dedication to the
Church.
In a short address to the delegation the Primate of
Poland expressed his satisfaction with the relaxation of
the tensions in the Podbeskidzie region and with the ac-
cords reached. It will contribute to the improvement of
the situation in the entire country. Then the Primate ap-
pealed to the representatives of NSZZ Solidarnosb to
observe in their actions the principles of common sense
and justice. He also emphasized that the main objective
of the trade unions is to protect interests of the working
class, to ensure proper working conditions and to secure
adequate living standards for the workers. The Primate
of Poland reiterated his recommendation that the NSZZ
Solidarnosc form structures which would help the trade
unions in properly fulfilling their task. It is necessary
that the union movement remain authentically Polish and
that its actions be guided by the interests of the Polish
state. The tensions all over the country should be resolved
expeditiously.
Finally, the Primate of Poland stressed once more
the need to educate union cadres to work for the good
of the workers and the nation.
The meeting was attended by the Secretary of the
Episcopate, Bishop Bronislaw Dabrowski, his Deputy and
the Head of the Episcopate Press Bureau, F. Alojzy
Orszulik.
The Primate of Poland with Bishop Dabrowski gave
blessings to all those present at the meeting.
Translated from the Polish by Agnieszka Preibisz
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POLAND
POLISH EPISCOPATE VALUES HIGHLY THE FOUNDING
OF FREE TRADE UNIONS "SOLIDARITY?
T HE following communique of the Supreme Council
of the Polish Episcopate which met in Warsaw on
August 13, 1981, presided by the Polish Primate,
Archbishop Jozef Glemp, illustrates very succintly the
scope of the Catholic Church's involvement in Polish
national life and, in particular, in the present crisis. The
leaders of the Catholic Church refer to the "memorable"
days of August 1980 when the Polish workers "launched
the protest against the then political and state leadership
and demanded their legitimate rights, to which they and
our society were entitled." The Church leaders declared
that the agreements between the workers and the state
(Solidarity) signed on August 31, 1980 "marked the
beginning of the process of renewal in all areas of life
in our country." They believe that the emergence of new,
independent self-governing trade unions of both blue- and
white-collar workers as well as of private farmers and
craftsmen represent a great asset for the Polish nation.
Both the government and the governed "must
law and order, work honestly, fulfill the concluded agree-
ments, and respect human rights."
The Catholic leadership emphasizes that the Church
had been warning for years against manipulation of mass
media and demands that access to the radio and television
be granted to the new trade unions, the Church and the
centers of public opinion in Poland.
They call upon all citizens to act prudently and to
abstain from inciting emotions, and underline that na-
tional renewal must start with a change of attitudes in
personal life and towards one's fellow men.
There is no doubt that the important role which
the Catholic Church plays, and will continue to play, in
the present Polish crisis will exercise a considerable im-
pact upon General Jaruzelski and his masters in Moscow
as well as upon other Communist-dominated countries.
From: ChSS Information Bulletin (Christian Social As-
sociation). No. 9, Warsaw, September 1981.
COMMUNIQUE OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF
THE POLISH EPISCOPATE
I N CONNECTION with the situation in our country,
which has aroused considerable justified anxiety about
our future, the Supreme Council of the Polish Epis-
copate met in Warsaw on August 13, 1981. The meeting
was chaired by the Polish Primate, Archbishop Jozef
Glemp.
The situation in our country forced the Supreme
Council to take a stand on certain issues in our public life.
1. A year has elapsed since the memorable August
days, when the workers on the Coast and then the work-
ing people of other regions of our country launched the
protest against the then political and state leadership and
demanded their legitimate rights, to which they and our
whole society were entitled. Those were the days of ten-
sion and fear, but also of prayer and great hopes. The
question was whether Poles would be able to solve their
problems themselves, without foreign intervention, and
whether those who were wielding authority would meet
society's expectations. The day of August 31, 1980, con-
stitutes a great event in relations between the authorities
and the society. The social agreements signed in Gdansk,
Szczecin and Jastrzebie marked the beginning of the
process of renewal in all areas of life in our country.
2. No renewal is without difficulties: the old is
struggling with the new. That is why tensions occurred
due to a lack of confidence between the authorities and
social groups organized in trade unions. Mechanisms of
evil, lawless incompetence in ruling the country and lead-
ing it to economic catastrophe were disclosed.
This past year was a lesson for our society, which
felt free and at the same time responsible for the proper
direction of our country's development. This past year
was also a lesson for the authorities. They had to realize
that it was no longer possible for a narrow social group
to rule the country. In spite of difficulties and conflicts
this past year was very important for Poland and it will
undoubtedly pass down in history as a watershed in re-
formation of the Republic. It witnessed the emergence of
new independent self-governing trade unions of both blue-
and white-collar workers, as well as of private farmers
and craftsmen.
This is a great asset for the Nation. We believe that
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the force of the new trade unions will be used both to
defend workers' rights as well as to lead our country out
of the crisis. The society sets great hopes on the new
trade union movement. These hopes cannot be disap-
pointed.
3. We all realize how difficult it is to overcome a
crisis, especially an economic crisis, which is painfully
experienced by our families, individuals and the entire
society. How many sacrifices and self-denials are still ne-
cessary? We believe that our society is ready to make
these sacrifices, providing it is certain that its efforts are
not wasted; if the desired structures of workers' responsi-
bility and of labor management are created, if all social
forces take part in the preparation and implementation
of economic reform and if the program is acceptable for
the entire nation. Our working people voice a legitimate
request to be able to control what has been worked out
in common effort, and the way the fruits of joint efforts
are distributed.
The existing crisis, both economic and moral, can-
not be overcome except by the common effort of our entire
nation.
Co-responsibility for the fate of our country requires
that all - both the government and the governed -
observe law and order, work honestly, fulfill the conclud-
ed agreements, and respect human rights.
Attempts at exploiting the existing situation and
increasing tensions to organize fractions and political
struggle should be firmly opposed, regardless of where
they occur.
4. In this difficult situation the society is particular-
ly sensitive to information conveyed by mass media. The
Church has for years warned against manipulating mass
media. They constitute the property of the whole nation.
They must serve all in truth. Those who use them should
refrain from stirring up the feelings and from irritating
propaganda.
A matter of grave importance involves granting ac-
cess to the radio and television to the new trade unions,
the Church and all centers of public opinion in Poland.
5. We have lived through many difficult days in the
past period. We have always managed to overcome dif-
ficulties by reaching agreement on the basis of honest
talks between the parties concerned. This makes it pos-
sible to be hopeful that the present tension will be resolved
and the efforts of the authorities, the trade unions and
our whole society will be combined in the production of
goods so necessary for leading our country out of the
crisis.
Therefore, we call upon everybody to act prudently,
to abstain from inciting emotions and to do what is most
important for the whole nation and the state.
So far we have given the world an evidence of con-
siderable maturity and culture in putting the matters in
our own home into order.
6. In view of the growing apprehension and anxiety
about the fate of our homeland, mindful of numerous
encouragement by the Holy Father and the late Great
Polish Primate, Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, let us follow
the roads of renewal they had paved. Every renewal must
start with a change of attitudes in personal life and to-
wards fellow man.
Let no one of us clench his fist. On the contrary, let
everybody abandon hatred and the feeling of revenge as
well as the will to have an upper hand by all means. We
are a nation which in the face of historic events was united
in the defense of the most sacred causes.
In our homeland, the month of August brings the
feasts of St. Mary, so dear to our hearts.
In May the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed
Virgin Mary and the Madonna of Czestochowa unite
us in a common ardent prayer at Jasna Gora, in parish
churches and in new centers of ministry.
Thus, may the August celebrations not only manifest
but ardently call to God through Mary for peace and
order in the hearts and in the public life of our baptized
nation.
Let us call with pure hearts that she defend the
Polish nation. Let us trust Her that She wil lead us on
straight roads of justice and love in our public life.
Warsaw, August 13, 1981
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POLAND
A COMMUNIST REFOR?VIIST FOR COOPERATION
BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE
RCDA Comment
B EFORE the imposition of martial law last December,
the Warsaw cafe wits used to say that the euphem-
ism employed as the name of the Polish Communist
Party, "United Polish Workers' Party," was 25% correct.
The Party, they said, was faction-ridden, not united; the
vehicle for Soviet, not Polish, interests, and contained
few, if any, workers. These days, however, not even the
word "Party" appears to be fully accurate. By definition,
Marxist-Leninist parties are supposed to play the "lead.
ing role" in governing "socialist" states of the Muscovite
persuasion. But in Poland today the "leading role" is
played by the Military Council of National Salvation, the
junta cobbled together by General Jaruzelski to impose
martial law on December 13, 1981.
Despite the interest aroused among students of Com-
munism by the employment of a military council to run
a "socialist" state, the same small clique of apparatchiki
sits today atop the Polish volcano as perched there, some-
what more precariously, before December 13. Sooner or
later, more "normal" forms of Marxist-Leninist political
life will return.
The article below by Jerzy J. Wiatr should be read
in the light of that prospect.
Dr. Wiatr is Director of the Institute of the Founda-
tions of Marxism-Leninism of the Central Committee of
the Polish Communist Party. During the 16 months of
the "Polish August," he was active in propounding re-
formist solutions for the crisis which began in the Lenin
RICHARD T. DAVIES
Shipyard in Gdansk. For example, early in December,
1981, speaking in Krakow, Dr. Wiatr proposed that the
Party renounce its monopoly of power, reach agreement
with "Solidarity," and devise new ways of providing for
popular representation in government and the economy.
Characteristically, the text of Dr. Wiatr's speech was
published in Gazeta Krakowska, the newspaper of the pro-
vincial Party committee, just three days before the pro-
clamation of martial law. It is worth noting that, in his
speech, Wiatr said the only practical alternative to re-
nunciation by the Party of its monopoly of political power
was military government, which, he said, would last "not
one year or two, but several years at least, or even
decades."
Having stuck his neck out during the 16 months of
Poland's peaceful revolution, Dr. Wiatr is now trying to
re-establish his credentials as a reliable Party theoretician.
The article below was written in the spring of 1981,
before the holding of the IX [Extraordinary] Congress
of the Polish Communist Party in July. Of particular
interest is Dr. Wiatr's treatment of the desirability of
"cooperation between state and [Catholic] Church autho-
rities concerning all questions of importance to Poland,"
a view widely held among reformists in the Party leader-
ship as well as by such leading fellow-travellers as the
non-Party sociologist, Dr. Jan Szczepanski. Regrettably,
the insecure Party leadership has chosen another ro"-'
that of declaring war on the Polish people.
From: Review of International Affairs, Belgrade, Yugo-
slavia, April 5, 1981 [Pp. 20-21]
CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF POLISH C
(Not edited by RCDA)
Isis
JERZY WIATR
T HOUGH the Polish crisis still continues, one may political and legal superstructure to adjust to the distinc-
nonetheless draw some of the main theoretical con- tions of the changing socio-economic structure. The
clusions to which it has given rise. absence of such adjustment and petrified political stuc-
First - the Polish crisis has shown that in the tures inevitably lead to conflicts which tend to become
development of a socialist society it is essential for the increasingly acute. This means that a road of evolution in
the direction of a reform, based on socialism, is the best
_ way to stabilize the system, and certainly not a conserva-
Richard T. Davies, former U.S. Ambassador to Poland tive adherence to the institutionalized forms of the past.
(1973-1978), is member of the Board of Directors of the Second - the crisis has shown that there are societal
Research Center for Religion and Human Rights in Closed conflicts in socialism internal process and of change, that their roots that are tto be sought
must be
Societies, Ltd. in the
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settled in a way which I called at the time the "strategy
of optimal compromise". Never before has such a formid-
able and profound crisis in a socialist country been re-
solved with so much compromise, in the spirit of agree-
ment, without the use of force.
Third - this crisis has confirmed that in Poland's
political and social life one must take into account the
broadbased representation and articulation of the interests
of the working class and the working people in general.
Long ago in Poland we started writing about the need
for a broadbased and authentic representation of interests.
So far it has been too confined, though certain conditions
were created in the past for the expression of stands and
the finding of certain solutions. However the boundaries
of political and social pluralism have so far proved to be
far too narrow and therefore had to be expanded natural-
ly. It would have been better had this expansion taken
place without clashes and crises, as the result of a steady
advance in socialist democracy.
Fourth - the Polish crisis has pointed up the great
role which religion and the Church play in the life of
this country. During the strikes, the religious symbolism
was obvious. It is clear that the new trade union move-
ment, though not officially a movement with set views
on the world, gladly seeks religious substance and symbols.
The authority of the Church, its ability to influence the
Polish people came to full expression. Ever since he
visited Poland in June 1980, Pope John Paul II became
a charismatic figure. All this may lead one to conclude
that, at least under Polish conditions, the hypothesis does
not apply that the religious attitude wanes parallel with
industrial progress and other socialist changes. The work-
ers employed in modern industrial plants, striking under
the aegis of the cross, are empirical proof that this hypo-
thesis has not been confirmed in Poland. One might well
ask why this is so? As I see it, the answer should be
sought in two directions. On the one hand Catholicism
and the Church have an unusually important role in Po-
land's national life, among other things also because the
Church was the Polish institution of a nationwide charac-
ter at the time when Poland was not independent, and
also because Poland is the furthest Eastern outpost of
the Catholic Church in Europe. "Polonia semper fidelis",
the watchword of the Catholic Church in Poland, has a
history of many centuries. The changes of the postwar
years could not efface this history. On the other hand
one should note that in the course of the Polish crisis a
rule was confirmed even by Marx. Marx linked up the
strengthening of religious feeling with the process of
alienation. The alienation of the Polish worker, their
feeling of importance in the face of the state's bureaucratic
machine not subject to any kind of control, is in my
opinion an important circumstance in strengthening the
religious factor. In this light one can paradoxically say
that the workers kneeling before the altar during the
strike were confirming the theoretical portion of Marxian
interpretation of religion, though not confirming the
Marxist forecast concerning the future of religion under
conditions of socialism. These problems will be of formid-
able importance for the further political development of
the Peoples Republic of Poland. Since the year 1956
relations between the socialist state and the Catholic
Church in Poland developed either satisfactorily or fa-
vourably, albeit with some phases of tension. The 1980
crisis definitely indicates the need to intensify partner-
ship relations between the state and the Church in the
spirit of joint action for the well-being of Poland, as so
powerfully manifested last year. What is needed is
greater activities of the Catholics in state and party life,
and in managing the economy, a greater share of the
Church and Catholic groups in influencing public opinion,
above all so that cooperation between state and Church
authorities concerning all questions of importance to Po-
land, would be a daily rule, and not an emergency form
of reaction to a deep crisis.
Fifth - the crisis has clearly shown that under
conditions of a socialist state, it is the conditions in the
working class party which are decisive for conditions
throughout the Polish system. The Party's internal ideo-
logical life, democratic activities, collective management
at all levels, free discussions, but also ideological unity
and discipline in relationship to the jointly accepted tenets
- all these are conditions without whose realization the
Party's leading role in the country might or even would
necessarily become transformed into the power of a pro-
fessional party apparatus. It is already evident today that
the changes taking place in the Polish United Workers
Party and which will find expression in the decisions of
the IX Congress, represent an unusually important aspect
of the process of socialist reconstruction.
Sixth - the experiences of the Polish crisis in 1980
and of the entire development of socialist Poland definitely
confirm the correctness of Lenin's tenet that national
distinctions must be given due account in laying down the
strategy of socialist construction. Poland should certainly
take advantage of the experiences of all the other socialist
states, it should learn from them, and introduce what has
proved to be good in other countries. But at the same
time one should always take into consideration the na-
tional context, i.e. analyze the measure to which a given
solution suits specific Polish conditions. The mechanical
transfer of other peoples' experiences and solutions may
well result in the emergence of institutionalized forms un-
adapted to the conditions prevailing in the country, to
the latter's traditions and culture, and often this then
becomes the cause of tension and crises. International
solidarity among socialist states, political unity among
the members of the Warsaw Pact, these are the lasting,
unassailable principles of Polish policy. However, these
principles do not mean identical political or economic
solutions to be applied in individual countries. On the
contrary, experience has taught us that the more a road
in building socialism is adjusted to the specific traits in
national development, the better the socialist integration
of the people will progress and the stronger its links will
be with the entire socialist community.
Seventh - one clear conclusion emerges for polit-
ical science and other social sciences, drawn from the
1980 crisis. They must be the real source of knowledge
on the socio-political life of the country, they must be the
foundations in formulating realistic estimates and bold
propositions for a reform. In this spirit the Polish
politological circles have long formulated their tasks.
Under the conditions created by the 1980 crisis and its
resolution, the engagement of political science in creat-
ing the scientific foundations for socialist reform will be
and must be the increasingly pronounced distinction of
Polish politology.
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USSR and POLAND
SOVIET PROPAGANDA DENIGRATES POLAND'S
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM
RCDA Comment
T HE Soviet regime is deeply worried about the in- ed by CIA and other Western intelligence services, foreign
creasing struggle of the Polish people for freedom broadcasting stations as well as by Polish exiles in Lon-
and independence. Moscow is concerned about the don, Paris, New York and other places. "The U.S. sub-
impact of this unique phenomenon in the history of Com- versive centre Freedom House, notorious for its activity
munism upon captive nations, including various nationali- against the socialist countries and progressive regimes in
ties of the USSR who want to be free. The spiritual Asia, Africa and Latin America" and one of its active
power of the Catholic Church which is one of the leading members Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's adviser
d t 'n this context
a
l
e
forces in the struggle for Poland's survival and freedom on national security a f f oars, are sting ou
and the political power of the free trade union movement,
Solidarity, with more than 10 million members as well
as Polish peasants and intellectuals present a far more
serious challenge to Soviet colonialism and to Communist
dictatorships than the Hungarian uprising in 1956 and
the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia in 1968.
It is, therefore, no wonder that the Soviet propaganda
is trying very hard to discredit the Polish struggle for
freedom and to present it solely as a movement manipulat-
The martial law declared in Warsaw on December
13, 1981, by the new dictator, Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski,
a Moscow puppet, and dissolution of Solidarity represent
a serious blow to the Polish liberation movement. How-
ever, considering the courage and resilience of the Polish
nation and its Catholic Church in their perennial struggle
for survival, it is to be expected that their resistance will
not be stopped by terror and threats.
From: New Times. 38, Moscow, September 1981 [Pp.
22-23]
WHO BENEFITS BY THE CRISIS IN POLAND
VALERY KUZAVKOV
[Not edited by RCDA]
W HITHER Poland?* is the title of a booklet pub-
lished recently in Luxemburg. Based on materials
carried by Western newspapers and periodicals, it
conclusively shows that the present developments in Po-
land have been provoked by anti-socialist forces and
imperialist special services. Under cover of demagogic
disquisitions about "social renewal," the enemies of soci-
alism in Poland are brazenly seeking to paralyze the
functioning of state and party bodies, to undermine the
authority of the government chosen by the people. Particu-
lar zeal in this is displayed by the so-called Workers'
Defence Committee (KSS-KOR) and the Confederation
for an Independent Poland. The leaders of these organiza-
tions, men like Kuron, Michnik, Moczulski and others,
have made it plain, both indirectly and directly, that their
aim is to replace the socialist system with a system of
bourgeois socio-economic relations.
The booklet underscores the fact that forces inimical
to the people appeared on the Polish political scene long
*Ou va la Pologne? Cooperative Ouvriere de Presse et
d'Editions, Luxembourg, 1981.
before August 1980. They particularly stepped up their
activity in the late seventies, seizing every opportunity to
stir up anti-state actions and disorders. They organized
anti-socialist meetings, marches and rallies on diverse pre-
texts, in particular ostensibly to celebrate historical and
religious anniversaries. Early in 1978 self-styled "free
trade union committees" were set up in Katowice and
Gdansk, and these espoused the concepts advanced by
KSS-KOR. It was their activity that led to the emergence
of the Solidarity trade union association in the autumn
of 1980.
The booklet cites a number of revealing statements
by the present leaders of the counter-revolutionary organi-
zations. Kuron, for instance, told a Spiegel correspondent
in September last year: "The strike at the shipyards was
thoroughly prepared by KOR... Stocks of food, medica-
ments, and paper were laid in and contact established
with the enterprises all along the coast. In Gdansk KOR
people found a worker who became something of a symbol
of the strike. Lech Walesa was the lieutenant in the
trenches, but the general staff was KOR, which gave
advice to the strike committee in each concrete situation,
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and drew up the texts of documents for negotiations with
the government."
Another KSS-KOR leader, Miroslaw Chojecki, said
that it was thanks to KOR that the workers were persuad-
ed to join the "independent" trade unions and to take
strike action. "In every strike centre," he said, "there
were groups of advisers: economists, sociologists, law-
yers, who helped to formulate the various demands and
to conduct talks with the authorities."
Leszek Moczulski, another ideologue of the counter-
revolutionary forces, said in September 1980 that the
Confederation for Independent Poland took an active part
in the organization of the strikes in Gdansk, Szczecin and
Silesia. He personally advised Walesa. Members of the
Confederation had been in the "front line of the strikes."
The anti-socialist groups and elements in Poland
are in effect an instrument used by the CIA and other
Western intelligence services to create a conflict situation
in the country.
To spread anti-socialist views so-called "flying uni-
versities" were organized. The lecturers, who included
not only home-grown dissidents, but also Western "schol-
ars" such as the notorious anti-communist Oxford Uni-
versity Professor Charles Taylor, grossly distorted the
theoretical principles of scientific communism and of
proletarian internationalism.
Another Oxford University professor, one Leszek Ko-
lakowski, figures among the ideologues of KSS-KOR. His
anti-socialist activity against Poland, which he left in
1968, has long been well known. Kolakowski invested a
great deal of effort into whipping up social tension in the
Polish People's Republic, especially in 1956 and 1968.
Ever since he left for the West he has supported the ac-
tions of the counter-revolutionary elements in Poland,
rendering them ideological, political and material as-
sistance.
Among other things, Kolakowski had a hand in the
drawing up of the programme statement of the anti-
socialist forces in Poland published in the emigre news-
paper Dziennik Polski put out in London. This document,
put together by the most diehard Polish counter-revolu-
tionaries associated with Western secret services and in
particular with the CIA, denigrates all that the Polish
People's Republic has accomplished. The anti-socialist
forces have made it their programme and guide to action
in their struggle against people's government in Poland.
The booklet contains documentary evidence that from
its very inception the KSS-KOR has been directed by
Western subversion centres. The Polish counter-revolu-
tionaries have been backed by Western mass media.
The Paris monthly Kultura, published by Polish
emigres in France, not only became a mouth-piece of the
counter-revolutionary forces in Poland, but also organized
the collection of funds to finance them. It was in Polish
emigre quarters close to Kultura that the "theory of
evolutionism" was evolved by means of which the counter-
revolutionary forces hope to transform the socialist sys-
tem in Poland. Its substance boils down to the capture of
position after position from socialism.
Recommendations for KSS-KOR are carried also by
the London journal Aneks, which is closely connected
with the U.S. subversion centre Freedom House, notorious
for its activity against the socialist countries and progres-
sive regimes in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This
centre has arrogated to itself the right to "supervise" the
observance of human rights in other countries. Incidental-
ly, one of its active members is Zbigniew Brzezinski,
former U.S. presidential national security aide.
Another important "ideological source" of KSS-
KOR is the North American Centre for Polish Affairs
operating in the United States. Set up in May 1976 on
the initiative of the CIA, it brings together all Polish
emigre "theorists" in the U.S. and Canada. They include
Professor Jerzy Lerski, one of the authors of the above-
mentioned London "programme." A group of Polish Zi-
onists is also using it as a base. All the activities of the
Centre are directed by American political operators, in-
cluding Brzezinski and the "Polish lobby" in Congress.
KSS-KOR activity is directed also by the so-called
Polish "government in exile" set up in London and head-
ed by Edward Raczynski, who was at one time the
ambassador of bourgeois Poland to Britain. He and his
team co-ordinate the activities of the numerous enemies
of People's Poland in Britain. These include the Polish
Research Centre, the Polish Ex-Combatants' Association,
the Polish Jewish Refugee Fund, the Polish National Fund,
the Polish Educational Society, the Polish Cultural Foun-
dation, the Polish Youth Centre, the Information Centre
for Polish Affairs, and so on. They all are united by
hatred for socialist Poland.
There are a good many subversive anti-Polish centres
in other countries as well. It is they that have given KSS-
KOR access to the Western news agencies, radio, tele-
vision, and press. Statements by Kuron, Michnik and
others are printed in the French Le Monde and the West
German Der Spiegel and Stern, and circulated by France-
Presse and UPI. Nor should it be forgotten that many
Polish renegade emigres who are actively helping KSS-
KOR are working for Radio Free Europe, which is a
CIA subsidiary.
Revanchist quarters in West Germany, the booklet
shows, have also actively helped to whip up anti-socialist
sentiment in Poland. When the strikes began in that
country, the Silesian German Fraternity, the West Prus-
sian Fraternity, the Danzig Union, and similar revanchist
organizations rushed to the aid of the counter-revolution.
Drawing on the support of all these "centres" and
"associations," the KSS-KOR leaders embarked in mid.-
1980 on an open struggle against governmental authority
in Poland and the Polish United Workers' Party. "What
the people must do now is organize against the leader-
ship," Kuron said in an interview to the Swedish tele-
vision on September 24 last year. And in a KSS-KOR
bulletin he wrote: "We shall be obliged to coexist for a
time, perhaps for a long time, with the apparatus of the
party and the state." In other words, the present state
and party apparatus must, in the opinion of KSS-KOR,
sooner or later be destroyed and abolished.
The instrument KSS-KOR chose for this is the trade
union organization Solidarity, which, acting on KSS-KOR
orders, has plunged Poland into deep crisis and forced
confrontation upon the Polish United Workers' Party and
government leadership.
The law enforcement agencies - the militia, courts,
and the security service - have come under particularly
heavy fire from the leaders of KSS-KOR and Solidarity.
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In a number of localities, such as Bydgoszcz, Radom
and Katowice, the functioning of these agencies has been
made extremely difficult. Plainly, the object is to disarm
the socialist system in Poland and make it defenceless.
The authors of the booklet show how KSS-KOR ac-
tivists have seized the leading position in the local organi-
zations of Solidarity and taken over its direct leadership.
The new "leaders" are threatening those who are not
prepared to follow their lead with dismissal from work
and physical violence.
According to their calculations, the economic col-
lapse towards which they are impelling Poland should be
followed by a political collapse, the downfall of the people's
From: New Times, No. 38, Moscow, September 1981
[p. 23]
AUTO ]PLANT TO POLISH WO
D EAR COMRADES,
Like all Soviet people, we closely follow the events in
fraternal Poland. If the forces fomenting anarchy and
chaos in your country at first disguised it with talk about
the need to "improve" and "renovate" socialism, we now
see that they have doffed this camouflage and openly urge
a counter-revolution. All their actions pursue one aim -
to undermine the foundation of socialism in the Polish
People's Republic.
We are uneasy about Poland's destiny and our un-
easiness has been made all the greater by the Solidarity
congress. It is bitter to see that this congress is denig-
rating the results of the heroic struggle of the Polish
working class which has rebuilt the country from ruins
and ashes and brought it to a new, free life with the as-
sistance of fraternal nations. Only the enemies of the
working class can stoop so low as to slender the allies and
friends of People's Poland. The decisions of the Gdansk
congress do not contain the slightest hint of a desire to
build socialism in Poland. On the contrary, they are full
of malignant joy at the fact that in the past year the
crisis has assumed nationwide proportions and of threats
that it will soon be even worse. That is where the gentle-
men bossing Solidarity are leading.
We were especially revolted by the so-called "appeal
to the peoples of Eastern Europe" adopted at the congress.
We familiarized ourselves with it and see that there is
absolutely nothing but spite against socialism in it. And
it is from such position that attempts are being made to
teach us Soviet workers how to live. The authors of the
appeal urge us to disavow ourselves, the results of our
labour and our struggle, to betray the millions who fell in
battle against imperialism, to betray our communist
future.
power. Recent events leave no doubt that the counter-
revolutionary forces in Poland are continuing to intensify
their anti-socialist activity. Although the present booklet
was written in the beginning of the year and deals mostly
with the events of the summer and autumn of last year,
its conclusions and the warning it contains remain timely
to this day.
The congress of Solidarity held some days ago in
Gdansk - an assembly in effect of full-time functionaries
of that organization and representatives of the counter-
revolutionary, anti-socialist groups KSS-KOR and the so-
called Confederation for Independent Poland - demon-
strated that the enemies of People's Poland do not intend
to lay down arms.
KE
S
Such provocations have always evoked wrath and
protest among Soviet people. No other feelings can be
expected by those who raise their hand at the country
and the heroic people to whom Poland and the leaders of
Solidarity themselves, if of course they are not aliens on
Polish soil, owe their existence.
It is amazing that the Polish worker, our class
brother, allows the enemies of socialism, his class enemies,
to use words like "trade union," "workers" and "people's
interests" as cover. How come shameless adventurists and
provocateurs have wormed their way into the working
class and act in the name of the workers? For these people
are pushing Poland on to the road to capitalism and
want to impose the yoke of exploitation upon the worker.
And here is one more thing we must say. All that has
been done in the Soviet Union, in People's Poland and
in other fraternal countries is the result of our peoples'
intensive creative labour. Labour and only labour has
always been and will be the basis of our successes, the
foundation of our security. The demagogues who hamper
people from working and sow discord and distrust in
people's government are in the first place robbing ordinary
people - workers, peasants, honest intellectuals. Ask
yourselves: have you become richer, has your food be-
come more plentiful, has your house become warmer in
the past year as a result of the concern allegedly shown
by Solidarity?
We workers of the Likhachov Plant would like to
believe that the Polish working people will have the
strength, courage and determination to defend the gains of
socialism and check the class enemy. In this you can al-
ways rely on the solidarity and support of the Soviet
people.
Adopted by the 70,000 workers of the Likhachov
Auto Plant in Moscow at meetings in workshops and
departments on September 11, 1981.
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V41
(M7igM
01
USSR and USA
SOVIET VIOLATION OF FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND EMIGRATION:
TESTIMONY IN SUPPORT OF BILL S. 312 BEFORE
THE U.S. SENATE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE
ON IMMIGRATION AND REFUGEE POLICY
BLAHOSLAV HRUBY AND OLGA S. HRUBY
MR. Chairman, distinguished members of the U.S.
Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration
and Refugee Policy, ladies and gentlemen:
We consider it a great honor and privilege to testify in
support of bill S. 312 for the relief of members of the
Chmykhalov and Vashchenko families, courageous Pente-
costalists from Siberia, who have been living for more
than three years in the U.S. Embassy in Moscow.
We are proud that the idea for this bill originated
in our organization. As a matter of fact, we have been
involved in the case of these believers long before their
arrival in the U.S. Embassy in Moscow: since the early
1960's we publicized their persistent efforts to obtain per-
mission for emigration from the USSR because of de-
monstrable religious persecution.
Documentation concerning the Christian emigration
movement in the USSR was just one part of our work -
compilation of records, processing, translating and pub-
lishing authentic documents - from official sources and
from underground or samizdat - concerning the situa-
tion of human rights and religious freedom in the Com-
munist countries. We do not focus on Evangelical Chris-
tians alone; we are equally concerned about the Jews,
Catholics, Russian Orthodox, Moslems, Buddhists and
other believers as well as nonbelievers persecuted for their
convictions. Our interest in human rights is particularly
keen because of our personal experience with Nazism,
fascism and Communism. I myself have been three times
a refugee and for that reason, I am grateful to God for
having found freedom and home for myself and my
family in this country.
Since 1962 I and my wife championed human rights
and religious freedom in our publication RCDA-Reli-
gion in Communist Dominated Areas, published now
under the auspices of the Research Center for Religion
and Human Rights in Closed Societies, Ltd. Thus, we
promoted the case of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Andrei
Sakharov, Rev. Georgi Vins, Anatoly Shcharansky, Ida
Nudel, Father Gleb Yakunin, Alexander Ginzburg - to
name just few of the best known dissidents in the USSR.
However, we are working just as assiduously for religious
and political dissidents in other totalitarian countries, par-
ticularly for individuals who are less known, less glam-
orous and less likely to attract international attention.
The objectives of our efforts are not always correctly
understood. Many people believe that quiet diplomacy
is far more efficient than publicity of violations of human
rights; of course, those people have never been inmates
of prisons, psychiatric hospitals and labor camps in
Communist countries. The victims of persecution are less
than enthusiastic about quiet diplomacy; they regard pub-
licity in the West as their only hope for survival. Here I
should like to point out the testimonies of Vladimir
Bukovsky, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and others. We should
remember the millions of Jews herded into gas chambers
by the Nazis during World War II. They went silently
and perished. The survivors, however, learned not to ac-
cept martyrdom without protest. Thus, shortly after Sta-
lin's death the Jewish emigration movement was launched
in Leningrad in 1958 and challenged Soviet anti-Semitism.
The Christian emigration movement was organized along
the same lines in the early 1960's. The two efforts are
parallel, not contradictory, and many of their participants
cooperate. Their results, however, are most dissimilar.
Emigration of Soviet Jews is progressing steadily,
despite many obstructions, problems, suffering and sacri-
fices, while Christian emigration from the USSR is prac-
tically nonexistent. An expert of the Department of State
estimates that there are some 50,000 Soviet Evangelicals
who have applied for exit from the USSR. To the best
of our knowledge, less than ten (10) families emigrated
since 1962. Even if ten times or hundred times as many
were permitted to leave the USSR during those years,
those numbers would still be insignificant.
One of those families, the Gorelkins, were permitted
to emigrate to Canada about 2 years ago. Please note
that Vasily Ivanovich Gorelkin was born in Harbin,
China, and naturalized in Canada. In 1955 he came to
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visit his family in the USSR with the intention to spend
there one month, but was detained against his will for
24 years. During that time he married and raised ten
children. Prior to Gorelkins' departure, one of their sons,
Simon, married Ludmila Malamura who has been trying
to join her husband in Canada since 1979. Her whole
family in Tapa, Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic, ap-
plied for exit visas and have been refused emigration on
a number of occasions, despite the fact that at least in
Ludmila's case it is a question of family reunification.
The Soviet Office of Visa and Emigration (OVIR) fre-
quently insists that only those individuals who have blood
relatives in the West apply for exit visas. This regulation
is not always considered; we have numerous examples
among Jewish refuseniks (including Ida Nude], the piano
virtuoso Vladimir Feltsman and others) as well as among
Soviet Christians. For instance, the wife of Peter Vash-
chenko's cousin, Gregory, has a sister and several other
relatives residing in West Germany. The Gregory Vash-
chenkos have been petitioning for emigration for the
past nine years. The OVIR fails to consider the fact that
Olga Ludvigovna Vashchenko is ethnic German and thus,
eligible for emigration. The overriding factor in their
case is the fact that the Vashchenkos are Evangelical
activists.
There are cases where blood relations are not re-
quired for exit permit. Here we should like to mention
the family of Mr. and Mrs. Stanislav Zherdev, sculptors
and Pentecostal believers. Slavs Zherdev, one of the
leaders of the Pentecostal emigration movement, decided
to protest against religious discrimination by refusing to
vote and by announcing a hunger strike at the occasion of
the Moscow Olympics in the summer of 1980. This action
prompted the OVIR to issue the family permit to emigrate
to Israel - although the Zherdevs have no kith nor kin
outside the USSR. There was, however, Catch 22: the
night before their scheduled departure Mrs. Zherdev's
mother, a Communist fanatic, abducted the eldest of the
Zherdev's seven children, 10-year old Sergey. The Soviet
authorities, obviously aware of the plot, refused to locate
the child.
The Zherdevs were faced with a dilemma: their
passports listed seven children and without Sergey, the
family would not be permitted to leave. On the other
hand, if they stayed in the USSR, they would never get
another chance to emigrate and in all probability, would
never see Sergey again; moreover, they might be deprived
of their parental rights to their other children. In their
predicament they accepted the offer of a fellow Chris-
tian, Galina Ukhtomskaya, who let them take abroad her
10-year old son, Pavel, instead of Sergey. Thus, she
jeopardized her future in order to enable Pavel to live
in the free world. The switch went unnoticed at the air-
port and the Zherdevs safely reached Vienna and later
Sweden.
Galina Ukhtomskaya held a press conference at
which she explained the grounds for her decision and ex-
pressed her desire to emigrate with her older son, a victim
of cerebral palsy. The attention and support of their
friends in the West, including our Research Center, re-
sulted in Mrs. Ukhtomskaya's emigration. She and her
two sons are now living in Sweden. Unfortunately, young
Sergey Zherdev is still in the USSR, subjected to inten-
sive Communist indoctrination, or "re-education in the
spirit of Communism" which many children from Chris-
tian families have to endure.
Thus, three of the Vashchenko girls were separated
from their family for six years. Two years ago, Galina
Rytikova, a member of the Baptist church in Moscow, lost
custody of her children because she had been teaching
them religion. In the autumn of 1980 Maria Drumova, a
Baptist from Izmail, province of Odessa, was deprived of
her 12-year old daughter Maria and her 4-year old son
Alexander for the same reason. There are many more
similar tragedies on record.
Even when left with their parents, children of beli-
evers are victims of particularly harsh treatment in school.
Communist indoctrination begins early, in the kindergar-
ten, and compulsory study of atheism soon follows. It
is the teacher's duty to "persuade" both students and
their parents of the fallacy of religious faith. Teachers
get demerits for each pupil in the class known to be a
believer or the child of believers, and it is up to the
teacher to convert the whole family to Marxism-
Leninism. This means visits to the family on "person-to-
person" basis, in other words, an additional burden for
the teacher who then uses with impunity every means of
less than gentle persuasion. Children are humiliated in
the classroom. Teachers frequently entice their fellow
students to gang up against the believers, torment them
and beat them. Thus, young Ivan Migashkin of Tapa,
Estonia, had lost hearing in one ear following assaults
and stoning by his classmates. His older brothers were
seriously injured by their fellow students and beaten
severely by their school principal. The Migashkins have
joined the Christian emigration movement.
The cruelty against children helps intimidate many
parents. Another factor weighing heavily on their minds
is the future of their children: all but elementary educa-
tion is closed to them. Thus, they are doomed to menial
labor, inferior housing, and poverty.
Even mutual assistance or Christian charity is pro-
hibited by law. Soviet authorities classify it as "religious
propaganda" which, unlike atheistic propaganda, is strict.
ly forbidden. Thus, Lilia Belysheva, a 30-year old Chris-
tian from Nakhodka in the Far East, took a group of 10-
and 12-year old girls from Pentecostal families to clean
the house of an 82-year old Pentecostal lady. They were
scrubbing the floors and washing the woodwork when a
whole detachment of police arrived and arrested them
all. After hours of interrogation in the police station the
girls, frightened out of their wits, were released with warn-
ing, and Lilia was fined 50 rubles "for violation of the
Regulation on Religious Rituals, namely, for help to an
old woman," as specified on the official receipt.
There is no appeal. Laws and regulations are inter-
preted arbitrarily by the officials in charge.
Christians do not face adversity and persecution only
at a young age. The old and disabled are not exempt
from brutality perpetrated by the Soviets. Last year 59-
year old Pentecostal bishop Nikolai Goretoi was tried
for his religious activity and sentenced to 7 years at hard
labor to be followed by 5 years in internal exile. Goretoi
is blind.
Rev. Vladimir Shelkov, the leader of the Adventist
church, had spent 25 of his 83 years in prisons and labor
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camps. In his last years he lived in seclusion, writing ployees of the church, members of boards of deacons and
purely religious sermons and prayers. In March 1979 trustees, elders and other church officials must be ap-
he was brought to court on charges that while living in proved by the State Council on Religious Affairs which
a basement room without electricity he had forged Soviet is staffed from top to bottom by Communist officials
passports. There was no official explanation of this ex- trained in atheistic propaganda. It censors in advance
ceptional accomplishment - 83-year old man forges pass- sermons of the clergy and approves every church prog-
ports in an underground cubicle, in the candlelight! The ram. Its decisions cannot be appealed.
absurdity of such charges aside, Rev. Shelkov was sen- The extent of the strangulation perpetrated by this
tenced to 5 years at hard labor. He served only 5 months official body comes to light in the secret report to the
in the labor camp. He died in Yakutsk, Siberia, in January Presidium of the CPSU written by V. Furov, deputy
1980 at the age of 84. chairman of the State Council on Religious Affairs. The
Among the inmates of Siberian labor camps are report which has been smuggled out from the USSR last
numerous practicing Christians, particularly conscientious year is published in our journal RCDA-Religion in
objectors who refuse induction in the Red Army because Communist Dominated Areas.
they would not pledge allegiance to an atheistic govern- Many Christians reject this control of churches and
ment. The penalty is 3 years and up at hard labor. In the insist on the letter of the law according to which the
camps conscientious objectors are handpicked for special state is separated from the church and vice versa. These
punishment. Thus, for instance, the Vashchenkos' son, believers are defying the authorities and take enormous
Alexander (Sasha), was assigned to a group of homo- risks. Since a new atheistic campaign was announced in
sexual prisoners, the most despised and ostracized inmates the USSR in 1979, numerous leaders and members of
in the camp. The idea was to humiliate Sasha and expose Evangelical churches were arrested and sentenced on
him to physical brutality. charges of religious activities (often presented as "anti-
For the slightest infraction of the rules, more frequent- state activities" or "subversion"). The campaign is broad-
ly imagined or invented than real, Christian inmates are based and very costly and those involved in it must show
subjected to additional penalties, especially incarceration some results. Thus, a new wave of persecution and harass-
in the dreaded "solitary," unheated cubicles without beds ment has been unleashed, yet the system cannot annihilate
and bedding, with food rations consisting of less than all religious congregations. It is evident that the hard-
one lb. of bread and one pint of tepid soup issued every ship has made the believers much stronger and determined
other day. In Siberia prisoners usually succumb to TB to demand their rights.
and other chronic diseases after several weeks of this The campaign against religious believers, whether
treatment. To name just one: young conscientious ob- from the registered or unregistered churches, uses ex-
jector Vladimir Frolov, an Adventist, contracted TB in tremely dirty tricks; it recycled the worn-out anti-Semitic
the solitary in the Siberian camp of Khairiuzovka. myth about ritual murder and adapted it to Evangelicals.
Last year the same camp was decimated by anthrax- The sad thing is that many Soviet citizens actually
like epidemic allegedly brought in by a group of prisoners believe it.
transferred from the Sverdlovsk area following the very For instance, the mother of Nadia Zherdev became
much discussed incident possibly connected with prepara- hysterical when she learned that her daughter and son-
tions for biological warfare. in-law were converted. The old lady, a dedicated Com-
Service in the armed forces does not necessarily m ist sincerely r sacrifice babies that as Christians, the Zherdevs
guarantee Christians and Jews humane treatment. Again, would to God.
believers are subjected to various kinds of torment. In A young Pentecostalist from Moscow wrote in a let-
1972 Ivan Moyseyev, a practicing Christian eager to share ter smuggled from the USSR: "You may already know
his spiritual belief with his fellow soldiers, died under about our desire to emigrate from the USSR because of
mysterious circumstances, his body horribly mutilated. religious persecution. My husband was expelled from an
Christians and Jews in the USSR cannot associate art college for his belief, and barely avoided expulsion
freely. If they meet privately for prayer or worship, the from the Institute of Art in Moscow, again for being a
home of their host may be confiscated. In most cases the Christian; by God's grace he managed to graduate, though
police just collect fines from the participants, usually 2 with lower marks. Three other members of the same
weeks' salary of the breadwinner, but pensioners may lose group of Christians were thrown out in their fifth year
a considerable part of their annual income for nothing of study.
more than praying with their friends. "We Christians have no right to profess our faith,
Yet the Soviet Constitution guarantees every citizen the no right to bring up our children in Christian faith; we
right to believe or not to believe. It also guarantees the are like outcasts and lepers to the people around us. Of-
right of antireligious propaganda, but not of religious ficial propaganda portrays us as a debilitating, dangerous
propaganda or teaching. The Constitution allegedly sepa- sect that makes sacrifice of children's blood, etc. At the
rates the church from the state and the state from the same time we are living behind an iron wall. We are not
church, which should prevent any intervention on the part allowed to leave the USSR, to emigrate.
of the state and government in the matters of citizens' "I do not know if you've heard about the demonstra-
faith, family and worship. In reality it is not so. Soviet tion on March 8th when 11 women expressed their wish
laws put the churches in complete servitude and control to emigrate and protested against the discrimination of
all their activities. They demand that every congregation Christians. Yet we were not granted permission to leave
be registered with the state and supervised by the authori- the USSR. On several occasions I went to the Department
ties, i.e., the Communist party. Clergymen and all em- of Visa and Emigration (OVIR) without any success.
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Officials told me more than once that in order to get exit
visa I must have an invitation from relatives abroad. If
your church would accept us strangers in the name of
Christ, I'd be delighted beyond measure. I should like to
ask for an invitation for another Christian sister, Galina,
a teacher of disabled children. Because of her religious
persuasion she has been banned from her profession and
is working as a washerwoman."
It is axiomatic that all Soviet Christians, or even
Evangelicals, cannot emigrate, but neither do all Soviet
Jews wish to emigrate. Once their grievances are made
known and their human rights upheld in the free world,
the Soviet system will be forced into recognizing them
and their demands.
Those 50,000 wishing to emigrate should be given
the opportunity to leave the USSR. Many of them would
like to go to Israel, Canada, West Europe or other coun-
tries in the West, not necessarily the USA. They would
be an asset for any society. These are very diligent, up-
right, honest, courageous, highly moral people who do not
seek economic advantages but religious freedom.
Please note that the Soviet Jews who emigrated to
the USA have become valuable members of our society.
The same applies for Soviet Christians. They may not be
glamorous but it is certain that they would not contribute
to crime, illegitimacy, alcoholism or juvenile delinquency,
nor would they become a burden for us.
This hearing concerns only two families among many,
the tip of an iceberg. These seven persons have lived in
the U.S. Embassy in Moscow since June 1978 not because
of their own will but due to circumstances. They cannot
go back and expect that they will survive. Two Soviet
citizens, Nazorov and Lesnov, who had recently entered
the Moscow Embassy without Soviet permission, have
been imprisoned after a very brief meeting with U.S.
officials. The Vashchenkos and Chmykhalovs issued state-
ments and provided information which the Soviets regard
as damaging to the USSR, in other words, as treason.
The punishment is death - sometimes by execution, some
times by slow agony, as in the case of Anatoly Shchar-
ansky and the two Christian defendants in the infamous
Leningrad trial, Alexey Murzhenko and Yuri Fedorov.
The bill under discussion, so eloquently proposed by
Senator Carl Levin, will ensure the five Vashchenkos and
two Chmykhalovs a modicum of security and raise their
chance that the Soviet government will finally realize how
counterproductive it is to hold these people against their
will. They are not essential for the glorious future of
the Soviet empire. In the midst of their profound eco-
nomic and spiritual crisis the Soviets must come to grips
with reality and adopt the code of civilized behavior in
terms of human rights and religious freedom. It does not
come naturally to them but they learn if they have to.
We must come to grips with reality just as well and
realize that the Soviets will never make concessions on
their own. We must support the believers in the USSR -
the Orthodox, Catholics, Protestants, Evangelicals, Jews,
Moslems, Buddhists - because they adhere to non-Marxist
ideology despite more than 60 years of intensive and often
extremely ruthless religious persecution.
For that reason bill S. 312 is a landmark in our
legislation. It will not serve as a precedent - from the
very inception it was articulated so as to avoid that -
but as a clear statement of the magnanimity of the USA,
an inspiration to captive nations and to the Confessing
Church, and a light of hope to those languishing in
Gulags and other places of human degradation.
Summary
Our testimony attempted to outline some of the prob.
lems facing religious believers in the USSR. We offered
random examples and case histories encountered in the
twenty years of our research and work for human rights
and religious freedom in totalitarian countries.
Even diligent study of official and underground ma-
merials, however, does not answer all questions about the
actual situation of religion in the USSR. No accurate data
are available on the numerical strength of individual
denominations. On the basis of estimates and extrapola-
tion the number of Soviet citizens practicing religion is
set at more than 100 million, i.e., at least ten times more
than the membership of the Communist Party, yet the
Communist Party holds all the power and the believers
have no representation in any of the governmental or
elective bodies. We do not know of a single practicing
Christian, Jew, Moslem or Buddhist serving in federal,
state, provincial or local offices, teaching in colleges and
universities, engaged in scientific research, and so on.
Thus, the believers lack their ombudsman or paraclete
who would defend them and champion their constitutional
rights. They are victims of arbitrary officials who tend
to interpret the Constitution and laws to the benefit of
the system, i.e., of the Communist Party.
Atheism is an integral part of Marxist-Leninist ideo-
logy and as such, it is imposed on every citizen in the
place of work, in school, in the media and even in private.
A staff of professional propagandists of atheism has the
duty to "work" with the believers who must admit such
officials to their homes and listen to their harangue. Anti-
religious propaganda is organized and underwritten by
the government which does not spare funds and manpower
in its effort to eradicate religious faith of Soviet citizens.
The struggle against religion, however, frequently
assumes more violent forms than persuasion. Stalinist
methods of "education in the spirit of Communism" prac-
ticed in Gulag Archipelago have not been abolished to
this day. Our report mentions the case of an 83-year old
Adventist leader, Rev. Vladimir Shelkov, sentenced to
5 years at hard labor for purely religious activity. There
are other clergymen victimized recently by the Soviet
system, above all, several Catholic priests murdered in
Lithuania where religious persecution is at its peak. The
Soviet government is trying to prevent the religious infec-
tion in Poland from spreading to the USSR. Thus, two
years ago it announced an intensive atheistic campaign to
be carried out in every area of the Soviet Union. Next
to Lithuanian and Ukrainian Catholics, its particular tar-
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get are the Evangelicals who refuse to submit to state
control.
Since 1962 we have followed their plight and their
effort to emigrate which we documented in our publica-
tion RCDA-Religion in Communist Dominated Areas.
Unfortunately, it was very difficult to interest our public,
media and even our denominations in the Soviet Chris-
tian emigration movement.
Shortly after the arrival of the seven members of the
Vashchenko and Chmykhalov families in the U.S. Embas-
sy in Moscow we took up their case and tried to find
support for them, but it was not until Senator Carl Levin
had visited them in their basement room in the Embassy
that we found a man of stature, influence and generosity
who was willing to help not only in word but also in
deed. He addressed an appeal to Chairman Brezhnev re-
questing emigration permits for the Siberian Seven and
their families. The letter was signed by 50 senators, yet
the Soviet leader failed to acknowledge it, and thus, it
was evident that any further action would have to be
initiated by the USA. At that point we suggested the
possibility of a special bill and Senator Levin graciously
considered that idea and authored a bill for the relief
of the Chmykhalovs and Vashchenkos.
All those involved in the formulation of the bill were ex-
tremely concerned about one thing-not to set a precedent.
Also, it was established that there are no other solutions
available, barring a miracle. The prospects for the Seven
were explored: what would happen to them if they re-
turned to their hometown in Siberia? Would they be able
to apply for emigration?
The answer is negative. Having lived for more than
three years in the U.S. Embassy, they would have to re-
establish domicile in Chernogorsk in order to be able to
apply for exit visa. It is highly unlikely that the local
KGB and CPSU officials would welcome these people who
could contaminate the community with "capitalist pro-
paganda."
Moreover, during their stay in the Embassy the
Vashchenkos and Chmykhalovs released information which
the Soviet system considers classified, for instance, various
details about the labor camp in Khairiuzovka, Siberia,
where the eldest son of the Vashchenkos served a 3-year
sentence as a conscientious objector. Inmates of that camp
are working on construction projects which are off limits
to Soviet citizens, even local residents, such as the Siberian
gas pipeline. Therefore, any information concerning the
situation in the camp is state secret and its disclosure is
regarded as treason.
One of the very relevant facts revealed by the Vashchen-
kos was an epidemic of anthrax-like disease spread in the
camp by prisoners transferred from the Sverdlovsk area
where allegedly a mishap in a secret institution testing or
manufacturing chemical and biological weapons led to a
maj or epidemic. It would be overly optimistic to expect
that the penalty for disclosing this secret would be no less
than 10 years at hard labor.
The KGB has another option - psychiatric hospitals
where political and religious dissidents disappear for years
or forever. Soviet psychiatry considers it axiomatic that
whoever believes in God is mentally unbalanced, and who
wishes to emigrate from the USSR is a lunatic.
Soviet spokesmen declared that the Vashchenkos and
Chmykhalovs are not their, Soviet, problem - they are an
American problem. In a way, they are right; the Ameri-
cans were unable to resolve the problem, only to prolong
the status quo. The Soviets enjoy watching the frustra-
tion of the Embassy officials and the suffering of the
Siberian Seven. They keep their eye on them - about
200 Soviet nationals are employed in the U.S. Embassy
in Moscow and all of them must report to the KGB what
they do and what they see and hear in the compound.
Next door to the Siberian Seven is a barbershop and
beauty parlor manned by Valentina, a Soviet woman re-
puted to be colonel of the KGB. Her extracurricular
activity is to make the life of the Siberian Seven as
miserable as possible. She also keeps tabs on their visitors.
The Soviets are not interested in terminating the
protracted misery of the two families in near future. How-
ever, bill S. 312 can persuade them that it is counter-
productive as well as damaging to their image to continue
their callous game. By now millions of people through-
out the world know about the Siberian Seven. The defeat
of this bill would mean a serious psychological blow not
only to the Chmykhalovs and Vashchenkos or to all of
us who are trying to help them but also to millions of
believers on both sides of the Iron Curtain. It would
gravely hurt the credibility of the United States policy
concerning the defense of religious freedom and human
rights. By the same token, it would encourage the Com-
munist governments to intensify repression of religious
freedom and human rights.
Supporters of the Siberian Seven in Scandinavia and
West Europe would interpret the defeat of this bill as a
symptom of moral weakness of the USA. It would have
political ramifications even in this country.
The passage of S. 312 will not only help improve the
very precarious situation of the Siberian Seven but also
strengthen the faith and hope of all persecuted and
demonstrate the determination of the Senate to defend
and protect human rights wherever and whenever they
are violated.
In this spirit we ask you, Mr. Chairman and members
of this Subcommittee, to endorse this bill. By doing so,
you will vote for human rights and freedom of religion
everywhere.
"Verily I say unto you, Inasmuch as ye have done it
unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done
it unto me" (Matthew 25:40).
Thank you for the privilege and honor of permitting
us to testify before this Subcommittee.
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LITHUANIA and USSR
SOVIET ATTEMPT TO INFILTRATE THE LITHUANIAN
CA THOLIC EPISCOPA TE
RCDA Comment
F ROM the secret report about the Russian Orthodox
Church written by V. Furov, the Deputy Chairman
of the Council on Religious Affairs, for the mem-
bers of the Central Committee of the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union (published in RCDA, Vol. XIX,
Nos. 10, 11 and 12, 1980 and Vol. XX, Nos. 1, 2 and 3,
1981 and Nos. 4, 5 and 6, 1981) we have learned some
appalling details about the tight control and manipula-
tion of that church (and other churches) by the Com-
munist Party. The following review of events in the
Lithuanian Catholic Church indicates that the Soviet
authorities would like to extend complete control of
churches to other captive nations.
According to "The Chronicle of the Catholic Church
in Lithuania," the Soviets attempted to infiltrate the Cat-
holic episcopate of that country by three new bishops
with the help of KGB's collaborators in the Lithuanian
Catholic Church. The approval of these three candidates
by the Holy See was expected, allegedly under the Soviet
promise that two Lithuanian bishops living in exile for
more than 20 years would be permitted to return to their
coutnry.
This was an extremely distressing news for all faith-
ful Catholics in Lithuania because in the postwar period
the Church suffered at the hands of bishops and priests
who collaborated with the KGB. Lithuanian Catholics
From: The Chronicle of the Catholic Church in Lithuania,
No. 50, December 8, 1981.
A
persecuted for the church and their country are opposed
to priests who speak to foreign audiences about religious
freedom and say nothing about the persecution in Lithu-
ania. These believers are also antagonistic to the Com-
munist-manipulated "peace" movements. "The believing
citizens of Communist countries know the worth of such
`peace' - it is trickery and deceit - and consider a
traitor anyone who supports such an obscene lie."
According to the review printed below, "The Soviet
government's purpose in choosing the candidates for bish-
op was not only to have suitable collaborators for many
years to come, but also to destroy the prestige of the
Holy See and undermine the militant spirit of priests and
believers."
The Lithuanian Catholic priests collaborating with
the KGB did not succeed in obtaining the Holy See's ap-
proval of three candidates for bishop who were willing to
cooperate with the Soviet regime. This is an important,
though possibly only temporary victory for the Lithuanian
Catholic Church struggling for freedom. At the same
time, it is a welcome encouragement to all churches in
captive nations which Communst governments want to
control and manipulate and use them as propaganda tools
promoting policies of the USSR and Soviet-inspired
"peace" campaigns.
1l IEF REVIEW OF EVENTS FROM OCTO
0 U G H D1EC E11 MBER 1981
TH
M OSCOW "consented" this year to reinstate Bishop
Julijonas Steponavicius of the Archdiocese of Vil-
nius and Bishop Vincentas Sladkevicius of the
Diocese of Kaisiadorys, held in exile for over twenty
years without a trial. Foreign diplomats often trust Mos-
cow's good will, but in Lithuania, where believers daily
endure the deceit and hypocrisy of state atheism, every
gesture of "good will" from the Soviet government arouses
concern. In this instance, the concern was aroused by
special circumstances.
Moscow demanded, as a condition for reinstating the
exiled bishops, that three new candidates, handpicked by
the Soviet authorities, be consecrated bishops: candidates
chosen not by Church authorities but by the Soviet
E
government and submitted to the Holy See. It remained
only to convince the Holy See that the new candidates
were suitable for the posts and that the plan to reinstate
the exiled bishops and appoint new bishops was a positive
step and would be beneficial to the Catholic Church in
Lithuania. Collaborators with the KGB performed this
task well and in July, following the Eucharistic Congress
in Lourdes, it became apparent that the Soviet govern-
ment has nearly attained its goal: the candidates they
selected for bishops had been, or in the very near future
would be, named bishops by the Holy See. This news was
perhaps the most distressing to reach the Catholics of
Lithuania in the entire postwar period. The Catholic
Church in Lithuania had experienced every possible perse-
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cution during the postwar years: bishops were imprisoned
and even shot, hundreds of priests travelled the roads of
the Gulag, the Soviet press slung mud at priests and the
Church, the Soviet government's administrative machine
quashed any religious activity as if with pincers, how-
ever, the Church did not perish but proved quite viable.
The most painful experience of Lithuanian priests
and believers during the postwar period was the Church's
destruction from within at the hands of bishops and
priests who collaborated with the KGB. This was worse
than imprisonment, dismissal from office and other repres-
sive measures.
The priests of Lithuania will never forget how the
Chanceries used to convey the Soviet government's orders
to remove children from the altar and from processions,
to renounce catechizations and to stop visiting the faith-
ful. Also, Lithuania's Catholics who suffered for the
Church and homeland will never understand how a priest
could speak to foreign countries about religious freedom
or remain silent about persecution in Soviet Lithuania,
how a priest wearing a cassock could "defend peace" in
various peace movement forums. The believing citizens
of Communist countries know the worth of such "peace"
- it is trickery and deceit - and consider a traitor any-
one who supports such an obscene lie.
Ever since the Eucharistic Congress [Translator's note,
1976] more astute priests have felt that the godless were
planning a new blow against the Catholic Church in
Lithuania. Certain clergymen zealously assisted in bring-
ing these plans to fruition. It seems that the delegation
of Lithuanian priests the Religious Affairs Commissioner's
agency sent to Lourdes served Moscow well by misinform-
ing the Holy See about episcopal candidates.
In September the news spread that Bishop Liudvi-
kas Povilionis was going to Rome in a week or two and
would defiantly bring back a Papal Bull authorizing the
consecration of new bishops. When there seemed barely
any hope of warding off this disaster, Priests' Senates
and groups of clergy in all the dioceses again appealed to
Bishop Povilionis, voicing their grave concern and ex-
plaining that the plan presented by the godless would
certainly not serve the welfare of the Lithuanian Catholic
Church.
When Bishop Povilionis left for Rome on September
23, priests who collaborate with the KGB stated:
"Now we'll teach Bishop Steponavicius and the
`activists'! ... The `activists' are going against the Pope
... They divide the unity of Lithuania's priests. . . "
Hasty preparations were immediately made to con-
secrate the bishops, but not a word about reinstating the
exiled Bishops Steponavicius and Sladkevicius, as if the
problem of these exiles had been solved in Lithuania.
On October 16th, the candidates for bishop visited
Bishop Krik"sciunas, the exiled bishops and the Latvian
bishops to invite them to the consecration ceremonies. The
exiled bishops Steponavicius and Sladkevicius wrote the
following letter to the Vicar General of the Archdiocese
of Kaunas:
"Your Excellency:
"I sincerely regret to inform you that I will be unable
to attend the ceremonies to which you have kindly in-
vited me.
"The fundamental reason is that our situation -
mine and that of Bishop Julijonas [Steponavicius] -
remains unchanged and we are still held under conditions
of exile. It is improper to pretend we are free when we
still are not. By attending the ceremonies we would create
the impression that our situation has already been regular-
ized, when unfortunately it still has not.
"The urgency of the consecration forces us to suspect
strongly that the intention is simply to use us and again
brush our cases aside.
"Undoubtedly, it would be a fine and meaningful
gesture of brotherly solidarity if all three of you were to
demand officially that the consecrations be postponed un-
til your banished brethren resume their assigned duties.
"With respect and brotherly love,
Bishop Vincentas Sladkevicius
October 20, 1981"
On October 14, Father Franciskus Juozapavicius,
pastor of the Kaunas Archcathedral, informed eight deans
at the Telgiai Chancery that Vatican Radio would an-
nounce on October 16 the names of the new bishops and
the date of their consecration, and an announcement of
the consecrations would be made in the Kaunas Cathedral
on October 17. With great trepidation, priests and more
active believers awaited that Saturday's Vatican Radio
broadcasts.
Priests announced at the Panevezys Cathedral, St.
Michael's Church in Vilnius and elsewhere that the new
bishops would be consecrated on October 25 at the Kau-
nas Archcathedral.
On October 17, the bishops-elect began their retreat
in Paluse, but terminated it several days later because it
was learned that Bishop Povilionis did not bring back
the bulls of consecration. The news immediately spread
through Lithuania: everyone rejoiced that the plans of
the godless had probably collapsed. Prayers of thanks-
giving were offered to God for saving the Catholic Church
in Lithuania from great misfortune whoe consequences
were difficult to predict. Moscow had wanted to set off
a big bomb: to stun Lithuania's priests and believers with
the fact that the Vatican blesses not those who fight for
the Church, but KGB collaborators.
The Soviet government's purpose in choosing the
candidates for bishop was not only to have suitable col-
laborators for many years to come, but also to destroy
the prestige of the Holy See and undermine the militant
spirit of priests and believers. If carried out, Moscow's
plan would have eloquently declared that the Holy See
does not value the blood of Lithuanian bishops spilled for
the Faith, does not value all those who trod or are still
treading the Gulag's road of suffering, does not value
the persons through whose efforts the Catholic Church in
Lithuania is again reviving, but supports those who, caught
in the KGB's web, are not shepherds but hirelings, and
cause unimaginable damage to the Church and the faithful.
"Why fight, why try, if the Holy See does not
champion the fighters but upholds those who betray the
holiest values?" the question, like a terrible temptation,
would have sprouted in many a mind. Would many have
understood that the guilty party is not the Holy See, but
the KGB collaborators who, under the guise of Lourdes
"pilgrims" and other names, continually deceive the Holy
See?
Furthermore, it appears that the Soviet government
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F
did not seriously intend to reinstate the exiled bishops,
its primary goal being to obtain as rapidly as possible
new bishops to its advantage. If the Soviet authorities
wished and had decided to allow the exiled bishops Juli-
jonas Steponavicius and Vincentas Sladkevicius to re-
sume their duties, they should have informed them of
their decision before Bishop Povilionis left for Rome.
However, not a single Soviet government official made
any mention of this. Only an occasional priest collaborat-
ing with the KGB spread disinformation that the exiled
bishops were already able to resume their posts, but did
not wish to do so.
The Soviet government's plan was probably as fol-
lows: exploiting the Holy See's desire to have the bishops
reinstated, to promote the candidates for bishops it con-
siders useful, and then "bargain" with the exiles: we'll
allow you to work if you work for us. Obviously, the
exiled bishops would never have agreed to such condi-
tions: after so many years of suffering to degrade them-
selves before the nation and the faithful, to act against
their consciences, to betray their most sacred convictions!
And the 1969 history of the exiled bishops' "reinstalla-
in Lithuania from great misfortune whose consequences
tion" would probably have repeated itself. Twelve years
ago, the Soviet authorities also promised to allow the
exiled bishops to resume their duties, but demanded a
tribute of lies and obedience.
TY
Translated from the Lithuanian Information Center,
Brooklyn, New York, USA
lE1EDOM HOUSE AT FO
F REEDOM HOUSE's "twofold fight for freedom" -
against totalitarianism abroad and for freedom at
home - began five weeks before America was
bombed into the war in 1941. The Freedom House
prophecy became the nation's consensus. The organiza-
tion continues to say and do things it hopes will strengthen
free institutions at home and abroad - by turning con-
troversy into consensus.
After the defeat of Nazism and Fascism, Freedom
House stood as firmly against the extreme left. The
organization fought the Communist Party's infiltration
of the American labor movement, and supported the
Baruch Plan for mutual inspection of atomic armaments.
Soviet refusal to consider the plan was regarded a grim
warning, as was Stalin's rejection of the Marshall Plan
for both the USSR and the Eastern bloc.
Freedom House also approved American military
aid to Greece and Turkey - the Truman Doctrine -
following communist guerilla threats to those countries.
The brutal subjugation of Czechoslovakia and the efforts
to drive Western allies out of Berlin solidified Freedom
House's stand and its endorsement of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO).
The prestigious Freedom Awards went to Baruch,
Marshall, Truman and others who held the line for human
freedom.
The group also recognized that personal freedoms
and responsible, effective opposition to communism were
hampered by Senator Joseph McCarthy's distortion of the
communist presence in the United States. A Freedom
House trustee became the first to debate McCarthy and
attack McCarthyism on a nationwide broadcast and in
a mass magazine.
Freedom House supported the civil rights struggle
of the 1950s: the Arkansas Gazette for its stand in the
Little Rock desegregation crisis; Alan Paton for his op-
position to apartheid in South Africa; and Roy Wilkins,
America's leading civil rights organizer, a Freedom
House trustee. Indeed, under his direction, Thurgood
Marshall and other colleagues planned the desegregation
cases at the Willkie Memorial Building of Freedom House
- for many years the headquarters of the National As-
sociation for the Advancement of Colored People. The
Freedom House Award went to the Gazette, Paton and
Wilkins.
Today, Freedom House has diversified its programs
to meet far more complex challenges to human freedom.
The Comparative Survey of Fredom assesses the level
of political rights and civil liberties in all countries and
dependencies. This is used by governments, mass news
media and scholars around the world. The findings ap-
pear with essays on related issues in the organization's
yearbooks, Freedom in the World: Political Rights and
Civil Liberties, and in its bimonthly magazine, Freedom
at Issue, that carries analyses and views on many foreign
and domestic issues.
It also publishes Freedom Appeals, a bimonthly car-
rying, unedited communications from persons still in op-
pressive countries on the political left and right. This is
a function of the Center for Appeals for Freedom, which
also provides a lecture circuit for dissidents who come to
the United States to help lift the oppression in their
homelands.
The Afghanistan Information Center and Caribbean
(Continued on Page 191)
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USSR
TWICE-TOLD TALES OF SOVIET PROPAGANDA
RCDA Comment
1 VAN Fedotov and Vladimir Murashkin, Soviet Pente-
costal activists and leaders of the Christian Emigra-
tion Movement launched in 1962, are recent victims
of anti-religious persecution raging at present in the
USSR. The description of their arrest and trial by Fedo-
tov's mother needs no further comment. However, one
interesting aspect in this case should be pointed out: the
reappearance of an old publication, "In the web of a
Nightmare," based on a 1962 film of the same name.
The film was among the first audio-visual aids in the
arsenal of Soviet atheistic propaganda against Evangel-
icals, particularly Pentecostals, whom it portrayed as
frenzied fanatics performing rituals of human sacrifice.
They were charged with murdering their own children.
According to our sources in the USSR, the film was recent-
ly reintroduced on Soviet television. This illustrates the
sterility of Soviet anti-religious propaganda which after
20 years is unable to present a more convincing and
intelligent argument against religious faith and has to
resort to pathetic superstitions of ritual murder. Over the
past 20 years the average Soviet citizen has become far
more sophisticated and skeptical as concerns the official
dogma. Moreover, the attitude of Soviet believers has also
changed in the past two decades; they are more open in
their faith, more presistent in demanding their rights, more
realistic about their opportunities under the dictatorship
of the proletariat. Those considerations led to the organi-
zation of the Soviet Christian Emigration Movement in
1962. Its activists Fedotov and Murashkin may never see
the Promised Land, however, they advanced the cause of
religious freedom in the USSR and set an example for
others to follow.
REPORT FROM
MALOYAROSLAVETS, PROVINCE KALUGA
O N AUGUST 18 of this year, a public meeting was
held in the Maloyaroslavets Palace of Culture for
presentation of evidence against Pentecostal Church
leaders Ivan Fedotov and Vladimir Murashkin. Objects
confiscated during a search of the homes of seven believers
on April 21, 1981, were exhibited. Many believers were
invited to attend this meeting, but since they were denied
the right to speak, their presence served merely as a sort
of spectacle for those assembled. After the meeting, the
latter, who had been antagonistic toward the believers
to begin with, called them names and shouted, "Crush
them! Throw them all in jail!"
At the end of the meeting, an examination of the
confiscated objects was conducted. These included Bibles,
typed spiritual literature, photographs of a baptism and
weddings - in short, of the entire life of the Christian
community. The atheist publication "In the Web of Night-
mare," twenty years old, was also exhibited. In glass cases
labelled "Aid From Abroad" were: a Sony taperecorder
obtained in the Soviet Union, an invitation from Canada
to attend a congress of Pentecostals addressed to Fedotov,
congratulatory postcards from Sweden, and several Bibles
published abroad. During the examination, one of the
young believers, Alexei Semeryanov, was arrested. The
reason for his arrest was that he took from a table his
box of slides which had been confiscated earlier during
a search of his house. He was immediately seized and
rudely dragged across the room toward the exit. One of
the women believers ran toward him and she was taken
as well. She was released after interrogation at the police
station, but charges were pressed against Alexei Semerya-
nov for alleged violation of Article 90, "Open Theft of
Government or Public Property," and Article 191, "Re-
sistance to a Police Officer."
An investigation of the case is being conducted at
the present time. A. Semeryanov meanwhile is incarcerat-
ed at the Kaluga pre-trial isolation ward.
A. Semeryanov is an active member of the Maloya-
roslavets community. He is twenty-four years old and the
father of two young children, aged one and five years.
In his address to the public meeting, the commis-
sioner of religious issues of the Kaluga region, F. P. Rya-
bov, announced, "If this sect does not register their
church, then in the future their leaders and all active
participants will be imprisoned."
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OPEN LETTE
I, the widow Alexandra Fedotova, mother of Ivan
Fedotov, the Pentecostal bishop sentenced on July 28 of
this year, turn to you for help.
I am seventy-four years old. My husband perished
in the first days of the Second World War and I was left
alone with three children. Vanya was the oldest; he was
twelve at the time. It is difficult to describe all I had to
endure and suffer in those hard, long years. My work
was backbreaking and dirty and nights I sewed just to
make ends meet. We lived in a barrack and our neighbors
indulged in every sort of vice - drunkenness, debauchery
of every description. For me, a mother, the most important
thing was to raise my children to be law-abiding and
honest people. From childhood I taught them to work.
They picked up after themselves, cooked dinner, worked
in the garden. As the oldest, Vanya had to be as respon-
sible as I for the care of the younger children. Our neigh-
bors were constantly amazed by Vanya's honesty and
industriousness. He never lied or dissembled - that was
his nature from the time he was born.
My children had to begin working outside the home
at an early age: Vanya went to work at sixteen, the second
son, Leonid, at thirteen. Ivan became a carpenter. It was
with great joy that he began to earn a living and to help
his mother. Vanya was well-liked in the neighborhood: he
made little wooden stools for all the neighborhood child-
ren and never forgot, come payday, to buy sweets, passing
them out to all the little boys and girls in our courtyard.
Ivan loved children very much, although the Lord gave
him none of his own.
He never received so much as a reprimand when he
served five years in the Baltic fleet. In those years, I came
to know the Living God and, when Vanya came home
from the army on leave, I couldn't hold back my joy and
told him about my new life in Christ. Being sensitive and
attentive, Vanya immediately became interested and res-
ponded wholeheartedly to the call of God's salvation. Re-
turning to the army from vacation, and knowing very little
himself about Christ, he began to testify to others con-
cerning salvation. This missionary zeal characterized him
throughout his entire life and service. He loved people,
and he had a heart big enough to accommodate Chris-
tians, the poor, the lowly thief, and the drunk.
Having returned from the army, Vanya began actively
to work for God in the Moscow Community of Evangelical
Faith (the Pentecostals). The flame of God's spirit was
kindled in Moscow and all of the surrounding region, and
many souls found salvation and joy in Jesus Christ. This
did not suit the atheist authorities, however, and persecu-
tion raged against the young Moscow church. Several fel-
low worshippers suffered, including my son.
When there was nothing with which to incriminate
the Son of God, false witnesses were found. The tactics
of the enemies of the human spirit have not changed:
false witness - and so rude and shameless: "Instigator
to murder." He, who was incapable of harming a kitten,
even as a child, "instigated a mother to sacrifice her grown
daughter." Ten years of camp, ten years struck out of a
young life, ten years away from the society of honest and
enlightened people! But even there in the camps, in the
north, Vanya remained the same as he was when a free
man. Not one of the witnesses can tell without weeping Translated from the Russian by Nancy Ruttenburg
-179-
about how Vanya served as a beacon for him, shining in
the dark night of his sinful soul. Many former criminals,
drunks and hooligans found salvation in Jesus Christ.
Repeatedly Vanya was punished for preaching the Gospels
in the camps. Once, when a group of young people secretly
met for prayer in a tumbledown shack they were suddenly
surrounded by guards. All of them managed to scatter,
but Vanya remained on his knees praying and continued
to pray. Three and a half months in a punishment cell on
near starvation rations - two hundred grams of bread
and two hundred grams of water! I hardly recognized
him when I was allowed to see him.
How difficult it was for me to collect money for the
journey. Meanwhile, at home, my second son had received
occupational injuries to the head and needed treatment
at a psychiatric hospital. He is now completely disabled.
Vanya was always our support, and how hard everything
is for us without him!
My son returned from camp in 1970, after ten years
of imprisonment. He could in no way find a situation for
himself in Moscow. The police and KGB made his life
completely unbearable. They hounded him constantly, pre-
vented him from registering in Moscow with me, his
mother, and forced him to settle more than 120 kilometers
from Moscow with his wife (also a prisoner for Christ
whom he married immediately after his imprisonment)
in the town of Maloyaroslavets. But even there he was
constantly harassed by the police and KGB. He was
repeatedly dismissed from work, and when they saw that
a church was beginning to grow they put him in prison
a second time for three years.
And now a third time! For what? Five years of hard
labor! I thought my poor heart, which had endured and
suffered so much already, would not withstand this terrible
trial. They didn't want to let me into the courtroom, they
pushed me out the doors, but I stood my ground and beg-
ged the police to let me see my dear son, a sufferer, one
more time. We may never see one another again. I am
already advanced in years and Ivan's health has also been
destroyed by those frightening and difficult thirteen years
of torture in the camp torture chambers.
For fifteen hours of court session, from 9 a.m. to
midnight, "due process" was carried out. Out of seventeen
witnesses, only six or seven knew the defendant personally.
The basic charge against the defendants was only that
they did not bow their heads to state atheism and refused
to register their church, that is, they refused to submit
their church to the control of the godless.
Dear Christians! I beg you to hear the prayer of a
mother, a widow, and the supplication of a brother, a
disabled man. Lift your voices for my son Ivan Fedotov,
whom they condemned to another five years of hard labor,
five years of suffering and tortures! Maybe the camp will
be his last earthly home. He has an ischemic disease of
the heart and a hernia from hard labor in the camps. He
is only human, flesh and blood.
I ask you to petition our government to free Ivan
Fedotov. Pray for the sufferers for Christ! An old mother,
a widow, begs you. An unfortunate, disabled brother begs
you. For whatever you do for us, you do for Christ Him-
August 31, 1981
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UKRAINE and USSR
THE SOVIET GOAL: ERADICATION OF RELIGION
RCDA Comment
T HE following article in "Pravda," the official daily
of the Communist Party of the USSR, illustrates the
ambiguity of the Soviet attitude toward religion.
The author emphasizes that any slackening of ideological
opposition to religion and revision of the Marxist interpre-
tation of religion as the opiate of the people cannot be
tolerated. At the same time he says that Communists
"resolutely condemn any assault upon the feelings of
believers, any attempts to place people under political
suspicion for their religious beliefs." Religious persecu-
tion in the USSR documented in RCDA over the past 20
years contradicts very clearly the fallacy of this statement.
However, Soviet spokesmen deny vigorously any religious
persecution in the USSR and emphasize that all citizens
enjoy full religious freedom. The Soviet goal to eradicate
all religion has not changed but the Communist Party
which has complete control over the Russian Orthodox
Church and other churches* is using them for political
propaganda, in particular for "peace" campaigns.
The author points out that according to a sociological
research carried out in the Zhitomir region of the Ukraine,
atheists comprise approximately 97% among the youth
of 20 years of age, and 92-94% of the 21-30 years range.
Eradication of the last traces of religious delusion especial-
ly among the workers, in his opinion, remains an urgent
task. He complains about the lack of attention. to the
facts that Party members take part in religious ceremonies,
about the fashion of wearing crosses and collecting icons.
Describing intensive atheistic propaganda in the Zhi-
tomir region the author underlines the importance of new
Soviet holidays and celebrations which "satisfy the diverse
spiritual demands of the Soviet people and in this way
fulfill the most important function of the atheistic educa-
tion of the population." He points out that several Party
organizations do not pay sufficient attention to the new
scientific methods of atheistic education and that they
underestimate the influence of the clergy and of sectarian
preachers. He accuses several Party organizations and
local soviets [councils] of being profoundly ignorant of
local religious conditions and of the fact that a still sizable
network of religious communities continues to function
in their districts. Declaring that Soviet social structure
"liberates man once and for all from the mystifying veils
of religious dogma," he calls for improvement of atheistic
education and of its effectiveness.
*See the Secret Report on the Russian Orthodox Church,
written by V. Furov, the Deputy Chairman of the Council
on Religious Affairs for the members of the Central Com-
mittee of the Communist Party of the USSR in RCDA,
Vol. XIX, Nos. 10, 11 and 12, 1980 and Vol. XX. Nos.
1, 2 and 3, 1981 and Nos. 4, 5 and 6, 1981.
From: Pravda [Truth], daily organ of the Communist
Party of the USSR, October 21, 1981.
ATHEISM-THE STRUGGLE FOR MEN
A N "imaginary sun": this is what Karl Marx called
religion, having remarked that "man makes reli-
gion, religion does not make man," and that reli-
gion is but the "self-awareness and the self-consciousness
of man who either has not yet found himself or who has
already lost himself." (See K. Marx and F. Engels,
Works, Vol. 1, p. 414, 415.) Atheism, criticism of reli-
gion according to a Marxist understanding, has always
been and is still a question of man's liberation from il-
lusion, the raising of man to such a height of self-aware-
ness that he can think, act, and base his life on a founda-
tion of real knowledge about the real world.
This is why atheistic education occupies such an
important place in the overall system of educational work
of our Party. It is inseparable from the most basic tasks
involved in the formation of the new man, fully defined
by his active life in the real world and by his irreconcil-
ability with any manifestation of an ideology and an
ethics foreign to us.
The triumph of Marxist-Leninist ideology in the con-
sciousness of the masses, and the consequent alteration
of the spiritual make-up of the Soviet man, came to be
regarded as the primary triumph of a mature socialist
society. Sociological research, carried out, in part, in our
region, shows that among the youth of up to twenty years
of age, atheists comprise approximately 97%; from 21-
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30 years, 92-94%. And although among the older age-
groups the actual number of believers is not negligible,
religiosity even here is more and more losing the marks
of a carefully thought-out, systematic worldview.
However, problems connected with the formation of
a scientific-materialistic worldview in all citizens are still
not solved. As in the past, the task remains urgent of
eradicating the last traces of religious delusion in the
sphere of consciousness, especially among the workers. We
cannot and have not the right to forget that religion is
for us the manifestation of an alien ideology, and that it
is precisely religion that our enemies actively try to use
in their attempts to weaken the magnetic appeal of com-
munist ideals.
Of course, we have reality, as they say, on our side.
But at the same time we cannot hope that religious beliefs
will die out of themselves, simply through the influence
of a socialistic way of life and the achievements of
scientific-technological progress. Religion does not volun-
tarily yield its position in the minds and hearts of the
people. Today we must struggle with it skillfully, scienti-
fically, seriously. In atheistic education there are no minor
tasks; everything is of major importance.
Communists look upon the religious convictions of
man with understanding. We resolutely condemn any as-
sault upon the feelings of believers, any attempt to place
people under political suspicion for their religious beliefs.
But at the same time, speeches which urge a slackening
of ideological opposition to religion, let alone a revision
of the Marxist interpretation of religion as the opiate of
the people, cannot be tolerated.
This posing of the problem is dictated by Leninist
tradition. The Party always proceeds from the instructions
of V. I. Lenin concerning the fact that "the elucidation
of our program necessarily involves an elucidation of the
pure historical and economical roots of religious obscu-
rity," and that we should struggle with this obscurity
"with ideological weapons only." (Collected Works, Vol.
12, p. 145.)
We must recall all of this because from time to time
one still encounters an entrenched, but insufficient and
hostile, atheistic propaganda. This insufficiency is, in part ,
manifested by the liberal attitude of several Party organi-
zation toward the transgressions of communists who take
part in religious ceremonies. "But what's so unusual about
that?" some reason. "After all, this is a communist, a non-
believer, a confirmed atheist, right?" This stance un-
doubtedly plays into the hands of the clergy, just as does
the fashion of wearing crosses around one's neck and of
collecting icons in one's apartment, the fashions, in short,
to which we sometimes simply close our eyes. Meanwhile,
we are not objecting to mere decorativeness, although the
items involved are made of valuable metals. Rather, these
are symbols of a worldview alien to us.
This fact, that religion, the church, actively strives
to become part of the age of scientific-technological revolu-
tion, to attach itself to a socialist reality, cannot be ignored
in ideological work, in the struggle of communists and
Komsomol members with religious prejudices. To pre-
serve, so that all anti-religious work will be most suitable
to the times, to strive to make its forms most fully answer-
able to the contemporary needs and demands of the Soviet
people, to take into account changes in the conditions in
which we live and work - these today are the indispens-
able criteria for success of atheistic education.
It is important to start with the tremendous changes
in man himself, the growth of his erudition, the change
in thenature of his inquiries that was especially noticeable
at the 26th CPSU Congress. It is very likely that today we
must speak about the necessity of revising traditional
ideas about believers. As a rule, these people are literate,
involved in socially useful work, and interested in domes-
tic as well as international affairs and in scientific informa-
tion. A considerable number of them betray a character-
istic tendency to try to substantiate their beliefs on ra-
tionalistic grounds and even to attempt a rapprochement
of the principles of their dogma with the ideals and
slogans of communism. It is obvious that the elementary,
narrowly-conceived anti-religious propaganda intended
for a vanishing breed of uneducated believer is absolutely
not effective in this sphere. Here it is far from sufficient
to present conclusions and generalizations which have
become the axioms of a scientific worldview. Today, such
propaganda must challenge people to an active polemic
and must be able to emerge victorious from this polemic,
conducted not with an overbearing voice, but with vast
knowledge and irrefutable arguments.
Speaking of increased demands for ideological work
in general and atheistic education in particular, it should
be remarked that the ability of Party leaders to deal with
this uncommonly important issue is the most fundamental
prerequisite to the successful realization of atheistic educa-
tion. With this in mind, we would like to refer to the
accomplishments which the citizens of Zhitomir gained in
scientific-atheistic work for the Party organization.
First and foremost, we worked out and are implement-
ing a complex plan of atheistic propaganda, designed for
a five-year period. The most important aspect of Party,
Komsomol, and trade union organization work are stipu-
lated, along with the creation of a society called "Know-
ledge." They are coordinated and directed by a sector
for scientific-atheistic education at the Committee of Ide-
ology of the Regional Party Committee. This sector studies
and analyzes the religious situation in cities and counties
of the district by conducting sociological research, which
facilitates the organization of atheistic education for the
various social strata and groups. Questions of atheistic
education are regularly discussed in plenary sessions, of-
fice meetings, in Party committees and local Party organi-
zations. Moreover, we aim to take them into considera-
tion in connection with other efforts in ideological work.
Principal importance is attached to the selection and
training of personnel, capable of skillfully carrying out
their work with a deep knowledge of the subject, and on
a suitable emotional level. They give us invaluable help
with both the atheism department of the University of
Marxism-Leninism along with the Regional Party Com-
mittee and in the people's universities of atheism. For
example, the People's University in the city of Zhitomir
has earned positive recognition. By recommendation of
the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the
Municipal Party Committee, they are including in their
training programs representatives from industrial enter-
prises, institutions, buildings, and also schools and special
secondary educational institutes.
What is especially important in the training of pro-
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pagandists and organizers of atheistic work is the use of
an active form of training. Already the students in the
first class of the University of Marxism-Leninism, as well
as in the people's universities, are charged with conduct-
ing sociological research in working collectives, villages,
settlements, and in mini-districts of cities, to study the
effectiveness of individual work with believers as well as
of popular atheistic measures. In counterbalance to the
sermons of the clergy, students prepare and review texts
of popular readings and discussions, and take part in
the implementation of legislative measures which promote
the establishment of new Soviet holidays and celebrations.
Several schools have established young atheist clubs.
We attribute great importance to the councils for
conducting atheistic work which function with Party com-
mittees, local Party organizations, industrial enterprises,
collective farms, and state farms. They coordinate and
direct the work of all activists participating in the sci-
entific-atheistic education of workers and they occupy
themselves with discovering the newest and most effective
forms and methods, based first and foremost on work in
the labor collectives.
For example, in the Zhitomir furniture manufacture,
main enterprise of the "Zhitomirdrev" company, a work-
ing seminar for agitators, an atheist lecture circuit, con-
tinually functions. Members of the coordinating council
together with lecturers and agitators appear for lectures
and discussions at the industrial sections and also at the
workers' place of residence. They maintain a close con-
tact with the schools where the children of believers study.
Activists in the women's council carry on educational
work with young mothers. This made possible the reduc-
tion practically to a minimum of the number of industrial
workers who observe religious holidays.
They noticed, and for good reason, that carrying
out atheistic work in the labor collective is significantly
easier than at the place of residence. It is impossible to
deny this. It is well known that, when a man finds him-
self outside of the labor collective, he is more likely to
submit to the influence of the clergy or sectarians. In
connection with this, individual work with believers takes
on special importance. We strive to attract the most
ideologically active members of the Party to such work.
We consider that only by such means can we obtain the
desired results. .
An overwhelming majority of believers regard with
interest popular political measures and especially the new
Soviet holidays and celebrations. Therefore, we must today
turn primary attention to the atheistic functions of social-
istic ceremonies. New holidays and celebrations are con-
nected with the various aspects of the life of our society;
they satisfy the diverse spiritual demands of the Soviet
people and in this way fulfill the most important function
of the atheistic education of the population.
By employing traditional and seeking out new forms
and means of atheistic education, we strive to perfect our
handling of this important matter. It is necessary to
declare outright that several Party organizations are not
making full use of the enormous opportunities, of the
entire diversity of forms and methods of ideological ac-
tivity for the education of confirmed atheists, and are
not giving proper attention to different approaches for
the various population groups and to individual work with
believers. For example, in Ovruchsky, Olevsky, Emilchins-
ky, Berdichev and Lyubarsky regions, they hardly trouble
themselves over the improvement of scientific-atheistic
propaganda and they underestimate the influence of the
clergy and of sectarian preachers. Several Party organiza-
tions, executive committees of local soviets [councils],
are profoundly ignorant of religious conditions in their
locales, and do not consider the fact that a still sizable
network of religious communities continues to function in
their districts.
Our social structure liberates man once and for all
from the mystifying veils of religious'dogma. But in order
to realize this objective as quickly as possible, it is
necessary to perfect continually the atheistic education of
workers and to maximize its effectiveness.
V. OSTROZHINSKY, Secretary
Zhitomir Regional Committee
Communist Party of the Ukraine
Translated from the Russian by Nancy Ruttenburg
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USSR
A TRIBUTE TO A FRIEND
M Y FRIENDSHIP with Boris Schein really happened
because of an incident during the Korean War
thirty years ago. An American officer rescued a
young Korean teenager from the battlefield and brought
him to the United States. This young Korean grew up
to be a university mathematics professor. In 1973, the
young professor went to Hungary to a mathematics semi-
nar where he met an outstanding young Soviet Jewish
mathematician from Saratov in the Russian Republic.
The Soviet Jew was Boris Schein. The two young men
became friendly and the Korean asked Schein if there
was any way to find out if his natural parents in North
Korea were still alive. Boris found out that they were
alive and well and he became a conduit for messages
between the Korean-American professor and his North
Korean parents. The friendship of the two mathematicians
continued on both a personal and professional level for
many years.
In 1979, Boris decided that because of growing anti-
Semitism and because he was feeling his lack of freedom
more and more, he would emigrate from the USSR. He
applied with his wife and young daughter and when
OVIR (the emigration office) refused to give him an
answer, Boris asked his American friend for help. The
American professor then called me and asked if I would
join in his crusade to help his friend in Saratov. I began
to write to Boris and soon I began to get letters back.
I knew immediately that here was a man who understood
freedom even though he had never had it. When he ex-
plained the Kafkaesque feeling of being told that the il-
legal refusal to answer him was the result of an unpublish-
ed secret law which he could not be told about, I felt that
I had entered his soul. The crusade for Boris Schein was
joined by professional colleagues from all of Western
Europe and the United States and by people like me who
just wanted to help.
Meanwhile, Boris began to go to OVIR and explain-
ed to Jews in the long lines their legal rights. He went to
the one synagogue in Saratov and instructed people there
how to apply. He filed suit against the Rector of his
university for illegally firing him. In other words, he be-
came a thorn in the side of Soviet officialdom. All of
Babette Wampold is president of the Alabama Council To
Save Soviet Jews. She is a director of the Research Center
for Religion and Human Rights in Closed Societies and
a contributing editor of "RCDA".
this time, Boris was mailing his books to the West to
various friends in hundreds of packages. He was with-
drawing his life savings from his savings accounts so
that he could distribute the money to various needy causes
before he left. Seven months after he applied to leave,
Boris was given permission. He gave half of his money
to Irina Ginzburg for the Solzhenitsyn Fund for families
of Prisoners of Conscience, he gave some for the Prisoners
of Zion, and he gave some for various refuseniks to pay
for their visas when and if they got them - and he flew
out to Vienna, leaving his Bible in Saratov because he
said it would be a sin to take such a rare item from a
country which had so few. He was amazed, when he ar-
rived in Vienna and was offered a Bible, to find that it
was exactly the same edition which he had left behind.
Boris arrived in the United States in January, 1980,
and within a few days, he had a complete physical break-
down caused by the build-up of extreme stress, but he
soon recovered and began his new life. In his first letter
to me from the United States while he was still sick, he
discussed the plight of the dissidents and Jewish refuseniks
and asked himself, "How can I help them all?". By his
third letter a few weeks later, he sent me a report on the
terrible anti-Semitism in the University of Novosibirsk
in the mathematics department and had started a campaign
to help his friends who were victims of the purge of
Jews from Soviet mathematics.
By August of 1980, Boris had been appointed Dis-
tinguished Professor of Mathematics at the University of
Arkansas and was sending me translations of the poetry
of Anna Akhmatova which he himself had read many
years before in "samizdat". He took special delight that
when Akhmatova died, she left a special request to be
buried in a church cemetery instead of a state cemetery
- much to the chagrin of the Soviets. He discussed
Akhmatova's husband, Nikolai Gumilev, who had been
shot by the Soviets, and her son, Lev, who had been
imprisoned by Stalin. He then wrote about the martyred
poet, Osip Mandelstam, and the poetry that had been an-
notated in the hand of Nadezhda Mandelstam, which he
had borrowed. And then, he wrote the paragraph below
which I have named "A Tribute to Man from a Soviet
Jew". The tribute could have been written about himself
even though he now lives in the United States and it
makes him "feel new to this planet." He never, for one
minute, forgot those who have stayed behind and those
who have been left behind, because as Boris says, "It
seems there is something basically good in human nature".
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 Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
A TRIBUTE TO MAN FROM A SOVIET JEW USSR and USA
II OW COULD they survive with their humanity in-
tact? I often wondered. It seems there is some-
thing basically good in human nature, and no new
"humanism", be it Communist or Nazi, may uproot it.
One cannot but recollect how "God created man in his
own image". Lots of people who dared to protest are
leaving Russia now. In fact, when I left I had a feeling
I committed an act of betrayal. Who will be left in Rus-
sia? However, I am quite confident one shouldn't worry.
Decent people and daring people wouldn't disappear, and
if the Soviet government hopes all the "troublemakers"
would emigrate, this is a vain hope. Such people appear
again, and again, and again, as long as there are people
on this earth.
Boris M. Schein
APPEAL TO PRESIDENT
PREZIINEV TO RELEASE
PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE
His Excellency Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev
President of the USSR
Kremlin
Moscow
USSR
EXCERPT FROM "REQUIEM"
I remember them always and everywhere,
And if they shut my tormented mouth,
Through which a hundred million of my people cry.
Let them remember me also...
And if even in this country they should want
To build me a monument
I consent to that honor,
But only on condition that they
Erect it not on the sea-shore where I was born:
My last links there were broken long ago,
Nor by the stump in the Royal Gardens,
Where an inconsolable young shade is seeking me,
But here, where I stood for three hundred hours
And where they never, never opened the doors for me.
Lest in blessed death I should forget
The grinding scream of the Black Marias,
The hideous clanging gate, the old
Woman wailing like a wounded beast.
And may the melting snow drop like tears
From my motionless bronze eyelids,
And the prison pigeons coo above me
And the ships sail slowly down the Neva.
ANNA AKHMATOVA
Leningrad, 193840
Your Excellency:
At the occasion of your birthday we respectfully
request you on behalf of our organization that you re-
assess the situation of persons who are in disfavor with
your government and that you show them compassion.
Specifically, we should like to ask you to terminate
the enforced exile of Academician and Mrs. Andrei Sak-
harov, to allow the Vashchenko and Chmykhalov families,
who have been living in the U.S. Embassy in Moscow
since June 1978, and their relatives in Chernogorsk,
province of Krasnoyarsk, to leave the USSR, and to
grant amnesty to Reverend Fathers Gleb Yakunin and
Vasyl Romaniuk, to Rev. Rostislav Galetsky, Anatoly
Shcharansky, Yuri Orlov, Tatiana Velikanova, Tatiana
Osipova and all other prisoners of conscience, and to
permit all those who so desire to emigrate.
Your humanitarian gesture will assure the American
public and the whole world that your government honors
the Final Act of Helsinki, the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights and other international covenants. At the
same time, it will enhance the spirit of detente and good
will between our nations, and advance the current negotia-
tions in Geneva dealing with reduction of nuclear arma-
ments.
Respectfully yours,
The Reverend Blahoslav S. Hruby
Executive Director and Editor
Dr. Constantin H. Kallaur
President
Research Center for Religion and
Human Rights in Closed Societies,
Ltd., publishers of RCDA-Religion
in Communist Dominated Areas
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USSR
THE "NEW RIGHT" IN SOVIET INTERPRETATION
RCDA Comment
N OBODY in the world would expect a Soviet journalist
to present an objective, balanced view of the A-
merican way of life, of U.S. institutions and system
of government. It is an accepted fact of life that any
discussions of the USA in Soviet press must stress the
negative and for that purpose use biased criticism, hypo-
crisy and suspicion.
Comrade Gudkov, special correspondent of the Eng-
lish-language weekly "New Times" and of other Soviet
publications, is no exception. He is known to seek eagerly
access to American centers of democracy in action, includ-
ing churches, but he does not permit himself the liberty
of appraising objectively what he sees. Such audacity
would cost him his job and a future as an America-
watcher for which position he seems to be groomed.
Thus, Gudkov must present the New Right, Moral
Majority and Christian Voice in the darkest possible hues,
without balancing his story with a discussion of a similar
phenomenon on the left, represented by ultra-liberal intel-
lectuals, artists and clergymen who are vociferously sup-
porting and promoting the Christian-Marxist dialogue,
Soviet-manipulated peace campaigns, theology of libera-
tion and other trends in line with the objectives of the
Kremlin. Gudkov does not hint that precisely the copious
publicity afforded to the U.S. Left provoked its opponents
to organize the New Right as an antidote to the one-
sided and often hypocritical criticism of the U.S. system.
Gudkov has assumed the prerogative to score the
U.S. political establishment, naturally, without comparing
its pluralism and openness to the arbitrariness and mono-
poly of the political systems in the USSR and other
closed societies.
Furthermore, he incorrectly refers to the New Right
as "neoconservatives," which terms has been attributed to
a group of liberal intellectuals, including Norman Pod-
horetz, Midge Decter, Jeane Kirkpatrick, Irving Kristol,
Daniel P. Moynihan and others, whose political attitudes
have changed with their reapproisal and recognition of the
new realities of the late 70s and 80s. These neoconserva-
tives are among the most effective critics of Communism
and of its advocates in the Free World. Naturally, Com-
rade Gudkov would not wish to engage in an open debate
with them.
As for the New Right, Gudkov alleges that it harbors
sinister aspirations, such as "to give generous tax conces-
sions to Big Business, free it from government controls
and provide it with cheap and obedient labor power ....
It fights for restoration of prayers in schools and comes
out against the constitutional amendment on the equality
of women and against the SALT-2 Treaty." These charges
are relatively mild in the light of Soviet rhetoric. Even
more surprising is the absence of charges of anti-Com-
munism as the force motivating these conservative organi-
zations.
What Gudkov cannot recognize is the fact that the
New Right represents a certain segment of American
people and thus, its freedom of expression should be
respected no less than freedom of expression accorded to
the Left. Democracy can survive only if it engages in
continuous discussion, criticism and reappraisal of its
functions and objectives. It cannot act as a domain of a
single group and single interest, left, right or center.
From: New Times, No. 4, Moscow, January 1981 [Pp.
25-27]
THE BASTIONS OF NEOCONSERVATISM
YURI GUDKOV
S TRIPPED of its coating of demagogy, the ultimate
aim of the neoconservatives is to give generous tax
concessions to Big Business, free it from government
controls and provide it with cheap and obedient labour
power. Such prospects are certainly attractive to the U.S.
financial and industrial moguls. And they already have
political organizations seeking to secure mass support
for the practical implementation of these ideas. We have
in mind the political movements of the so-called New
Right and Moral Majority.
Business in Politics
Four names stand out in the leadership of the New
Right - Paul Weyrich, Howard Phillips, Terry Dolan
and Richard Viguerie. In the opinion of many, notes
Harper's Magazine, "The New Right is nothing but
Viguerie." This is, of course, an exaggeration, an attempt
to minimize the political role of a collection of retrogrades
which is highly odious to the "champions of democracy."
However, Viguerie does occupy a special place among
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them - in large measure owing to his ability to recruit
supporters and raise money.
Viguerie has set up his headquarters in the town
of Falls Church, where he rents three floors of a white
brick building. Falls Church is a suburb of Washington
inhabited by people with higher than average incomes.
The house is closely guarded. In one of its rooms are
two powerful computers, several high-speed typewriters
and ten taperecording systems. In the room next door are
shelves with thousands of reels of magnetic tape contain-
ing the names, addresses and other information about tens
of millions 'of Americans. The figure was given by the
host himself. Judging by everything, however, the real
figure is less. The Wall Street Journal considers it more
probable that in his "files" are the names of 4-4.5 mil-
lion people who not only share the views of the New
Right but are ready to give them financial assistance.
"The conservative movement," Viguerie says, "has always
been good at producing writers and debaters, but it
never had anybody who knew how to market ideas to the
masses. Well, that's what I am doing."
The technique of "marketing ideas" is fairly simple.
Viguerie sends letters to private individuals containing,
in addition to an appeal to support his stand on this or
that issue, also a request for a donation. The important
thing is to send the letters to people who are likely to
respond.
This idea emerged in 1964, when after Barry Gold-
water's debacle in the presidential elections, the big
donors, the "fat cats," began to turn their backs upon
the Right-wing Republicans. That was when Viguerie
started to set up his computerized organization, which
made possible the appearance and existence of the New
Right. He dilligently registered 12,000 names and ad-
dresses of people who had sent donations for Goldwater's
election campaign. Gradually the list grew. In 1975, for
instance, Viguerie inherited the card index of the racist
George Wallace, former Governor of Alabama.
The magnetic tapes are of great value in themselves:
their owner leases them at 5 cents per name to conserva-
tive candidates wishing to know who is on their side.
However, Viguerie's main business is the writing
and mailing of letters, his services to the cause that has
made him a millionaire, which, it must be said, has
confirmed him still more in his conservative views. Invest-
ing $300 in this business in 1965, he founded a company
which now employs 300 people. It sends out 100 million
letters a year, and they bring $15-20 million in contribu-
tions.
"The purpose of our mail," Viguerie says, "isn't
just to raise funds. We are building a movement. Direct
mail is a way to get people involved, to educate them,
to turn out the vote."
Do You Prefer the White Flag?
The New Right must be credited with a knack for
brainwashing. The letters are usually of a confidential
nature. The machine printing the letters makes "mistakes"
and corrects them to create the impression that a human
being has worked on it. For the same purpose, the
machine pastes on the postage stamps unevenly. To get
the addressee "involved," he is offered membership of
some consultative committee, initiated into the secrets of
some "confidential report" and asked for some data need-
ed in connection with some "special opinion poll." The
data thus obtained are processed by the computer and
remain for ever in its memory.
The letters are also calculated to evoke strong emo-
tions. "We didn't invent playing to fears," Viguerie ex-
plains. "People aren't interested in sending money for
good government ... They will give money quicker to
defeat someone who is opposed to their beliefs."
Here is how it is done. After being elected to the
House of Representatives Jack Cunningham signed, as a
token of gratitude for the financial assistance given to
him during the elections, a letter prepared for circulation
by Viguerie. It began with the following words: "I was
just elected to Congress two weeks ago. I arrived in
Washington one week ago. And I must warn you. What
I found when I arrived here was unbelievable." (At that
time Congress was in the Democrats' hands.)
One more example of the individual approach:
"Dear Friend! I think you will appreciate, more than
most Americans, what I am sending you. I have enclosed
two flags: the red, white, and blue of old glory - and
the white flag of surrender. I want to show you, by
these two flags, what is at stake for America under the
SALT-2 Treaty with Russia ... You and I must choose -
and Senate must decide - whether we will personally
accept the white flag of surrender as America's banner."
The electoral reform restricted contributions by
private individuals to $1,000 and those by organizations,
to $5,000. But there are no limits to financing a campaign
against a candidate. This gave the New Right the idea of
mounting crusades against persons not to their liking.
In the past elections Senators McGovern, Church, Culver
and several others were the principal objects of such ef-
forts. The campaign against them was notable for an as-
sortment of dirty tricks rare even for America. Here is
what the above-mentioned Terry Dolan said about "his"
candidate in the elections to the Senate: "Symms will
never have to say anything negative about Frank Church.
We will talk about all the negative stuff. By 1980 there
will be people voting against Church without remember-
ing why." That is precisely what happened.
Political campaigns are carried out by several organi-
zations set up by the New Right not in the last place
thanks to the money obtained by Viguerie. One of them,
the National Conservative Political Action Committee,
headed by Terry Dolan, specializes for the most part in
election campaigns, supporting some candidates and work-
ing to defeat others. The mission of the Conservative
Caucus headed by Howard Phillips is somewhat broader.
It organizes mass campaigns against or in support of
one or another government act. For instance, the Con-
servative Caucus headed the New Right's fight against
the Panama Canal and SALT-2 treaties.
Every week the New Right leaders meet at a lunch in
the conference hall of Viguerie's house in Falls Church
to devise strategy and plan actions. It may be assumed
that the idea of augmenting the coalition with religious
preachers was born precisely at these conferences.
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The thing is that there has emerged in the United
States a whole industry engaged in spreading the "word
of God." It includes 36 TV channels and 1,300 radio
stations which transmit sermons. This religious telepro-
paganda penetrates into the homes of 30 million A-
mericans and nets its sponsors an annual income of more
than $200 million. Last summer Paul Weyrich, the ideo-
logist of the New Right, made the acquaintance of Jerry
Falwell, the rising star among the telepreachers whose
Sunday sermons are listened to by an audience of four
million. Following this meeting, Falwell began to touch
upon political questions in his sermons.
The meeting between Weyrich and Falwell resulted
in the emergence of the Moral Majority, a political organi-
zation with about 300,000 supporters. It fights for the
restoration of prayers in schools and comes out against
the constitutional amendment on the equality of women
and against the SALT-2 Treaty.
The Moral Majority is adjoined by the Christian
Voice, a religious-political organization which boasts of
having spent $3 million in the past elections and of hav-
ing 16 well-known conservatives on the trusteeship board.
Pressure from the Right
In this way a broad and active alliance of Right
forces possessing extensive propaganda possibilities is
being built. The neoconservative intellectuals are pre-
paring an ideological basis for it, while the New Right
is organizing the mass support needed to carry these
ideas into life. Even before the presidential election in
November 1980, Weyrich said "the opportunity exists to
put together a national conservative coalition that endures
as long as Franklin D. Roosevelt's."
The Right had their own presidential candidate,
Philip Crane, but he dropped out of the race after failing
to secure the Republican Party's support. Now the Right
hope to have their way through the Reagan Administra-
tion. A propaganda campaign has already been launched
to show that Reagan owes his success in the election to
the conservatives. Things went so far that the new Vice-
President, George Bush, was compelled to make a special
explanatory statement. "First," he declared, "Governor
Reagan is not an extremist. His whole record in California
demonstrates that, second, he will not be the captive of
any particular group."
It is perfectly clear that Reagan's victory became pos-
sible primarily because of Carter's failure to fulfil his
promise to put and end to inflation, unemployment and
social injustice, as well as a result of disagreement with
his foreign policy. But it is also obvious that the current
resurgence of the Right is not due to their programme
being attractive to the majority of Americans, but to the
failure of the Democratic Party as a whole and the
liberals in particular in the social sphere. And the Right
are firmly resolved to fill the "political vacuum." As
James Wigheart, a noted columnist, pointed out, they
"offer Americans, in essence ... the replacement of New
Deal liberalism with what is, in most major respects, a
new version of the Old Deal conservatism that dominated
American politics during the first part of this century
until it was swept away by Franklin D. Roosevelt."
This "deal" is bound to bring about new economic
and social perturbations. The Right are a longstanding
and irreconcilable enemy of the American working people.
CHINA (PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC) and VIETNAM
From: Beijing Review, No. 26, Beijing, June 29, 1981
[P. 8]
MORE VIETNAMESE PROVOCATIONS
V IETNAMESE troops have in June continued their
provocations along the Sino-Vietnamese border, in-
truded into Chinese territory, attacked frontier sta-
tions, killed and wounded Chinese frontier guards and
inhabitants.
On June 1, the Vietnamese armed forces shelled
Pingxiang, an important border town in China's Guangxi
Zhuang Autonomous Region. They shelled the railway
station, destroyed civilian buildings and disrupted rail-
way communication.
The town of Pingxiang used to be an important
place from where China delivered its aid materials to
Viet Nam. In 1973, the late Vietnamese President Ton
Duc Thang awarded the workers of the Pingxiang railway
station the title of "model of military exploits, first-class"
and praised them for their help to the Vietnamese people
in the fight against the U.S. aggressors and in socialist
construction.
On June 10, the Vietnamese armed forces shelled a
border village in Ningming County. The houses of 39
families, a school, several warehouses and cattle pens
were levelled to the ground, killing one villager and
wounding another.
The atrocities of the Vietnamese authorities have
aroused the indignation of the Chinese people.
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CHINA (PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC) and VATICAN
From: Beijing Review, No. 26, Beijing, June 29, 1981
[Pp. 7-8]
EFUTING THE VATICAN
"IN DISREGARD of the sovereignty of the Chinese
Catholic church, the Holy See appointed Deng Yiming
archbishop of Guangdong Province. This is illegal. We
firmly oppose it."
This statement was made on June 11 by Yang Gao-
jian, a leading member of the China Catholic Bishop
College. Yang is currently a leading member of the
Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association and the National
Administrative Commission of the Chinese Catholic
Church.
Deng Yiming was released from jail last year after
he had shown repentance for his serious crime in sub-
verting New China on instructions from the Vatican in
the early 50s. The Chinese Government later approved
his application to go to Xianggang (Hongkong) for
medical treatment and to visit his relatives. Without any
sense of dignity, the statement said, Deng Yiming went
to Rome to receive the post of so-called archbishop. He
also went to other places to engage in activities harmful
to the dignity of the Chinese clergy and Chinese people,
violating the principle of independence of the Chinese
church.
The statement stressed that the Holy See's act con-
stitutes a grave infringement on the sovereignty of the
Chinese church and therefore cannot be tolerated.
The statement went on to say: The Holy See has
always adopted a hostile attitude towards the Chinese
people, having resorted to various means to subvert and
sabotage New China. To safeguard China's independence
and dignity and to free themselves from the control of
the Holy See, the Chinese clergy and congregation found-
ed the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association in 1957 to
run their church independently.
A leading member of the Bureau of Religious Affairs
under the State Council on June 15 expressed his support
for this statement and protested against the Vatican for
interfering in China's internal affairs. Vice-chairman of
the Guangdong branch Ye Yinyun and Bishop Zhang
Jiashu, chairman of the Shanghai branch of the Chinese
Patriotic Catholic Association, also issued statements re-
futing the Vatican for its hostility towards the Chinese
people.
Catholicism was introduced to China in 1582 by
the Italian missionary Matteo Ricci in the form of dis-
seminating Western culture and science. But it was after
the Opium War of 1840 that the number of Catholics
rapidly increased. By 1949, on the eve of the founding
of New China, there were around 3 million Catholics in
China.
On June 7, more than 100 Chinese Catholics in
Beijing were confirmed in celebration of the feast of
Pentecost at the Church of the Immaculate Conception.
Bishop Fu Tieshan said; "Now we have restored all the
seven sacraments." It was the first time since the "cultural
revolution" that so many believers had been confirmed.
On the same day similar activities took place in the
Church of St. Joseph. Altogether, several thousand Chinese
and foreign Catholics attended the services at the two
churches.
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 Approved For Release 2007/03/06: CIA-RDP83M00914R002700220067-0
USSR
From: Moscow News Weekly, No. 51, Moscow, 1981
[P. 3]
PATRIARCH PIMEN: THE THREAT OF A GLOBAL CATASTROPHE MUST BE
ELIMINATED
"RELATIONS between the Church and the civic authori-
ties have been normal for a long time in our country,"
said Patriarch Pimen, head of the Russian Orthodox
Church, during an interview with Pedro Galindo for
Spanish radio and television. "Freedom of conscience,
the right to profess any religion is guaranteed by the
Constitution of the USSR to all citizens. Incitement of
enmity or hatred on religious grounds is prohibited
(Article 52). The state creates the necessary conditions
for exercising freedom of religion. It does not interfere
in the internal affairs of the Church. At the same time,
the state provides religious communities with churches
free of charge. The Church also receives the necessary
materials for construction, for making icons, religious
objects and dress, candles - all out of state funds.
Paper is also provided for the Church's various publish-
ing needs, i.e., printing the Holy Book, calendars and
periodicals."
Expressing concern over the turn the East-West
relations have taken recently the Patriarch said:
"We deeply regret that in recent years the enemies
of relaxation of international tensions, the militarist circles
which strive for domination over other countries and
peoples in pursuance of their own egotistical interests
have sharply stepped up their activities in the West. The
dangerous, vain policy of attaining military superiority,
the desire to deploy new American medium-range missiles
in Europe, and the decision to produce neutron bombs,
are all part of this drive.
"We are convinced," stressed the head of the Russian
Orthodox Church, "that in order to eliminate this danger,
all people of goodwill, both the believers and the non-
believers, should increase their efforts to preserve world
peace. Honest and constructive bilateral and multilateral
talks among countries are, we think, a step in the right
direction."
"In our desire to increase the believers' participation
in eliminating the deadly nuclear war threat, we initiated
the holding of a World Conference next spring titled
"Religious Workers for the Salvation of the Sacred Gift
of Life from Nuclear Catastrophe". The idea has won
support and understanding from a broad spectrum of reli-
gious circles in various countries. The recently organized
International Preparatory Committee is doing everything
possible to assure the success of this conference to be
held in Moscow on the invitation of the Russian Orthodox
Church from May 10-14, 1982. We hope that its conclu-
sions will be welcomed by the Second Special Session
of the UN General Assembly and will contribute towards
friendly brotherly relations between East and West and,
indeed, among all the countries and peoples of the world,"
said the Patriarch.
LEONID BREZHNEV : SOVIET POLICY IS SUBORDINATED TO THE STRUGGLE
FOR PEACE
"THE DOMINATING factor in the Soviet Union's foreign
policy was and remains the concern for how to preserve
peace, to avert the threat of a nuclear war and to strength-
en the security of the nations."
So said Leonid Brezhnev to a group of scientists
from the Pontifical Academy of Science whom he received
in the Kremlin at the request of Pope John Paul II, the
head of the Catholic Church and the Vatican State. Mem-
bers of the group - J. Lejeune, professor of fundamental
genetics, and G. B. Marini Bettolo, professor of chemistry
- spoke of the results of the research done by the
Academy on the consequences for mankind of a nuclear
war, and presented Leonid Brezhnev with a copy of the
"Declaration on the Consequences of the Use of Nuclear
Weapons" containing the results of the research.
Leonid Brezhnev stressed the importance of public
knowledge of the innumerable calamities a nuclear war
could bring. That is why the warnings coming from
politicians and scientists of various countries merit the
greatest attention. This idea underlies the proposal put
forward at the 26th CPSU Congress on the formation of
an international committee which would bring home the
vital need for averting a nuclear catastrophe. The louder
the authoritative voice of the scientists, the more con-
scientious the activities of the millions of people who work
for the achievement of this goal.
"A sign of the times," Leonid .Brezhnev said, "is
that to rid mankind of the danger that threatens it, states,
political parties and movements, public and other circles,
irrespective of different ideological and philosophical
views, unite, aware of their common vital interests.
"To prevent a nuclear war - such is today the
supreme responsibility of heads of state to posterity. The
Soviet leadership realizes this responsibility in full. The
USSR subordinates its foreign policy to this task.
"There is room for all states, large, middle-sized and
small, for all political, public, scientific, religious and
other peace-loving forces in international contacts and
dialogue aimed at improving the world political climate
and strengthening peace."
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USSR
From: Moscow News; No. 40, Moscow, October 11-18,
1981 [P. 4]
HOV TO GET THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION
IN THE USSR
SERGEI NENASHEV
A UGUST is the time for the entrance examinations
to the Leningrad Theological Seminary. Its annual
competition rate is 2-3 persons per vacancy.
Sergei Trukhachov, now 21, went through that kind
of experience two years ago. He comes from a religious
family and attended church since early childhood. So.
when the time came, at his request his parson unhesitat-
ingly gave him a letter of recommendation to the Se-
minary. His parents also gave their blessings for their
son's studies.
The Seminary provides secondary theological educa-
tion, with its curriculum scheduled for four years. How.
ever, it took Sergei only two years to complete the course.
True, he had to work hard: every day he stayed up late
in the library of the Seminary, which boasts of 200
thousand volumes in all European languages. He also
frequented the Saltykov-Shchedrin Leningrad Public Lib-
rary, which belongs to the five largest libraries in the
world.
Sergei Trukhachov graduated with a first-rate certi-
ficate and entered the Leningrad Theological Academy
without examinations beginning with September this year,
in accordance with the existing regulations.
The Theological Academy gives preference to the
best graduates from the Seminary. Should persons with
higher secular education apply with a request to be ac-
cepted, they are being interviewed. On an average, the
annual enrollment to the first course of the Academy is
25 students and to the Seminary - 60 students. Three
theological seminaries - in Moscow, Leningrad and
Odessa, and two academies - in Moscow and Leningrad,
with a total number of two thousand students, are now
functioning in the Soviet Union.
Here is some information about the Leningrad Theo-
logical Academy. Founded back in 1801, it has among
its graduates almost half of the Russian episcopacy and
many prominent Orthodox leaders in other countries,
including Metropolitan Dorofei, head of the Czech Ortho-
dox Church, Petr Teoferri Iassu, Bishop of the Orthodox
Ethiopian Church, Archimandrite Timofei Margaritis,
Secretary to the Jerusalem Patriarch. About 50 students
from close to 20 countries are now studying in the
Academy, including students from Argentina, Hungary,
the US, Finland, etc.
When a Seminary student, Sergei became friends
with Father Feofan, Secretary of the Leningrad Theo-
logical Academy. They both are keen on theology, but
their other hobbies are different. Father Feofan goes in
for sport, he regularly attends the swimming pool leased
by the Academy and Sergei is quite indifferent to sports,
but he loves theatre and especially opera.
Sergei plans to become a monk, like Father Feofan,
which could be done in the second or third course, if
the Academy Council solicits for his consecration before
the Metropolitan of Leningrad. However, prior to that
Sergei would have to do his mundane duty and serve for
two years in the army. Protection of the peaceful life of
the state is a duty and an honorary right of every Soviet
citizen irrespective of his education or religious beliefs.
USSR
From: Krokodil [Crocodile], No. 10, Moscow, April
1981. 5,810,000 circulation [P. 12]
Caption: And the last question: do you believe in god
[sic] ?
Cartoon by E. Milutka
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(Continued from Page 177)
Basin Program similarly enable Freedom House to de-
scribe the freedom struggles in those respective areas.
The organization widely circulates such pleas - and
its own advisories on foreign and domestic issues. It also
examines the responsibility of the news media. Its seven-
year study of the American press, Big Story, is a definitive
analysis of the functioning of the U.S. news media.
Freedom House is a leading defender of the free press
on the world scene. It seeks to improve Third World
journalism while resisting encroachments on press free-
dom.
Similarly, Freedom House defended the university
in the United States and abroad when it suffered physical
disruptions and philosophical attacks in the 1960s. It
helped found the International Council on the Future of
the University. Scholars of 20 free countries are now
enlisted in the regular defense of scholarly integrity and
academic freedom.
It entered the struggle to preserve and encourage
the "freedom radios" - Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty - voices of fredom talking to millions of people
under Soviet control. These radios frequently broadcast
reports originating at Freedom House. Some of the
present "revolution from below" in Poland can be credit-
ed to the work of these radios.
Through Freedom House/Books USA thousands of
volumes are given each year to potential leaders of devel-
oping countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
Forty years ago, the founders of Freedom House
understood that the future was unknowable, but unless
the advocates of freedom mobilized in defense, the future
would be closed to freedom. Only freedom keeps the
future open.
(Continued from Page 147)
"I think that the majority of people who see this
program will be amazed that our government does not
want your words to be heard by your people," Congress-
man LeBoutillier commented in conclusion of his inter-
view with A. Solzhenitsyn, "that it is not the Soviet Union
- it is our government which does not allow it, particular-
ly, when the censorship is by our government - which
only does it because it is afraid to distress and anger the
Soviet leaders. The majority of our listeners will not only
be amazed or shocked, they will want to know why this
is so, and why it continues to be so."
Congressman LeBoutillier rendered a great service to
the cause of freedom and human rights letting the A-
merican public know through this interview with Solzhe-
nitsyn about very serious shortcomings in U.S. broad-
casts to the Soviet Union.
It is unfortunate and perhaps symptomatic for the
current moral and political confusion in our society that
Solzhenitsyn's prophetic warnings receive less attention
than hollow voices of those who ignore the violation of
religious freedom and human rights in the USSR and
propagate the Soviet-inspired detente, appeasement and
unilateral disarmament.
We salute Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn as one of the fore-
most champions of religious freedom and human rights,
and pray and hope that, God willing, he will see the re-
birth of freedom in Russia and in all captive nations.
........................................... Please Detach .................
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$5.00 per copy CONTENTS
Solzhenitsyn Calls for Improvement of U.S. Broadcasts to USSR by Blahoslav Hruby .................. 146
Interview With Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn by John LeBoutillier, U.S. Congressman ...................... 148
In Primate Glemp's View the "Solidarity" Represents Polish National Feelings - RCDA Comment ........ 155
Interview With the Primate of Poland (ChSS Information and Polityka, Warsaw) ...................... 155
Poland Without Illusions by Jir`i Lederer (Czechoslovakia) ......................................... 161
A Meeting Between the Primate and Representatives of Independent Trade Unions "Solidarity" (Zycie
i Mysl, Warsaw) ......................................................................... 162
Polish Episcopate Values Highly the Founding of Free Trade Unions "Solidarity" - RCDA Comment by
Blahoslav Hrubj ......................................................................... 163
Communique of the Supreme Council of the Polish Episcopate (ChSS Information Bulletin, Warsaw) .... 163
A Communist Reformist for Cooperation Between Church and State - RCDA Comment by Richard T. Davies 165
Causes and Effects of the Polish Crisis by Jerzy Wiatr (Review of International Affairs, Belgrade) ...... 165
Soviet Propaganda Denigrates Poland's Struggle for Freedom - RCDA Comment ..................... 167
Who Benefits by the Crisis in Poland by Valery Kuzakov (New Times, Moscow) ....................... 167
Letter from Workers of Likhachov Auto Plant in Moscow to Polish Workers (New Times, Moscow) ..... 169
Soviet Violation of Freedom of Religion and Emigration: The Siberian Seven - Testimony in Support
of Bill S. 312 Before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration and Refugee Policy
by Blahoslav Hrubj and Olga S. Hrubj ...................................................... 175
Soviet Attempt to Infiltrate the Lithuanian Catholic Episcopate - RCDA Comment by Blahoslav Hrubj ... 175
A Brief Review of Events from October Through December 1981 (The Chronicle of the Catholic Church
in Lithuania) ................................................. ......................... 175
Freedom House at Forty ....................................................................... 177
Twice-Told Tales of Soviet Propaganda - RCDA Comment by Olga S. Hrubj ....................... 178
Report from Maloyaroslavets, Province of Kaluga by Alexandra Fedotova (Ukraine) ................ 178
Eradication of Religion: the Soviet Goal - RCDA Comment by Blahoslav Hrubj ................... 180
Atheism - the Struggle for Man by V. Ostrozhinsky (Ukraine) ..................................... 180
A Tribute to a Friend by Babette Wampold ....................................................... 183
A Tribute to Man from a Soviet Jew by Boris M. Schein ............................................ 184
Excerpt from "Requiem" by Anna Akhmatova .................................................... 184
Appeal to President Brezhnev to Release Prisoners of Conscience by Blahoslav Hrubj and C. H. Kallaur ... 184
The "New Right" in Soviet Interpretation - RCDA Comment by Olga S. Hrubj .................... 185
The Bastions of Neoconservatism by Yuri Gudkov (New Times, Moscow) ........................... 185
More Vietnamese Provocations (Beijing Review, Beijing) ............................................ 187
Refuting the Vatican (Beijing Review, Beijing) .................................................. 188
Patriarch Pimen: the Threat of a Global Catastrophe Must Be Eliminated (Moscow News) ............... 189
Leonid Brezhnev: Soviet Policy Is Subordinated to the Struggle for Peace (Moscow News) ............. 189
How to Get Theological Education in the USSR by Sergei Nenashev (Moscow News) ................ 190
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e
J of The Men s Class of The Riverside Church
490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027
VOL. 51 JUNE
No. 6 1982
BIBLE STUDY CLASSES - WEEKLY - FREE
The Rev. Dr. Kenneth W. Linsley, an ordained Baptist
minister, teacher at the New York School of the Bible,
and legal counsel for the United Presbyterian Church,
U.S.A., will conduct weekly Bible Study classes. Start-
ing Friday, May 28th, at 6:30 p.m. in Christ Chapel,
classes will go right through the summer, every Friday
evening. Come and join us - start any Friday.
THE MEN'S CLASS DINNER - OCTOBER 28th
We are proud to announce that the outstanding Civil
Rights leader and humanitarian,
MR. BAYARD RUSTIN,
will be this year's recipient of the
Charles Evans Hughes Award.
For the Men's Class dinner, we are joining with the
noted research publication R.C.D.A. (Religion in
Communist Dominated Areas), which celebrates its 20th
year of reporting on the Violation of Religious Freedom
and Human Rights.
Other speakers and honored guests will be announced
in the months to come. Plan to join us, make a note
now:
THE MEN'S CLASS DINNER - OCTOBER 28th.
The OPEN FORUM will resume programs in the fall.
William Coles, President, The Men's Class
Mrs. Janet Stanley, Secretary, Riversiders for
Cooperation and Progress.
Rev. BIahoslav-Hrub~, Chairman, OPEN FORUM
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0 TEMPORA, 0 MORES!
Churches do not always succumb to every novel sugges-
tion that comes along. We have just read that the
General Synod of the Church of England by a narrow margin
decided not to include in the Book of common Prayer a new
"Abortion Prayer" to be used by doctors and clergy upon
the occasion of a "medical termination of pregnancy."
In part the prayer, which was approved by the lay dele-
gates to the synod but rejected by the bishops, 20 to 13,
would have read: "Into Your hands we commit in trust
the developing life that we have cut short."
Somehow that reminds us that in Ohio a formal suit
for divorce has been filed in Cuyahoga County Common
Pleas Court by Beverly Irwin, who is seeking to be
separated from Carol Lupardus. The suit says that the
two women were married on June 7, 1972 and ever since
have lived together in marriage. The suit charges that
Miss Lupardus treated Miss Irwin with extreme cruelty
and grossly neglected her, wrongfully inflicting mental
suffering. It further states that no children were
born to the union.
(Across the Editor's Desk, "The Presbyterian Journal")
One of the Riverside Church's newfound functions
has been the so-called DRAFT COUNSELING. Now we all
know that that is not at all what it does. The law says
that an eighteen-year old must notify the government
of his whereabouts. Simple? Of course! But not at
Riverside.
The Riverside Draft Counseling ill-advises, lectures,
marches, protests, and prints leaflets, opposing the
law. REGISTRATION leads to DRAFT which leads to WAR,
is their war cry.
Now we have a war in the Falklands - and who is
fighting??? Why, Argentina - a Junta, or Soviet (Council)
style dictatorship, and Great Britain, which has neither
REGISTRATION, nor DRAFT.
Riverside Church Draft Counseling, wipe the egg off
your face, it makes you look foolish.
B.B.S.
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THE SOVIET UNION AS WE SAW IT
by Janet and Roger Stanley
(conclusion)
Vladimir had told us to get in touch with the comman-
dant of the airport when we reached Moscow and show him
the letter he had written. Of course, at that hour we
were told that the Commandant wasn't there. Obviously,
someone had to be in charge; but no one wanted to admit
it. The letter had been thoroughly scrutinized by every-
one by now.
So now that we had a room, what about getting to this
hotel? Well, you see, there is a commercial bus, and
you should get on it. Aeroflot would not pay for more
than that. Roger said, "With six big pieces of luggage,
how are we going to get on a commercial bus?" The woman
as much as said, "That's your problem".
So what about a taxi? Well Aeroflot would not pay
for a taxi. We don't care, we would just like a taxi.
She waved us in the direction of a taxi stand--it was
quite cold and windy, and as usual we were not dressed
for it (we left our coats in Tbilisi!) They had indi-
cated that there would be no problem to get a taxi, but
there were none. We waited and waited. Finally, one
pulled up and a man behind us in line, grabbed it. He
must have seen the look of despair on our faces, for he
motioned to us and spoke to the driver. We then joined
him in the cab and were dropped off approximately two
thirds of a mile at the airport hotel.
By now it was nearly 11:00 PM. At first we were told
we would have to leave our big pieces of luggage down
in the lobby. While waiting for the exchange of documents,
etc., we noticed an Oriental looking man go to the door,
obviously wishing to go outside. The doorman definitely
forbade him to leave. An argument ensued, but the door-
man was unrelenting. The clerk behind the desk spoke
English and turned out to be quite nice. He decided
that we could be trusted to take our own luggage upstairs
after all (maybe they wanted to search it?) Of course,
there were no porters. He said we must be hungry, and
gave us a voucher to go up to the snack bar on the eighth
floor as fast as possible; so we could get some food.
Our room was more-or-less alright, but COLD, to be
sure. His advice was very good because the snack bar
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consisted of one table with four chairs and a bar with
four stools. We sat down speedily and almost immediately
a long line formed to wait their turn. We had some
salami, cheese, bread, hard boiled eggs and Turkish
coffee.
Our new friend came in to warn us about 11:30 PM that
there is a curfew in this hotel at midnite or 1:00 AM
the lights all go out! Now you don't know what to do
first - what's more important; do you unpack, take a
bath, what? Well, I found out that the water was hot;
and, of course, we were frozen; so I drew a bath. Roger
said, "You're not going to get in that, are you?" The
water was dark brown. I said, "Oh yes I am!" It seemed
to me it was the first time I had been warm since I
could remember. Sure enough, at 1 AM the lights went
off, and that was that!
At the desk we had asked for a wake up call at 7 AM;
so we were awakened at 5 AM! The way it worked out,
they did us a favor. We didn't know what to expect
would happen to us; so we decided to go ahead and pack
up and get to the airport. When we tried to leave the
hotel, the person at the desk gave Roger a note that
said we had permission to leave the hotel and go to the
airport. The only slight problem was that we had to
walk. With six pieces of luggage, 2/3 of a mile on a
super highway, in the rain on a cold day! There were
no taxis, and the desk refused to call one. There were
buses picking people up, but we weren't supposed to get
on them.
Roger made up his mind to get to the airport and get
a taxi and come back for me and the luggage. Somehow
he talked his way on to a bus provided by Aeroflot and
guarded by the Government police - the bus was full of
Oriental people. Roger subsequently learned that all
the people on this bus had passed through customs the
night before and were going to East Berlin. There he
was herded in with the rest of them to go to Berlin.
When they saw Roger, he looked a bit out of place; so
they told him to stand aside. He was interrogated by
the woman in charge and an officer.
After explaining to them why he was there and showing
them the note from the hotel, he was taken to another
officer, who in turn read the note, and said he could
not permit him to leave this area which was beyond customs.
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He was not the Commandant. The woman then took him to
another officer to whom Roger had to explain again why
he was there and show the note from the hotel. He was
asked to wait - and closely supervised to see that he
did; and after ten minutes or so of waiting, another
officer came down who seemed to be in charge of every-
thing.
Roger had to go through the whole explanation one
more time, and show him the note. Roger actually told
him that he was very sorry to have caused him so much
trouble. I don't believe that's exactly what he meant
at that point! He finally escorted Roger to the other
area where he was permitted to get a taxi cab if he could
find one. Fortunately, there were some cabs there; and
all the drivers were asleep... it was early in the morn-
ing. He got a cab driver to take him back to the hotel,
collect me and the luggage, and go back to the airport.
We got back to the airport at 7:45 AM - our flight
was to depart at 10:55 AM. We decided to have some
breakfast at the lobby cafeteria: we had some sort of
juice, several slices of cucumber and salami; Roger took
a chance and got some sort of hamburger or cutlet. It
tasted terrible, but it came with rice; so I ate the
rice.
We should have had a lot of time, but we were pretty
apprehensive. The next adventure was Moscow customs.
Whenever there is a question of any sort, one is told
to wait while a uniformed man goes and gets someone
else who presumably knows more then he does. Whenever
there is any sort of question, four uniformed men sur-
round you from every possible angle: you feel your
back being surveyed and every motion you make being
surveyed. So the first man came back with another uni-
formed man. Certainly once again Vladimir's letter is
read. Now, however, we have an additional problem.
That woman at the Aeroflot desk the night before had
taken the liberty of taking us off our Air France flight
to Istanbul that Vladimir had arranged for us; and put
us on her blasted Aeroflot (saying, "That's better any-
way") So our tickets not only read the wrong day, the
wrong city, but also the wrong air line.
Now the second uniformed man went back and found yet
another, and again the letter was read and each time
the same questions were asked and the same answers given.
Finally they went back and got the man who apparently
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was the Commandant. Again the letter was read and we
were interrogated. We got very weary of all this, but
were extremely grateful that we had Vladimir's letter
as we clearly would have gone nowhere at all without it.
Finally the Commandant decided we could go. The only
question he asked re: customs, was, where are the two
gold rings which we had declared on the way in. We held
up our hands, and that was okay. We got most of the bags
over to the luggage loading area for Istanbul when I made
a serious mistake. I thought we were getting late for
our flight; so I half ran to pick up the last carry-on
and the rug. The Commandant who had been walking away
saw this, and called me back with my bags. He ordered
us to open the big package that contained the rug - it
was wrapped in brown paper and bound with wire. The ends
were open; so one could see what it was and further more,
I had declared on my list "One native rug". Nothing
would do but we had to open it. We thought that he sus-
pected that we had something concealed inside it. There
was nothing inside it. Well, perhaps he had to justify
himself, I don't know; but he queried its origin and
kept feeling it and looking at it.
He called over a woman who, judging from the amount
of braid she were, was probably in charge of that area.
She looked at it and felt it and shrugged her shoulders
and walked away. But his eyes really had a gleam in
them - he liked the rug. He told us that since it was
a native product an official of the Department of Agri-
culture would have to look at it and assess the proper
amount of tariff. I asked whether that gentleman just
happened to be on the premises. Well, no. We would
have to stay another day. We explained that it was a
wedding gift, we hadn't even purchased it - but that
didn't matter. Roger had to go with a uniformed man
back into a little glassed in cubicle to get a receipt
for the rug, which of course, was supposed to make it
possible for my brother-in-law to fly to Moscow and
claim the rug if he came within one month - maybe two.
And this is further to assume that that receipt would
ever reach him in their censored mail. Roger said you
should see the pile of receipts they had on the desk of
confiscated items; so obviously it's a pretty good
business.
After all that, we proceeded once more to the check-in
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line with the conveyor belt for Istanbul. The woman
looked at the airplane tickets, and it started all over
again. She chased us out of the line. Once again we
had to go and get some sort of an official. There was
a woman parading back and forth: Roger went to her ex-
plaining the situation. She said, "Well, you'd better
stay overnite in Moscow and leave the next day because
your tickets are out of order". We started again with
the letter. Roger was getting angry,surprisingly enough.
They went back to that glass cubicle. There were two
older women sitting there, and they both had to read
the letter. I guess they over-ruled the other woman,
because they waved Roger back that we should get on the
airplane. We actually did this time, and the plane left
at 11:10 AM after a harrowing 3 hours and 45 minutes at
that Moscow airport.
As we were soon to learn, Roger caught cold again in
dear old Moscow. One rather curious thing - the Russians
don't stamp passports. There's no way to prove you were
ever in that country. Unhappily, we were still in the
clutches of Aeroflot.
When we landed at Ankara, Turkey, at 2:07 PM, we
were instructed to leave our hand luggage and get off
the plane for a one hour lay over. We were confronted
by soldiers carrying machine guns, and a little walkway
cordoned off so one couldn't stray from the straight and
narrow. Somehow everyone else got boarding passes, but
we did not.
When it came to getting back on the plane, a man asked
us to produce our passes. Of course, we didn't have them.
Well, we couldn't get on the plane. But our luggage is
on the plane; therefore, we must have been. Reluctantly
he let us board; and then came on board himself with an
officer and pointed to us. They stared at us for a while
and discussed whatever it was they were going to do with
us while we waited nervously. That plane finally took
off with us on it.
Apparently when flying to another country, Aeroflot
has a change of heart; for miracle of miracles we were
served a meal. They were willing to sell drinks, too;
but, you see, you have to buy the whole bottle! We
arrived at the Istanbul airport at 4 PM. The place is
thick with men in khaki carrying submachine guns; but
for some reason that didn't worry us nearly as much as
it had in Russia where everyone was an under cover agent
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whether they were wearing a uniform or not. If I were
on Russia's border, I'd carry a gun a lot too. Roger
said only after 15 minutes in the cab on our way to
the hotel did he actually believe we were out of the
U.S.S.R. I think they thought we were crazy at the
hotel. Exhausted though we were, we were just hyster-
ically happy to be out of the Soviet Union. Once again
to breathe free air.
TEUNIS G. B. CORTELYOU, JR.
(May 19, 1981 - April 22, 1982)
Teunis Garrett Bergen Cortelyou, Jr., a descendant
of an old Brooklyn and New York family, and a long-time
member of the Holland Society of New York, was born
May 19,1891. His mother's maiden name was Ella Rowan.
He never had the joy or tribulation of dealing with a
brother or sister. In his early years he lived on West
94th Street in Manhattan and went to Trinity School
from 1902 to 1906, when he left, at the age of 15, to
"enter business." The reason for his departure from
the school can only be surmised. His father died in
1923 and his mother in 1947. He, himself, a bachelor,
passed away on the 22nd of April about a month before
his 91st birthday. He died in the West 75th Street
apartment where he had lived for fifty years.
Teunis, known to many of his friends as "Cort", saw
service in France in the army during the First World
War. In the 1920's he worked for the United States
Mortgage and Trust Company. In 1929 Chemical Bank and
Trust Company became his employer. At the time of his
retirement in 1964 he was a cost accountant at Horn
and Hardart. His expertise in accounting and finance
is well known, and it is not surprising that he served
as Treasurer for the Alumni Association of Trinity
School and as Treasurer, and frequently auditor, for
The Men's Class of The Riverside Church.
He joined the Men's Class in 1941, although he was
then and he remained a member of Trinity Church. The
Men's Class relied on Cort to supervise the bowling
activities of the Class. He was on hand on bowling
evenings to make sure that any member who wished t0
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bowl could do so; he kept all the records and was
captain of the bowling team. It is not well known that
Cort was a golfer. He played in New Jersey, in Haworth,
and only stopped in the 70's when failing eyesight and
arthritic joints became handicaps beyond his control.
Few persons know that he was a member of the Hole-in-One
Club. Even fewer know that he played in right field for
the Mortgage and Trust Company's baseball club in the
1920's.
Cort, however, was much more than a six-foot, athlet-
ic, business man. He grew up before the Boy Scout move-
ment reached the United States, yet he exemplified its
laws. A scout is trustworthy, loyal, helpful, friendly,
courteous, kind, obedient, cheerful, thrifty, brave,
clean, and reverent. Cort was a Christian gentleman,
especially reliable, courteous and helpful. One friend,
dying of cancer, wrote to him: "If anyone can give me
courage it is you."
In his later years he gave much of his time to the
work of the Uptown Branch of the YMCA and served for
some years on its governing body. In 1969 he received
its Man of the Year award. The previous year he had
received a similar award from The Men's Class. His
good deeds will long be remembered.
George B. Schoonmaker
"Hain't we got all the fools in town on our side?
And ain't that a big enough majority in any town?"
(Mark Twin, Huckleberry Finn.)
The following letter and article were hand-delivered
to the Riverside Church, and by Friday, May 28th, we
had received no reply. Once more a lack of communication.
FROM: THE MESSENGER, of the Men's Class
TO: Rev. William Sloane Coffin, Jr.;
Ernest Lorch, Chairman, Board of Trustees;
Rev. Elinor Galusha, Chairman, Board of Deacons
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THE MESSENGER plans to run the enclosed story on the
proposed budget. We think that it is correct, and
fair. We submit it to you for your corrections, if
any, and some illumination you may be able to furnish
on some of the questions posed.
We plan to go to press by the 26th of May, thus
we would appreciate your earliest reply. Should we not
hear from you in writing by the above date, we will
assume that you either do not wish to comment, or
that you find the facts correct as presented.
Sincerely,
Bryan Sterling
May 20, 1982 Editor-pro-tem
On May 16th, 1982, beginning at twelve-thirty o'clock
of the afternoon, an almost 5 million dollar budget
was whisked past a well-meaning, but mis-, ill-, or
un-informed membership. While surely not one of them
has handed the Riverside Church a blank, signed personal
check, 179 of the members voted the church 5 million
of someone else's money without knowing where the money
was going. Everyone was given a 5-page budget condensa-
tion, and some printed information - but not a dozen of
them had ever seen the REAL budget, which contained 35
pages. A staff member, appalled by what it contained,
had smuggled a full copy to us about ten days earlier.
Yet as late as the Sunday preceding the vote, no member
was allowed a full budget. Only on the last 5 weekdays,
when most of us are at work, could one come - theoreti-
cally - between 9 a.m. and 4:30 p.m. and ask for the
35 page budget. When we tried to obtain a copy, we
were sent from pillar to post; not even Mr. Gladstone's
secretary - he is the Church's business administrator -
wanted to give us one. Finally, after 20 minutes, we
were reluctantly handed a copy. We are not surprised
that there was such hesitancy in having us see this
budget, for there are errors, omissions, and highly
questionable appropriations. None of these show up
in the 5 page condensation.
How 179 members, supposedly functioning adults in
today's world, voted a disbursement of practically 5
million dollars (the budget is just $64,000 short of
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that total) without knowing the facts, is truly distre_
ing. How the leadership of the Riverside Church can
effect this secrecy, is disturbing. But, as Puck says,
in act III, scene 2 of Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night'
Dream: "Lord, what fools these mortals be!" Can any-
one imagine 179 completely rational people givirtg away
5 million dollars without asking a single question?
Not one? It was a study in modern psychology to obser.vF~
179 men and women vote for something they knew absolute
ly nothing about.
Let us prove to you that these 179 members of the
Riverside Church knew nothing about the budget, or i:!?-;
surely would have been puzzled by these facts:
POINT # 1. On the information sheet available in
the Assembly Hall, it stated that 'Arts in Reiigion'
was funded "$8,600, an increase of $800," That is n'
true!
On page #2, it clearly statP~,~ that this program is
funded by $10,600 - not $8,600, - which is an i,nTrease
over 1981-82 of $1,800 - not $800, WHY DID NOT ONF
PERSON ASK FOR AN EXPT,ANATION?
POINT # 2. On the reverse side of this same infor-
mation sheet, we are told: "SALARIES WERE INCREASED
8% to 12% BASED ON THE LEVEL OF STAFF SALARIES." Let
us look at the truth:
1981/82
1982/83 Increase,
p.7 Public Worship
Salaries*)
125,267
152,396
+- 21.71
Pensions
10,848
16,643
+ S34%
p.18 Communications F, Publ.
Info. Salaries
53,700
62,600
+ 16.6%
Total compensation
63,188
74,144
+ 17.=,
*This includes the Senior Minister and his staff,
which is identical to his staff of last year. It does
not look well when the staff of this Church takes such
unwarranted increases, and then tries to hide that
fact!
POINT # 3. See page # 18. In the past two years
'Communications and Public Information' has increased
its budget by 53%, i.e. $49,000, while at the same time
this Church has increased its contributions to such
deserving institutions as the UCC Home for the Aged.
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and the ABC Home for the Aged, by an embarrassingly
measly $300 - in two years! We spend an additional
$49,000 on communication - certainly not to the n.em-
bers--and only $300 on the elderly! (p. 14).
POINT # 4. Two brand new positions are budgeted
on page #20. Listed under 'Stewardship' we are asked
to pay $71,588 for one DEVELOPMENT OFFICER - whatever
that is - plus his secretary. What a suspicious, out-
rageous suggestion! This will be a fund-raiser, we
were told by a Trustee. FUND-RAISER? For what? At
$71,588, this fund-raiser will raise money for Dis-
armament? For the Institute for Policy Studies or
other purpose? And why was this not disclosed to
the meeting? There was no indication of this new
position in the 9 page summary. Why is Riverside
looking for a fund-raiser? Why were the members
kept in the dark about this? And to let the mem-
bership vote blindly for a new position paying
$71,588 per annum is deceitful!
POINT # 5. On page # 1S, under "D" there is an
omission of $1,300, making the total wrong. Surely
a budget should be correct.
POINT # 6. On page # 16, there is a $950 error
in addition.
POINT # 7. On page # 24, there is an item called
GAS. Like a yo-yo, this item keeps going up and down
over the years. We have no idea what it is, but we
complained about it last year, and that seems to have
had a beneficial effect:
1980/81 1981/82 1982/83
GAS 1,000 l7,000* 5,000
* Please note increase from $1,000 to $17,000
POINT # 8. On page # 21, under the heading of
'General Administration' we find a budgeted expendi-
ture of $12,000 on postage, which is approximately
$6 per membership home, or equal to 30 times a 20 cent
stamp. This Church has a special, non-profit franking
privilege, which allows for an even lower postage rate.
What is this huge sum used for? It certainly is not
used to communicate with the membership at the rate
of $6 per home.
POINT # 9. This Church spends a total of $179,522
on benevolences, special offerings, Christian action,
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etc. (see pages 14/15.) At the same time, this
Church spends almost twice that amount, namely
$356,336 on its own defense and protection. While
the senior minister berates the federal government
for increasing the defense budget, this Church, dedi
cated supposedly to ministering to the needy, spends
twice as much to protect its property as it spends
to help the needy. It is also ludicrous to note
that this Church budgets $136,200 for the purpose of
getting the United States to disarm, while it budgets
almost three times that much for a para-military
force to defend itself, n, classic example of the
senior minister saying: "Do as I say, not as T dol"
Security expenses:
page 1, Morningside Alliance $ 29,000.
it 23, Auto alarm & watchman 42,000.
it 26, Security exp $ suppl. 5,000
it 27, Security compensation 180,080.
Security, part time 50,138
prorated benefits, etc. 43,225.
prorated ove:rt.& subs: 6,893.
356,336
POINT # 10. Exper+litu:es and designations have
been shifted, or changed, making it more difficult
to compare one year against another. No ulterior
motive is implied, but there are no logical reason
for these changes. For example:
a) Director of English Conversation (p. 10), is
now listed under 'Christian(?) Education' where be
fore it was listed under 'Outreach'. (1981/82 p. 16)
b) On page # 9, under the heading of 'Christian
Education Ministry,' subheading 'Other Programs,'
we find an item: BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL STUDIES,
as having received $2,000 during 1981/82. This was
not listed under this heading in last year's budget
c) Also on page # 9, we find 'Adult Ministries,'
suddenly renamed 'Adult Education,' and attached to
a listing of Study/Action.
d) The Church School Program of Christian Educa
tion used to carry SUMMER CHILD CARE, which has now
been shifted to just 'Child Care,' under PUBLIC
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WORSHIP (?). This is hardly the same thing.
e) Library purchases and English Conversation are
now under 'Christian Education,' where before they were
under Outreach, where they belong.
POINT # 11. There are some unexplained new expendi-
tures planned, which should have been given some clari-
fication, for example:
a)
p.
6,
Inspirational Choir planning $ 1,300.
b)
p.
6,
Chancel decoration - Christmas 800.
c)
p.
15,
under 'Outreach' we find expenses
totalling
over $10,000 which are not explained and
lend themselves perfectly for any other operation,
to be shunted around, to be used for other than the
suggested purposes.
#
2,
Conferences and Meetings
$ 2,500.
#
3,
Materials
1,000.
#
5,
Volunteer Expenses
1,000.
#
8,
Personnel (student, field
3,000.
Increases:
# 7, Celebrations +480% 1,900
"C" Conference fees +58% 700 $10,100
POINT # 12. On page # 6, there is a humorous budget
increase, which defies rational explanation. It is
not the size of the increase that is being argued, but
simply what prompted a deliberating body to come up
with this amount.
1981/82 1982/83
Chancel Flowers, Memorial
Day $ Mother's Day $1,300 $1,304
INCREASE: $4
That's what we like to see - financial restraint, but
why parsimony at the expense of America's fallen braves,
and our mothers?
RESPONSE TO 'CHAIRPERSON' GALUSHA'S STATEMENT THAT THE
"ANONYMOUS LETTER BY BELFREY (sic) BAT IS IN EXCEEDING-
LY POOR TASTE AND GROSSLY UNFAIR."
A chairperson recently startled me;
She called me a name, " Anonymity."
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I searched in Mr. Webster's Dictionary -
Immediately located "Belfry" - (one 'e').
My family name is intact;
Mr. Webster confirms the fact!
A bat is a bat, and that's that.
If you look at my family "tree,"
One fact you can plainly see
Is the real definition of "Belfry" -(one 'e'):
Mr. Webster: BELFRY, derived from Old High German,
meaning "Protector of Peace," a movable tower used in
ancient warfare for attacking walled positions." So I
searched and squinted and peeked but could not find
"Chairperson." Webster did not include this brand of
slanguage in his use cf the English language!
I'm in the dictionary; 'tis you that's fictionary -
Mine are only words of truth that trickle down from
the roof.
As for the bat's veracity; it never lies, it sometimes
flys.
Resident Belfry Bat
VICTIMS OF RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION
IN THE USSR NEED OUR HELP
Senate bill S. 312 for relief of the Siberian Seven
has been passed by the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee for
Immigration and Refugee Policy chaired by Senator Alan
K. Simpson of Wyoming. Now it must be approved by the
full Judiciary Committee and sent to the Senate. The
chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Senator Strom
Thurmond, is known to oppose the bill. We urge you to
organize a letter campaign requesting expeditious action
on bill S. 312 which, if approved, would grant the
Pentecostal refugees (the Vashchenkos and Chmykhalovs)
in the Moscow U.S. Embassy a permament U.S. residence
status. Write to: Hon. Strom Thurmond, Chairman,
Committee on the Judiciary, Dirksen Senate Office
Building 2226, Washington, D.C. 20510 (Tel: [phone])
and ask President Reagan (The President, The White House,
Washington, D.C 20500) and your senators to support the
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bill S. 312 to help the Siberian Seven and their fami-
lies who have suffered so much for their Christian faith.
Twelve members of the Vashchenko family living in
Chernogorsk, Siberia, staged on April 23, 1982, a peace-
ful demonstration, demanding emigration. Local police
responded immediately, beat them all, including a 12-
year old girl and an 8-year old boy, and caused them
serious injuries. Now the family is under 24-hour
police guard interrupted only for occasional visit by
local thugs who come to harass the family, to trample
their garden and to display in various ways what is
called "Communist humanism."
B.eaho4& v and Olga Hnuby, EdJ to'
o6 "RCDA-Ree.igLon in Communist Dominated
Anea4" 475 R,Lvetvs.c.de DAi.ve, NY, NV 10115
Tee: 212-870-2481
FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MEN'S CLASS ACTIVITIES
will be appreciated. Participation in its activities
is free of charge but donations are needed to cover
the fees to the Open Forum speakers and other expenses
including production and mailing of THE MESSENGER.
Contributions to the Men's Class are tax deductible
and should be mailed to: The Men's Class, The River-
side Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027.
THE BRIDGE CLUB meets on Fridays at 7:00 p.m., 19th
floor, Riverside Church. All are welcome!
Dr. George McGovern, Director
CHESS PLAYERS are also invited to play on Fridays at
7:15 p.m. at the Riverside Bridge Club.
NOTE: if you prefer to receive THE MESSENGER as first
class mail please send $3.00 to the Men's Class, The
Riverside Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y
10027 to cover the cost (per year).
EDITORIAL BOARD
Rev. Blahoslav Hrubf, Editor
Gilbert H. Baker Rev. Molly J. Picirillo
William Coles Gustav R. Roesch
Edward Haskell Janet Stanley
William Peck Bryan B. Sterling
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(P MESSENGEII\\
of 1 ne Men s Class 0
1 1 ne Riverside `.,'lurch
_rti ; , A 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027
MAY
No. 5, 1982
O P E N F 0 R U M
sponsored by The Men's Class and Riversiders for Co-
operation and Progress continues to offer informative
and stimulating lectures and discussions on interna-
tional, national, urban, economic and church affairs.
All meetings are being held on Sundays at 12:30-1:30
p.m. in Room 411 South Wing, Riverside Church,
Riverside Drive at 120th Street, New York, N.Y. 10027.
Everyone is welcome.
MAY 30, THE POLITICIZING OF OUR CHURCH, Part II;
Speaker: Mr. William Peck, Director,
Independence House, NYC.
JUNE 13,VIETNAM UNDER THE NEW SYSTEM,
Speaker: Mr. Tu Nguyen, Institute
for Vietnamese Studies.
JUNE 20,USSR, A WORKER'S PARADISE?
Speaker: Mr. Franlstrom.
JUNE 27,To be announced.
FREE - - EVERYONE IS WELCOME
William Coles, President, The Men's Class
Mrs. Janet Stanley, Secretary, Riversiders for
Cooperation and Progress.
Rev. Blahoslav Hr{iby, Chairman, OPEN FORUM
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SOVIET WEEKLY REPORTS ON THE RIVERSIDE CHURCH AND
"CANON" COFFIN
"New Times", a Soviet propaganda weekly published in the
English language, is well known for its vicious attacks
against the USA and its "imperialism" and "militarism."
In its issue No. 42 of October 1981 we were surprised to
find an article "A Unique Responsibility" by Y. Gudkov,
its own correspondent, who covered the "Conference in
Solidarity with the Liberation Struggles of the People
of Southern Africa"held at the Riverside Church. We
reprint 3 paragraphs of Gudkov's article. - Ed.
A UNIQUE RESPONSIBILITY
by Y. Gudkov
The Riverside Church is situated on the Hudson bank,
in the western part of Manhattan. Standing on top of
a hill, it towers over the neighbouring 20 and 30-storey
blocks of flats. The church grounds occupy two whole
blocks, a rare thing in overpopulated Manhattan. You
have only to cross neighbouring Broadway to find your-
self in the midst of the squalor of Harlem, with its
shabby overcrowded tenements, its mass of unemployed
living on the verge of despair.
Perhaps this proximity explains the readiness of the
Riverside Church to support progressive measures. It
was in this Church that its dean, Canon Coffin welcomed
on October 9 the delegates to a conference in solidarity
with the liberation struggles of the people of southern
Africa. The spacious nave of the church was filled
with representatives of trade union, religious, women's
and other mass organizations, who had arrived in New
York from all the 50 states, and by guests from other
countries....
The local big press and television gave no publicity
to the conference. Neither the New York Times, nor
the Washington Post carried any information whatever
about this international event. The State Department
tried to deny a visa to Alfred Nzo and to bar a dele-
gation of the Soviet Afro-Asian Committee from taking
part in the conference. Despite all these obstacles
the conference was a success. It laid the groundwork
for rallying all honest Americans to the struggle
against Washington's reactionary policy of suppressing
the liberation movement of the peoplesof southern Africa.
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TUE SOVIET UNION AS WE SAW IT
by Janet and Roger Stanley
(continued)
In the Iveria Hotel, strangely enough, our activities
were scrutinized even more closely than they had been
in Moscow. Leaving the room we passed the floor lady
first, then the man stationed at a desk by the elevators
directly opposite a table where continually sat three
men with newspapers in front of their faces, then the
man at the desk, the security men prowling around the
lobby, the man standing at the refreshment bar, the door
man, and the two who constantly stood in front of the
hotel. As I mentioned before, the security check calls
to our room got so bad that I finally took the phone
off the hook; and naturally the room was bugged.
We met the next morning to start the caravan to the
airport. While we were waiting for everyone to arrive,
we stood in groups and talked in the courtyard. The
KGB got so curious that two of them had the nerve to
get in their car and drive up right behind us, stop the
motor and lower the window; so they could listen to what
we were saying! I met his eyes and stared at him, but
he couldn't have cared less.
At the airport, Intourist people wait in a separate
room. Since there were only two of us (with our families),
it was only necessary to assign two KGB to sit at a table
and watch us. I would have loved to take a goodbye
picture; but by now I knew much better. The goodbyes
were tearful, and many thought final, as they are not
allowed to come to the U.S. Mercifully, the plane was
only an hour and 23 minutes late taking off.
Our arrival at the Lybia Hotel went smoothly. Kiev
is a pretty city with its eleven lane wide boulevards
and treelined streets. The city was rebuilt in the
1950's after the Nazis destroyed it in World War II.
The Intourist ladies were very friendly and arranged
a cab and tour guide for us; so that we could see a
little bit of the city before we left the next day.
One lady had to take us into the dining room and
speak to the hostess on our behalf, so that we might
be served. Naturally, we had caviar and borscht with
pampushki, which turned out to be garlic biscuits. We
hadn't much time, so we thought we would have a late
dinner when we returned. The restaurant advertised
that it served until 11:00 PM.
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Our Ukrainian guide started out with the party line:
he told us proudly that in the Soviet Union there are
35 doctors for every 10,000 people and medical care is
free to everyone including tourists. He stopped us in
front of St. Sophia built in 1037 and noted for its
icons and mosaics; but, no, we were not permitted to
go in-that was not included in this tour. They're
doing a lot of reconstruction in preparation for Kiev's
1500th anniversary in the spring. We-began to.get
through to our'guide,.-and he took us to the beautiful
EIEVO PECHERSKY monastery where monks had lived until
1961. This is considered "Mecca" for the Russian
Orthodox Faith. There are caves below where many are
buried. The Nazis destroyed the main Cathedral. There
were other beautiful onion domes to be seen while a
carillon played an ancient scale every fifteen minutes.
Slowly we began to realize our guide was a Christian,
and we told him about Riverside Church. He was so
surprised: he thought all American churches were
modern, simple structures! After that, we did more
talking than anything else; he wanted to know everything
about America. Roger asked him why the Russians are
spending all their money on armaments while the people
have very little. He said, "We are afraid". Of course,
we asked, "Of what?"..We disarmed and kept the Salt
Treaty - the Soviets had not. We have everything we
need in our own country, why would we want to attack
them--etc. We could actually see his mind bending.
He was fascinated to know about music in this country;
and we must have talked for half an hour. Finally,
we asked him to come in and join us for dinner. He
looked uncomfortable and said very regretfully that he
could not. In the lobby we managed to buy the only
two jars of caviar they had and went upstairs. This
hotel was built in 1971 and looks fine on the outside,
but they kept certain idiosyncrasies on the inside.
This time our square shower stall had a curtain which
was almost long enough-didn't quite make it. But the
water was ice cold. It was, however, drinkable, for
which we were thankful.
We came down for supper at 10:00 PM. A typical
KGB dominated our path and demanded something in
Russian. "Passport?", "Nyet", "Plane tickets?", "Nyet",
"Vouchers?", "Nyet". "Room Number?", "Da". We were
permitted to enter then, but no one wanted to wait on
us and the orchestra was playing Auld Lang Syne.
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(That was brave-we thought they were supposed to play
Moscow Nights!) Finally we found out the bar was closed
and all we could get was cold chicken or salad. So we
went upstairs and ate Georgian hazelnuts.
We arrived in Kiev airport without incident at 10:25
AM for a 12:20 PM Flight to Istanbul via Bucharest. We
were greeted by a very nice Intourist man by the name
of Vladimir. Roger immediately told him what a wonderful
time we had had in the Soviet Union and how great every-
thing was. (It's a good thing he's not Pinnochio!) He
very cordially saw us through customs: I was able to
say a few words of Georgian, mostly in the old fashioned
way; and when he asked me to do something and I responded
"Diach Pobano" (Yes, sir), he and the customs officer
flipped. Vladimir said he hadn't heard that in years
and he was going to go home and tell his wife from now
on she should say "Diach Pobano" to him! Well, we
really didn't have any problem with customs. Prior to
that, the customs officer did ask whether we were taking
out any antiques, icons, works of art - I responded
quite frankly that we hadn't seen anything worth taking
out. I don't think he was a terribly devout Communist
because he laughed heartily.
Usually on the other side of customs yet another
Intourist representative is there to take over, but this
time there was no one. We proceeded to where one presents
airline tickets and checks in baggage, only to be told we
were not "on the list". We guessed that this list should
have come from the hotel- we didn't know, but we were held
there in limbo. We were very thankful to see Vladimir
reappear (it turned out that he was chief in control).
He had several discussions and looked embarrassed, and
said to wait - he would take care of it. He reappeared
in about fifteen minutes saying not to worry, everything's
alright, Airoflot overbooked from Moscow where the flight
originated so that there was only one seat available and
he was sure we didn't want to be separated - we heartily
concurred, but he said he would take care of it.
After two hours of waiting, we were put on board the
plane at 1:40 PM. We waited on board the plane for one
and one half hours; it was now 3:10 in the afternoon
when someone came on board the plane and called our
names and took us, and our luggage off the plane.
Vladimir was there and explained that they had tried
to bump one passenger, which we saw; and when we had
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seen that, we thought that everything was alright.
Vladimir explained that this was the only person traveling
alone and that he turned. out to be a Vietnamese who had
only a twenty-four visa to be in Moscow; and if he did
not make that flight, his visa would expire. So they
took him back on board and took us off. (We subsequently
wondered why it wasn't important that our visas also
expired? Now Vladimir said very apologetically that
they would try to put us on a flight the same day to
Moscow where we would probably stay over-night and
then fly from Moscow to Istanbul the following day,
making us one full day late to arrive in Istanbul, pro-
vided all went well. He suggested that Aeroflot should
provide us with a meal, and he would get back to us
after he went about making his arrangements for our
flight and accommodations to Moscow.
After sitting in the airport waiting a long time,
Roger finally went up to Vladimir's office and said
in effect "When-do we eat?" He said there were all
kinds of officers lounging around there who immediately
vanished when they realized they might be in trouble
with Vladimir because they hadn't carried out his
orders to take us to the restaurant. All during this
delay, I had my eye on some caviar in a case at the
gift shop. For some reason they refused to sell it.
At the hotel we had been able to purchase four ounce
jars for $27 US each; but they only had two, and one is
allowed to carry out five. Perhaps some things are
only meant for display?
Vladimir personally ushered us into the locked "public"
restaurant in the airport of Kiev via all kinds of back
corridors. He graciously permitted me to use his employ-
ees' WC. which to my horror, was every bit as bad as all
public accommodations. It seemed that we were now the
problem of Aeroflot, since they had overbooked, and
Intourist had no further official responsibility. He
encouraged us to stay in the restaurant as long as
possible for our comfort. We were offered a set meal
which Aeroflot would provide; if we wished alcohol, of
course we would have to pay for it-this time in rubles.
One never knows which currency they're going to accept.
This meant Roger had to go back downstairs and change
some.dollars back into rubles again. They brought us
borscht, salad and veal cutlets - it was a good meal,
augmented by our various Vodkas. It was our first meal
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in over 24 hours, unless you count hazelnuts. We were
not permitted to linger over our food as after 55 minutes,
a capacity group came in and we were asked to leave.
In the meantime, Vladimir came and gave us an official
letter (in Russian) from him explaining what had happened
to us, and why we weren't in Bucharest or Istanbul by now.
He told us we were booked on the 8 PM flight to Moscow
where Aeroflot would provide us with a room at a hotel
near the airport and transportation to and from the air-
port. The only incident going through customs from Kiev
occurred when a gal in effect asked me what was in the
carry-on bag that made it so heavy- I responded, "Mouraba".
She smiled and waved us through. 'fMouraba" is the Georgian
word for preserves and we were carrying eight large jars
for ourselves and friends. Miraculously only two were
broken.
After spending 9 hours and 33 minutes in the Kiev air-
port, we actually boarded at 8:18 PM. Whatever was left
of us did arrive in Moscow; of course with Intourist having
washed their hands of us, there was no one to meet us or
give us a clue as to how to proceed. Roger went directly
to Intourist and dispatched me to Aeroflot. The girl at
Aeroflot in response to my query said that there was no
room available at the airport hotel. I said, "How can
that be - arrangements were just made for us in Kiev?"
She asked me who made the arrangements and I indicated
Intourist. Well then it was Intourist's responsibility
and not theirs. Roger got the same story from Intourist -
it's Aeroflot's responsibility and not theirs.
I went over to Intourist only to find Roger was missing.
He eventually came back: he had been trying to find our
luggage. We were so preoccupied with our arrangements
that the luggage had all come and gone, and now we had
to go to a remote area of the airport where there was
an old woman at a desk by a big door. She wore a white
uniform with epaulets and spoke absolutely no English.
From time to time some sort of a truck would arrive with
two or three pieces of luggage on it. Time dragged on
and we were sure we would never see our bags again, but
eventually they did arrive. Of course, there is no cart,
no porter, no nothing-so with our six big pieces of
luggage we had to transport ourselves back across that
big airport to the Aeroflot desk. Roger had really to
give this girl hell in order for her to admit that there
might be a room at the hotel for us to stay.
(Final installment next month)
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SIXTY WONDERFUL YEARS
MARGARET HELEN CAMERON GARSIDE, 1893 - 1981
IN MEMORIAM
B. A. Garside
I began to fall in love with Margaret Cameron from the
moment I first looked into her blue eyes in the summer of
1914, down in southeastern Oklahoma where we both were
born and grew up. But at that time both of us were too
young, and had our minds too full of plans for the
future, to think seriously of the binding commitments
of marriage.
As we taught together for two years in Pittsburg,
Oklahoma, we became the best of friends. Then she
went to Maryville College in Tennessee, and on to a
remarkable combination of study, teaching, athletic
achievements and coaching in Ada, Oklahoma. Meantime,
I studied for a year in Hartford, spent two World War
I years with the U.S. Navy in Brest, then more years
of study in Teachers College, Columbia, and in teaching
and family responsibilities back in Oklahoma.
I kept in touch with Margaret during those years, and
as soon as I returned to Oklahoma I began to drive the
family Ford more and more frequently to her home in
Pittsburg. When I urged her to marry me and go with me
to China, it caused her a long and painful struggle.
She was very close to her mother and the other members
of her family, and shrank from the thought of separation
from them. Also, she was very popular in her circle of
friends, and there were other ardent suitors who were
offering her far more than I could.
But, to my eternal happiness, she finally accepted,
and for the next 60 years she was the center around
whom my whole life clustered. We were married - "in
the glory of the setting sun" - on September 10, 1921,
and immediately boarded a train to New York City. She
not only made our year of studying in New York a happy
one, but it was she who attracted the interest and
support of the influential educational and religious
leaders who arranged for our appointment to higher
educational work in North China.
It took all her courage and loyalty to bid farewell
to her closely-knit family and friends, and to accompany
me on the long train ride to Seattle and on by slow
steamer to Shanghai. We arrived at the soggy end of a
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destructive typhoon and an epidemic of cholera. The
prevalence of poverty and hunger so appalled her she
wanted to re-board our steamer and head back to the
States. But she stayed, despite the homesickness which
never fully left her. We had an interesting year in
Peking studying Chinese; then six months in a rural
mission station; then two-and-a-half fruitful years at
Cheeloo University in Shantung's capital city, Tsinan.
Later my mother courageously traveled alone all the
way from Oklahoma to China, and Margaret helped to make
her two years with us very happy ones. Our daughter
was born in Tsinan on December 17, 1925.
In the summer of 1926 we returned to the States to do
promotional work for Cheeloo and later for the other
Christian Colleges in China. Margaret said that the
happiest day in her life was the one when she brought
our daughter back to her family in Pittsburg, Oklahoma.
We were back in New York in the fall of 1926, and for
the past fifty-five years our lives have been busily
spent in this area. Not only was Margaret always help-
ful to me in my work, but she was constantly engaged
in making her own fine contributions to many kinds of
useful service. She had a rare gift of personal friend-
ship with every one associated with her.
As a young woman Margaret had been unusually strong
and vigorous. But after the birth of our daughter she
picked up a tubercular infection which flared up soon
after our return to the States. She had to spend much
of the next ten years in the Trudeau Sanatorium in
Saranac Lake, where the doctors warned me she could not
survive very long. But through some remarkable efforts
on her part the disease was finally arrested, although
her lungs had been so damaged that for the rest of her
life she lived with greatly reduced lung capacity.
During the forty-one years we lived at 635 Riverside
Drive in New York we always kept open house for the
visits of numberless relatives and friends. There we
cared for her father and mother until her father's death
in 1956. Then she kept close to her mother, first in
our home and later in the homes of her brothers and
sisters, until her mother's death in 1976. Also, she
always maintained close ties with all of her family and
a wide circle of friends.
When I retired from the executive directorship of
ABMAC in 1979 we moved to the Williams Memorial Residence
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at 720 West End Avenue, where Margaret and I hoped to
spend many retirement years happily together. We did
have many happy months here, but her health began to
fail, and the range of her activities was increasingly
restricted. Several times she collapsed suddenly with
brief blackouts, but fortunately did not experience
any visible after-effects. I tried to be always with
her as she moved about; and if I had to be out of the
apartment for a short time I saw to it that she was
either taking a nap in her bed or was comfortably
seated on our living-room couch.
On the morning of August 29th, when I left the apart-
ment briefly to pick up the morning paper, she was
seated comfortable on the couch. But while I was away
she got up and went into the bedroom. As she glanced
toward something on her bed she lost her balance and
fell heavily backward. As she struck the floor she
cracked a lumbar vertebra and bumped her head severely.
When I returned a few minutes later she was lying half
on the floor and half on the side of her bed, and was
in great pain. We called our family doctor, who came
and, after a quick examination, sent her to St. Luke's
Woman's Hospital in an ambulance.
What at first did not seem too serious an injury was
the beginning of an agonizing four months, during which
she gradually grew weaker and passed through one crisis
after another. After three weeks at St. Luke's she
was moved to the Florence Nightingale Nursing Home in
hope of securing helpful physical therapy. But three
weeks later she suffered a severe heart attack and was
rushed to Lenox Hill Hospital where a team of doctors
worked for five hours to save her life. After three
weeks at Lenox Hill, with constant medical attention
and around-th-clock nursing care, she had improved to
where the doctors thought she could convalesce best
in our own apartment at Williams. Home surroundings
seemed to help a little, but despite around-the-clock
nursing and all the loving care we could give, she
continued to grow weaker until she had to be rushed
back to Lenox Hill. This time all the drastic measures
of tubes, electrical devices and constant medication
were employed, but they only prolonged her suffering
until, just at dawn on December 16th, she slipped
peacefully away.
Her daughter Jean and I accompanied her on her last
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journey back to the familiar places in Oklahoma where
her early years had been spent until I took her away to
China-. There she was laid to rest beside her father and
mother and my mother, and among many other relatives and
friends whom she always loved.
NUCLEAR ARMS FREEZE
by Bryan Sterling
The Office of Diminishing Defenses (ODD) of the River-
side Church - or is it its Department of Unilateral Dis-
armament (DUD) - has a new idea, called 'Nuclear Arms
Freeze.' On May 16th, 1982, the Religious Society will
be asked to vote on a resolution, asking elected offi-
cials to consider a freeze on our present nuclear arms.
Have you noticed that it seems to be just the clergy
of the free world that tries to scare us to death with
the supposed threat of nuclear holocaust? Our military
men make no such claims, nor do our responsible politi-
cians; only opportunists are jumping on a bandwagon,
most vigorously pushed by militant members of the clergy.
Do they ask us to pray, to believe, to put our trust in
God? Do they try to bring us back to God? No! They
only want us to protest, march and pass resolutions!
And this time ODD and DUD have really come up with a
brilliant idea - the trouble is that it is more than
three years old, and was already rejected by Brezhnev;
so that makes our resident think-tank on the fifth floor
look pretty much behind the times, and naive.
President Carter, not exactly famous for his great
administration, was at least astute enough to be ahead
of the political and military experts of the Riverside
Church. Not just once, but twice, did President Carter
suggest to the Soviet Union that they put a freeze on
nuclear arms - - and not once, but twice, did the Soviet
Union reject the suggestion.
Now, three years later, the fifth floor of the-River-
side Church labored, and brought forth a mouse - and a
dead mouse, at that. But, you see, the Riverside Church,
built to celebrate the glory of God, has left the Scrip-
tures, and has gone into politics, and now even makes
military judgements as well. We are blessed with such
creative minds at Riverside, that they can dig up dead
issues, three years after they were killed - twice.
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So let the Religious Society - or at least the two
hundred who may show up for the vote - adopt a resolu-
tion on nuclear freeze. It will have no more impact
than a gun-control law in the city of New York.
RIVERSIDE UNILATERAL DISARMAMENT PROGRAM, PLEASE NOTE!
Three newspaper items within the past weeks clearly
show how naive supporters of the Riverside Unilateral
Disarmament Program really are. There is no way in
which the Soviet block of nations will either foster
disarmament, or will allow its captive citizenry to
even consider it.
#1
MOSCOW, April 11 (Reuters). Twelve dissidents have
been arrested by security police in a coordinated
series of raids here. Their apartments and SO of their
relatives and friends were searched. The police re-
moved religious material, Bibles and icons.
#2
MOSCOW, April 19 (Reuters). Two Frenchmen, two Spaniards,
two Italians and a Belgian attempted to unfurl a hand-
lettered banner, bearing the Russian words for "Bread,
Life and Disarmament." The incident took place at 1 p.m.
in front of the Lenin mausoleum, when several hundred
people were on hand. The seven, all in their twenties
and thirties, were pounced upon by the KGB, the state
security police,and taken away.
The Soviet Union supports and encourages disarmament
demonstrations,provided they take place in the West,
where Pravda calls such efforts "World-wide Reactions
Against American Militarism!"
#3
BONN, April 11 (NY Times, 4/12/82, p. A3). A letter
read in East Berlin by Protestant ministers at Easter
Sunday services, accused the Communist authorities of
refusing to allow young people to wear badges and arm-
bands advocating disarmament. Communist sources claimed
that the disarmament symbols were undermining military
service in East Germany.
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HELEN HOWARD
A Memorial Gilbert H. Baker
Helen Howard, a longtime member of Riverside Church
and a generous benefactress of The Men's Class over
many years, passed from our view and hearing late in
1981, well advanced in years. Both Helen and her
surviving sister Margaret were strong supporters of a
number of the Class projects.
Helen was a native of Geneseo, Illinois, and came to
New York in her childhood when her father became assoc-
iated with the Cushman Bakery, which he eventually owned.
While they lived at Sixth Avenue and 46th Street, both
sisters joined the Sunday School of the nearby Fifth
Avenue Baptist Church, and thus began a lifelong fellow-
ship with this church which later became the Park Avenue
Baptist, and eventually the present Riverside Church.
They went regularly to the Lighthouse School for the
Blind on 59th Street where they danced with the blind
girls, and they went to the Judson Memorial to tell
stories and read books to children, and to the West Side
Youth Center to work with children. Helen studied the
piano and became quite a fine musician. Both went to
Hunter High School and then to Hunter College. Helen
decided on a teaching career. She taught Grades 1 and
2 in the Williamsburg School and later at the school at
89th St., and Amsterdam Ave., Manhattan. She retired
in 1947 after 30 years of teaching.
Having time to donate, the two Howard sisters became
part of Riverside's Fellowship Work Group. They had
been used to sewing cooperatively; Margaret cut and
Helen stitched. At Riverside they came into a formidable
team of sewers: Marian Marhew who designed the dresses,
Annabelle McKerrar and Lydia Vaughn who did the cutting.
Helen became a fast stitcher. And thus began her primary
career as a production line dressmaker. She finished
two or three garments a day, and both sisters took work
home so that their estimated output would be ten to
twelve garments a week.
The sisters liked to travel and each May they spent in
Daytona, Fla. They went to Europe 13 times and many
times to Hawaii, up and down the West Coast from Alaska
to Panama, and all over the East Coast from Nova Scotia
to the Florida Keys.
In the memorial service held in Christ Chapel, Dr.
Laubach said that Helen throughout her life was a church
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person. She attended worship and at Riverside served
on the Council on Public Worship, the Benevolence Com-
mittee and for a number of years on the Music Committee.
"She was, from childhood to her death, a clown," he
said, "She loved the wisecrack or the funny or unexpected
answer. She had a fine sense of humor and enjoyed a good
laugh. Because of this she was easy to know and fun to
be around.
"She and Margaret have been that rare thing among
sisters," Dr. Laubach continued, "they were fast friends
and truly enjoyed each other. Although it was possible
for them to have lived wherever and however they wanted,
they chose to continue a comfortable but modest life-
style and to do things for people in need. She had
talked a good deal about her death in recent months
and when it came it was, as she had hoped it would be,
a swift passing and no lingering suffering.
"Although we cannot know what happens beyond the event
of death, our minds cannot but help seek a continuity
of the best we have known in a person's life. So one
of the images I have is Helen already at work on a
production line making spotless garments for a choir
of unruly cherubs. She will be doing it cheerfully
and, I suspect, with a joke and a good deal of loving
laughter."
In his "Forum Letter" of December 18, 1981 Rev. Richard
J. Neuhaus, a noted Lutheran theologian, wrote the
following comment:
The Living Church reports erstwhile friend William
Sloane Coffin's remarks at a Trinity Institute (NYC)
conference. "It seems to me that all of the major
hangups of the Roman Catholic Church are related to
sexuality. Whether it is the ordination of women,
celibacy, homosexuality or the question of authority,
Roman Catholics have been oppressed, and people who have
been oppressed themselves become oppressors." On
another front, he went on to note that "it is part of
the Good News that our system and that of the Russians
is breaking down. It is a necessary ingredient for
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the realization of the Christian community." I think
it was Marty's context that picked up the insightful
typo that Bill Coffin "has been speaking wildly around
the country.
This kind of "wildly speaking" violates the ecumenical
spirit which used to be one of the strongest character-
istics of the Riverside Church. - B. H.
contributed by Kenneth Linsley
It was said in the old days that every year Thor made
a circle around Middle-earth, beating back the enemies
of order. Thor got older every year, and the circle
occupied by gods and men grew smaller. The wisdom god,
Woden, went out to the king of the trolls, got him in
an armlock and demanded to know of him how order might
triumph over chaos.
"Give me your left eye," said the king of the trolls,
"and I will tell you."
Without hesitation, Woden gave up his left eye. "Now
tell me."
The troll said, "The secret is: WATCH WITH BOTH EYES!"
"The church is in politics more than the politicians.
Our preachers are doing our principal legislation for
us now. A preacher just can't save anybody nowadays.
He is too busy saving the nation. In the old days those
fellows read their Bibles. Now they read the Congress-
ional Record.
If Congress met on Sundays, why, there would be
no services anywhere - all the ministers would have
their eyes on Congress." WILL ROGERS, February 17,1929
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FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MEN'S CLASS ACTIVITIES
will be appreciated. Participation in its activities
is free of charge but donations are needed to cover
the fees to the Open Forum speakers and other expenses
including production and mailing of the Messenger.
Contributions to the Men's Class are tax deductible
and should be mailed to: The Men's Class, The River-
side Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027.
THE BRIDGE CLUB meets on Fridays at 7:00 p.m., 19th
floor, Riverside Church. All are welcome!
Dr. George McGovern, Director
CHESS PLAYERS are also invited to play on Fridays at
7:15 p.m. at the Riverside Bridge Club.
NOTE: If you prefer to receive the Messenger as first
class mail please send $2.00 to the Men's Class, The
Riverside Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y.
10027 to cover the cost (per year).
EDITORIAL BOARD
Rev. Blahoslav Hruby, Editor
Gilbert H. Baker Rev. Molly J. Picirillo
William Coles Gustav R. Roesch
Edward Haskell Janet Stanley
William Peck Bryan B. Sterling
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.u.~~
M 111EJ 6ZNU W
'
's Class of The Riverside 'Church
h
jr j I A. j ? ' i of The Men
;q 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027
July
No. 7, 1982
EXCERPTS from the Directory for Baptist Churches, the
Baptist Convention, under which the Riverside Church is
incorporated:
"Whatever its members may do in their individual capa-
city as citizens and members of society, the Church as
such must confine itself to the mission for which it
was founded - the spread of the Gospel, and the advance-
ment of the Kingdom of God in the world. It cannot be-
come a corporation for mercantile or manufacturing pur-
suits; it cannot become a political organization."
(p. 152)
BIBLE STUDY CLASSES, conducted by Rev. Kenneth S. Linsley
meet every Friday at 6:30 sharp, in Christ Chapel.
PLAN TO ATTEND --- FREE.
Remember: OCTOBER 28, 1982 is the date for our DINNER
MARK THE DATE RIGHT NOW.
The OPEN FORUM, sponsored by the Men's Class, and
Riversiders for Cooperation and Progress, will con-
tinue in September to offer informative and stimula-
ting lectures. Watch this space for announcements.
William Coles, President, The Men's Class
Mrs. Janet Stanley, Secretary, Riversiders
for Cooperation and Progress
Rev. Blahoslav Hrub~, Chairman, OPEN FORUM
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THE AMERICAN WAY?
Norman Lear is to politics pretty much what Jerry
Falwell is to theology. They are both television
preachers with a natural capacity for packaging the
pieties of their separate worlds.
Lear, in fact, is far and away the more successful
"prime-time preacher" of the two of them; perhaps it
was inevitable that he would square off against upstart
Falwell. In any case, he has organized "People for the
American Way," a group dedicated to counter the influence
of the new religious right.
Lear spoke about this effort not long ago at a lunch-
eon sponsored by the National Council of Churches'
Information Committee, and he didn't do a very good job.
He was amiable, to be sure, but in good liberal fashion
he eschewed challenging the substance of the religious
right's platform and complained, instead, about the
way that Falwell and Company went about their business.
Said Lear: the right employes emotion and fear to mani-
pulate people. Yet by the end of his address, Lear was
himself arguing in favor of a "visceral" appeal to people
in defense of all the good causes (of course). People
are too beset with their everyday lives, he explained,
to deal with complexity. The message had to be delivered
suitably coated with emotion and entertainment.
This was probably said in defense of his "I Love
Liberty" television extravaganza, a kind of "Let Poland
Be Poland" for the First Amendment. But it may also
explain the unfortunate character of People for the
American Way's recent advertizing. Those advertise-
ments are aimed at "the moral majoritarians," a group
that is never identified but is held accountable for
the most outrageous examples of book-burning and even
found guilty of wanting to establish a dictatorship in
America. The ads combine tabloid-style headlines and
a few shocking examples or quotations with a list of
vague charges that might apply to a much wider group
of Americans. It is a technique that a clever copy-
writer could use against the woman's movement or the
nuclear disarmament movement. It is, in fact, very
much like the technique that the religious right
employs against "secular humanists" or atheistic
liberals." The only excuse for this sort of thing
is the old line about fighting "fire with fire,"
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and we don't think that's good enough. Some of the
fair-minded people that Lear has signed onto his
Board of Advisors - Theodore Hesburgh, Martin
Marty, Marc H. Tanenbaum, and others - ought to
raise objections.
("Commonweal", a Catholic liberal
biweekly, May 21, 1982)
On Palm Sunday, a quite elderly, fragile lady app
proached the Men's Class table in the Cloister lounge.
She seemed a sweet old thing, one of those numerous
elder citizens Riverside is fortunate to attract. But
this dear soul was somewhat different. She wore a
yellowish T-shirt with a message exhorting readers to
'Reverse the Arms Race;' and while the T-shirt may be
fashionable, it brought to mind the Will Rogers obser-
vation that fashion oftentimes induces women to go much
further than their physical attributes would allow.
But this dear old lady went further still; she also
sported a huge button which suggested: "Make Love, not
War!" The little, bent woman seemed, however, disinclined
to indulge in either - she merely scowled.
One of the attendants at the Men's Class table tried
to engage her in conversation: "We are showing a film
in room 411," the attendant said. "It's on the Crucifix-
ion and the Resurrection."
The dear old lady drew back in horror: "I wouldn't
attend anything presented by the Men's Class," she
hissed, and stalked off.
All it would take to make some folks atheists, Will
Rogers had said half a century ago, is to tell 'em that
the Lord belonged to the opposite persuasion. After
that they would never see any good in Him again.
This poor old lady had obviously been misled into
believing that she had taken drink from the Fountain
of Goodness and Light, while the members of the Men's
Class and the Riversiders for Cooperation and Progress,
were sustained by the Powers of Darkness. What had she
been led to believe about us? and by whom? and why?
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Can anyone imagine what this dear old thing expected
to happen in room 411? What could possibly take place
at the showing of the historically most correct film
ever made, portraying the most important events in
Christendom, the Crucifixion and the Resurrection?
This was Palm Sunday, and while she was politicizing
at the beginning of Holy Week, the Men's Class, and
the Riversiders for Cooperation and Progress, were
observing the spirit of the day, by meeting in Chris-
tian fellowship. She didn't care what day this was,
she was out to Reverse the Arms Race!
We, too, want to reverse the arms race. We are all
for it. One cannot imagine that any sane human any-
where, would ever advocate war, especially nuclear war.
Yet the leadership at Riverside misrepresents the truth
when it claims that there is but a single path to peace -
that America stop arming herself further, and lay down
her weapons, or reduce her defenses - without the Soviet
Union doing the same at the same time.
That is the exact program of the Communist Party,
which suggests again and again that the only reason the
Soviet Union has armed, is because she is afraid of the
United States. And, so the Communist illogic goes on,
once the United States has disarmed, the Soviet Union
will no longer be afraid, and we shall have peace ever-
lasting. Nobody has ever bothered to explain just what
it is that the Soviet Union is afraid of. What is it
that she guards so jealously? What does she have that
we may want?
There isn't a single thing the Soviet Union has that
we would want, or would risk a war, to obtain! But is
it not a fact that there is much the Soviet Union would
want from us? Why else do they constantly spy on us,
try to steal our technological advances, infiltrate our
industrial and military complexes, and steal our defense
blueprints? Why, they even needed spies to steal the
secrets of the first atom bomb from us.
What would we want from a country that has to build
a wall around its citizens, to keep them from running
away? What has a country to offer that has so far
killed 60 million of its citizens to keep them from
thinking independent thoughts? Do we envy them their
Siberia, their political jails, their internal exile,
their censorship, their scarcity of consumer goods,
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their shortages of food, their militarism, their censor-
ship, their dictatorship? Anyone who believes there
is anything in the Soviet Union that the United States
would ever risk a nuclear war to get, must also believe
in the tooth fairy.
It is far more logical to believe that the Soviet
Union would want what we have, and which they lack.
And what keeps the Soviet Union from taking what she
wants? It is the threat of instant retaliation!
It is that threat of American retaliation that keeps
the lowliest farmer on the most meager farm in western
Europe from being overrun by the Soviet steamroller!
Just take a look at Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia,
Roumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
all gobbled up, and subjugated in the name of glorious
Communist 'liberation and peace!' And who can forget
the rape of Afghanistan, committed in the name of
'protection.' It is true they all had arms, BUT THEY
WERE WEAKER than the Soviet Union - and that is why
they are no longer independent and free.
And what do you think keeps the Communist hordes on
their side of the West German border? Good will? No!
Respect for international law? Don't make us laugh!
It is the absolutely positive knowledge and fear that
nuclear holocaust would follow any Soviet transgression.
It is that certainty - and only that certainty - that
keeps the Communists on their side of the barbed wire,
mine fields and the wall they errected.
Should it ever appear to the Soviet hierarchy that
our retaliation would be so weak as to inflict only
minimal damage, the Soviet Union may take the risk and
attack us. If you knew that for snitching a piece of
pie, your punishment would be a mere slap on the wrist,
would you not take the whole pie? As long as the Soviet
Union knows fully well that the punishment is total
destruction - not a slap on the wrist - the Kremlin
will abide by treaties.
So let us not even consider such foolishness as
unilateral disarmament; indeed, let us REVERSE THE
ARMS RACE, for there has only been one single racer
this past decade: the Soviet Union. She has been
racing like mad to surpass us, and she has done it.
There are currently, for example, 300 SS-20 nuclear
missiles (with 3 warheads each) pointed at western
Europe, with not a single western European nuclear
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missile pointing at the Soviet Union! Not one! If
you lived in western Europe, would you feel safe?
What type of attack does the Soviet Union expect from
a European front? Since there is no nuclear missile
there, it would have to be a conventional land attack.
Yet all of Europe's land forces combined cannot match
the might of the Warsaw Pact nations - and never will.
Why then are 900 Soviet nuclear warheads pointed at
the heart of Europe? Out of fear? Surely not! Why
then? To intimidate!
REVERSE THE ARMS RACE? Yes, indeed! Let America
reverse the Soviet's arms race of the past decade.
President Carter proposed an arms freeze - twice, and
the Soviet Union rejected the offer - twice. Then
President Carter allowed this country to become vul-
nerable by unilaterally scrapping plans for the B-i
bomber and the MX missile system. And still the
Soviet Union merrily went ahead with the arms race -
all by herself.
President Reagan offered to forego placing Pershing
and Cruise missiles on western European soil, provided
the Soviet Union were to withdraw their SS-4s, 5s, and
20s behind the Ural mountains. It was a most promising
step towards an arms build-DOWN. But the Soviets re-
jected this idea also. It was an age-old axiom: why
should the Soviet Union dismantle a system that could
lay waste all of western Europe at a moment's notice,
when the west had nothing to counter it?
So let us REVERSE THE SOVIET'S ARMS RACE! Let us
send a strong signal to the Soviets that we are pre-
pared to make any sacrifice to retain our freedom.
To speak of the lion and the lamb lying down together,
is to hide behind platitudes. It may be spiritually
stimulating, but we are not dealing with men of good
will; we are dealing with godless murderers, assassins,
and liars, who will break every Commandment decreed
by God, and any law devised by man. Until the Soviet
Union realizes that it cannot out maneuver a deter-
mined America, only then will she discuss true peace.
We do not wish to dominate her, but neither do we
wish to be dominated. If it takes an optimum effort
to remain equal with the Soviets, so be it. But we
must REVERSE THE SOVIET'S ARMS RACE NOW.
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SPEAKING WILDLY
"But I'm afraid what you see in the churches today
is a very sharp line between the churches that are
centers for courageous, creative thinking and others
that have become sanctuaries for frightened Americans-
recruiting grounds for authoritarian figures and move-
ments that already bear the earmarks of an emerging
fascism."
"Riverside is rather unusual - it's kind of fun ...
[Before I was hired] I always thought it looked frosty
and rather Establishment - but my friends told me it
was the one established church in New York City that
could really make a difference. As you can see, it's
not a humble Baptist tabernacle. The endowment is so
generous that poor folk can now run the church; all
the money we raise goes for staff, program and outreach.
The original, rather wealthy members have been carried
off into the suburbs but what we do have is a very
dedicated group of people, very serious about their
religion."
"I think most of the people in the congregation feel
[homosexuality] is not that big a deal. There are
quite a few'black gays, and for other blacks, there are
so many other problems that are so much more important,
they're not about to get hung up on homosexuality - un-
less they're fundamentalists. And the rest of the
congregation is basically very tolerant, so they haven't
made it much of an issue.
There was a time when it looked as if we might have
a national program coming out of this church, similar
to the disarmament program. The deacons were ready to
OK it, but the group never got organized enough. I was
a little sad - I thought, a national religious gay
organization and a national disarmament program emana-
ting out of Riverside Church, those two would go rather
nicely together."
William Sloane Coffin
(from an interview "Speaking Out on
Gay Rights" with James Saslow, New
York editor of "The Advocate", May
27, 1982)
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On May 16th, 1982, the Riverside Church voted to go
on record whether it wanted an 'Arms Freeze.' The
senior minister and Cora Weiss moved heaven and earth
they labored, prodded, preached, cajoled, wrote, mailed,
and implored.
The result? 178 members, 6% of Riverside's member-
ship voted for such an arms freeze. The rest didn't
even bother to show up. They realized that such a
vote by a measly 6% is as meaningless as the Soviet
Union's signature on the Helsinki Accord. BUT...
.... you will see that because of those 178 men
and women, who may or may not have been members, it
will be claimed that "the Riverside Church membership
endorsed a nuclear arms freeze." 2,800 members now
find themselves committed to a ridiculous idea they
did not endorse. Thus 6% spoke for the silent 94%.
by Jacob van ROSS=
A recent Op-Ed piece in the Wall Street Journal,
entitled "War, Peace, and the Institute for Policy
Studies," had alerted me to it: I.P.S. is hoping that
this year's UN Special Session on Disarmament, and
all the activities around it, will mark the beginning
of a European-sized anti-nuclear protest movement in
the US itself. Many of those who would like to see
this country disarmed, for reasons either noble or
obscure, want nothing so much as to witness a similar
massive campaign paralyze the government here. And
some are making themselves available to let it happen.
The Riverside Church in New York is an excellent
bellwether to check the progress being made towards
the goal. The congregants on Sunday, February 21st
were presented with the following announcement in
their order-of-service bulletin: "PEACE AND DISARMA-
MENT TASK FORCE MEETING, room 430. Congressman Ted
Weiss will give a briefing on the situation in El
Salvador and what individuals can do about it, and
Cora Weiss will discuss volunteer work of the task
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A double feature! And for those not yet familiar
with the "Task Force," the attraction of a real-life
congressman at the church, speaking on a dramatic sub-
ject, might be a drawer. Some sixty people turned out,
but Ted Weiss didn't. Pressing business, we were told.
However, one of his staffers would present a prepared
statement on his behalf. The usual platitudes to let
America sit idle while yet another country may go
Moscow's way. The statement called for letters of
suppgrt,(no, not to Ted Weiss or Charles Rangel - they
already agree - but through your folks in Georgia and
Nebraska to tell it to their congressmen). The evening's
chairperson got up. "How many of you have never yet
urged your relatives in other states to write to their
congressman?" A good many hands went up. They got the
message, and that was that. On to the main event (at
least, that is what I suspected it to be). Ted Weiss'
representative was off; as soon as she stepped out of
the room she was approached by the Soviet UN delegate
whom I had seen at more of these meetings, and they
talked for quite a while in the hallway. But in the
meantime the real business for the evening was on:
Cora Weiss was speaking on the UN disarmament conference.
She began by warming her listeners up to the impor-
tance of that event, using a few illustrations. 260
dollars a year are spent to feed one child; 19,000 to
equip one soldier. Fear reigns all over; more and
more patients tell their psychiatrists about nuclear
nightmares they are experiencing. That is why the UN
Special Session is so important, and must not be
ignored by the media the way the first disarmament
conference in '78 was. "And that is why every one of
you is going to be on your feet walking..." The audi-
ence listened meekly. The were told that "our weapon" -
the only one we have - would be a massive outpouring
of public opinion, demanding disarmament! Ronald Reagan
would hear of it. Ideally, he should come to the UN
himself in June. "If he does not come, it would
surely be honest and true to form - he'd rather be
watching football on tv instead. But if he does come,
even if it were only to take Jean Kirkpatrick out to
lunch, it would at least be an acknowledgment of the
American people's sentiments (that they want disarmament)."
The audience had been warmed up. Now Cora could do
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business. She grabbed a piece of chalk and wrote
"Step 1" on the blackboard behind her. Listeners
readied their notepads. "Write to Ronald Reagan."
Pause. And Leonid Brezhnev. Ask that they come
to the UN themselves. ("It must be bilateral," she
added, snickering. "If there are any spies here from
the Men's Class, you can report that we want it to be
bilateral." This was in deference to the church's
Men's Class - known to be strongly opposed to the
Coffin-Weiss-I.P.S. line at Riverside - which would
demand at least balance in some of these activities.
But Cora knew as well as many of her listeners that
any letters to Brezhnev would make for a pointless
exercise. The target was Reagan, which is consis-
tent with the I.P.S. goal of unilateral US conces-
sions.)
Step 2. "Talk to ever one." Every one must know
about the Special Session: "This is the best chance
for you to do something to preserve life." Every one
in the room should be able to contribute something
too. Maybe a bed, for one of the many peace-seekers
sure to come in from abroad. One thousand Japanese
for starters. ("For only they can tell us what it is
like to get nuked." She affected solemnity, claiming
to get chills whenever she thought of this.) Maybe one
could sell buttons announcing the Special Session.
Maybe talk to other residents in one's apartment
building. As long as the word got around. To young
and old, rich and poor. ("Tell them that this is to
help them get their foodstamps back, which are now in
the Pentagon.")
Step 3. "New York welcome to the peacemakers." This
was especially important, according to Weiss. True,
Mayor Koch had just said terrible things about the UN,
but he could be convinced that this conference mattered.
Letters should be sent to him stressing even such basics
as the money made for the city by the inflow of foreign-
ers for the occasion. He should offer the city to the
Peacemakers!"
Step 4. "Money." All of the activities inevitably
had to cost something. But there already were plans to
stage any number of fundraisers while publicizing the
cause of disarmament in the process - e.g., the forth-
coming "Musicians for Disarmament" concert at the
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Symphony Space.
The above four steps were the strategy. In each
case those in the room could start making a contri-
bution forthwith, so they were given to understand.
On March 7 there was going to be a performance by the
pianist George Bennett. So specifically who would be
selling the five-dollar tickets? Hands, please! And
who would be preparing the buffet for after the event?
Ditto. "Remember," Cora said, "it is all beginning to
happen. Feel good about it. It's happening everywhere.
I spoke to a group of older ladies last night - and
they wanted to help afterwards. People in Santa Fe and
Los Alamos, they heard me about the Special Session,
and they are going to come! A group of Methodist min-
isters in New Jersey - they already are planning for
beds and buses! So enjoy it. Get somebody to provide
a bed for a visiting peacemaker from out of town or
abroad. Accumulate lists with names of those willing,
nearby or in the boroughs and suburbs. We need to
house at least ten thousand!"
There was energy in the room. People began to vol-
unteer, sign up for various projects. They were told
that a mighty coalition for peace was already in the
making - ecologists, trade union types, intellectuals,
religious groups - it was all coming together around
this paramount issue for the first time. Such unity was
unprecedented; it couldn't even have happened two years
ago, according to the speaker (who surely would know).
She sat down, mission accomplished. A visiting min-
ister from Britain (whose congregation had been "twinned"
by Cora - an agnostic herself - to the Riverside Church
in the joint endeavor toward peace) read an ancient peace
prayer.
She looked satisfied. The harvest for the day was in.
MORE ON CORPORATE RESPONSIBILITY
In last month's issue we printed some pertinent questions
and comments concerning the Riverside Church's budget. We
sent advance copies of the article to the senior minister,
and the chairmen of the Deacons and the Trustees. We asked
that we receive their written comments or corrections by
May 26th, the date on which we were to submit the copy
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for our June issue to the printer.
By May 26th we had received no response. Wishing to
be as fair as possible, we waited an extra six days.
When we still had not heard from any of the three church
leaders, we closed the June issue on June 1st.
On June 4th, we received the letter reprinted in its
entirety below. You will note that the date is May 26th,
while the envelope in which it arrived bore the date June
3rd, 1982. We have since received two telephone calls
from the church's Communication Department, claiming
that it was responsible for this delay due to some "snafu."
We sincerely believe that that is the case - - but
still, no letter dated May 26th could have reached us
on that same day, unless hand delivered. We gratefully
acknowledge the response of Chairman Galusha, to which
we add our comments below her letter.
May 26, 1982
The Editor
The Messenger
Mr. Sterling's May 20, 1982 letter and proposed article
on the 1982-83 budget have been received. I share his
surprise that church members did not raise questions on
so complex a matter at the Annual Corporate Meeting.
The article raises a number of issues on which church
members may well have differences of judgment and on
which questions could have been legitimately raised.
Now that formal action has been taken specific un-
answered questions can best be raised with the Admini-
strative Officer or with members of the Budget Committee.
The details of budget administration can hardly be
adequately dealt with in a brief publication.
Readers of The Messenger may want to know that the
budget-building process involves many people. It in-
cludes hearings by the Deacons Budget Committee with
representatives of each of the program councils, hear-
ings on the budgets of the auxilliary organizations by
the Church Budget Committee, review of the program
budget by the full Board of Deacons, approval of the
entire budget by the Church Budget Committee, and formal
approval by the Board of Trustees for submission to the
Corporation. In this process, the Joint Committee sets
the salaries for ministerial members of the Collegium,
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while the Salary Committee of the Board of Trustees
recommends all other salaries. The 1982-83 salary of
the Senior Minister was set at slightly over 6% above
the 1981-82 figures.
I hope very much that in the future questions on the
budget can be raised prior to action by the Corporation.
cc: E. Lorch Sincerely,
W. S. Coffin Elinor G. Galusha, Chair
Board of Deacons
We thank you for the courtesy of a response. We also
note with satisfaction that you, too, were surprised that
there is not a single member among the 179 who voted for
the budget, who wanted to know anything about the details
of the expenditure of $5 million.
While we appreciate the work involved in preparing
the budget, it does not explain why the members of this
church were kept in darkness about the details. Since
not a single copy of the 35 page budget was available
to the voting membership, perhaps it is not surprising
that no questions were asked. One could also wonder
whether perchance that was the intent. If the membership
has no information on the details, no questions can be
asked.
Chairman Galusha writes that "The 1982-83 salary of
the Senior Minister was set at slightly over 6% above
the 1981-82 figures." This is most interesting, espe-
cially in light of the fact that the senior minister's
staff (which includes him) had an increase in salary of
almost 22%, and an increase in pension contributions of
over 53%. An explanation is most certainly in order, as
the supposed 6% salary increase does not fall within the
range submitted to the membership. Page 2 of the yellow
sheet handed us on May 16th, 1982 clearly read: "Salaries
were increased 8% to 12% based on the level of staff
salaries." Should this not have read: ... increased 6% -
12%....? And if this statement is in error, how many
others are as well? Or if Chairman Galusha is in error,
perhaps the salary range given to the membership was
correct after all, or too low. Does anyone know the
answers?
It should also be noted, that while Chairman Galusha
was courteous to answer, the chairman of the Board of
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Trustees, whose responsibility this budget is, did not
communicate with us. Perhaps it is wrong to deal in
personalities, but the chairman of the Board of Trustees
MUST be responsive. His silence in this matter is
ominous; perhaps he feels that it is wiser to keep silent
than to answer probing questions. But it does not
speak well for the chairman of the Board of Trustees
to be discourteous and evasive. Nor indeed, does it
speak well for the entire Board of Trustees to avoid
its responsibility. If the Board refuses to answer
questions regarding financial matters, which are its
primary concern, one must conjecture just how well in-
formed the Board is. The chairman of the Board of
Trustees has once again shown himself to be disdainful
of civil questions in his field. Such arrogance does
not become an officer of the Church, and his own Board
should take him to task.
That we would not hear from Reverend Coffin, was ex-
pected; he had stated under oath that he "had no head
for figures."
FLORIDA HERE WE COME
by Gus Roesch
Finally we got off on a typically rainy May morning
and got as far as Charlestown, West Virginia. Econo-
Travel Motel had clean rooms at a reasonable rate, and
we got a good night's sleep. The next day Monticello
proved to be hard to find, but when found, it was worth
all the trouble. Thomas Jefferson had absorbed Europe
wholeheartedly and built a habitat on a mountain top
fit for a philosopher king, where he entertained royally.
His neighbors and friends, as well as visiting digni-
taries, were his guests, who kept his genius stimulated
to his final days. It seems that the presidency was
only an interlude for this man, as he was always busy
inventing and advising others to create a truly demo-
cratic society.
On to Florence, South Carolina and then Penny Farms,
Florida, a retirement haven for ministers and lay persons.
Started by J. C. Penny in the Thirites, it is now a
completely independent non-subsidized home on many acres,
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with golf course, garden plots and innumerable
community activities which keep everyone active
and in a happy frame of mind.
On to our friend's condominium situated on
Ana Maria, the northernmost Florida Key below
Tampa, near Bradenton. This is a dream of a South
Sea Island with perfect sandy beaches and cooling
breezes sweeping in from the gulf of Mexico. The
80? water was so tempting, I swam in it twice a day.
A tropical garden furnished papya, lemons and fresh
vegetables. I learned to dig sand clams for a deli-
cious stew, and the fishing village offered shrimp and
fish at low rates. On a trip to nearby Sarasota, we
passed through Longboat Island, where the scenery is
truly magnificent. For the three Ringling Museums
located there one should take at least a week. In
addition a botanical garden lured us before we even
got to the museums. Mr. John Ringling carted whole
shiploads from Italy and built a Venetian palace, in-
corporating the many statues and pillars into a version
,of the Greatest Show on Earth, which is also commemo-
rated in a separate circus museum. After a week of
idling, we began the trek north. We stopped with friends
on the Eastern Shore. To get there we went by way of
the Chesapeake Bay bridges and tunnels. We were at sea
for sixteen miles. This great engineering feat we appre-
ciated at sunset.
Our friends welcomed us with open arms and we were
overwhelmed by the southern hospitality of friends and
relatives. We visited Assateague Island, the home of a
large herd of wild ponies. Because it was foaling time,
they had moved way down on the Virginia side and could
not be seen. They are, most likely, already aware that
the annual round-up in July will decimate their numbers
as the local firemen auction them off to the highest
bidders,
With only a minor battery problem, we reached home
after a 3,000 mile journey, glad to have had the exper-
ience and glad to be back.
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FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MEN'S CLASS ACTIVITIES
will be appreciated. Participation in its activities
is free of charge but donations are needed to cover
the fees to the Open Forum speakers and other expenses
including production and mailing of the Messenger.
Contributions to the Men's Class are tax deductible
and should be mailed to: The Men's Class, The River-
side Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y. 10027.
BIBLE STUDY CLASSES, conducted by Rev. Kenneth W. Linsley,
meet every Friday at 6:30 p.m. sharp, in Christ Chapel.
Plan to attend, there is no charge.
THE BRIDGE CLUB meets on Fridays at 7:00 p.m., 19th
floor, Riverside Church. All are welcome!
Dr. George McGovern, Director
CHESS PLAYERS are also invited to play on Fridays at
7:15 p.m. at the Riverside Bridge Club.
NOTE: If you prefer to receive the Messenger as first
class mail please send $3.00 to the Men's Class, The
Riverside Church, 490 Riverside Drive, New York, N.Y.
10027 to cover the cost (per year).
Rev. Blahoslav Hruby
Gilbert H. Baker Rev. Molly J. Picirillo
William Coles Gustav R. Roesch
Edward Haskell Janet Stanley
William Peck Bryan B. Sterling