WATERGATE FORCES RETIREMENT AT CIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 205
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 22, 2001
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: April 2, 1974
• Content Type: NSPR

Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
IThe Washington lterry-GoZtound
aterg te Forces Retirement-at C
THE WASHINGTON POST Tuesday , Aprli 2, 1974 B15y
Jaek Anderson.
The Watergate has claimed a
'major victim in the Central In-
telligence Agency with the
'forced retirement of its dedi-
cated director of security, How-
ard Osborn.
A veteran of 26 years at the
cloak-and-dagger complex, the
56-year-old Osborn was caught
up in the suppression of a mys-
terious CIA Memo that, de-
scribed how documents were
burned at the home of Water-
bugger James McCord, an ex-
CIA agent. .
The secret memo was based
on information supplied by a
former FBI inspector, Lee Pen-
nington, then with the CIA as a
paid "consultant." Pennington,
an old family friend of the Mc-
Cords', had visited Mrs. McCord
after her husband was arrested
inside Democratic' National
Committee headquarters in
June, 1972. He found her burn-
.ing papers and documents. Ear-
lier, she had burned typewriter
'ribbons.
Pennington loyally reported
the episode to his CIA bosses,
and the CIA wrote it up in memo
form. For more than a year and
a half, it lay in the CIA files like
a paper bomb.
Meanwhile, FBI sleuths were
asking embarrassing questiong
?about whether the CIA knew of
destroyed documents from
among McCord's papers, and
were getting persistent denials
from the CIA.
Finally, Senate Watergate
committee vice chairman How-
ard H. Baker Jr. (R-Tenn.) began
snooping into the CIA role in
the cover-up, and a middle-level
CIA employee who knew of the
hidden memo threatened to
blow the whistle.
After some debate, CIA Direc-
tor William' Colby was told of
the suppressed memo and he
quickly contacted Rep. Lucien
Nedzi (D-Mich.), chairman of a
House intelligence subcommitd
tee. They agreed that the best
Course was to let all congres-
sional committees involved in
the Watergate probe, as well as
Leon Jaworski's special (prose-
cutors, know about the memo.
Nedzi, after full hearings with
Pennington, McCord and CIA of-
ficials including ?Osborn, con-
cluded that the CIA had not dis-
patched Pennington to burn the
papers, as the memo seemed to
suggest. Osborn claimed that he
had not even known of the
memo. Nevertheless, Nedzi and
Colby were both worried about
the cover-up.;
'It
"It led tpthe early retirement
of Osborn," Nedzi told us. When
we reached the ex-CIA security
boss at his home near the
agency he had served so long,
he clung to his oath of secrecy.
"I had planned for over a year
to retire in June," Osborn in-
sisted. "I realized there was no
financial benefit to staying and
decided to retire . . ." .
Navy Blues?A defense 'con-
tractor has charged that a boy-
hood friend of Sen. Russell B.
Long (D-La.) offered the sena-
tor's services for $150,000 to set-
tle the contractor's dispute with
the Navy. , ?
' Long, chairMan of the power-
ful Senate Finance Committee,
knew nothing of any such offer,
according to. his. office, nor.has
our? investigation ? showed that
Long ever authorized one. J. Roy
Beene', who i accused of mak-
ing the offer, swore to us: -"I
never asked for a dime. I never
expected anything."
But the contractor, Lewis Mal-
nak of Cherry Hill, NJ., has told
Internal Revenue Service inves-
tigators that Beene' sought cash
for his services.- ?
Malnak, president of Lew Mal-
nak Associates, went to Becnel
in :1972 for help in settling a
$750,000 contract claim with the
Navy, Malnak says he had heard
that Becnel knew Long and that
Beene" identified himself as a
"bag man" for. the Louisiana
senator.
-Malnak swears that Becnel
asked for $50,000 in cash "to get
the claim settled immediately"
through Long's office. When
Malnak protested that he lacked
such a large sum, Becnel sug-
gested that he boost his claim
above $1 million and pay $150,-
000 if Becnel's efforts were suc-
cessful, according to Malnak.
Malnak, with no important
contacts in 'Washington, had
tried several tithes unsuccess-
fully to see Long's top aide, Bob
Hunter. Once Cecnel became in-
volved in the' case, the haI;Tier:s;.f
fell quickly. ?
t
"They, walked Beene" in liki
he was a member of the staff,".
Malnak recants. HP claims
Hunter promised to "look
(the case). because Beenet:
asked him to." Malnak's
show he met with liunter4hrek.1
times in 1972. "
? At the last meeing, Malnak
says, he felt that Hunter had lost ?
interest. Malnak says he never!,;,
promised nor paid Beene'
commission, nor ever talked
money with Hunter.
In commenting on the case,..
Hunter says he has known Bec,,.
nel for years, as has Long.
Hunter recalls meeting with
'Malnak at Becnel's request, but
says he did nothing to help Mal-
nak. '
Becnel,'a former justice of the
peace and drainage contractor,
hotly contests Malnak's story.
"I'm not a satchel man," hp
steamed. "I never knew Russell
' Long" to take a dime. I'll get
hold of Malnak and break his
neck."
Footnote: Malnak's interest is;-,
in getting his claim settled. He.,
charges that he was "black-;
mailed" after his detection
equipment discovered that,thes
Navy had bought faulty distress-,A
warning devices for Polaris-.
subs. Reps. Edwin Forsythe (R-.,,
N.J.) and Les Aspin (D-Wis.)
have asked for a complete Jus-
tice Department probe of the ,
Navy's handling of the caSe. ,
" 19/4 United Feature Syndicate
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-00499R000200010002-2
SEN. 110WARD 11. BAKER JR.
... probes CIA involvement
Baker to Say.
CIA Helped
Hunt Get Job
By Laurence Stern
Washicatari Peat Staff Writer
Testimony indicating that a Central
Intelligence Agency official recom-
mended the employment of Watergate
conspirator E. Howard Hunt jr. by a
Washington public relations firm
which has served as a CIA "cover" will
be released today by Sen. [Toward H.
Baker Jr. (B-Tenn.).
The public relations firm is Robert'
Mullen & Co., whose relationship with
the CIA forms a central. theme of the
Baker report cleared by the CIA for -
release last weekend.
Hunt was recommended tO the Mul-
?l len firm at the time of his retirement
from the agency in 1970 by a CIA offi-
? cial identified as Frank O'Malley. ,
There have been unsubstantiated alle-
gations in the case that Hunt was
re-
commended to Mullen by former CIA
Director Richard M. helms.
Itoth the CIA and officials of the
Mullen company have acknowledged-
their mutual tics, which included pro-
viding a corporate cover for CIA oper-
?atives in Mullen & Co. offices in Singa-
pore and Amsterdam.
Sources who have examined the re- '
port say it provides no conclusive links
between the CIA and the original .
Watergate break-in such as have been
hinted by former White House aide:
Charles Colson and by Baker.
However, it includes documentation
in the form of three CIA memoranda .
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11,:4161AQkbP84-00499R000Z00010002-2
? , ,
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: C1A-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
A 8 Tuesday, Icily 2, 1974
--
THE WASHINGTON POST
Baker to Issue Report
CI
BAKER, From Al
t which point to covert effogts by offi-
.
*,eials of the agency to minimize its in.
volvement in the Watergate investiga-
^, tion.
*, There is also some evidence that
* Robert F. Bennett, president of Mullen
t. and son of Sen. Wallace F. Bennet (R-
.,
t "Utah), was tipped off prior to. the
t Watergate burglary that a White
House break-in team was targeting Mc-
Govern campaign headquarters for a
? rpolitical intelligence raid.
Bennett has privately acknowledged
. ? that he was given advance knowledge
?
* of the operations of the burglary team.
? But it was unknown whether he passed
I this information on to the CIA.
. ? The memos upon which Raker drew
. in the preparation of his report were
* drafted by Eric W. Eisenstadt, chief of
? the central cover staff for the CIA's
clandestine directorate; Martin J. Lu-
'* Icasky, Bennett's "case officer" within
the agency, and subordinates of former
*I CIA security director Howard Osborn,
who recently took an early retirement
from the CIA.
The Eisenstadt and Lukasky memos
? recount the CIA's relationships with
Mullen & Co. and recount claims by
???? Bennett that he planted unfavorable
stories in Newsweek and The Washing-
.,
er ate Tie
ton Post dealing with White House draft version of Baker's report. ,
aides, including Colson. The object of ?,
these stories, the Baker report will in-.
dicate, was to draw attention away'
from CIA involvement in the Water-
gate case.
The Osborn material, as presented
by Baker, suggests that the former ?
CIA security director provided mis-
leading information to the FBI on the
identity of a former federal investiga-
tor who helped Watergate burglar
James W. McCord Jr.'s wife destroy
CIA records at their home immedi-
ately after her husband's arrest in the
Watergate break-in case.
Osborn's retirement, according to
one official familiar with the handling
of the case, was an outgrowth of the
Internal memorandum prepared in
Osborn's office which resulted in the
transmission of misleading informa-
tion to the FBI.
Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi (D-Mich.), who
has reviewed a draft of the Btiker re-
port, said Sunday on the CBS pro-
gram "Face the Nation" (WTOP) that
it contained "no bombshells." Nedzi,
chairman of the House Armed Service
Intelligence Subcommittee, has taken
testimony from CIA officials on a
number of allegations mad' in the
The Michigan Democrat is said to
be in contact with the CIA's con-
gressional liaison office on an almost
day-to-day basis as new allegations
? have arisen suggesting new involve-
ments by the agency in the Water-
gate scandal.
Some of Baker's colleagues on the
Senate Watergate committee, of which
he served as co-chairman, have
charged that Baker has sought to im-
plicate the CIA in the scandal to di-
vert attention from the White House
role in the break-in and ensuing cover-
up.
The report also questions why photo-
graphs found in the CIA file taken by
members of the White House "plumb-
ers" team during the Ellsberg break-in
were not turned over to the FBI, even
? though agency officials were aware of
their evidentiary significance.
By and large, the Baker report
reaches no definite conclusions but it
? suggests continued investigation of the
relationships between the CIA and
Watergate and names prospective wit-
nesses to be examined.
?.The Senate Watergate committee
has gone out of existence but will issue
its final report next week.
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Copyright n 1.973
The Evening Star Newr,....ar Co.
WASHINGTON, D.C., SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1973__44 PAGES
Phone [phone]
CIRCULATION 4843000
CLASSIFIED 484-6000
Csi
10 Cents g
0
0
Csi
0
0
0
ADMITS MAKING CLEMENCY OFFER
0
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0, 7
By BARRY ICALB and MARTHA ANGLE
Star-News Staff Writers
The Senate Watergate investigation appears
headed for a major conflict in testimony betwen
two of its star witnesses, James W. McCord Jr.
and John J. Caulfield, the man who admits he
transmitted offers of executive clemency from
the White House to McCord.
McCord told the committee yesterday that dur-
ing meetings in January, Caulfield promised him
clemency, money for his family and other induce-
ments to plead guilty at the Watergate trial then
under way. McCord said Caulfield told him Presi-
dent Nixon was personally aware of the offers.
Caulfield, The Star-News has learned, has al-
ready admitted to the Watergate grand jury that
he made the offers to McCord as McCord said.
But Caulfield also told the grand jury, according
to informed sources, that he never mentioned the
name of Nixon or anybody else in connection with
the offers.
FOLLOWING McCord's nationally televised
statements yesterday, presidential press secre-
tary Ronald L. Ziegler said at the White House
that the President "at no time authorized
anyone" to make such offers.
Ziegler repeated previous statements that the
Prpc;cipnt nvr rrirticinated in or know of the
JOHN J. CAULFIELD
JAMES AIcCORD JR.
o
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President never participated in or knew of the
cover-up. He also denied that Nixon has any in-
tention, because of the Watergate scandal, of re-
signing before his second term is up.
The discrepancy between McCord's, and
Caulfield's versions of their meetings, plus mat-
ters such as a secret letter which sources say
McCord mailed to Caulfield in December but has
never mentioned in testimony anywhere, raises
doubts about some of McCord's testimony.
Caulfield has told the grand jury that he made
the offers to McCord on orders of his former boss,
then White House counsel John W. Dean III.
THIS CONFESSION, and Caulfield's corrobo-
ration of the fact that the offers were made, pro-
vide some of the firmest evidence to date that
White I-Muse officials were deeply involved in the
Watergate cover-up.
Caulfield could not be reached personally for
comment, but did, read this statement for televi-
sion cameras:
"I have briefly reviewed Mr. McCord's state-
ment before the Senate Select Committee, and
while it does not fully reflect my best recollection
of the events which took place between he and I
during January of this year, it is true that I met
with Mr. McCord on three occasions in January
and conveyed to him certain messages from a
high White House official."
Caulfield then said that he had "fully
disclosed" the pertinent information to the grand
jury, and has been questioned on two occasions
by the Senate committee staff. He is due to testify
publicly before the committee on Tuesday, after
McCord finishes, and reportedly plans to invoke
neither executive privileges nor his 5th Amend-
ment right against self-incrimination.
Caulfield, according to The Star-News'
sources, realizes he could face criminal prosecu-
tion for aiding in an obstruction of justice, but
has chosen to testify freely anyway.
THE PROSECUTORS, however, reportedly
are more interested in his testimony than in pros-
ecuting him, and therefore do not plan at the
moment to indict him. The same strategy was
used during the Watergate trial with Alfred C.
Baldwin III, who told of operating the wiretap
placed clandestinely inside Democratic National
Committee headquarters last spring.
See McCORD, Page A-11
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Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
By Fred Barnes
Star?News Staff Writer
A House Armed Services
subcommittee has subpoe-
naed Watergate conspirator
E. Howard Hunt Jr. to testi-
fy about how he gained ac-
cess to the Central Intelli-
gence Agency in 1971. '
When Hunt appears on
Thursday, it will be his first
testimony before any of the
'congressional committees
I that are looking into aspects
of the Watergate scandal.
He is slated to testify later
before the special Senate
I Watergate committee. .
A former CIA agent, Hunt
" is now serving a 35-year
prison term for his part in
the break-in a year ago at
? the Democratic party's
headquarters at the Water-
gate.
The House subcommittee
wants to question Hunt in
regard to his activity in 1971
as a member of a special
:White House team, known
as ''the plumbers," that
was assigned to track down
.leaks of national security
information.
HUNT MADE contact
with CIA officials in July
1971 and was given burglary
equipment that was used in
the break-in at the office of
Daniel EIlsberg's psychia-.
!trist in Los Angeles.
In addition, Hunt was
. able to query a top CIA op-
erative, Lt. Col. Lucien
Concin, about Ellsberg and
the Pentagon Papers, the
:47-volume secret study of
:the war in Vietnam which
Ellsberg released to the
:press.
; According to testimony of
Gen. Robert Cushman, the
CIA's deputy director in
1971, White House aide John
Ehrlichman phoned him to
' clear the way for Hunt :to
get in touch with CIA offi-
1
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cials. Ehrlichman has de-
nied this.
The House subcommittee,
which is headed by Rep.
Lucian Nedzi, D-Mich., is
seeking Hunt's version of
how he got into CIA head-
quarters on repeated occa-
sions, which officials he
dealt with and what assist-
ance he received.
AMONG OTHER things,
the subcommittee is inter-
ested in finding out if Hunt
got CIA aid in forging ca-
bles that implicated the
Kennedy administration in
the assassination of Presi-
dent Ngo Dinh Diem of
South Vietnam.
At a closed-door subcom-
mittee hearing yesterday,
convicted Watergate bur-
glar James J. McCord Jr.
confirmed that he wrote
five letters to the CIA be-
tween July 1972 and Janu-
ary 1973, warning officials
that an effort was underway
to have the agency take the
rap for the Watergate af-
fair.
One of the letters was to
then-director Richard
Helms and the others were
to Paul Gaynor, a CIA offi-
cial with whom McCord was
acquainted.
According to Nedzi, the
letters said that Gerald
Alch, McCord's attorney at
the time, had urged- him to
implicate the CIA in the
Watergate break-in. Alch
has denied this. -
McCORD SAID the letters
were designed to "alert''
the CIA "that a major effort
was being undertaken to lay
the Watergate affair off on
the CIA."
He said that he still felt
"loyalty" and "respect" for
the CIA because of the
years he worked for the
agency. If ? the CIA were
blamed for the Watergate
mess, McCord told report-
ers, "I felt it would take
years to recover."
McCord also said his ac-
count of the Watergate
scandal, entitled "Water-
gate Sanctions," will be
published in August. He
said he hasn't "deliberately
withheld" any information
so that it could be revealed
first in the book.
Nedzi said that the sub-
committee, which is explor-
ing CIA involvement in
domestic affairs, will hear
testimony next week from
Alch and former White
House aide Charles Colson,
in addition to Hunt.
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington? D. C., Saturday, Juno 23, 1973
-_
4
?
(0, wit 44 ? .1.4if.L'*61 #4.) ti
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OVER WATERGATE
Indicate Officials Doubt Inquiry
Concerned National Security
By SEYMOUR M. HERSH ?
specim to The New Walt Thnea
WASHINGTON, June 3?The
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
the Central Intelligence Agency
and high White House officials
viewed the investigation in the
weeks after the Watergate bug-
ging in June, 1972, as a poten-
tial political bombshell and not
as a legitimate matter of na-
tional security, according to a
series of high-level C.I.A. mem-
orandums.
The memorandums were sub-
mitted last month to a Senate
subcommittee by Lieut. Gen.
Vernon A. Walters, deputy di-
rector of the C.I.A., and James
B. Schlesinger, Director of Cen-,
tral Intelligence. '-
According to the document,
President Nixon's top White
House aides repeatedly warned
that the on-going F.B.I. investi-
gation into the Watergate epi-
sode could lead to high political
figures.
Copies of the documents,
whose contents had not previ-
ously been disclosed, were
examined and transcribed by
The New York Times.
Nixon Order to F.B.I.
President Nixon, in his 4,000-
word statement on May 22
about the Watergate affair,
said that he had forbidden the
F.B.I. to Interfere either with
on-going covert C.I.A. opera-
tions or with matters of na-
tional security that had been
handled by a special investiga-
tions unit set up in 1971 to in-
vestigate the publication of tho
Pentagon papers on the war in
! Vietnam and other matters.
The President, without fully
explaining the circumstances,
said In his statement that "ela-
r ments of the early post-Water-
gate reports led me to suspect,
- incorrectly that the C.I.A. hfid
Ap pro eh RekroFkftlease Mai %VI
n he had requested his two chief
h aides, H. R. Haldeman and John
D. Ehrlichman, "to insure that
the F.B.I. would not carry its
investigation into areas that
might compromise these covert
national seCurity areas or those
of the C.I.A.",
End to Inquiry Sought
Subsequent testimony last
month before a Senate Appro-
priations Subcommittee on In-
telligence, headed by Senator
John L. McClellan, Democrat of
Arkansas, brought allegations
that Mr. ? Haldeman and Mr.
Ehrlichman had urged General
Walters, to seek a halt to the
F.B.I. investigation of a Mex-
ican money-laundering opera-
tion that had provided more
than ,..$I00,000 in operating
funds for the Watergate break-
in team. '
The nine Walters memoran-
dums and one submitted by Mr.
Schlesinger also provided these
disclosures:
(IJohn W. Dean 3d, the for-
mer White House counsel, ex-
pressed the belief on June 26
that Bernard L. Barker, a meat-
ber of the Watergate team,
"had been involved in a clan-
destine .entry into the Chilean
Embassy." There has been no
official confirmation that the
White 'House, the Committee
for the Re-election of the Pres-
ident or the Watergate con-
spirators had any connection
with a May, 1972, break-in at
the Chilean Embassy.
(IL. Patrick Gray 3d, then
acting F.B.I. director, had been
urged by some high level offi-
cials to force Harold H. Titus
Jr., the United States Attorney
for the District of Columbia, to
stop his attempts to subpoena
the financial records of the Re-
publican re-election committee
as 'part of the on-going investi-
6.001At441313044t0499R000200010002-2
Watergate team. General Wal.?
Continued on Page 25, Column I
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;Memos of C.I.A. Disclose Political Fears
, Continued From Page 1, Col, 8
ters quoted Mr. Gray as say-
"He:could not [stop the
Subpoena]. Whoever wanted
this done should talk to the
'Attorney General and see if
jthere was any legal way to do
this. He [Mr. Gray] could not."
I Dean telephoned Mr.
Schlesinger at the C.I.A. on
Web. 9, 1973, to seek advice
pbout a pending Senate For-
pign Relations Committee inves-
tigation into the International
Telephone and Telegraph, Cor-
poration in connection with
r`th Chilean problem." Mr.
pchlesigner quoted Mr. Dean as
saying that "this investigation
could be rather explosive."
Similar concern was expressed
by Mr. Dean about the Foerign
pelations Committee's interest
In the Chilean Embassy bur-
glary.
k 41Richard Helms, then the
Director of Central Intelligence,
told a meeting of tap White
j House aides on June 23 that
1 he had told Mr. Gray by tele-
phone the day before that the
C.I.A. had nothing to do with
the manipulation or handling of
1 cash inside Mexico. General
Walters quoted Mr. Helms as
flatly declaring: "None of the
suspects [in the Watergate
break-in] were working for it
nor had worked for the agency
in the last two years."
The general further quoted
Mr. Helms as saying that "he
had told Gray that none of his
investigations was touching any
covert projects of the agency,
current or ongoing." Mr. Halde-
man then replied, according to
, the Walters memorandum that
A, the geperal "could tell %)Gray provided a strikingly (pfferent
that I had talked to the White
House and suggested that the
investigation not be pushed
further." General Walters did
as requested, according to his
own memorandums.
The White House refused to
amplify President Nixon's May
22 statement.
In statements issued after ap-
pearances before the Senate Ap-
propriations subcommittee, both
Mr. Haiderman and Mr. Ehrlich-
man have denied accusations
that they acted improperly. The
former White House aides sug-
gested that anay wrongdoing
had been initiated by Mr. Dean.
Without mentioning the dis-
claimer of any C.I.A. involve-
ment that was provided by Mr.
Helms last June, Mr. Haldennan
declares in a statement issued
Thursday that the White House
request for a review of the F.B.I.
investigation "was done with no
intent or desire to impede or
to cover up any aspect of the
Watergate investigation itself."
Any such activities, he said,
were taken without his knowl-
edge.
Mr. Ehrlichman, in his state-
ment, quoted General Walters
as being unable to provide as-
surances to the White House
about the possible infringement
on C.I.A. activities that would
result from an extensive F.B.I.
inquiry into the Mexican money
trafficking Mr. Ehrlieihman also
quoted Mr. Nixon as declaring,
in July, 1972, after receiving
further assurances that no
C.I.A. activities would be com-
promised, that he still "feared"
the harmful effects of the F.B.I.
Investigation. ,
The Walters memorandums
image of those first meetings
in late June about the on-going
F.B.I. investigation. The gen-
eral quoted Mr. Haldeman as
saying on June 23 that the
"whole affair was getting em-
barrassing and it was the Presi-
dent's wish that Walters call
on the acting director [of the
F.13.I.] and suggest to him that,
since the five [Watergate] sus-
pects had been arrested, this
should be sufficient and that it
was not advantageous to have
the inquiry pushed."
General Waiters quoted Mr.
Gray as declaring in a subse-
quent meeting on the same day
that "this was a most awkward
matter to come up during an
election year and he would see
what he could do."
Three days later, according
to the general's memorandums,
he met privately with Mr. Dean
? after first getting approval
from Mr. Ehrlichman ? and
was told by Mr. Dean that
'some of the accused were get-
ting scared and 'wobbling'.'
At another meeting on June
28, Mr. Dean was quoted by
General Walters as declaring
that "the problem was how to
stop' the F.B.I. investigation be-
yond the five suspects ... Dean
then asked hopefully Whether
I could do anything or had any
suggestions."
The general's reply, as he
candidly wrote in his memo-
randum, was "that the affair
already had a strong Cuban
flavor" and that the Cubans
had "a plausible motive for at-
tempting this amateurish job
which any skilled technician
would deplore. This might be
coStly but it would be plaus-
'ble.".
`)?
Approved For Release 2001/09/0'4 : CIAADP8,4-00499R000200010002-2
Approved For Re!eau,
Justice to Aboi..!Ish.
Inteilio.ence- Panel
? By Sanford J. Ungar
Washington Post Staff Writer ,
The Justice Department is
taking steps to abolish the
Intelligence Evaluation Com-
? mittee, a secret domestic in-
telligence unit established
in December, 1970, which is
now under investigation by
the Senate select committee
looking into the Watergate
affair.
Although the IEC was
headquartered in the Justice
Department, i t s existence
was unknown to many top
officials at Justice until
President Nixon referred to
it in a public statement on
Watergate last week.
As described by Mr.
Nixon, the IEC membership
included representatives of
the White House, Central
Intelligence Agency, Fed-
eral Bureau of Investiga-
tion, National Security
Agency, Secret Service and
1,-ipastmenis or .110-ire,
He said it, was established
! to "help remedy" the situp.
tion created when the late
Edgar Hoover, then director
of the FBI, broke off liaison
with all agencies except the
White House.
Justice DeOrittiliOnt
sources said yesterday that
. Assistant, Attorney Genel'at
Henry E. Petersen, chief of
the department's Criminal
learned of the
I-EC's existence?through in-
quiries from the Senate
committee---only a few days
before the President's state-
ment.
So carefully was it, con
-
(paled that on iii then, Pet-
ersen was apparently una-
ware that he had in hen i ted
the 1EC's small staff in late
March, when Attorney Gen-
eral Richard G. Kleindienst
abolished the department's
Internal Security Division
and transferred its responsi-
bilities to a new !section of
the Criminal Division.
The sources said that Pet-
ersen immediately called for
copies of the IEC's class f
iied
reports, on such subjects as
foreign influence in the
peace movement, and found
them "worthless."
On checking with the
IEC's member agencies, Pet-
ersen discovered that "they
didn't care" whether the
committee continued to ex-
ist, the sources added.
As a result, Petersen is
drafting an order disman-
tling the IEC and assigning
its employees to other jobs.
The sources said, how-
ever, that Petersen has de-
cided to retain "on a
standby basis" the Inter-Di-
visional Information Unit
(IDIU), a related group orig-
inally established by Ram-
sey Clark, President John-
son's last Attorney General,
and kept by the Nixon ad-
ministralion, to monitor the
potential for domestic civil
disturbances.
There was apparently con-
siderable overlap between
the two intelligence units,
and sources close to the
Senate investigation say
that the IDIU may have
been used to help conceal
the INC.
The IEC originally drew
the attention- of Senate in-
vestigators when they
learned that convicted
Watergate conspirator
James W. McCord Jr. had
received copies of IEC re-
ports while working as secu-
rity director for the Com-
mittee for the Re-election of
the President.
Sen. Lowell P. Weicker Jr.
(R-Conn.), t h e Watergate
committee member who has
pressed the investigation of
the TEC, said yesterday that
the reports apparently went
only to Mr. Nixon's re-elec-
tion committee, under a spe-
cial arrangement, and were
not distributed on a biparti-
san basis.
Several sources in the
Justice Department and on
Capitol Hill yesterday con-
firmed a department spokes-
9
RDP84-00499R00049010002-2
man's insistence that the
IEC "has never'been an op-
erational unit," but merelY
collated data collected by
its Member agencies. The
group collected no informa-
tion of its own, they said.
The former FBI agent
who now heads the PEG,
Bernard A. Wells Jr., de-
clined to discuss its func-
tions with a reporter, but
other Justice Department
officials, said that the INC
concentrated on "writing pa-
pers" at the sPecific request
of the White House and
other govet'nment agencies.
It was created in Decem-
ber, 1970, they said, at the
suggestion of close presiden-
tial aides, including former
chief White House domestic
adviser John D. Ehrlichman,
? and brought into the Inter-
1 nal Security Division while
Robert C. Mardian was as-
sistant attorney general in
! charge there.
(Mardian left Justice last
year to join the Nixon cam-
paign and has since re-
turned to his family's con-
struction business in Phoe-
nix. He has been questioned
by the Watergate grand jury
here and will meet privately
with Senate investigators
Friday.)
The INC is housed On the
sixth floor of the Federal
Triangle Building on 9th
Street NW under strict secu-
rity arrangements.
Acedrding to the Justice
Department sources, the
INC sought, among other
things, to predictthe size of
public demonstrations and
to measure their potential
for violence?as part of the
development of the govern-
ment's response to them
But on some occasions,
they 'added, the INC may
have dabbled in foreign in-
telligence matters and may
have contributed informa-
tion for use in the Justice
Department's prosecution of
cases with political over-
tones, such as the Pentagon
Papers trial of paniel Ells-
berg and Anthony J. Russo
? Jr.
Senate sources suggested
that the JEC grew out of an
intense concern for national
security on the part of some
Nixon administration offi-
cials and that its reports
could have been used to de-
velop and justify the work
of the White House
"plumbers," who included
convicted Watergate con-
spirators E. Howard Hunt
Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy.
Welcher said he is puzzled
-about why, if the IEC's work
was as simple as has been
described, it was considered
necessary to "camouflage"
the unit.
/ Approved Rer-Rele2QP 2nd/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
HSI-IC-
NEW XORK DAILY NEWS
Approved For Release(:)01/(??)10AfliepP84-00499R000200010002-2
By JEFFREY ANTEVI
Washington, May 24 (NEws Bureau)?Central Intelligence.
Agency officials did not tell Director James R. Schlesinger until
two days ago that Watergate conspirator James W. McCord Jr.
had written a series of letters over the last 10 months warning
of efforts to blame the CIA for the 1972 campaign scandal,
? chairman Lucien N. Nedzi of the House intelligence subcommit-
tee disclosed today.
Emerging from a closed meeting with three CIA employes,
Nedzi refused to characterize the delay as "a coverup." He told
reporters that the Watergate affair had done "serious damage" -
to the CIA and 'that some "changes in personnel" should be made
at the agency.
- Nedzi would not describe the contents of the letters?one
signed--"Jim" and the others unsigned?which 'McCord wrote to
former CIA Director Richard M. Helms and Paul Gaynor, a
security man at the agency, between last July and January of
this year.
Leffprs Called 'Disjointed"
But Rep. William G. Bray (R-Ind.), another member of the
subcommittee, confirmed that McCord, a retired CIA employe,
wrote the letters to alert Ins former colleagues of an attempt
to shift the blame for Watergate to the agency. Bray said the
letters did not specify who was responsible for this effort.
Bray said the letters were "disjointed" and apparently were
"written by a confused Person." He said McCord wrote them "to
protect himself" in the spreading scandal and because "he had a
great dedication to the CIA," where he had been employed in the
,security division for 19 years.
Gaynor,. CIA Chief of Security Howard Osborn, and William
Breaux, the . agency's inspector general, testified before Nedzi's
panel for more than three hours.
Nedzi was asked later if the delay in showing the letters to
Schlesinger, who succeeded Helms as director early in February,
was a result of a deliberate coverup by CIA employes. "Every--
body denies that there was a coverup," Nedzi replied.
Some CIA Men 'Forgot'
He said some of those asked about the matter replied "with
the familiar phrase, `I forgot,'" while others said they had not
acted because they assumed someone else already had done so. -
The letters surfaced, Nedzi ,said, as part of an intensive re-
view ordered by Schlesinger following recent disclosures that top
White House aides made a -series of attempts to implicate the
CIA in the Watergate affair.
. As a result of these disclosures, Nedzi said, "serious damage
has been done to the agency." The conduct of individualemploye
does not' seem to warrant "outright dismissals," he added, but per-
sonnel changes are needed.
{HS/HC.. irie
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
IHS/HC-
Approved For Release Rik3sfibiliF0V.ICRIADP84-00499R000200010002-2
25 MAY 1973
n ys Dern
ped CIA, Hu
By JEREMIAH O'LEARY
Star-News Staff Writer
When E. Howard Hunt
demanded that the CIA
transfer a secretary sta-
tioned in Paris to work for
him in the United States,
that was the last straw as.
far as the agency was con-
cerned.
In an interview, Gen.
-Robert E. Cushman Jr.,
now commandant of the
Marine Corps but deputy
director of the CIA from
1969 through 1971, said it
was the burgeoning of
Hunt's demands, not any
suspicion of illegality, that
prompted the CIA to sever
Connections.
Cushman first got a call
from presidential aide
John D. Ehrlichman on
July 7, 1971 identifying
Hunt as a White House
security consultant and
asking that the CIA give
Hunt a hand.
"Hunt came to see me
on July 22, the only time I
ever saw him and talked
for about half an hour,"
Cushman recalled. His
impression was that Hunt
was a "little pushy." But,
said Cushman, "He said
he had a one-time inter-
view to conduct and need-
ed some disguise materi-
als. There was no mention
of his mission and I could
not get any details about it
from him,"
"BECAUSE of his en-
dorsement from Ehrlich-
man, our technical serv-
ices division, on my in-
structions, fitted him with
a wig, a voice altering
device something like a
kazoo and some manufac-
tured identification cards,
Cushman said."
"With the wisdom of
hindsight, you wonder why
he went to all the trouble
of getting from the CIA
things he could have got-
ten anywhere in downtown
Washington in a shop ... If
I had known what his ulti-
mate mission was, he
would never have gotten in
the front door."
Cushman said CIA tech-
nicians became suspicious
in August 1971, when Hunt
kept coming back for more
and more help. They did
not suspect Hunt was in-
volved in an illegal domes-
tic burglary, only that he
was going far beyond the
original, one-shot opera-
tion he had described.
"First he wanted a cam-
era and a tape recorder,"
Cushman said. "Then he
asked for an office and a
telephone monitoring serv-
ice and finally for a partic-
ular secretary. Even then
we might have given him
secretarial help but we
weren't about to transfer a
secretary from France to
the United States.
"ONCE, he brought a
man around with him, a
;man who turned out to be
G. Gordon Liddy, but that
name meant nothing to us
then."
ns
t Link
Cushman said the grow-
ing demands of Hunt were
too much.
On August 27, Cushman
called Ehrlichman and
told him he questioned
Hunt's judgement and was
breaking connections with
him. He said Ehrlichman
did not argue about the
CIA decision but said he
would restrain Hunt.
A week later the office
of Daniel Ellsberg's psy-
chiatrist in Los Angeles
was broken into by Hunt
and others of the Water-
gate burglary gang. Cush-
man said the did not learn
of Hunt's use of the CIA
disguise material in the
? Los Angeles burglary until
three weeks ago.
Cushman indicated no
guilt complex about being
conned by Hunt and Ehr-
lichman. "I felt I had got-
ten a legal order and there
was no onus of scandal
attached to .Ehrlichman in
the sunnner of 1971. That
was a year before the
Watergate burglary," he
said.
His main concern was
that even his peripheral
role in the Watergate
might disillusion or be-
smirch the Marine Corps,
but he is now reassured
that his Leathernecks
have not been humiliated
or have not lost faith in
"I'm a little bloody but .
unbowed," Cushman said.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Approved For Release 20d 0002-2
-"" 12 MAY 1973
Ap
The C/A entangled
Washington, DC
The Central Intelligence Agency has
never been totally uninvolved in
domestic affairs. Not many years ago it
was financing American student bodies.
Earlier this year it was revealed to be
training local police forces. Still, when
Senator William Proxmire uttered a
warning on April loth against the CIA
"engaging in Watergate-type activity to
downgrade our democratic system," he
can hardly have realised how scon his
fear would take on substance. What
has come out since concerns the co-
operation which the CIA provided for
the men who burgled the office of Dr
Ellsberg's psychiatrist in 197t.
Testimony by. Mr Howard Hunt,
one of the burglars, was read on May
4th to the Los Angeles court where
the Pentagon papers trial is being con-
ducted. Mr Hunt said that the CIA
had provided cameras, disguises and
false papers for the burglary. He also
described meeting CIA agents in " safe
houses " in Washington and being given
a " sterile "?that is, unlisted and
unbilled---telephone number to maintain
contact for further assistance. The
burglary itself failed to produce any-
thing of value to the Whitc House
plumbers. A psychiatric profile construc-
ted for them by the CIA's own psychia-
tric unit proved, according to Mr
Krogh's affidavit, to be of no use either.
Who authorised all this ? On the
White House side Mr Egil Krogh has
admitted that he gave approval to the
burglary mission, believing that such
a thing fell within his competence. Had
not the President personally told him
to get on with the investigation, and
in the presence of Mr Ehrlichman ? An
affidavit by Mr Krogh also states that
Mr Ehrlichman gave approval for
" covert activity "?a vague phrase--to
look into Dr Ellsberg's psychiatrist, Dr
Fielding. The special counsel to the
President, Mr Charles Colson, furnished
the expense money but did not ask
what it was for.
Thus, when preparations for the
expedition to Los Angeles reached a
point where technical help was needed,
it was with every assurance of authori-
tative backing that first Mr Hunt and
then Mr Krogh turned to. the Central
Intelligence Agency for help. But their
requests did not do the trick, and a
personal word on the telephone was
needed from Mr Ehrlichman to General
Robert Cushman, then the deputy direc-
tor of the agency and now Comman-
dant of the Marine Corps, a man who
enjoys President Nixon's patronage
and to some extent his friendship. This
telephone call is not in Mr Krogh's
affidavit, but has been reported from
other sources. Mr Ehrlichman may still
be able to claim that when he asked
for co-operation he was not thinking of
burglary.
At all events, as the agency has con-
firmed, General Cushman met Mr hunt
on July 22, 1971, and authorised him
to be given what assistance he wanted.
Five weeks later, when it dawned on
the CIA that it was abetting " a domes-
tic clandestine operation," the help was
discontinued. This may account for the
odd fact that when the plumbers
returned the agency's camera with some
exposed film inadvertently left in it, the
CIA sent the film not to the White
House but to the Justice Department.
The CIA realised, in fact, that it had
gone beyond the limits of what it is
supposed to do. The 1947 act setting
up the CIA expressly states that the
agency "shall have no police, subpoena,
or law enforcement power or internal
security functions."
Counter-intelligence and counter-.
espionage within the United States be-
long to the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation. It is true that the CIA is
authorised to protect " intelligence
sources and methods from unauthorised
disclosure.". But this has always been
understood to be confined to protecting
the foreign intelligence activities of the
United States. The fact that the
Pentagon papers are about foreign
policy and that foreign powers found
them interesting does not make them
a foreign intelligence matter in the
sense intended by the act : or so, evi-
dently, the CIA itself concluded.
General Cushman and his former
chief, Mr Richard Helms, Will both
have questions to answer. The man who
had to carry the immediate burden,
Mr James Schlesinger, was chosen on
Thursday by President Nixon as his
new Secretary of Defence. Before the
task of ascertaining the extent of the
agency's .involvement in the White
house scandals fell on him, Mr
Schlesinger was already engaged in
a reorganisation of the agency which
involves 'fairly extensive staff cuts, for
reasons arising out of the debate about
the proper functions of the intelligence
agencies which has been long in pro-
gress. The reorganisation is not made
any easier by two changes of director
within a few weeks. If the. CIA cannot
clean its own house, Congress is
bracing itself to try to ?dO the job
for it. Three subcommittees in the
I louse and the Senate which have
in the past been lax about their duties
of overseeing the CIA have announced
hearings, and Senator McClellan's sub-
committee on intelligence operations
made a quick start by summoning Mr
Schlesinger on Wednesday. After the
hearing, which was closed, Mr
Schlesinger said he was stiffening the
agency's regulations to make sure that
what had happened did not happen
again. Now he has a new job.
se 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
WASIIINC.T.017 ST2iR
Approved For Releup 2001i10pio4MAY CIATRDP84-00499R000.200010002-2
BY GEORGE SHERMAN
and FRED BARNES
Star-News Staff Writers
Henry A. Kissinger has acknowledged that, he
knew his aides were being electronically moni-
tored by FBI agents between 1969 and 1971 and
that -he actually read some summaries of their
wiretapped telephone conversations.
But Kissinger, who is national security adviser
to President Nixon, denied in an interview yes-
terday that the surveillance was begun at his
order.
"No, I did not institute the wiretaps," he said.
Kissinger confirmed, hoviever, that he met
with FBI director J. Edgar Hoover in the spring
of 1969 and discussed leaks of national security
information, among other things.
IT WAS THIS meeting at FBI headquarters,
declared acting FBI Director William Ruckel-
shaus at a press conference yesterday, that
prompted the bureau to 'place wiretaps on four
newsmen and 13 government officials, including
at least two aides to Kissinger.
There were these other developments related
to the wiretapping-leaks episode:
0 Ruckelshaus disclosed that the official FBI
logs of the wiretapped conversations between
1969 and 1971, missing from the bureau for-two
years, were found Saturday evening in the White
House safe of John Ehrlichman, resigned presi-
dential aide.
The acting FBI chief said that he and an FBI
agent had to "arm-wrestle" the documents away
from Secret Service agents in order to carry
them away from the White House and return
them to FBI hies.
(Jack Warner, Secret
Service spokesman, said
Ruckelshans' account of
the- "arirewrestlina" inci-
dent. "is absolutely false,"
United Press International
retiorted. Warner said the
acting FBI director and an
FBI agent were in an Ex-
ecutive Office Building of-
fice "for a total 91 four
minutes and we gasi'6Rimved
the files they requested,"
UPI reported.)
0 Sources revealed that
one of the newsmen put
underelectronic surveil-
lance was Joseph Kraft,
syndicated columnist who
sometimes writes about
national security matters.
? Earlier published re-
ports had identified three
of the tapped newsmen as
William Beecher and Hed-
rick Smith of The New
York Times and Henry
Brandon of the Sunday
Times of London.
0 Ruckelshaus confirmed
that -President Nixon sent
a personal letter to Hoover
in 1971 urging the FBI
chief to aid the White
House in tracking down
security leaks.
Hoover responded with a
letter to the effect that he
would provide the White
House with whatever rele-
vant information the FBI
uncovered, Ruckelshaus
said.
In the interview, Kissin-
ger said that his confer-
ence with Hoover
stemmett from his White
House role as protector of
"the most sensitive infor-
mation in the govern-
ment."
"I DEAL ONLY with
established agencies
through their directors,
through established proce- ?
(hires inherited from pre-
vious administrations,"
Kissinger said. "I did not
determine the methods of
their investigations."
According to sources
close to Kissinger, he and
Hoover discussed not only
security leaks bothering
the White House, but also
the liinds of intelligence
/09/04: CIMVP6111:11149FVvh2boo
fur., anon-
al Security Council, which
Kissinger heads.
Summaries of the wire-
tapped conversations ? at
least some from taps on
private residences ? were
Passed on to Kissinger in
1969 and 1970, the sources
said.
He read them and sent-.
the summaries along to
H. R. Haldeman, then the
chief of the White House
staff, for the President to
read, the sources said.
"SOMETIME in 1970"
Kissinger stopped receiv-
ing the summaries be-
cause he determined the
information in them did
not pertain to national
security, according to the
sources close to him.
For this- reason, the- ?
sources said, Kissinger is
unsure how many of the 13
officials wiretapped were
actually on his staff. But
he read the summaries of
private conversations of at
least Morton Halperin and
one other of his aides.
Halperin was a key Kis-
singer aide until 1971. He
emerged into prominence
again this year as a mem-
ber of the defense team at
the trial of Daniel Ells-
berg. The trial judge dis-
missed all charges against
Ellsberg last week in
connection with the re-
lease of the top-secret
Pentagon Papers.
The sources close to
Kissinger said they be-
lieve, though are not total-
ly sure, that three in-
stances of press reports in
1969 originally caused
alarm in the White House
over security leaks.
ONE WAS a story on
National Security Council
discussions on how to han-
dle the shooting down of
the ED 121 electronics spy
plane over North Korea on
April 15, 1969.
Another involved disclo-
10002-2
continued
2
sure M the pres4A3fparC
/aF
Na-
tional Security Council
paper on the Middle East.
The third concerned the
President's planning for
the first withdrawals of
troops from South
Vietnam.
- Kissinger emphasized in
the interview that he knew
of no illegal procedure
used by those investigat-
ing security lens!:. M his
instruction, . Kissinger
said, his office cooperated,
with the FBI in the wire-
taps.
Ruckelshaus stressed at
his press briefing that the
wiretaps were fully legal.
It wasn't until June 1972,
he noted, that the Supreme
Court Court outlawed the
? electronic surveillance of
"domestic subversives"
without a federal judge's
prior consent.
WHEN KISSINGER
took over his White House
job, sources said, he inher-
ited an FBI man, A. Rus-
sell Ash, who was respon-
sible for security. Ash left
Kissinger's staff last
month, sources said.
- According to other
Sources, Ash was the
lisi-
son man for the FBI in
1969 and would contact the
Kissinger office to find out
which members of his staff
had access to pertinent
files when a security lead
was discovered.
While President Nixon
also sent copies of the
summaries of the bugged
conversations, Ruckel-
shaus said he is unsure if
the President read any of
them.
Ruskelshaus said the
official FBI logs of the
wiretapped talks were
removed from the bureau?
in the summer of 1971 by
William C. Sullivan, than
an aide to Hoover, and
given to Asst. Atty. Gen.
Robert Mardian for trans-
fer to the White House.
"According to Mr.
Mardian," said Ruckel-
shaus, "the recommenda-
tion was made on the
claim by Mr. Sullivan that
. Mr. Hoover might use the
records in some manner
against the attorney gen-
eral or the President, Mr.
Sullivna does not affirm
Mr. Bilardian's claim." .
Or Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP844099R000200010002-2
SUI.,LIVNA was quoted
today by. Jock Nelson of
the Los Agneles Times as
saying that the logs were
hept from Hoover 'because
the FBI chief was "not of
found mind."
Sullivan said he turned
them over to Mardian
because Hoover couldn't
be trusted to keep the ma-
tierals in the logs confi-
dential, according to Nel-
son.
FBI records revealed
that when the logs were
discovered to be missing,
Hoover was told by then
Atty. Gen. John N. Mitch-
ell that the logs had been
destoryed.
"It should be noted that
Mr. Mitchell has denied
making such a- statement
to Mr. Hoover," Ruckel-
shaus said. "This conflict
cannot be resolved be-
cause of Mr. Hoover's
death. Mr. Mitchell, how-
ever, confirmed that the
records were moved to the
White House.
EHRLICHMAN told news-
men yesterday that he
knew the logs were in his
safe.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
HS/HC- F4-49
pri YORK TIMS
Approved For Rele 2110r ?/M4 1:9&
w -RDP84-00499R0002410010002-2
Ruckelshaus Statement on Wiretaps
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, May 14?
Following is a statement of
William D. Ruckelshaus, act-
ing director of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation on
the results of an inquiry
'about missing records relat-
ing to electronic surveillance
.on certain individuals:
Shortly after assuming this
job, my attention was drawn
to several newspaper and pe-
riodical accounts of elec-
tronic surveillances ?wire-
taps?having been placed on
telephones of Government
employes and newsmen in an
effort to stem the leaks of
information related to highly
sensitive foreign policy is-
sues. Upon inquiry; I was in-
formed by F.B.I. employes
that these surveillances had
been. performed and that the
records relating to them were
missing from the F.B.I. files.
Also the question had been
raised in the Ellsberg trial
whether information from
these alleged taps had been
used by the prosecution in
any way and thus tainted the
evidence.
As a result of this informa-
tion, I immediately ordered
an investigation into the facts
surrounding the taps and the
missing records. This investi-
gation was started Friday,
May 4, 1973, and was con-
ducted undel? my personal
supervision by highly skilled
F.B.I. personnel at headquar-
ters. Forty-two separate in-
terviews were conducted, all
hy headquarters personnel,
and included travel to Phoe-
nix, Ariz.; Tampa, Fla.; Sa-
vannah, Ga.; New York City,
and Stamford, Conn.
The investigation revealed
that from May, 1969, to Feb-
ruary, 1971, based on consul-
tations between the director
of the F.B.I. and the White
House, certain wiretaps were
instituted in an effort to pin-
point responsibility for leaks
of highly sensitive and clas-
sified information, which, in
the opinion of those charged
with conducting our foreign
policy, were compronnsing
the nation's effectiveness in
negotiations and other deal-
ings with foreign powers.
Length of Taps Varied
There was a total of 17
wiretaps placed for this pur-
pose. Four were placed on
newsmen as the potential re-
cipients of leaks and 13 on
Government employes as the
P?A1509-646`dt6P4iWie
were on for varying lengths
of time during the period in
question; two for as little as
30 days and one for as long
as 21 months.
These requests were han-
dled in the same way as
other requests involving na-
tional security for a number
of years and in prior Admin-
istrations. When a Govern-
ment agency or the White
House requests surveillance,
the request is studied.by the
senior officials of the F.B.I.,
and if the director approves,
authority is then requested
from the Attorney General.
If he approves, as was done
in this case, the surveillance
commences, summaries are
prepared from the logs,
which are transmitted to the
interested agency, or as in
this case, the White House.
Because of the sensitivity
of these particular surveil-
lances, the records were very
closely held; first in the di-
rector's office and then on
the director's orders under
the custody of Mr. W. C.
Sullivan, who was an assist-
ant to the director.
Transterral Recommended
The investigation indicates
that sometime in the sum-
mer of 1971, after the taps
were all taken off, Mr. Sul-
livan contacted Mr. Robert
Mardian; who was then As-
sistant Attorney General in
charge of the Internal Secu-
rity Division, and informed
him of the nature of these
records and recommended
that they be transferred to
the White House.
According to Mr. Mardian,
the recommendation was
made on the claim by Mr.
Sullivan that Mr. [J. Edgar]
Hoover might use the records
in some manner against the
Attorney General of the
President. Mr. Sullivan does
not affirm .Mr. Mardian's
claim. There is certainly no
proof that Mr. Hoover had
such intention hut the charge
had its desired effect. Ac-
cording to Mr.. Mardian, he
informed Mr. [John] Mitchell
[then Attorney General], who
in turn inforrned the While
House. The records were
taken from the files by Mr.
Sullivan, who ordered them
given to Mr. Mardian, who
deliever them to the White
House.
When the F.B.I. discovered
Upon Mr. Sullivan's retire-
ment in the fall of 1971, it
commenced an inquiry which
ended when Mr. Hoover was
informed by Dr. Mitchell
that the records had been
destroyed. It should be noted
that Mr. Mitchell has denied
making such a statement to
Mr. Hoover. This conflict
cannot be resolved because
of Mr. Hoover's death. Mr.
Mitchell, however, confirmed
that therecords were moved
to the White House.
Records Are Located
In any event, the F.B.I. ac-
cepted the premise that the
records had been destroyed,
and when I assumed my pre-
ent position, I also had no
reason to believe that the
records were still intact. It
was not until last Thursday
night that our investigation
revealed, during an interview
with Mr. Mardian in Phoe-
nix, that the records possibly
still existed and might be in
.the White House.
The next day the records
were located in the White
House having been filed in a
safe in Mr. John D. Ehrlich-
man's outer office.
Unfortunately, the records
were not located in time to
respond to Judge [William
Matthew] Byrne's inquiries
about the potential taint of
evidence in the Ellsberg trial.
The interceptions of Ells-
berg's conversations all oc-
curred when he was either a
guest of Morton Halperin,
[former employe of the] Na-
tional Security Council, or
conversing with him. It was
one of these conversations of
Mr. Ellsberg which I had in-
formed the judge on Wednes-
day, May 9, 1973, had been
remembered by one of our
employes, who had monitored
the tape. Of course, whether
the location of the records
would have had any effect
on the judge's decision is
not for me to say.
On Saturday, an F.B.I.
agent and I Went to the
White House, identified and
retrieved the records. They
now rest in the F.B.I. files.
The investigation was con-
ducted with skill, speed and
effectiveness by the F.B.I.
and resulted in the full re-
trieval of the records. I be-
lieve it is in the public in-
trest to reveal these facts so
that this story can be put in
ibt1116tr614 WA-F084-08raglidolikik51 0002-2
WASHINGTON POST
Approved For Releaz 2o1gog44 :96k-RDP84-00499R000240010002-2
issin er's NSC Staff Caught in
By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer
Henry A. Kissinger's
proud National Security
Council staff became, en-
meshed in the use of wire-
taps as a test of its own
loyalty, informed sources
indicated yesterday.
Until the official confir-
mation by Acting FBI Di-
rector William D. Bucket-
shaus that wiretaps were
used on the NSC staff and
on telephones of four
newsmen, Kissinger was
relatively free of taint in
the Watergate syndrome.
Kissinger drew an em-
phatic distinction yesterday
between the decision to use
wiretaps, and his obligation
for "safeguarding classified
information." He carried
the security problem to the
FBI. Kissinger agreed, but
he insisted that the meth-
ods used to cope with it
were not his "initiative."
The extent to which Kiss-
inger, nevertheless, may be
tainted for acquiescence in
the wiretapping process
caused him evident dismay
yesterday, his brief, taut,
public comment showed.
According t o insiders,
what has been revealed so
far is only a portion of a
subtle process of internal
and external loyalty test-
ing that has operated in the
Nixon administration.
In this process, the will-
ingness o f department
chiefs to consent to the use
of wiretaps and lie detectors
on their employees report-
edly became, in effect, a
"purity" gauge o fits own.
Some department chiefs
agreed to the use of tele-
phone taps, but balked at
subjecting their employees
to lie detectors. Others ap-
parently agreed to both_
HS/HC-Ard?
practices in their depart-, knowledging the existence of
ments. Kissinger reportedly
the practice, however, has Web
refused to permit poly- itself been considered an
graphs, or lie detectors, on
act of disloyalty.
Kissinger's NSC staff is
News Analysis described as having been
especially exposed to intern-
his National Security Conn- al suspicion from super-
eil staff, while accepting the loyalists in the White House
wiretaps. since the outset of the
The implication is left Nixon administration.
that a refusal of a. depart- Many of the original staff
ment chief to agree to members recruited by Kiss-
either practice could have inger, including Morton
put in jeopardy his own Halperin, were holdovers
loyalty sating inside the from other agencies in the
administration. Kennedy - Johnson - adrain-
No of fi ci al yesterday istrations. To key officials
would discuss openly this such as john Ehrliehman
subtle, double use of wire- and II, R. Haldeman, these
taps and lie detectors. -staffers were from "enemy"
Bureaucratic veterans often ranks.
have discussed among them- As a result, insiders now
selves this double-edged say, when news leaks on
game, sometimes described sensitive international is-
as "putting the fear of God sues first appeared in the
into the , bureaucracy." Ac- Nixon administration (as
they do in every administra- for the double 'purpose: not
Lion), the loyalty of Kissin- just to block the leakage of
ger's staff faced special chal- information, but to obtair
lenge from the Haldeman- proof of the loyalty of his
Ehrlichman branch of the staff and to help defend his
White House. entire operation.
At that initial point in Kissinger's staff is said to
May, 1969, the primary con-
have come out "clean" of
cern is said to have been
suspicion of any security
disloyalty in the wiretap
leaks on administration stra- surveillance of their tele.
tegy about Vietnam, the phone calls. It is also claimed
Middle East and Korean pol- that neither Kissinger nor
icy. Later, the dominant his staff was responsible in
alarm about leaks centered any way for the wiretaps on
on the strategic arms limi- newsmen's telephones. So
tation talks (SALT) with the far there is no independent
Soviet Union, means for verifying any of
Neither Kissinger nor any- these specifies,
one else in the White House The public record shows
would discuss yesterday ex- that subsequently, .on Sept,
actly what happened intern- 3, 1971, Secretary of State
ally. But Kissinger is pot.- William P. Rogers acknowl
trayed as having gone to edged and defended the use
the late FBI Director J. Ed- of lie detectors to check on
gar Hoover to request help a news leak in a SALT story
in safeguarding information published June 23, 1971,
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
miSHINGTO:21 POST
Approved For Re!email/0%1/994413 CIA-RDP84-00499R000240010002-2
V,stGIP Undercover
ers ti#n Ori inat 1969
By Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward
Wo.shinton Post Staff Writers
The Watergate bugging and the break-in into the office
of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist were part of an elaborate,
continuous campaign of illegal and quasi-legal undercover,
okrations conducted by the Nixon administration since
1969, according to highly placed sources in the executive
branch.
There are more instances of political burglaries, bug-
gings, spying and sabotage conducted under White House
auspices that have not yet been publicly re\,ealed, accord-
ing to the sources.
Although the undercover operations became most in-
tense during the 1972 presidential campaign, such activi-
ties as the Watergate bugging and the break-in in the
Ells-berg case, which previously had appeared to be
isolated, were regarded in the White House as compo-
nents of a continuing program of covert activity, accord-
ing to the sources.
The clandestine operations, the sources said, were at
various times aimed at radical leaders, student demonstra-
'tors, news reporters. Democratic candidates for President
and Vice President and the Congress, and Nixon admin-
istration aides suspected of leaking information to the
press.
The sources said that many of the covert activities,
although political in purpose, were conducted under the
guise of "national security," and that some of the records
relating to them are believed to have been destroyed.
,Some of the activities were conducted by the FBI, the
?. Secret Service and special teams working for the White
House and Justice Department. according to the sources.
Most of the activities were carried out under the direct
supervision of members of President Nixon's innermost
- circle, among them former White House deputies 11. R.
(Bob) Haldeman, -John D. Ehrlichman and John W. Dean
III; former Attorney General john N. Mitchell, and
former Assistant Attorney General Robert C. Mardian,
the sources said.
Although most of the clandestine operations are still
shrouded in secrecy, they are known to include:
White House and Justice De-
partment to conduct illegal
wiretapping; infiltrate radi-
cal organizations for pur-
poses of provocation and en-
gage in political sabotage.
The "vigilante squads"
included professional wire-
tappers and ex-CIA and ex-
EBI agents.
One such "vigilante
squad," under the supervi-
sion of former White House
aides E. Howard Hunt Jr..,
. and G. Gordon Liddy, con;
ducted the , Watergate bug-
ging in 1972 and the break-in
at the office of Daniel BBs-
berg's psychiatrist in 1971.
The Watergate grand jury
repo nt edly is examining
other undercover activities
by the squad, including an-
other burglary that the team.
is suspected of committing.
According to one highly
placed source in the execu-
tive branch, undercover op- -
orations by the Hunt-Liddy
souad were transferred from
the White House to the
Committee for the Re-elec-
tion for the President under
au arrangement worked out
by Haldeman, then chief of ?
the White House staff, and
John N. Mitchell, then :At-
torney General.
The transfer of the squad
.from the White House to the
reelection committee in late
1971 and early 1972 was
Made to gear up for the up- .
? The use of the Secret Service to obtain information . coming presidential cam-
on the private life of at least one Democratic presidential paign in which "dirty
candidate in 1972.
. tricks," spying and decep-
tions represented a basic
a The possession of Sep. Thomas Eagleton 's confiden-
canmaign strategy.
tial health records by Ehrlichman, l'.ormer White House Two persons occupying .
domestic affairs chief, several weeks before the in forma-. - high positions in the Nixon
tion was leaked to the news media. - : administration have told
0 The use of paid provocateurs to encourage- violence The Washington Post that
at antiwar demonstrations early in the first Nixon ad- other "vigilante squads"
ministration, and again in the 1972 presidential cam- were established by the
paign. White House and Justice.
a Undercover political activities against persons re- Department to conduct so-
garded as opponents of the Nixon administration con-, t political Water-
ductedopera-
by "suicide squads" in the Ff;I. The term is a 1-ito'Insse (l'or en g beforel) the bureau euphemism for teams of agents engaged in sensi- gate bugging.
Live missions which. if revealed, would be disavowed by . Some recordii relating to
the FBI and the White house, the Nixon administration's
broad program of covert ac-
e The use of paid-for-hire "vigilante squads" by the tivities are believed to have
v I i
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0 R.410200010002-2
;bugging arrests last June 17.
Other records were ,de-
stroyed last month, when it
became apparent that some
of the activities might come
to light in the renewed -
grand jury investigation of
the -bugging and related
matters, according to one '
source.
To prevent further disclo-
sure of the activities, the
sources reported, the White
House has promulgated ,
,"national security" guide-
lines for use in the Water-
gate investigation that are .
designed, at least in part, to
prevent testimony about the
undercover operations by
those with knowledge of.
them.
Haldeman and Ehrlich- '-
man, the President's two
principal deputies until
April 30, , when they re-
signed, invoked both execu-
tive privilege and "national
security" considerations in
refusing to answer certain
questions before the federal
grand jury investigating the
Watergate and related mat-
ters, according to a reliable
source.
Their actions, the source
reported, amounted to a
claim that the questions in-
volved confidential White
House ? business or national
security Matters that a-re be-
yond the grand jury's pow-
er to investigate.
Some sources who have
previously supplied details
on the Watergate scandal to
The Washington Post have
.recently refused to discuss
certain "potentially illegal"
activities they say they have
knowledge of, on grounds
that to do so might violate
"national security" regula-
tions. .
Two sources said that
some of the White House
documents submitted to the
Watergate trial judge by
former presidential counsel
John Dean provide informa-
tion about previously unre-
ported covert political activ-
ities, conducted under the
guise of "national security"
by the. Nixon administra-
tion.
Several sources described
continued
the political espiona vestl ao020
gAVloveitifit*Reitiiii&2004109/04htrkWie "84E1414%914
sabotage conducted byp
e White House special counsel. 1 ? rr?
' President's re-election com-
mittee, including the Water-
gate bugging, as the logical
extension of covert opera-
tions established long be-
fore by the Nixon adminis-
tration.
"Watergate was a natural
action that came from long-
existing circumstances," .one
high-level participant in
many of the undercover ac-
tivities observed. He added:
"It grew out of an atmos-
phere. This way of life was
not new . . . There have
. been fairly broad (illegal
..and quasilegal) activities
from the beginning of the
administration. I didn't
know where 'national secu-
rity' ended and political
espionage started."
According to tins source,
the activities were aimed at
whatever individual or
groups the White House per-
ceived as a threat at any
given moment. "First it was
-. radicals," he said, "then -it
? was reporters and leaking
White House aides. then the
? Democrats. They all got the
same treatment: bugging, in-
filtration, burglary, spying,
. etcetera."
As one example, this
- source cited the 1971 FBI in-? ?
..vestigation into the back-
ground of CBS News corre-
spondent Daniel Schorr. The
investigation, . the source
said, was personally ordered
by Haldeman.
At the time that it was
a publicly revealed that the
correspondent was under in-
vestigation, the White
House said that Schorr waS
being considered for a job
in the administration?an
. assertion that administra-
ton officials have since. con-
ceded was untrue.
In addition to the use of
the FBI tor such intelli-
Charles W. Colson has ac- -?? Well before they were
knowledged that Colson re-
ceived- such information on
a?candidate's private life but
denied that the data came
from the Secret Service.
The Secret Service's rote
in collecting such informa-
tion represents the second -
time that agency has been re-
ported to have engaged in in-
telligence-gathering against
political opponents of the
White House.
. On Nov. 4, The New York
Times reported that Nixon
campaign aides and the
White House iTceived in-
formation about confidential
meetings. held by . Sen.
George McGovern with po-
tential financial backers.
. Jack Warner, spokesman
for the Secret Service, said
last week that an investiga-
tion last year concluded that
there was no evidence to
support The Times report.
"If you have new informa-
tion," Warner said, "let us
have it and we will reopen
our investigation. This type
of activity would be unprec-
edented, and if at any time
an investigation reveals that
a Secret Service agent was
identified with this activity,
he would be judged unsuita-
ble for the Secret Service."
Seven investigative
sources and Nixon adminis-
tration officials have told
The Washington Post re-
cently that Colson and
Haldeman were the prime
movers behind the extensive
undercover campaign
mounted on behalf of Presi-
dent Nixon's 1972 re-elec-
tion, although other high of-
ficials were also involved.
Much of that secret cam-
paign of spying, sabotage,
deception and other "dirty
tricks" was designed to help
secure the Democratic presi-
gence-gathering purposes, dential nomination for Sen.
the White House used the McGovern, considered by
Secret Service in the 1972 the White House to be Presi-
campaign to investigate the dent Nixon's least formida-
Private life of at least one ble opponent.
Democratic presidential can- One former high official
dictate, according to reliable in the Nixon administration
sources. said: "It was a campaign
The sources reported that that went astray and lost its
the Secret Seviee?or per- sense of fair play. Secrecy
haps a single agent acting and an obsession with the
alone?provided the White covert became part of
House with regular reports nearly every action. It all
on private activity of the turned to mud. and I'm
candidate. sorry to have been a part of
In addition to receiving
Secret Service reports on
As examples of the other
such matters, the White
secret, but apparently legal,
House twice considered
tactics employed in the
leaking stories to the news
Nixon campaign, sources in
media about the activity, the
the White House, the Corn-
sources said. . ?
Approved4161' kei4diV-21001(10. 004
leaked to the news media,
? former presidential adviser
?Ehrlichman obtained copies
of Sen. Thomas Eagleton's
health records. It could not
be determined how Ehrlich-
man obtained the records,
which Eagleton, as Demo?
cratic vice presidential can-
didate, refused to -supply
even to his running mate,
Sen, McGovern.
According to The Post's
sources, Ehrlichman had re-
ceived copies of the records
which showed that Eagleton
. had received electric shock
treatment for nervous ex-
haustion in 1960, 1964 and
1966.
(Former Attorney General ?
Ramsey Clark has said that
Eagleton's health records
were in the FBI files, and
reliable sources said that .
material from the FBI files
was provided to White
House and Nixon campaign
? aides during last year's elec-
tion campaign by former As-
sistant Attorney General
Mardian.)
? Fred V. Malek, a former
White House aide and depu-
ty manager of the Nixon re-
election committee, ordered
establishment of a network
of persons to gather infor-
mation in nearly all of 50
states on the campaign of
Sen. McGovern.
Field 'operatives in the
project had a code-word con-
! tact?the name "Viola
Smith"?:at the Nixon com-
mittee for 'transmitting the
information by telephone to
a group at Nixon campaign
headquarters known as the -
"McGovern Watch?' In addi-
tion, written reports would
be mailed to the Nixon com-
mittee on forms marked
"confidential" and contain-
ing space for details about
staff changes, speeches and
?- polls in the McGovern cam-
paign.
Malek acknowledged he
wrote a memorandum on
"Intelligence on Future Ap-
pearances of McGovern and
Shriver" but denied that the
memo was intended to set
any covert activities into
motion. The memo, obtained
by The Washington Post., ad- ?
vises persons in the field to
call "Viola Smith at 202-333-
7220 to advise her of infor-
mation that you learn of."
DeVan L. Shumviray, a
spokesman for the Commit-
tee for the Re-election of
the President, acknowledg-
440#4409*(40
supply information about
-11.000Z2vern's campaign
schedule to the Nixon com-
mittee.
Shumway said that the
two reporters, whom he de
dined to identify, turned
down the request because
"most of my friends in the
news business are honor-
able." He said he approach-
ed the reporters under
orders ? from Jeb Stuart'
Magruder, the former depu-
ty Nixon campaign director.
? Colson organized at
least 30 groups of Nixon
supporters to "attack" net-
work _news correspondents
through write-in, telephone
and telegram campaigns to
their local stations, accord-
ing to Tom Girard, a former
Nixon committee press aide.
Girard, now a correspon-
dent f o r Westinghouse
Broadcasting, Inc., said he
quit the Nixon committee
last May because he. was
"appalled" at Colson's pro-
posal, made during an elec.
tiorl strategy meeting on
May 3, 1972. Republican
sources in two states said
they actually participated in
a phone-in campaign to'com-
plain about an- ABC com-
mentary that was critical of
President Nixon.
? One Democratic presi-
dential contender sought
legal advice after he estab-
lished that members of his
family were being investigat-
ed and followed. A former
official in President Nixon's
campaign acknowledged that
the Committee for the Re-
election of the President
was responsible for ordering
the surveillance.
? Watergate conspirator
Hunt had phony flyers print-
ed advertising a free-beer
rally for New York City
Mayor John Lindsay, a
Dem ocra tic presidential
candidate _during the Florida
primary election last March.
The flyers were distributed
in the black neighborhoods
in Florida. Hunt also had
reprints made, of a News-
week article critical of Sen,
Edmund Muskie's wife. The
reprints were distributed in
New Hampshire before the
primary there.
? Former Assistant Attor-
ney General Mardian, who
who became political coordi-
nator of the Nixon cam-
paign, had two spies in the
McGovern campaign who
reported directly to him, ac-
cording to other campaign
officials. In addition, two
00010002-2
"continued
2
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R0002,V010002-2
Nikon campaign aides on
loan from the Republican
National Committee posed
regularly as newsmen to ob-
tain routine data about Mc-
Govern trips and speeches.
? Ken W. Clawson, dep-
uty director of communica-
tions for the White House,
assisted a reporter in locat-
ing the alcoholic brother of
one of the Democratic presi-
dential candidates ? for a
news story that apparently
never was published.
? Magruder, the deputy
Nixon campaign manager,
offered from $5,000 to $10,-
000 to several writers in an
attempt to persuade them to
assemble a critical book
about Sen. McGovern's early
life in South Dakota. The
project was eventually aban-
doned, according to several
sources.
? William Rhatican, a
former assistant to Colson,
said that he is "sure" tele-
grams of support were sent
by the Nixon committee to
the White House after Dr.
Henry A. Kissinger's Oct.
26 "peace at hand" speech
declaring that the Vietnam
war wits virtually over.
Rhatican, now an aide to
White House press secre-
tary Ronald L. Ziegler, said
he also understood that Col-
son used campaign funds to
set up Vietnam veteran
groups to support the Presi-
dent. The groups had the
appearance of being volun-
teer organizations. Mel- Ste-
vens, a consultant to the
Veterans Administration,
was lent to Colson to set
up a pro-Nixon veterans
group that also used govern-
ment money, according to
White House and Veterans
Administration officials.
What has been described
by Nixon committee 'sources
as an "obsession" with se-
crecy and manipulation ap-
parently extended even to the
minutest details of the cam-
paign. "Nothing was left to
chance," one former White
House aide observed.
As an example, several
Nixon. campaign officials
cited White House orches-
tration of the Republican
National Convention last
August.
"We couldn't control what
the (television) - networks
did completely," one official
said, "but we came close.
When they weren't paying
attention to what was going
on at the speaker's plat-
form, we'd shut off the
lights in the convention hall
to force the cameras to the
podium." .
Approved For Release 2001109104: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
NEW YORK TIIES
Approved For Relea49.2001/0/1)41al49OP84-00499R0004,0010002-2
Accent on Intelligence
The presumption is that the C.I.A. is
By Lyman B. Kirkpatrick Jr. engaged in a continual process of de-
posing governments unpopular with
PROVIDENCE, R. I.?For the many the United States. This is hardly true
who have served their nation in the today. Evidence is accumulating that
Central Intelligence Agency, and have United States policy is maturing to
faithfully observed their oath to up. accept other forms of government
hold and defend the Constitution of even though they might not conform
the United States both during and to our criteria. While it has been ac-
after their Government service, the knowledged that the United States did
? Watergate affair is not only repug. succeed in changing a government in
nant but disappointing and saddening. Guatemala, and failed in a similar ef-
fort at the Bay of Pigs, there is a
The bill of particulars is damning.
Two former staff officers and four growing conviction that such efforts
a
other ex-employes of the C.I.A. were are counterproductive in the long run
and serve more to defeat than enhance
among those involved in the Watergate
break-in. The agency, upon a request United States policy.
An implied assumption to the ques-
operation against Daniel Ellsberg. The from the White House, helped in an
tion is that the C.I.A. decides what
State Department, also on a request governments to overthrow. This is not,
from the White House, provided classi-
and never has been, the case.
fied cables to E. Howard Hunt Jr., con-
The C.IA.'s covert operations are
victed Watergate conspirator, who
undertaken only after approval by
"higher authority." What is true is
used them as background in an effort
to smear President Kennedy. The per-
that C.I.A. operatives in the field and
sistent innuendos that the Watergate
officers in Washington have influenced
was actually a C.I.A. operation has policy, and on occasion have acted
rekindled fears that the "department
independently abroad. The first in-
ofstance reflects poorly on the . policy
dirty tricks" was used to subvert
domestic institutions. level at State, Defense and the White
In fairness to C.I.A. and other de-
House, and is obviously not the case
today. When C.I.A. men in the field
partments involved, the role of the
White House staff should not be
have acted too independently, the
un-
United States ambassadors sent them
derestimatecl. It is not the custom of
the bureaucracy to question a call home.
from the executive offices. It is as-
The question assumes that the C.I.A.'
sumed that the President's people
is training a breed of experts in sub,
know what they are doing. While they version who will seek employment
in the same field upon leaving the
may not inform the President cif all
details, it is usually believed they are agency: an assumption seemingly cons
operating under approved policy firmed by the Watergate affair.
guidelines. Actually only a small and rapidly
Traditionally, Americans have Wor-
diminishing fraction of the C.I.A. per-
red about a Federal bureaucracy sonnel are engaged in political warfare,
a dying remnant of cold war opera-
cloaked in secrecy acting with im-
tions. Most C.I.A. personnel are in
punity to enforce the wishes of an all
intelligence work: collecting, analyZ-
powerful executive. To many, the C.I.A.
ing, estimating, supporting; and it is
had become the epitome of this evil ?
following the Bay of Pigs and ac their unheralded efforts that are
counts of operations involving the Na. sullied and obscured.
tional Student Association and other The sordid mess of the Watergate
United States-based foundations. Thus re-emphasizes the necessity for tight
to some the C.I.A. is solely the Presi- controls over and persistent and criti-
dent's personal action arm. cal review of all intelligence activities
Confidence in the C.I.A. is not en- by the appropriate committees of the
hanced when most of what one reads Congress. In my opinion the Congress
about it is bad. Presidential and Con- has done a good job of checking on
gressional statements about the agen- C.I.A. activities. But if the impression
cy usually are confined to cryptic ex- has been created that the C.I.A. is
pressions of confidence or reports of solely the action arm of the executive,
committee hearings in executive ses- then the legislature must, assure us
sion. this is not so. In fairness to the na-
Perhaps it all could be summed up tion, the President and the Central In-
in the question: if the C.I.A. trains its telligence Agency, the public must be
operatives to overthrow the govern- confident that the C.I.A. serves the
ments of other nations, is it not pos- nation and serves it well.
sible that these same people might
attempt to overthrow the Government
Lyman 13. Kirkpatrick Jr.. professor of
of the United States when they dis- .
agree with its policies?Approved FoggeWteep
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tri-
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rvIAY 8 1913
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BY DAN K. THOMASSON
Scripps-Howard Staff Writer
WASHINGTON: James W. McCord
.Jr. has alleged to federal 'investigators
'that the White House late last year tried
to place responsibility for the Watergate
break-in and bugging on the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA).
McCord made the charges in a
memorandum he recently sent to Feder-
al District Judge John J. Sirica, to a
Senate investigating committee and to
others officially involved in the Water-
gate inquiry.
? ' SOURCES CLOSE to the investiga-
tion said McCord alleges in his memo-
randum that there is a strong indication
the White House last December planned
to blame the CIA in an effort to take the
heat off presidential aides and permit
the White House to gain firmer control
of the super-secret spy agency.
McCord states in the memorandum,
the sources said, that last December his
attorney, Gerald Melt, came to him and
said he should make CIA authorization
for the Watergate mission part of his
defense.
He said in the memo that Alch had -
just returned from a meeting with an
attorney for one of the six other original
Watergate defendants.
- The sources said McCord surmised
that the White House was behind the
effort to blame the CIA, and that Alch
left him with the impression all seven
defendants had been asked to do the
same.
A source close to McCord confirmed
the niemora n durn last night and said
McCord refused to co-operate. He said
the other defendants had agreed to go
along, but couldn't when McCord de-
clined.
This source said some sort of deal
was to be worked out if the defendants
had taken up the CIA story.
MeCORD SEVERAL weeks ago told
the Senate committee that executive
?
It has been confirmed by federal
investigators that a sizable amount of
Nixon campaign funds was used to pay
"expenses and legal fees" of the Water-
gate defendants. Investigators also have ,
determined that Nixon campaign money
went to some members of the defend-
ants' families.
One former Nixon campaign offi-
cial, Herbert L. Porter, has told Senate
investigators that he was informed by
his former campaign boss, Jeb Stuart
Magruder, that G. Gordon Liddy, one of
the defendants, had secreted more than
$1.35,000 in campaign funds.
THERE WERE reports yesterday,.
that four of the defendants, all Cuban-
Americans, were recruited for the
Watergate- mission on the grounds that
it was a CIA-sanctioned operation. E.
Howard Hunt Jr., another . defendant,
and McCord both were long-time CIA
operatives before retiring. At least
three of the Cubans had participated in
one or more CIA operations against
Castro's Cuba.
Sources said the men were told their.
Services were needed by the CIA be--
cause a large amount of money from
pro-Castro sources was being dumped
into the campaigns of Democratic presi-
dential candidates.
The four Cubans indicated at their
trial?before pleading guilty to all
charges against them?that they believ,
ed they were acting for the U.S. Gov-
eminent in a patriotic way.
It has been disclosed in the last few
days that the CIA took part in an effort
to stop leaks of sensitive material, in-
cluding the Pentagon Papers. At the re-
quest of John D. -Ehrlichman, former
chief domestic affairs adviser for
Nixon, the CIA apparently helped pre-
pare Ilunt and Liddy to break into the
Los Angeles offices of a psychiatrist
treating Dr. Daniel Ells-berg, who leaked
the Pentagon Papers to the press.
IN OTHER DEVELOPMENTS re-
. federal graud
clemency and promises to pay off the ported by Unitedfirei.6)6n.tqw.tunaL.
se.von defendants for tiAippnolviediEPr Release Zoo 4 UIALKLJP84-00499ROOD2U0010002-2
O The Florida White House denied
that President Nixon was aware before
last March of the extent of the Water-
gate scandal or of efforts to cover it up.
Gerald L. Warren, deputy press secre-
tary, made the statement in response to
published reports that former presiden-
tial counsel John W. Dean was prepared
to testify that the President knew of
high-level efforts to cover up the bug-
ging.
? A subpena was issued today for
Dean to testify under oath before the
Senate's special Watergate committee.
The question of immunity for Dean re-
mained undecided.
? A former official of President
Nixon's re-election committee, Robert
C. Odle Jr., was abruptly dropped from
an Agriculture Department post yester-
day, less than a week after he was
hired, officials said. Agriculture Secre-
tary Earl T. Butz. ordered him fired.
Odle, 29, has not been linked to the
Watergate bugging. But he served as
director of administration in the Com-
mittee to Re-elect the President and has
been named in a General Accounting
Office report as one of several men who
handled "unrecorded" campaign funds.
In Odle's case, that amounted to $3040
to $4000 used to help pay for a public
demonstration in support- of Nixon's
Vietnam policies.
Before joining the Nixon committee
in 1971, Odle had worked for two years
as an aide to Herbert Klein, White
house communications director.
? Chief U.S. District Judge John
J. Sirica granted Hunt immunity .from
further prosecution and ordered him to
testify before the Senate committee- in-
vestigating the case.
Sirica'S order was filed April 27 but
was not made public until yesterday by
reporters checking voluminous legal
documents connected with the case.
? The Senate Watergate committee
also asked for mimunity for Magruder
and the four Cuban members of the
original "Watergate Seven."
? 0 Former Assistant Attorney Gener-
al Robert C.. Mardian, who conducted a
Watergate investigation for the Re-elec-
tion Committee, appeared befin-c the
been offered.
HS/11C-
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NEWS
E - 592,616
S - 827,086
MAY 8 137,3
By RICHARD A. RYAN
-
News Washington Bureau
WASHINGTON ? CIA Director James R.
Schlesinger has confirmed that a former dep-
uty director of the agency- authorized the fur-
nishing of materials to -convicted Watergate
bugger E. Howard' 'Hunt that were subse-
quently used in the burglary of a California
psychiatrist's -office, a Michigan congressman
Says. - -
.Confirmation of the. role played by thesfore
mer deputy director, now Marine Corps ,cony
mandant Gen. Robert E. 'Cushman Jr., in pro-
viding Hunt with the materials came yesterday
telephime conversation between Schlesin-
ger and Rep. Lucien ?W:- Nedzi; Detroit; NedZi
said. ? ? .
AS Chairman of a . special :intelligence sub-
committee of the House Armed Services coin-
mittee, Nedzi is charged with investigating the-
activities of the defense intelligence agencies.
.Nedzi said his committee will begin hearings
this week in an effort to determine the exact
role of the CIA in the Los Angeles burglary
and who may have ordered Cushman to issue.
Hunt the special equipment.
Nedzi said Schlesinger told him that Hunt
was provided with a camera, a recorder, var-
ious disguises and false identification papers.
Hunt, along with fellow Watergate conspira-
tor G. Gordon Liddy, is accused of burglarizing
the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, the former
psychiatrist of Dr. Daniel Ellsbcrg, now on
trial for taking and releasing the Pentagon
Papers.
At the time of the burglary, Hunt and Liddy
were on the White House payroll. They were
involved, according to the FBI, in an "in-depth
investigation of Ellsberg to determine his
habits, mental attitudes, motives, etc."
'the two were part of a team, headed by.
John D. Ehrlichman, the former chief domes-
tic adviser to the President, in investigating
the Irak of the Pentagon Papers. Other mem-
. hers of the team were Egil Krogh, then a
- White House assisi ant and David Young, then
a member of the National Security Agency.
Following his conversation with Schlesinger,
Nedzi said, it is still unclear who instructed
Cushman to provide the materials to Hunt.
The congressman said, however, that it
would be a "reasonable assumption' that the
order to the CIA deputy director came from
someone in the White House "at a higher level '
than Hunt."
The New York Times reported yesterday
that its sources said the order came from Ehr-
lichman.
Cushman, who has been unavailable for corn-
anent, may eventually be requested to appear
before his committee, Nedzi said.
There is still a question of whether or not
Cushman was actually aware of the intended
purpose of the materials he made available to
Hunt, Nedzi added.
Schlesinger, according to Nedzi, promised
that he would conduct a thorough review of the
CIA involvement in the case and report his
findings both to the committee and, if war-
ranted, to the Justice Department for possible
prosecution.
"I'm convinced that Schlesinger is anxious
to disclose any role that the CIA may have
played in this affair," Nedzi said. "I think he
is on the level. He has been completely candid
with me."
Nedzi said that there was nothing in his con-
versation with Schlesinger that would indicate
former CIA Director Richard Helms was in-
volved in the furnishing of the materials.
Helms, who was head of the CIA at the time, is
now ambassador to Iran.
The congressman said there is a "serious
question" that the CIA violated the law by fur-
nishing equipment that was used in a domestic -
operation, "illegal or otherwise."
By statute the CIA is prohibited from taking
part in domestic affairs.
"On The surface," Nedzi said, "it certainly
appears the CIA's action was wrong."
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/1 -0
qi-
. Ca v
T. tC.1 s 4,7o.
.LLL ise.1 'kJ
Now that the Watergate investigat-
ing committee has graciously recessed,
it may interest a few people that the
'U.S. government is remarkably close
to grinding to a halt. The ultimate
eauSe is Watergate?intoxication in the
Senate, so you can blame the Presi-
dent if you choose. But the Senate is
still the body that has chosen to halt
the government in many vital ways.
To get an idea of what is happening,
you need only glance at a single area
where even the dilatory Senate used to
be capable of reasonably swift deci-
sions. In the bad old days?which some
are beginning to regard as the good
old days?the Senate cherished two
principles In dealing With vacancies in
really major government posts.
- First, the President, as head of the
executive branch, was considered to
have a right to fill major posts with
men of his choice?unless they could
be shown to have really grave deficien-
cies. Second, it was also considered im-
proper to leave posts like the secretary-
ship of defense, or the directorship of
the Central Intelligence Agency, in a
' kind of empty limbo for undue periods '
of time.
Today, however, .we have had no
Secretary 'of Defense since the Presi-
dent transferred Elliot Richardson to
the Justice Department. The CIA has
also been leader-less since the Presi-
dent decided to give the Defense De-
partment to his new CIA' director, Dr.,.
James Schlesinger, and to promote the -r
able CIA professional, William Colby, .1
to ? the directorship Schlesinger has
abandoned.
?
No senator, on the Armed Services
Committee can need to know much
more about Dr. Schlesinger, since ex-
haustive hearings were held before he
was confirmed for the CIA director- .
ship. As to Colby,. no one anywhere has
so much as whispered that 'this was
not a good choice by President Nixon.
Offically, to be sure, the hearings on t?-
Schlesinger were delayed because of
his need to attend a NATO meeting in
Europe. In reality, in view of the hear-
ings just held, 'there was no apparent .
need to question Schlesinger further.
Presumably, the Defense Depart-
ment and the CIA will now cease to be
headless in a few days' time. But this
is only because of the forceful inter-
vention Isom his hospital bed of that
relic of the more national-minded past,
the chairman of the Senate Armed-
:Forces Committee, Sen. John C.
Stennis. Until Stennis intervened, the
acting chairman, Sen. Stuart ,Syming-
ton, meant to deal with Dr. Schlesing-
er's nomination concurrently with the
vast, complex and controversial mili-
tary procurement bill which will de.
mand weeks of hearings!
This kind of senatorial ego-trip is
merely frivolous. As to what Sen. J.
PulbrIght is currently doing in
the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, uglier adjectives might well be
nnoc:. Here the problem has been. the
President's choice of four distin- ,
sedshed Foreign Service veterans for
posts here and abroad.
Pmcause of their past service in ?
outheaat Asia, the four veterans Were '-
te. ? 00;4 ?
James Sciblosin,ger
all subject to Senator lioelbright's an-
gry veto. They were saljodged to be
guilty men, and confirmation was ini-
tially refused to all four. Under heavy
pressure from the senio.? Republican
on his committee, Sen. George Aiken,
Fuibright then gave way on the nomi-
nation of the former arc:basset:1?r to
Thailand and .Italy, Graham A. Martin,
to be the new U.S. ..mbassador to
South. Vietnam.
The argument used we.: the need to
have an ambassador to deal with Presi-
dent Nguyen Van Thela at this tricky
juncture. All kinds of ego-massage, not
just for Fulbrig,ht, but also for other
committee members like Sen. Jacob
Jayits, was further demanded and 'pro-.
vided, before the confirmation of Gra-
ham Martin was reluctantly conceded.
Meanwhile, there are William E.
Sullivan, named for the Philippines; J.
lVIcIVIurtrie Godley, nominated assist-
ant secretary 'of state for East Asian
affairs; and Charles Whitehouse, for
HS/HC-.
11/ Colby
ambassador to Laos. All are men of im-
peccable character. Whitehouse is per-
haps the Foreign Service's most ad-
robed member of his rank and age. s
The charge against all of them is,
solely and simply, that they faithfully
carried out their instructions while on
? duty in Southeast Asia;
This makes you almost homesick for n
the awful McCarthy-time. After all,
Sen. Joseph McCarthy so implacably
and successfully pursued John Davies,
John Stewart Service and their col-
? leagues; on the nmicue ground of their
individual "bad judgment." What Sen-
ator Fulbrig,ritt is doing is in fact much
worse. .
He is making it a proof of fatally
`.'bad judgment" for Foreign Service
officera to execute their own govern-
ment's policy decisions. So what are P.
Foreign Service officers to do in the
future, if the Fulbright elaboration 'on P
the late McCarthy is generally. accepted? 1.
1973. Loa Anzolas Timos
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WASHINGTON, D.C.
NATIONAL oBsEavErt
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WEEKLY - 524,212
MAY 19 1973
The CIA's Link to Watergate
.11141fr
Spy Agency's Connection With Burglaries Grows
Clearer,RevivingWorries About Its Domestic Role
B, William J Lanouette ...assistant John D. Ehrlichman. Schlesin- cal analysis of Ellsberg based on a corn-
Ever since it. was discovered, in the
? predawn hours last June 17, the Water-
.: gate burglary and bugging raid on the
Democrats national headquarters had a -
-Mission: Impossible flavor to it.
The job was financed with bundles of
$100 bills. The burglars used phony names
.and forged documents, They wore rubber
gloves, and they whispered instructions
?'-through walkie-talkies. They toted bur-
s-glary tools, electronic eavesdropping gear,
and decument-copying cameras.
And, in the best traditions of real and
fictional spy thrillers, none of the seven
? dnen eventually convicted in the conspir-
..acy would reveal, the nature of his mis-
sion or the names of his superiors.
Two Career Employes
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
Was mentioned in connection with the af-
,:fair right away, in part because of the
. .:iiature of the predawn operation, and,
d':more directly, because six of the seven
;-conspirators had once worked for the
:agency. Indeed, two of them were career
dCIA employes: James W. McCord, Jr.,
;Security co-ordinator for the Nixon re-
! election committee, and E. Howard Hunt,
former White House aide.
a.d After their trial in January, McCord
emphasized that the Watergate raid was
, not a CIA operation, although three of
t? the participants had been led to believe
it was. Then last week the murky re-
? lationships between the CIA and the
Watergate Seven became a little clearer
with two revelations:
i????' McCord said that his lawyer was
prepared to argue that the raid was a
-CIA job, and that the agency's director,
d'James Schlesinger, would corroborate
?. this under oath. McCord's lawyer, Gerald
:Alch, and director Schlesinger have
'denied McCord's sworn testimony. But
..,McCord, who retired from the CIA after
7:19 years, said his lawyer had told him
that his CIA records could be altered to
show he had resumed active duty.
E. Howard Hunt said in sworn
.'testimony before the reconvened Water-
''tate grand jury that he and coconspira-
???tor G. Gordon Liddy were given equip-
?nient and assistance by the CIA while
"planning a burglary raid on the office of
Pentagon Papers defendant Daniel Ells-
'berg's psychiatrist.. This raid was planned
-and carried out in 1 71, while ttisg.
'-.Vere working aS WhiRPRIVM,PYillEM. 611
der the direction of former Presidential
ger corroborated Hunt's testimony and
said the CIA action was ill-advised.
These revelations were surprising
, enough in theinselves, giving added di-
asinension to the widening scandal that has
come to be known as the Watergate af-
fair. But even more, they call into ques-
tion the role of the CIA in domestic af-
fairs, a role that it is expressly forbidden
to have by law. It is not the first time in
recent history that the agency has been
involved in covert domestic affairs.
Ever since the CIA was organized in
1947, its principal task has been to gather
and disseminate information that might
be useful to officials in shaping America's
foreign policy. The National Security Act
of that year, which established the CIA,
said "the agency shall have no police,
subpoena, law-enforcement powers, or
internal-security functions." Yet some CIA
officials now point. to another section of
the act to justify their involvement in the
Ellsberg raid: "The director shall be re-
sponsible for protecting in
sources and methods from unauthorized
disclosure."
CIA director Schlesinger testified be-
fore a congressional committee last week
that Hunt visited the deputy director of
the CIA, Gen. Robert E. ?Cushman, Jr.,
now Marine Corps commandant, at CIA
headquarters on July 22, 1971, to ask help
in "a highly sensitive mission by the
White House to visit and elicit informa-
tion from .an individual whose ideology he
was not entirely sure of.. . ." In the course
of their interview, Schlesinger said, "Mr.
Hunt referred to Mr. Ehrlichman by name,
and General Cushman acknowledged an
earlier call from Mr. Ehrlichman to him."
'Technical Service'
Cushman subsequently ordered that
"appropriate technical service" be given
to Hunt for a burglary raid on the Bev-
erly Hills office of Dr. Lewis Fielding,
On July 23 Hunt received a Social Security
card, driver's license, and several associ-
ation-membership ?cards in the name of
Edward Joseph Warren (Hunt's alias),
a wig, glasses, and a speech-alteration
device. Later, Schlesinger told the com-
mittee, the CIA gave Hunt a tape re-
ecrcier in a typewriter case, a cam-
era disguised in a tobacco pouch, and
still later a disguise and documents for
Liddy. The agency also develorda
pilation of secondary sources.
In addition the agency allowed Liddy
and Hunt to use at least two "safe-
houses" in the Washington area to pick
up their equipment and to plan their raid.
A "safehouse," Hunt- told a Federal
grand jury, is an area of one sort or
another where people on clandestine busi-
ness are able to meet and transact their
business without fear of interruption, of
being identified, or being' overheard."
The CIA maintains dozens of these loca-
tions in the Washington area, and Hunt
remembers one of the two he used being
located across the street from the Na-
tional Cathedral, near the capital's "Em-
' bassy Row."
The raid itself, which was made on
the night of Sept. 3, 1971, involved Hunt,
Liddy, and three hirelings from Miami:
Bernard Barker, Eugenio Martinez, and
Felipe Di Diago. Barker and Martinez
were convicted in January, with Hunt,
Liddy, and three others, in the Watergate
break-in.
Before resigning as director of the
CIA last week, James Schlesinger told a'
Senate committee that his agency's in-
volvement in the raid was "an ill-advised
act." He pronaised that "regulations will
be changed to preclude such happenings''
in clandestine operations within the United
States again.
Closer Scrutiny
Several congressional subcommittees
have announced they will hold, hearings
on the CIA's involvement with the Ells-
berg case. And Pep. Edward Koch of New
York last week asked Democratic Rep.
Lucien Nedzi of Michigan, who is chair-
man of the Intelligence subcommittee of
the House Armed Services Committee, to
explore the limits of CIA authority. It was
one of many demands on Capitol Hill for
closer congressional scrutiny of the CIA..
Among the agency's recent activities
within the United States are these:
The CIA gave special training to
local law-enforcement officers in at least
12 agencies throughout the country in the
past two years, Koch said last week. He
says he is upset that despite Schlesinger's
assurance that domestic covert activities
kiRoo
letAk2.1s office4191013nd ii.1)relp:red a ps;c?hologi-
will not occur again, agency wy s still
believe that such'ApprONSO e 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-0429R000200010002-2
ized in the interests of national security.
v Between 1952 and 1966 the National
Students Association (NSA) received more
than $3 million from more than 30 phony
organizations set up by the CIA. The
money was used for "broad programs of
international affairs which worked with
other unions of students," NSA President
Wayne Groves said in 1967.
Y.' A Federal -judge was also upset at
how the Government investigated the
bombing of a CIA office in Ann Arbor,
Mich., in 1968. He criticized their actions
:by saying that "an idea which seems to
permeate much of the Government's argu-
ment [to use wire taps without court ap-
proval] is that a dissident domestic or-
ganization is akin to an unfriendly foreign
power that must be dealt with in the
same fashion."
As Schlesinger prepared to leave the
CIA following his nomination as Secre-
tary of Defense, Nixon last week named
as his successor William E. Colby, an in-
telligence officer since 1943. While Colby
shares Schlesinger's views on the need
for reorganizing and redefining the CIA's
operations, it is ,too early to know if his
approach to the job will assure that covert
domestic activities can be avoided in the
future. President Nixon made Colby's
task of conducting a house cleaning eas-
ier last week by signing into law a bill
that increases to 2,100 from 800 the num-
ber of CIA employes who can retire dur-
ing the next year.
Koch said last week that he thought the
revealed cases in which the CIA was in-
volved domestically "are the tiniest tip
of the iceberg," a viewpoint that many
on Capitol Hill are reluctantly beginning
to share. '
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BOSTON, MASS.
MORNING GLOBE
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M & S - CIRC. N-A
MAY 61973
cutter
mike
By Richard M. Weintraub
Globe Staff
erg figures
iCLCINFJ Cuisa esk
E. Howard Hunt, Bernard Barker
and several other men who have
been implicated both in the Water-
gate break-in and the break-in at
the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psy-
chiatrist have close ties . going back
? many years when they operated to-
gether within the Central Intelli-
gence Agency.
While none of those so far impli-
cated are believed to have been em-
ployed by the CIA when the inci-
dents occurred, it was revealed in
testimony by Hunt at the Pentagon
Papers trial in Los Angeles last week
that CIA men provided a camera and
disguises for the September 1971
break-in and that Hunt received, at
his request, a psychiatric profile of
Ellsberg from the CIA.
There is an "old school tie" be-
tween the men who have been impli-
cated in the Ellsberg affair and the
- Watergate break-in and the Central
Intelligence Agency, according to Dr.
Barton Whaley, a research affiliate
at MIT and an expert on intelligence
organizations.
The main link is the connection
of many .of the men involved with a
group within the CIA known as the
Cuba Plans Desk.
This desk formed around Hunt,
who was in charge of field opera-
tions for the Bay of Pigs invasion
and contained a number of people,
both American citizens and Cuban
exiles, who were rabidly opposed to
Cuban Premier Fidel Castro.
"There are few places you would
go if you were looking for a eingle
group of people who could perform
all the 'dirty tricks' from forgery to
safecracking to you-name-it. The
Cuba desk was such a place," Wha-
ley said.
"They operated throughout the
'60s as a very tight-knit, closed
group within the agency and their
independence was resented and. dis-
trusted by many others in the CIA.
This is very well known among CIA.
watchers." Approved F
Hunt quit the CIA in 1970, but
was hired in 1971 by the White
House as part of the counter intelli-
gence unit known as the Plumbers
Group to investigate the Pentagon
Papers leak. He apparently ,over a
period of time brought in a number
of others who had at one point or
another worked closely together on
the Cuba desk in the CIA.
These men could get -assistance
from some sections within the
CIA in connection with the Ellsberg
psychiatrist office break-in without
going through agency channels is en-
tirely possible, Whaley said in an in-
terview yesterday.
"In the CIA, they are used to
doing things without asking ques-
tions, especially if the person or per-
sons who asks to get something done
is well known to them in connection
with CIA work," Whaley said.
Whaley's interest in intelligence
work stems from his own involve-
ment in psychological warfare intel-
ligence during the Korean war. He
has published two books and a large
number of articles, all dealing with,.
aspects of intelligence work, guerril-
la warfare and deception operations. -
Whaley has drawn up a rough
chronology of publiy-reported
events in connection with the re-
election effort of Mr. Nixon and
Pentagon Papers incidents in which
he has noted the participation of for-
mer Cuba desk personnel.
In almost all cases, Whaley is
careful to point out that the people
involved apparently no longer were
employed by the CIA. He says, how-
ever, that the Cuba group was so
close that there likely remained per-
sonal and informal ties with people
still in the agency.
The incidents he noted, all of
which have been reported in the
press and often in grand jury teSti-
mony, are:
?The reported compilation by
Hunt in 1971 of a dossier on the inci-
dent at Chappiquiddick involving'
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, reported
by former presidential aide Charles
W. Colson,
OCTROPPAPt*Viat R?'ilrisCsria-tR(DionPoSf. "4
?The r
President Diem. of South Vietnam
during President , Kennedy's term.
Hunt is known to have tried to give
the forged documents relating to
Diem to Life magazine. ?
The break-in at Ellsberg's psy-
chiatrist's office in September 1971,
in which Hunt and Barker, Were in-
volved as well as two Cubans who
Hunt reportedly has testified were
hired to do the actual break-in. ,
? The reported wiretap in the
fall of 1971 on the 'telephones of two
New York Times reporters connected
with the Pentagon Papers leak. Hunt
and G. -Gordon Liddy, former FBI
agent and head of the White House
counter-intelligence unit, reportedly
were involved in this incident.
Hiint allegedly aided
Liddy in December 1971 in
setting up .a spy network
In Miami in connection -
vnitiv the Democratic Na-
tional Convention, This
3ar been mentioned sever-.
al:times in "leaked" testi-
mony before the grand,
jury. Hunt reportedly uti-
lized. the placement bureau
at the CIA to get names of.
"reliable people to aid in
the 'operations.
To this point. Iltmt and
Barker had beeen working
for the White House ccian-
ter-intelligence unit (the
Plumbers' group). 'ibis
Hunt.? Barker and Liddy
gronpe was disbanded and
Hunt, Barkeer and Liddy
went to work for the Corn-
rnittee ? to Re-elect the
President.
In almost all cases,
Whaley is careful to point
tont that the people in-
volved apparently no long-
er Were employed by the
CIA. He says, however,
that the Cuba group was
so cloee that there likely
remenied personal end in-
forMal lies with people
stillin the agency.
R00020004 2-2
? The incidents he rioted, LP s Vegas nowspaper ' Icaeut Ai - in the
?ll of which have /ApprOvealigpil Relemsle:10081091404G IA-RDP8430409R000200010002-2
ported in the press and Mi. Edmund S. Muskie, at McCord Jr.. former CIA
often in grand jury testi- that time the leading can- security officer but never
mony, are: didate Soz Democratic connected to the Hunt-
,
The reported compi- presidential nomination. Barker group in the ;igen- -
1ation-by Hunt in 1971 of a Hunt reportedly proposed cy ? to break into the
dossier on the incident at attempting to get the doe- McGovern bradquarteis:
Chappiquiddick involving uments, but apparently the was foiled,
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, plan never got underway.
reported by former presi- ? Liddy's secretary re- --;lotle 17, 1972. Watere.
dential aide Charles W. portedly has testified that g atE ' et-tri discovered
Colson. in early 1972 she typed re-, sod e siip caught.
? The reported forgery ports from sources within
of documents relating to Sen. Icennedy's office LicidY' Hunt'
the assassination of Presi- known. as "Ruby I, Ruby 11 BrkerSturgis, Eugenio
' dent Diem of South Viet- eind Crystal." While it is :R. Martinez and Virgilio R.
nem during President not known what these Gonzalez all were con-
Kennedy's term. Hunt is names represent, Whaley %toted in, relation to the
}clown to have tried to believes from the code Watergate hi oak-M.
give the forged documents names used that they were However, John w. Deanl
relating to Diem to Life electronic surveillance :3(1' -the l'priner White
magazine. units.
break-in at Ells-
berg's' psychiatrist's office , House
in September 1971, in
which; Hunt and Barker
were -involved as well as
two Cubans who Hunt re-
portedly has testified were
hired to do the actual
break-in.
? The reported wiretap
in the_ fall of 1971 on the
telephones of two New
,York Times reporters con-
nected with the Pentagon,
Papers leak. Hunt and G.
Gordon Liddy, former FBI'
agent and --head of the
White House counterintel-
ligence unit, reportedly
were involved, in this inci-
dent.
? Hunt allegedly aided
Liddy in December 1971 in
setting up a spy network
in Miami in connection
with the Democratic Na.-
tional Convention. This
has been mentioned sever-
al times in. "leaked" testi-
mony before the grand
jury. Hunt reportedly uti-
lized the placement bureau
at the CIA to get names of
"reliable people" to aid in
the operation.
To this point, Hunt and
Baker had been working
for the 'White house coun-
terintelligeace unit (the
Plumbers' greop). This
group was disbanded and
Hunt, *Baker and Liddy
wont, to work for the Com-
mittee to Re-Flect the
President
? in early 1972, Hunt
? reportedly mentioned that
he had heard there were
documents in the safe of a
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
--- Hunt hes been impli-
cated in the hiring in early
1972 of 30 to 40 informers
to infiltrate the headquar-
ters of Sen. Hubert II.
Humphrey, 11 eorge Mc-
Govern and Henry .Tack-
son, all contenders for the
Democratic nomination.
?In March 1972, Hunt
allegedly recruited Cubans
in Miami in connection
with, Sen. Muskie's -cam-
paign in the Florida pri-
mary, ?
?in early March 1.972,
,TItint is known to have
'gone to Denver to inter-
view ITT lobbyist Dita
Beard at her hospital.
Shortly after this visit,?
Mrs. Beard repudiated as ?
forgery her memo dealing
with 1TT contributions to
the Republican National
Convention, then planned
for San Diego.
?In May, 1972, nine
Cubans disrupted :a talk by
Ellsberg on the steps of the
Capitol. Barker has been
implicated in the hiring of
these Cubans in Miami and
tOeir transportation to
Washington. Two of :those
nine reportedly .were in-
volved eitner in the Ells-
berg psychiatrist's office
break-in or the Watergate
break-in, or both.
?May 25. First Water-
gate break-in.
?May 27, an attempt by
live men ? 13ariter, the
two Cubans, Frank A.
Sturgis, former close col-
counsel,
and
'McCord are known to have
expressed concern for their
safety because others who
night have been involved
in various phases of these
operations are still. free.
Who these people are and.
their relation to the above
activities remains an un-
answered question in the
bizarre affair.
"In their search for the
big fish in the White
House, I hope the many
investigators do not lose
sight of those much. farther
down the line who also
were involved," Whaley
Approved For ReleavoatiOCIMI:INOMIA-RDP84-00499R000249,010002-2
1 MAY 1973
Kiss'
By Kenneth,.J. Freed
LinpocistOrress
Some former staff mem-
bers of ? the National Secu-
rity Council say Henry A.
Kissinger ordered phone
taps on aides and newsmen
when Kissinger himself was
the prime source of leaks.
Kissinger denied to news-
men on at least two occa-
sions that he initiated the
electronic surveillance of
members of his staff or
newsmen, but he acknowl-
edged talking about leaks
and ways to stop them with
then FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover.
However, the sources, who
served on the NSC both dur-
ing and after the 1969-70 pe-
riod in which the phone taps
. were used, say Kissinger
himself provided the names
of the men he wanted
checked.
One of the former ? NSC
staffers said at least two of
. the newsmen whose phone
conversations were listened
to had direct and frequent
access to Kissinger and
much of their reporting was
based on what he told them.
The newsmen were CBS
diplomatic correspondent
Marvin Kalb and London
Sunday Times correspond-
ent Henry Brandon. The
sources say Kalb particular-
ly was given sensitive infor-
mation by Kissinger dealing
with Vietnam, the Mideast
and other areas they say in-
volved national security.
Among the NSC staffers
who were eavesdropped on
was Winston Lord, a key
aide to. Kissinger, Helmut
Sonnenfeldt recently nomi-
nanted as undersecretary of
the treasury, and Morton
Halperin, an agency cors,ult-
ant who. left in 1970.
The bug on Halperin is
the only one publicly ac-
knowledged by the Nixon
administration, with Kis-
ger's Exam
7,,s No.
singer saying the surveil-
lance showed nothing to in-
dicate his former aide had
ever been indiscreet or
leaked classified informa-
tion.
- Other newsmen whose
phones were tapped in their
homes and, sometimes, of-
fices included New York
Times reporters Hedrick
Smith and William Beecher.
However, the former NSC
aides said they did not know
if Kissinger requested and
approved the taps on ary
newsmen other than Kan
and Brandon.
According to ' these
sources, the taps were
pl'aced on these. newsmen
and NSC aides at Kissing-
er's request in 1969 and
1970. They also claim there
were other taps made after
the February 1971 date on .
which Kissinger said _lie
stopped receiving reports
from such surveillance.
The sources said Kissing-
er's actions could be ex-
plained in several ways:
First, that in the case of his
aides he wanted to check
that they were following the
Nixon administration posi-
tion and, second, to insure
that they were personally
loyal to him.
One former aide said Kis-
singer would accept polijical
dissent but was outraged if
he suspected any of his ems
ployes of personal disloyalty
or even discontent over
workings conditions.
As to the newsmen, the
sources say even though
Kissinger himself gave re-
porters much sensitive in-
formation, he was not satis-
fied their stories always re-
flected the view he wanted
expressed.
Therefore, if the reporters
indicated they had obtained
information independently
ws 'Leak'
Or disagreed with adminis-
tration policies, Kissinger
wanted to know about it, the
sourees said. The former
.NSC staffers actually
laughed when told that
some Nixon administration
sources defended Kissing-
er's actions as designed to
clear his aides of suspicion.
. Another administration
source who has seen some of
. the reports from the wire-
taps says none ever indi-
cated any disclosure of vital
information that could have
compromised national secu-
rity.
There was some indication
of newsmen picking up guid-
ance as to government pol-
icy, he said, "but most of
what went on between Kis-
singer's people and report-
ers was an exercise in ego-
tism?the newsman swelling
up over his inside informa-
tion and the tipster trying
to be impressive with how
inside he was."
But, according to the for-
mer Kissinger workers it
was their former boss who
gave out important material
to newsmen dealing with
American military and nego-
tiating tactics for Vietnam
and for the strategic arms
limitation talks (SALT) with
the Russians.
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Approved For Rele
I'VAS:27:717:0.7 STMt
20011441W: diA3-RDP84-00499R0,00.4019.902-2
altrgi u
J.1
Former White House
counsel John W. Dean III
says he believes that the
Nixon administration is
inveighing national securi-
ty- to force him to give
"very limited testimony"
in Watergate investiga-
tions.
Associates of Dean, who
was fired by President
Nixon after becoming
deeply implicated in the
Watergate scandal, have
offered further details
behind his statement yes-
terday charging an
"ongoing effort" to see
that he does not tell all he
knows to a grand jury or
to the Senate.
His complaint inthat
statement that someone
was trying to put
"restrictions" on his testi-
mony was meant as a ref-
erence to restraints in the
name of national security
as well as claims of privi-
leged communications
with the President, his
associates said.
These sources said that
the stationing of FBI and
Secret Service guards to
watch over Dean's files at
his White House office was
behind his complaint that
he was being kept from
"obtaining relevant infor-
mation and records."
DEAN'S STATEMENT
yesterda y also said there
were attempts to influence
how federal prosecutors
handled his testimon y ? a
reference, associates said,
to what Dean considers to
be pressure to deny him
immunity from prosecu-
tion.
In discussing Dean's
suggestion that efforts
were being made to
"discredit me" or to "get
me," associates cited a
statement broadcast b y
CBS News that Dean did
not want to go to prison
principal) y because he
was fearful of being mo-
lested sexually.
That is " a lie spread by
his enemies," one asso-
ciate said.
The argumentA _that
oared
"national secant -
siderations dictated that
data relating to the Water-
gate affair should not be
given to investigators was
used by Dean himself,
another former White
House aide, Charles W.
Colson, has declared.
In an in; erview with FBI
agents, made public yes-
terda y during the Penta-
gon Papers trial in Los
Angeles, Colson said that
the issue had come up at a
meeting with Dean when
the y were discussing what
he would sa y about FBI
questioning of him on the
Watergate affiar.
COLSON SAID that he
asked what he would do if
the agents quizzed him
about a bunglary that was
related to government at-
tempts to probe the leak of
the Pentagon Papers to
the newspapers. That bur-
glary, of a psychiatrist's
office in Los Angeles in
1971, has been related to
the Watergate scandal
because it was carried out
by some of the same men
convicted of the Watergate
break-in.
Dean advised him "that
if asked, he was not to dis-
cuss the matter inasmnch
as it was a national securi-
ty matter of the highest
classification," Colson
said.
According to Colson's
testimony, he received the
same instructions from
Ehrlichman in March or
April of this year.
Meanwhile, there were
these other developments
in the Watergate affair:
0 Former Nixon campaign
treasurer Hugh W. Sloan
Jr., in sworn testimony
released yesterday, said
that a number of high Nix-
on campaign and adminis-
tration officials were
aware ? or had reason to
be aware ? last summer
that the scandal might
reach higher in the gov-
ernment than was being
publicly acknowledged.
0 Gen. Robert E. Cush-
ROMA-ICAO
JAMES R. SCHLESINGER
source of authority for the
CIA to help equip the men
taking part in the
psychiatrist's office bur-
glary, was preparing an
affidavit on his role. Csh-
man was scheduled to
appear soon before two
Senate committees prob-
ing CIA involvement, per-
haps later today. Aides to
the general have been in-
dicating the general did
not know what the men in
the burglary were plan-
ning.
0 A CIA psychiatrist told
senators yesterday that
the personality profile he
CIA-RDR844049R00020901i1002-2
'continued
Approveclipr Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-0499R000200010002-2
Darnel Ellsberg, accused
of stealing the Pentagon
Papers, was the first of its
kind ever made on an
American citizen. The pro-
file was prepared as part
of the same Pentagon
Papers leak-plugging ef-
fort which involved the
burglary of the office of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Former CIA Director
Richard Helms is sched-
uled to appear early next
week to tell what, if any-
thing, he knows about the
CIA role in the buglary
episode.
Nixon campgian aide
Sloan, in his sworn testi-
mony made pblic yester-
day, indicated that Mau-
rice H. Stans, chief fund-
raiser of the Nixon
campgian in 1972, had
some inkling of the bug-
ging scandal last summer.
Sloan recounted how he
became suspicious of the
large amount of money
being given Watergate
conspirator G. Gordon
Liddy, and asked Stans if
deputy campaign director
Jeb Stuart Magruder had
the authority to approve
such disuursements.
Stans checked with
campaign director John N.
Mitchell ? also indicted in
the New York case yester-
day ? who said Magruder
did have the authority,
Sloan said.
HE SAID, "I believe I
expressed concern gener-
ally (to Stans) about the
fact that the totals were
mounting up without any
knowledge on our part of
what, in fact, had hap-
pened to our money."
Stans replied, Sloan
said, "I don't want to
know, and you don't want
to know."
Sloan also said that fol-
lowing the June 17 arrests,
Magruder asked Sloan to
perjure himself at any
forthcoming trial regard-
ing how much money
Sloan had given Liddy.
Sloan said he refused to
perjure himself ? and did
not do so ? and said he
began attempting to alert
higher-ups in the Nixon
Administration about what
apparently was going on.
But Dwight Chapin, then
the President's appoint-
ments secretary, brushed
him off by saying:
" . . . (1) you are over-
wrought, and (2) the im-
portant thing is to protect'
the President, and (3) you
ought to take a vacation."
He then went to John D.
Ehrlichma, then head of
the President's domestic
counsel and one of the top
presidential advisors, he
said.
"I think I got as far as
saying there were funds
that I did not know where
they went, and there might
be a connection with the
situation. He told me to go
no further, that he didn't
want any of the details, if I
had any personal prob-
lems I had a special rela-
tionship with the White
House and they would be
glad to arrange anaattor-
ney.
"I said, 'That isn't my
concern. I just want you to
know there is a problem
over there,' and he said
his position was that he
would have to take execu-
tive privilege until after
the election in any case."
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2
Hsifieeritir
Approved For Relizqe8
Kissinger
And
Helms
By James Reston
WASHINGTON, May 17?The more
you analyze the testimony in the
Vhtergate scandals, the more you
have to wonder about the closed at-
mosphere or "don't call me" system
around the White House in which
all these extraordinary events occurred.
Messrs. Haldeman and Ehrlichman
were victims of it, both of them de-
scribed by the President as exemplary
public servants, which in his mind
They undoubtedly were. But now even
Henry Kissinger is charged with dui
bious conduct, because he too is
apparently invlved in cooperating too
much with the White House closed-
circuit system.
How could Mr. Kissinger agree to bug
ging his own friends and colleagues
on the National Security Council staff
in the White House, it is asked. And
how could Richard Helms, former head
of the C.I.A., allow the agency to be
used in a domestic conspiracy, with-
out challenging the White House staff
and expressing his doubts and objec-
tions directly to the President?
Probably the simplest part of the
answer is that the best of men love
power and position, and do things or
fail to do things that keep them in
power even when they have their own
moral doubts. The men around Presi-
dent Johnson in the White House had
a phrase for it: At the end of tiresome
arguments about whether Johnson's
policies in Vietnam were right or
wrong, they would argue that "we
have only one client?the President of
the United States."
This, of course, was precisely the
fatal assumption of men like Halde-
man and Ehrlichman, only they didn't
put it into such a tidy and vulnerable
phrase. But Kissinger and Helms were
never in such close personal relation-
ships with Mr. Nixon. They never had
such ties of loyalty over so many
years, and yet somehow they went
WASHINGTON
along with ambiguous and dubious
things that troubled them morally, and
they now find themselves in a very
awkward position.
Oil- : CIA-RDP84-00499ROOW0010002-2
One has to be very careful with this
discussion of power, ambition, loyalty
and morality. It involves delicate mo-
tives and private philosophies and cal-
culations no outsider can possibly
know. For example, before he left
Washington for Paris to try to save
the Vietnam peace agreement; Mr. Kis-
singer made clear to General Haig and
others in the White House?one source
says also to the President personally
?that if his moral authority was in
question as a result of his part in the
telephone bugs of his own staff, then
he would resign at once.
Ill -
It is hard to see how this would
improve any part of this dismal busi-
ness. Things are bad enough as they
are with the critical Brezhnev meet,
ing, the arms control and SALT talks,
and the European conference corning
up. The atmosphere of the Nixon sys-
tem is really at the bottom of this
whole thing, and it has to be under-
stood.
According to F.B.I. sources, the
White House, worried about leaks of
security information in the news-
papers, and even suspicious about Kis-
singer, who was known to have friends
in, the press, authorized the taps on
the reporters and on Kissinger's staff
and then asked him to cooperate in
the operation, and talked to the late
J. Edgar Hoover about the importance
of making the Government's com-
munications secure.
Mr. Kissinger went. along with this.
Some reports say he took the lead in
it; but either way, in the atmosphere
of doubt, suspicion, and even hostility
on the Haldeman-Ehrlichman side of
the White House, he either had to op-
pose the bugging, in which case he
would have been suspected of trying
to cover up his own people, or he had
to go along with it, or oppose it on
moral grounds and get out.
Maybe he should have got out, at
least after he had negotiated the cease--
fire in Paris, and maybe Dick Helms
should have gone to the President
when the President's men were getting
the C.I.A. involved in improper and
even illegal activities; but the point is
that the Nixon personality and the
Nixon staff system don't encourage
candor. They require loyalty and obedi-
ence, not doubts, questions or criti-
cisms. The Nixon system is to work
through the staff. The staff is suspi-
cious of anybody who questions what
the President is doing. There are no
rules that say Kissinger and, Helms
cannot defy the system and insist on
confronting the President, but it is
hard to remember a man around Wash-
ington in the last generation who
walked into the Oval Room of the
White House and challenged the Presi-
dent, his policies and his staff.
Staff officers, no matter who they
are, don't put their careers on the line.
Cabinet members from John Gardner
under Johnson to George Romney
under Nixon, tend to swallow their
differences with Presidents and go
away in silence.
It takes a bold man to tell the Presi-
dent and his staff the truth, no matter
how much it hurts, And this Mr. Nixon
has discouraged from the time he
walked into the White House.
or Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
NEW YORK TIMES
Approved Fos ReleavadOtOMAC0419QA-RDP84-00499R00049010002-2
C.I.A. Doctors Say Ellsberg Is First
?
American Given 'Personality Assessment'
Project Made 2 `Appehensive
By MARJORIE HUNTER
Special to The New York Times
WASHINGTON, May 10?
Two medical officials of the
,Central Intelligence Agency told
a Senate subcommittee today
that a "personality assessment"
made on Dr. Daniel Ellsberg
was the first that the agency
had ever made on an American
citizen.
The agency has been con-
ducting such personality stu-
dies for many years, the of-
ficials said, but only of for-
eign leaders.
- The testimony was given by
Dr. John R. Tietjen, director
of medical services for the
C.I.A., and Dr. Bernard Mal-
loy, chief of the agency's psy-
chiatric division, at a closed
meeting of a Senate Appropria-
tions subcommittee inquiring in-
to the involvement of the agen-
cy in the burglary at the office
of Dr. .Ellsberg's former psy-
chiatrist.
. The doctors, questioned as
they emerged from the meet-
ing, said that so far as they
had been able to determine, the
Ellsberg personality assessment
was the only one the agency
had ever made on an American.
They declined to answer fur-
ther questions posed by news-
men. No transcript of their
testimony was made available.
However, Senator John L.
McClellan, chairman of the Sen-
ate Appropriations Committee
and of the subcomittee conduct-
ing the inquiry, said later that
the agency's doctors had testi-
fied that "they were apprehen-
sive throughout the project"
and had mentioned these
doubts to their superiors, in-
cluding the Director and Dep-
uty Director of the C.I.A.
Said to Have Had Doubts
Richard M. Helms, now Am-
bassador to Iran, was the agen-
cy's director at the time of the
Ellsberg personality assessment
in the summer and fall of 1971,
and Gen, Robert E. Cushman:
Jr., now commandant of the
Marine Corps, was the Deputy
Director.
Senator McClellan, Democratl
of Arkansas, said that the com-
mittee considered it essential;
to hear front both Mr. Helms;
and General Cushman "at the
earliest time possible."
General Cushman has cut:
short a European tour and is!
expected to testify tomorrow'
before a Senate 41rmed Serv- Helio
ices subcommittee, headed .by
Senator Stuart Symington,
Democrat of Missouri. That
committee is also inquiring itno
C.I.A. involvement in the Pen-
tagon papers case.
Senator McClellan said that
he had asked the State De-
partment to contact Ambas-
sador Helms about appearing
"and we hope to hear his testi-
mony next week?early next
week, I might add."
The chairman had indicated
earlier that the subcommittee
might also want to question
John D. Ehrlichman, who re-
signed as President Nixon's
chief domestic adviser last
week as disclosures of White
House involvement in the
;Watergate scandal were un-
:folding.
White House involvement in
the preparation of the Ellsberg
personality assessment was of-
ficially confirmed yesterday by
the C.I.A. director, James R.
Schlesinger. He told the Mc-
Clellan subcommittee that Da-
vid R. Young, Jr., a White House
aide at the time, had asked
the agency to prepare such a
report on Dr. Ellsberg in the
latter part of July, 1971.
Dr. Ellsberg is on trial in
Los Angeles on Federal charges
of theft, espionage and con-
spiracy involving the copying
and alter disclosure Of the Pen-I
tagon papers an United States
involvement in Vietnam.
Helms' Approval Reported
Mr. Schlesinger testified that
Mr. Helms, then the C.I.A. di-
rector, had instructed officials
of the agency to work with Mr.
Young and that the agency's
decision to prepare the Ellsberg
study "apparently was ap-
proved by Mr. Helms."
Mr. Schlesinger said that two
profiles on Dr. Ellsberg ? were
prepared and sent to the White
House. He said that the first
had been compiled from "raw
material" such as newspaper
and magazine articles and Gov-
ernment documents supplied
by Mr. Young. This material,
he said, "was judged insuffi-
cient" by the White House.
Additional material, includ-
ing classified information from
the Justice and State Depart-
ments, was given to the agency,
according to Mr. Schlesinger,
and the final document was
delivered to the White House
by Dr. Malloy on Nov. 12, 1971.
"Agency records indicate
reviousiv
kOlto:ug
pproved rorc elaSet el
II I
I ?
indicating he had read both re-
ports," Mr. Schlesinger testi-
fied.
'A Serious Impropriety'
The intelligence agency has
admitted furnishings disguises
and other materials used by E.
Howard Hunt Jr., a former
White House aide who has con-
fessed a role in the burglary
of the psychiatrist's office in
the fall of 1971.
Asked today if he felt that
the agency had violated the
law, Senator McClellan re-
plied: "I would not make a
final decision on that. But it
was, to say the least, a serious
impropriety."
The charter, the Na-
tional Security Act of 1947,
stipulates that the agency
"shall have no police, sub-
poena, law-enforcement powers
or internal security functions."
Internal security, espionage and
sabotage. are under the juris-
diction of the Justice Depart-
ment.
-RD 00010002-2
ritrcYclA ftlIt
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I Bill Anderson
How Cushman told Ehrlichman
WASHINGTON?The commandant of
the United States Marine Corps., Gen.
Robert E. Cushman Jr., is expected to
be in .Los Angeles today to testify be-
Tore a grand jury about what the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency did and didn't
do in the burglary of the office of the
former psychiatrist of Daniel Ellsberg.
The record in this case has unfolded
in bits and pieces. The first disclosure
on May 7 of CIA involvement was
displayed in a sensational manner thru-
out much of the country. There was
one gar bled _account [quoting
"sources"] that seemed to irriplicate
Cushman [a former deputy director of
'the CIA] in the illegal act.
This column's research into the mat-
ter shows that Cushman is as "clean as
6 hound's tooth"?and actually dis-
played a great deal of executive cour-
age in saying "no" to John Ehrlichman,
President Nixon's ex-chief ,of domestic
affairs. The general also displayed his
responsibility to the Congress, which
has a "watchdog" committee oversee-
ing the activities of the CIA.
From our own perspective, we would
like to note that Gen. Cushman has
known President Nixon for. many years
[as it was reported here Feb. 5, 1973].
When Mr. Nixon was Vice President,
Cushman, then a colonel, went thru
some very interesting and hard times
with the Nixon staff as the Pentagon's
liasion officer for international security
affairs.
However, as a result of that close
HS/HC-
association with Nixon, some people,
including a few Marines, complained,
that it was friendship rather than merit
that took Cushman to the top of the
corps. The facts are otherwise because
Cushman actually rose in rank to com-
mand posts [including assignments in
Viet Nam combat] in two other admin-
istrations. Senior marine officers told
this column at the time of Cushman's
appointment that it was a very profes-
sional and good choice.
And there now comes testimony to
show that Cushman refused "to go
along to get along" when he was depu-
ty director of the CIA. From an undis-
puted affidavit, we can report here that
Ehrlichman called Cushman on April 7,
1971, and directed Cushman to give E.
Howard Hunt [a former CIA agent]
assistance.
Ehrlichman had been designated
White House coordinator to investigate
and stop security leaks: He identified
Hunt to Cushman as a "consultant"
on security matters. The 1947 law es-
tablishing the CIA makes the agency
responsible to both Congress . and the
President, -Cushman properly recog-
nized the call as a command and as a
result later directed the CIA's technical
services division to furnish Hunt with
false papers and disguises.
All that Hunt would tell Cushman in
a brief interview on July 22 was that
the equipment was needed for a "one-
time" operation "for a good purpose in
the interests of the country." Cushman,
tho, had the good sense to insert the
interview at the time into the CIA's log
[which would be available to Congress]'
and report the matter to his then supe-
rior, Richard Helms, director of the
CIA.
And very quickly Cushman began to
smell a rat after his own employes at
the working level of the CIA began to
tell of strange additional requests
which Hunt was making without going
to Cushman. Once, Hunt asked for a
secretary in Paris. Altho none of
Hunt's real activities were known to
Cushman then, the general blew the?
whistle on him in less than a month.
Cushman ordered all subordinates in
the CIA to break off the connection,
with Hunt and then called Ehrlichman
on Aug. 27, 1971. The general told Ehrl-
ichman [who was in effect an official
superior of Cushman] that the assist-
ance was being stopped "because it
might possibly be construed as involv-
ing the agency in. illegal activities."'
[The burglary in Los Angeles took
place Sept. 3, 1971?seven days later.]
The general's sworn testimony also
said, "1 also advised him [Ehrlichman]
that in my opinion Mr. Hunt was of
questionable judgment. He should know
better than to even ask for such
support."
Our reason for presenting this column
today is a belief that some of the initial,
fragmented stories were excessively un-
fair to Gen. Cushinan?and indirectly to
the Marine Corps he represents.
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NEWSWEEK
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SPREADING STIVN?
k? ?
JUSTiCf:
A elTP C
Bios' EsuC1eiAmae
l) Lo sagrob,...
The spreading stain- of Watergate has how many of his close associates had from CIA files, but later refused further
dealt a punishing blow to the prestige been implicated. aid. Deputy CIA director Vernon A.
and authority of the White House, but la THE FBI: Former acting director L. Walters, under orders from Presidential
it has tarnished other agencies of the Patrick Gray III has admitted giving aides hI.R. Haldeman, Ehrliehman and
government as well, The damage so far: White House counselor John W. Dean Dean, helped to stall an FBI investiga-
DEPARTMEVf OF JUSTICE: Former At- III free access to Watergate files, even tion of the financing of the Watergate
tonic): General John ?Mitchell conducted after he began to suspect Dean and oth- mission. There was a concerted White
strategy sessions in his office at which err, of manipulating the FBI and the House effort to pm the bugging on the
G. Gordon Liddy reportedly proposed CIA in the cover-up. Gray accepted and CIA,- but Helms never protested to Mr.
?mugging, bugging, kidnaping, and even destroyed two files from burglar E. How- Nixon or reported these activities to the
a prostitution squad," and James Mc- ard Hunt's White House safe, given to CIA's Congressional watchdogs.
Cord Jr. says Liddy told him that Mitchell him by John Ehrlichman and Dean. Gray DEPARTMENT OF STATE:- Under orders
specifically approved the Watergate also allowed Ehrhehman to cancel a from the White House, Hunt x'as given
break-in. Robert Mardian, Mitchell's pro- meeting he had arranged with CIA di- access to 240 secret State Department
tege formerly in charge of the depart- rector Richard Helms to compare notes cables from which he falsified docu-
ment's internal Security Division, is said on the cover-up?and he never sched- ments linking John F. Kennedy to the
to have opened the department's files to ulecl another, assassination of South Vietnamese Presi-
Liddy and E. Howard Hunt a year be- lg THE CIA: Two Watergate burglars, dent Ngo Dinh Diem.
fore the break-in, McCord says he re- McCord and Hunt, were ex-CIA men THE SEC: After a New York grand '
eeived daily reports on the comings and who had served nineteen and 21 years jury reported that he had improperly
goings .of Democratic Presidential candi- with the agency. The CIA provided handled an SEC complaint against in-
dates from Mardian's unit. Mitchell was Hunt and Liddy with wigs, voice distort- dieted financier Robert . Vesco, SEC
indicted in the Vesco influence-peddling ers, false papers and a special camera to chairman G. Bradford Cook resigned.
case. His successor, Richard Kleindienst, use in the Ellsberg burglary. Former His predecessor, William J. Casey, now
who has managed somehow to stay clear CIA director Richard Helms agreed to an Under Secretary of State, was also
of the taint so far, was forced nonethe- give the White House "plumbers" a psy- under fire last week for SEC decisions
less to resign on April 30 after learning chiatric profile of Ellsberg assembled involving Veseo and ITT.
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171k SHOGTON POST
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General Says
Warned
About Hunt
LOS ANGELES, May 29
(UPI)?Marine Corps Gen.
Robert Cushman said today
that convicted Watergate
conspirator E. Howard Hunt
was "like a bull in a China
shop" while. preparing for
the Ellsberg burglary. Tie
said he warned the White
House that he thought Hunt
was "quest ion able."
. Cushman made the 're-
marks to newsmen after his
testimony before a county ?
grand jury probing the CIA
role in the burglary.
Cushman, now Marine
commandant, was deputy
director of the CIA at the
time of the 1971 break-in of
the office of Daniel Ells-
berg's psychiatrist.
Cushman was asked by
presidential aide John Ehr-
lichman to provide a dis-
guise and false identifica-
tion to Hunt, who directed
the burglary and was con-
victed in .the Watergate ?
bugging affair. ,
Cushman would not dis-
cuss specifics of his testi-
mony before the county
grand jury. "I told them
ev-
erything I knew. Whether it
would be helpful, I couldn't
- say."
Cushman, asked whether.
he felt his "trust" was vio-
lated, said he believed that
Hunt did so but "I have no
way of telling" if Ehrlich
man did. "T certainly think
was put upon," the general
said.
Cushman said he called
Ehrlichman and told him
Hunt was of "questionable
justice" and then ? cut off
all CIA assistance.
Esillc-
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liEVV YORK TIMES
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Cushman Says Hunt 'Violated Trust'
T
Special to The New York Times _
LOS ANGELES, May 29 ?
Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr.,!
former deputy director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, told a Los An-
geles grand jury today that E.
Howard Hunt Jr. had "violated",
his "trust" by involving the;
C.I.A. in the burglary of the
office of Dr. Daniel Ellsberg's!
psychiatrist.
General Cushman, now corn-i
mandant of the Marine Corps,'
was the opening witness before:
the grand jury, which is in-i
uvestigating the break-in of Dr.
Lewis Fielding's office on Sept.
3, 1971. Hunt has admitted
having a role in the burglary
while acting as a White House
consultant.
At a news conference after
his testimony today, General
Cushman said John D. Ehrlich-
man, then President Nixon's
chief domestic adviser, had
called him in July, 1971, and
asked him to aid Hunt.
Hunt, General Cushman said,
a C.I.A. employe for 20 years,
told him that he had a "very
sensitive interview" to conduct,
and needed such things as false
identification papers and a wig.
General Cushman said he had
agreed to the requests, but sub-
sequently became suspicious
when Hunt began asking for
further help including an of-
fice and a secretary.
General Cushman said he had
then called Mr. Ehrlichman and
told him that the agency could
no longer aid Hunt, and that
he considered the former agent
to have "questionable" judg-
ment. Several days later the
break-ha occurred at Dr. Ells-
berg's psychiatrist's in Bever-
ley Hills.
Asked how he felt after
learning about the burglary,
General Cushman said, "I cer-
tainly think I was put upon"
by Hunt. Asked if he felt the
same way about Mr. Ehrlich-
man, the general declined to
comment, saying he did not
know how much Mr. Ehrlich-
man knew about Hunt's
activities.
When reporters asked Gen-
eral Cushman's reaction to the
fact tliat Hunt had continued
to work for the White House
after Mr. Ehrlichman had been
told that Hunt had question-
able judgment, the general
said: "I wish they had taken
my advice."
In June, 1972, Hunt was in-
volved in the Watergate
break-in, for which he was
subsequently convicted.
The grand jury investigation
here will focus an Mr. Ehrlich-
man and his former deputy,
Egil Krogh Jr. Mr. Ehrlidhman
had over-all supervision of a
group called the "plumbers,"
including Hunt, who were
charged with plugging security
leaks. Mr. Krogh was in direct
command of the group and has
reportedly approved le
break-in of the office of Dr.
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
The New York Times reporte
on Sunday that Federal investi-
gators in Washington consid-
ered the break-in here, and
subsequent attempts to cover it
up, as central to their case
against Mr. Ehrlichman and
H. R. Haldeman, President
Nixon's former chief of staff.
Aides to District Attorney
Joseph P. Busch of Los Angeles
County do not believe that the
two investigations will conflict.
One source said today that the
Federal injury would probably
focus on such crims as obstruc-
tion of justice, while the local
investigation wou'ld confine it-
self to the break-in, and those
who might have planned it.
General Cushman tstified to-
day because he will be unavail-
able when the grand jury hears
the rest of the case beginning
on June 5. Hunt and his ac-
complies in the burglarly have
been granted immunity to test-
ify here. Mr. Ehriclman, Mr.
Krogh, and a former White
House counsel, Charles Colson,
are othenprospective witnesses.
Seek I
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Approved For Rel -2%4
01%94 IMA-RDP84-00499R00(4p0010002-2
Ewa ANGELZS TIMES
tarine
to Cat
,I? t 4 1,4* ad-
tr:"A C (fL)
Items or reak-rin
office 13 days after Ehrlichman's
call and requested 'papers and a dis-
guise so he could conduct a very
sensitive interview and not reveal
his identity."
'TJunt was given a false driver's
license, cYc glasses, a wig and a
speech alteration device at Cush_
Would Not Have Permit-tee
Use for Illegal Project,
Ex-Agency Official Says
WILLIAM PAM?.
Times Staff Writer
"I certainly feel I was put upon:'
Marine Corps Commandant Robert
Cushman Jr. said, Tuesda.y about the
deception. used in getting him to
isstue CI.1 equipment to persons in-
volved in the break-in at the office
of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
The-year-old former deputy di-
rector of the. CIA made the remark
to newsmen after emerging from a
half-hour appearance before the Los
Angeles County Grand .1trry.
Cushman's comment about being
"put upon" specifically referred to
Howard Ilium, who v..as a White
}louse consultant at the time be
sought help from the CIA in the
summer of 1971.
The four-star general stopped
short of being similarly critical of
former presidential adviser John
Ehrlichman, who called him .July 7,
1971, and asked him to "give a hand'
to Hunt on a national security mat-
ter. .
? Bequest for CIA Assistance
Cushman said beh d "no \\ a,v id
telling" whether Illirlichtuan knew
that limit bad all illegal piolect in
rnind when he rogue-led the CIA
equIpMent.
l001: Ille111 at their ?vord," he
added.
lie said lid never would have au-
thorized issuance of the equipmk:nt
to I runt lc.;t1 he '.e'' ii 11 wo?,11,1
used in connection with Cii
in.
Asked if Ehrlicliman
the Pre. lent dtirin'2, .1?Th 7 con-
versatio CI slmr n rep :Hi. 1
his (1Thrlielurt;ut) ll
:didn't h,\ Ii
' A t v9-1, %r. pproved
therecut's! for -: c. the
general' sarl, ..?.e ea) idea
whethei la ('i 1 o: if he
kiii'iv;t! na'n "
(IU5i1iFIli.ill Ii !'a t Ole to hi;
man's direction. and later was
issued a camera and small tape ree-
ori r.
".1I puzzling aspect of this case is
why be wanted that stuff. You
would think he would have request-
ed lock picks," Cushman said,
. Asked ii lie voold have issued loci.:
picks had they been requested,
Cushman said, "-Oh Lord rio."
Hunt has admitted pltmning the
break-in along with another conYict-
ed Watergate coconspirator, Co Coma
don Liddy, but the actual entry into
the Heverly Hills office of Lewk
1. Fielding WaS made by three
bans.
Cushman said that he leal?ned th
also hAi obtained a (IL:guise
from the CIA, even though it 11:A1
not been specifically au-
thorized.
Cushman said he became
concerned about Hunt's
"questionatile - judgment"
by late August of 1911.
The general said Hunt's
request f or conditional
CIA assistance in opening
an office and establishing
a telephone monitoring
system made him suspect
"that it was more than a
one-time interview he was
engaged in."
He called Ehrlichman to
complain about H u n t' s
"escalation" of involve-
ment with the CIA, the
general said, adding Eh-
rlichman responded by
saying,"OEI, I'll restrain
him.
"This let us off the
hook," Cushman said.
? Had II1hrlichman insist-
ed on continuing CIA help
for Cushman said
he would have had two al-
. ternatives, "I could go
along or I could resign."
- He said he heard no
further about Hunt until
the latter was arrested in-
side the Democratic head-
quarters at Watergate.
"For nil 1 knew, he had
droppedoff the face of the
earth," Cushman said. .
It as not until Hunt's in-
volvement in the Fielding
break-in was revealed at
the Pentagon Papers trial
here that Cushman
learned the CIA equip-
ment was used in connec-
tion with the attempt to
,fi?ielf17,11sberg's psychiatric
63.
Cushman was allowed to
testify a week before full
,7rand jury hearings on the
break - in are scheduled.
The early appearance was
arranged by D s t. :1tty.
Joseph Busch to allow
C U shman to heel) 11 i s
scheduled military com-
mitments.
a
HS/HC-;
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HOUSTON POST
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(Even CIA wouldn't go tor Brownie points '
Watergate a 'covert action' folly
By DONALD R. MORRIS
Post News Analyst -
-
In the intelligence community there is a
precise term which covers the entire range
of activities carried out by the Watergate sus-
pects. It is "covert action", and it refers to
clandestine (and usually illegal) efforts to
influence the course of poli-
tical events abroad.
The CIA is charged (through
various National Security Coun-
cil Intelligence Directives) with
the conduct of covert action
abroad, and it is thoroughly
familiar with the entire .gamut
of such operations, as well as
AL with the means and techniques
of mounting them.
The United States has mount-
ed such operations in the past, and will no
doubt mount them again, but for several rea-
sons they are far less common than one might
suspect.
To begin with, the best of them are hardly
more than pin-pricks, which can only rarely
swing elections cc appreciably dent public
opinion trends. (Had all the political sabotage
generated by the Watergate crew been con-
ducted by the Democrats against the Repub-
licans, the 1972 election figures would hardly
have differed.)
The CIA, which has other fish to fry, does
not like to waste time and money collecting
the minor Brownie points that are the only
gain to be milked from most forays into covert
action.
An even greater bar to covert action is its
horrendous, flap potential ? as Watergate
makes all too clear. No intelligence official
in his right mind (and the overwhelming
majority of them are in their right minds)
would dream of approving unnecessary covert
action unless the need were imperative and
the risk of attribution minimal. ,
"Mission Imposshle" to the contrary, pro-
fessional intelligence activity is predicated on -
minimal risk.
- Then, too, most of the CIA's expertise in
covert action comes not from mounting such
operations itself, but from countering Soviet
ones. In almost two decades of service, for
ever Y covert action operation I know of, I
was involved in coping with at least 20 So-
viet capers.
Watergate started with the establishment in
the White House staff of what was in effect a
CIA-type Field Station to conduct domestic
covert action.
The genesis is not yet clear, but in De-
cember 1971 Jeb Magruder (Haldeman's
aide) and Herbert Porter asked Gordon Liddy
to develop such a unit. The professional intel-
ligence background arrived with Howard
Hunt, an ex-CIA official? and McCord (also
ex-Agency and a technical services expert)
and Segretti were soon in business.
inese tour men were the equivalent of the
"case officers" responsible for recruiting
subordinates and implementing the operations
they themselves or their superiors suggested.
Apparently there were several "branch
chieis" who could approve the various opera-
tions or nauthorize their funding. Liddy and
Hunt both reported to Egil Krogh (Ehrlich-
marts aide), although Hunt reported primarily
to Charles Colson (who was a Special Counsel
to the President). Segretti reported to Dwight
Chap.:, who with Gordon Stachan had hired
him. And both Chapin and Strachan were as-
sistants to Haldeman.
The extravagant flurry of names, of titles, Of
missing files and transferred funds still tends
to blur the outlines of this covert action "Sta-
tion." The case officers are known, as are the
branch chiefs.
Still unidentified are the equivalents of the
"Chief of Operations" and the "Chief of Sta-
tion" ? the COS professional parlance?him- ?
self, Functionally, they must have existed.
And on their identification hangs the fate of
an administration.
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WASHING ON POST
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CIA Official Felt Aide Spoke for Nixon
By Laurence Stern
Washington Post Staff Writer
Gen. Robert H. Cushman
Jr. said yesterday he as-
'slimed it was on President
Nixon's behalf that former
White House aide John D.
Ehrlichman asked him to
give Central Intelligence
Agency undercover assist-
ance to Watergate conspira-
tor E. Howard Hunt.
The CIA paraphernalia?
cameras, .hidden tape re-
corders and wigs?was later
used by hunt in the bur-
glary of Pentagon Papers
defendant Daniel .Ellsberg's
psychiatrist, Dr. Lewis
Fielding of Beverly Hills,
in September, 1971.
Cushman, who was the
CIA's deputy director at the
time, said that when Ehrl-
ichman called him and re-
quested the aid for Bunt, "I
knew that he . .. spoke with
the authdrity of the Presi-
dent's name."
"I had known Mr. Ehrlich-
man for a good 10 to 12
years and respected him
highly as a man of complete
honesty and devotion to
duty," the four-star Marine
general said of the former
Presidential aide.
.Cushman, who now serves
as Marine Corps comman-
dant, interrupted a Euro-
pean tour to present his tes-
timony to a Senate Appro,
priations Subcommittee on
intelligence. .
Afterward, subcommittee
chairman John L. McClellan
(D-Ark.) commented to
newsmen: "I don't think he
(Cushman) would do it
again." '
Cushman gave this expla-
nation of how a White
House call. in July, 1971,
triggered immediate and ex-
traordinary - cooperation
from the CIA,
"Ehrlichman had been
named within the White
House as the man in charge
of stopping security leaks
and over-hauling the secu-
rity regulations. The Cell:
tral Intelligence Agency is
charged with safeguarding
intelligence sources and me-
thods.
"From these facts, i? then
drew the conclusion which I
believe any reasonable man
would have reached, namely
that Howard Hunt had been
laired by the/White House to
act in the security field and
that the Central Intelligence
Agency was being ordered
to assist him," Cushman as-
serted.
Outgoing CIA director
James R. Schelesim,-rer has
condemed the assistance to
Hunt, provided before he as-
sumed control of the agency
from Richard M. Helms, as
"ill-advised." ?
Immediate senatorial re-
action was that although the,
CIA assistance to Hunt was
improper, the fault lay with
Ehrlichman, who resigned
under fire two weeks ago
from Ins job -as President
Nixon's domestic. counselor.
"When a man is in the
position of Ehrlichman, the
first deputy to the corn-
mander-in-chief," said Sen?
Stuart Symington (D-Mo.),
acting Armed Services Com-
mittee chairman, "there are
.pot many military officers
who would not jump."
Under the CIA's charter,
the National Security Act of
1947, the CIA is proscribed
from dealing with any inter-
nal security matters. That is
the province of the FBI.
Cushman Said that when
Hunt called upon him on
July 22, 1974, he "stated that
he had a very sensitive one-
time interview that the
White House wanted him to
hold with a person whose ide-
ology he was not sure of and
that he dare not reveal his;
Hunt's, true identity."
He noted that "it must be
recalled that Mr. Howard
Hunt was a highly respected
and honorably retired CIA
employee of 20 years' serv-
ice."
Nonetheless, said Cusman,
White House wanted him to
"I was not able to elicit any
details of the interview
which he stated that he had
to conduct and he said that -
on White House orders he
was not to reveal the nature
and scope of this interview
nor the fact that he Worked
for the White House.
"He did assure me, how-
ever, that he was working to
a good purpose in the inter-
ests of the country."
After the spy gear was is-
sued to Hunt bY the CIA's
Technical Services Division,
Cushman reported the mat-
ter to then-director Helms, .
according to his affidavit.
The decision to cut off the
aid came, he said, because
"Mr. Hunt was becoming
more and more unreasona-
ble and demanding and was
attempting to go far beyond
the scope of the original in-
structions which I had given
and which related to his
statement that he had a one-
time interview operation to
conduct."
lie ordered all relation-.
ships. with Hunt discontin-
ued, Cushman related, and
informed Ehrlichman on Au-
gust 27, 1971, that the assist-
ance could he construed as
improper for the CiA.
"I also advised him
(Ehrlichman) that in my
opinion Mr. Hunt was of
questionable judgment. He
should know better than to
ask for such support," Cush-
man asserted. "Therefore, 'I
made this recommendation
to Mr. Ehrlichman for him
to do with as he deemed
proper."
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VTAS:IINCTO2I ST.'," ?
Approved For Relwe tORM/0437VA-RDP84-00499R004300010002-2
r V' "
,?
:L:4.,
BY JEREMIAH O'LEARY
star-m,s Staff Wrt ter
Former Presidential
aide John D. Ehrlichman?
has been accused by two
Democratic senators of
committing "illegal and
unethical" acts in request-
ing Gen. Robert E. Cush-
man Jr. to provide CIA -
technical assistance for E.
Howard Hunt Jr. for a
domestic security opera-
tion.
The charges were lev-
eled at Ehrlichman yester-
day by Sens. Stuart Sy-
mington of Missouri and
Henry Jackson of Wash-
ington after Cushman tes-
tified on his connection
with Hunt before a closed
session of a Senate Armed
Services subcommittee.
Cushman appeared be-
fore three separate sub-
committees of Congress
yesterday and is sched-
uled for additional appear-
ances today and Monday.
Cushman, now the com-
mandant of the Marine
Corps, presented a sworn
affidavit to all three sub-
committees dealing with
the circumstances under
which he approved CIA
technical assistance for
Hunt in 1971 to do an un-
HS/HC-,Prp
specified "interview"
connected with national
security. -
After Cushman's affida-
vit and intensive question-
ing of him by the Senate
Armed-S,ervices subcom-
mittee late yesterday,
there were indications that
the legislators were hold-
ing Cushman blameless
for complying with what'
he regarded as White
House orders to help Hunt.
SYMINGTON told re-
porters the subcommittee
would question Cushman
again at 10 a.m. Monday
but declared on the basis
of what the 'commandant
had already revealed "I
could not criticize Gen.
Cushman for the actions
he took in the beginning
and what he did later."
Cushman's sworn affida-
vit said that Ehrlichman
called him at the CIA on
July 7, 1971, and told him
Hunt was a White House
"bona fide" employe as-
signed to security matters.
Hunt, according to the
Ehrlichman phone call,
would come to Cushman
and "request assistance
which Mr. Ehrlichman
requested that I give."
Cushman said he knew
Ehrlichman was one of
President Nixon's- three
chiefs of staff and "that he
spoke with the authority of
the President's name."
Cushman said he drew the
conclusion that Hunt had
been hired by the White
House to act in the securi-
ty field and that CIA was
being ordered to assist
him. .
Hunt came to see Cush-
man on July 22, 1971, and
said he had a "very sensi-
tive one-time interview
that the White House
wanted him to hold with a
person whose ideology he
was not sure of and that he
dare not reveal his,
Hunt's, true identity."
When lIunt asked for false
papers and disguises for
his mission, Cushman said
he ordered CIA's Teclmi-
.cal Services Division to
'provide them.
"I WAS NOT a. ble to
elicit any details of .the
interview which he stated
he had to conduct and he
said that on White House
orders he was not to re-
veal the nature and scope
of this interview," Cush-
man said.
Congressman told re-
porters that Cushman tes-
tified he did not learn the
nature of Hunt's mission
or the fact that it involved
an American within the
United States until he read
of the robbery of
Ellsber-g's psychiatrist in
recent weeks.
Sen. Jackson said Cush-
man violated no law be-
cause he did not know the
purpose for which Hunt
wanted the espionage
equipment from the CIA.
But Ehrlichman violated
the 1947 Security Act by
requesting Cushman's
help for Hunt, Jackson
said. That law, he added,
bars the CIA from under-
taking any activity within ?
the U.S.
CUSILMAN SAID it was
in late August 1971 that he
was advised by CIA mem-
bers that Hunt was becom-
ing unreasonable and
demanding, far beyond the
scope of the original in-
structions. He stid he
immediately stopped all
relationships with Hunt
and called Ehrlichman on
Aug. 27, 1971, to tell him he
could no longer help Hunt
or have anything further
to do with him.
Cushman acknowledged
that he did not use normal
caution in dealing with
Hunt because of the Ehr-
lichman endorsement of
the ex-CIA agent. And he
told a Senate Appropria-
tions subcommittee he
would not be likely to go ?
along with a similar case
another time. Cushman
told members of the Irouse
Armed Services subcom-
mittee the Ehrlichman
request was not routine
but rather was the only
such case he had ever
encountered while at CIA.
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BALTIYORF,
Approved For Rele449,2001/01444/41497FP84-00499R000200010002-2
r
,..,_ . However, .'in early ' March' interview that the White House
Hunt had beemeonvieted at the wanted him to hold with a
oc-CIA director Watergate trial, but Mr. Helms person whose ideology he was
said nothing to the committee not too sure of and that he
e . about the . CIA materials that dare not ? reveal his, Hunt's,
11.-ilked to Hunt aid time the break-in at the Dr. Although he declined to be
had been given to him. At that true identity."
e
Ellsberg's psychiatrist's office specific, Hunt "did assure me,
ny STEPHEN E. NOHDLINGER was not publicly known, however, that he was working
'Washington Bureau of The Sun "Do you think that he [Mr. to a good purpose in the inter-
Helms] was lying to you?" ests of the country," General
Washington?Gen. Robert E. director of central intelligence, asked - Elizabeth Drew, the TV ' .
Cushman said: -
'?Mr Richard - Helms, and he interviewer. He appearea before the
Cushman, Jr.. disclosed vester- .
day that Richard M. Helms, ,'- ? House Armed Services sub-
former director of central in- assented- to what I had done," "I 'don't know" committee on intelligence oper-
telligenee, had "assented" to. said General Cushman, who "I don't know, l'in just tell- ations, the Senate Appropria-
supplying materials to E. How-, broke off a tour of European ing you what he ? said (to the. tions subcommittee on intern-
,
ard Hunt-, Jr., who was lateri milita bases to testify on committee)," pence operations and the Sen-
'
,
involved in burglarizing ry the. ol-1 Capitol Hill on CIA involve- bright replied. "It's possible he
Senator' . Ful- tact:. Armed Services Commit-
Bee of Daniel
former psychiatrist. Ellsberg's , me.nt in-the Ellsberg ease. .did .not know about- it, I
,
.. don't-know." Senator FUlbright
The three-page affidavit, pre-
- In a sworn affidavit submit- Was not available for comment
ted to three congressional com-
pared at the direction of the yesterday.
'inittees during the day. Gen- Defense Department, provided In his sworn statement, Gen-
eral Cushman, former deputy the first indication that Mr.
director of the CIA and now Helms had approved turning
Marine Corps commandant, over CIA materials. and equip-
admitted disguisesthat he had author- ment to Hunt in the summer of
ized the , false identi- 1971.,- -, -
fication papers and other CIA' .
materials supplied to Hunt, a
convicted Watergate burglar.
- But General Cushman main-
tained that he was acting
under orders from John D.
Ehrlichman, who recently re-, preparation of a psychological
signed as President Nixon's profile of Dr. Ellsberg for the
1
chief domestic adviser, to co-
White House.
operate with Hunt, a 20-year Mr. Helms, who took .up his
veteran CIA agent and later a post earlier this year, has been
White House aide. ' summoned home to testify be.
The 53-year-old four-star gen-?
fore several congressional
-era], who appeared in uniform committees?
for the closed-door hearings, Raises question
conceded in the affidavit that
he had failed to determine how General Cushman's state-
the materials were to be used. ment raised sonic question
But he said that he fermi- about whether Mr. Helms had
noted CIA aid to .Hunt about been completely forthcoming Mr. Ehrliehman "for a good 10
two months after the initial in closed-door testimony before' to 12 years and respected him
request when Hunt made -un- the Senate Foreign Relations highly as a man of complete
reasonable" demands beyond Committee early in March. - honesty and devotion to duty."
the scope of the "original in- Senator - j.W. Fulbright (D.,' He also said in his affidavit
structions." Ark.), t he committee chair- that Hunt informed him that
General Cushman said that man, asked him ? specifically he needed the CIA assistance
,,.
after he authorized the sup- whether the CIA had been in-
for a "very sensitive one-time
plies he had informed Mr. volved ' in the Watergate bur-,
Helms, now ambassador to glory -and bugging. Last night,
Iran. in a television interview, Mr.
"To the best of my recollec- Fulbright said that Mr. Helms
tion, I reported this tauthoriza- said that the CIA had not' been
[ion] a few days' later to the inyolvut.
era] Cushman said that .after
he had cancelled all. nid to
Hunt, he informed Mr. Ehr-,
lichman August 27, _1971, that
Hunt. was . of . "questionable
judgment" and "should know
Three days ago, a statement , better than to even ask" for.
by James H. Schlesinger, the j seGne of the materials he re
present' director of central ?in- Iqucstd. .
telligence, said that Mr. Helms Despite this, warning, Mr.
had' "apparently approved" the -Ehrlichman apparently took no
'action to -curb .Hunt's. activi-1
ties. A week after this conver-
sation Hunt was involved in
the break-in at the office of
Dr. Lewis Fielding, Dr. Ells-
berg's former psychiatrist.
Later he took part in a forgery
and impersonation and the
Watergate-break-in.
General Cushman, who
served as President Nixon's
military aide when he was vice
president, said - he had known
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NEW TQRI; DAILY NEWS
Approved For Relemp200Q,9414,; c14847RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Miff rs.1/:?
By JEROME CAHILL and JEFFREY ANTEVIL
-Washington, May 10 (NEWS Bureau)?A week before E. Howard Hunt Jr.
'.engineered the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist in 1971, the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency warned the White House that the since - convicted Watergate
,?Conspirator was . `of questionable judgment," congressional investigators were told
!today. -
Marine Can. Robert E. Cush-
man Jr., deputy director of the
CIA at the time said in an af-
fidavit submitted to House and
Senate Armed Services Commit-
tees that he conveyed the warn-
ing to presidential adviser John
D. Ehrlichman on Aug. 27, 1971,
but got "no reaction" from Ehr-
lichman. Seven days later, a
burglary squad recruited by Hunt
broke into the Los Angeles of-
fice of Dr. Lewis Fielding, look-
ing for Ellsberg's psychiatric
files.
Had Second Thoughts
Cushman testified that he au-
thorized the CIA to assist Hunt
in what appeared to be a legiti-
mate investigation into security
leaks after receiving a telephone
call for cooperation from Ehr-
lichmanon July 7, 1971. Soon,
the former CIA deputy .said, he
was having second thoughts as
to the true nature of the inves-
tigation.
"Toward the latter part of Au-
gust 1971, it was reported to me
that Mr. Hunt was becoming
more and more unreasonable and
and was attempting to go
far beyond the scope or the orig-
far beyond the scope or the orig-
inal instructions which I had giv
elated to his
statement that he had a one-
time interview operation to con-
duct," Cushman said in the affi-
davit.
"I therefore immediately
stopped all relationships with
Mr. Hunt and gave instructions
to that effect ot the agency.
I called Mr. Ehrlichman on that
matter on .27 August 1971, and
Al said that we cannot give such
assistance because it might pos-
sibly be construed as involving
the agency in improper activities.
`1`10f Ostionable judgment",
"I then explained the con-
straints on the agency and final-
ly advised Ehrlichman that the
agancy would not have anything
further to do with Hunt. I also
advised him that in may opinion
Hunt was of questionable judg-
ment. He should know better than
to even ask for such support."
Before the CIA called a halt
to its assistance to Hunt, it pro-
vided him with a wig, fake eye-
glasses, doctored driver's license,
social security card and bogus
membership cards, a tape record-
er concealed in a typewriter case,
?
EDt
and a camera disguised as a to-
bacco pouch.
But the spy agency drew the
line when Hunt demand the ser-
vices of a CIA secretary plus
ew York mail drop and tele-
phone answering service, and a
credit card The demands sug-
suggested to the CIA that Hunt
was embarked on a long-term
domestic clandestine operation.
The agency, whose operations A re
limited to overseas locales by
law, then pulled out, sources
Cushman told the lawmakers
"unequivocally" that he had no
knowledge "before or after the
fact of any illegal or unethical
acts."
In his affidavit, Cushman said
he originally cooperated with
Ehrlichman because he knew the
White House aide had been as-
signed by President Nixon to the
task of reviewing U.S. security
procedures following the theft
and publication of ? the so-called
Pentagon Papers. Ellsberg, .a for-
mer Pentagon employe, is on
trial in Los Angeles in connec-
tion with the documents case.
"Sensitive Onetime Interview"'
- -Cushman testified that on ,July
22, 1971, Hunt came to CIA head-
quarters and told him that "he
had a very sensitive onetime in-
terview that the White House
wanted him to hold with a person
whose ideology he was not too
sure of, and that he dare not
reveal his, Hunt's true identity."
- Cushman said, "I was not able
to elicit any details of the inter.-
view" from Hunt, but was as-
sured by the undercover man that
"he was working to a- good pur-
pose in the interest of the coun-
try.
Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi (D-
Mich.), chairman of the HoUse-
Intelligence subcommittee, said
the "critical thing" in Cusbinan'z
testimony was the fact that Ehr-
lichman kept Hunt on the Ells
-
berg security case and the White
House payroll despite the adverse
,CIA report on his. judgment.
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CusiipaAN AccouNT gmoand e pwartehrsth et raiaplr, r '01?1,aa ld n fb he
\": le rn. ;
Helms.
i But, until today, it had been
:General Says Helm, widely assumed that Mr. Helms
may have been unaware that!
-'Assented' to Aid to General Cushman had agreed'
. to a request by John D. Ehr-
Hunt for Break-1n !Hellman, tat that time a key;
. !White. House aide, for C.I.A.i
i i!assistance to Mr. Hunt.
Senator J. W. Fulbright, in;
By MARJORIE HUNTER a television interview spon-?
Special to The New York Times 1 sored last night by the Nation-
WASHINGTON, May 11 Hai Public Affairs Center, said
'Gen. Robert E. Cushman ;Jr. that Mr. Helms had - assured
said ;today that Richard Helms, him earlier this spring that the
his superior at the Central In- agency had not had anything!
telligence Agency in 1971, had to do with the Watergate af-i
"assented" to agency assist-, fain ;
ance to E. Howard Hunt Jr.,! The Arkansas Democrat said
one of the conspirators in 0-iel /that when Mr. Helms appeared
Watergate case. I before the committee for con-
i firmation hearings on his ap-
,Mr. Helms, now Ambassador pointment as Ambassador, "I
to Iran, was Director of Cen- asked him specifically during
tral Intelligence at the time lids examination, did the C.I.A.
the agency, in the summer of have anything to do with any
1971, provided disguises and of this Watergate, and he said
equipment to Hunt, upon the ; It is understood that the .se-
request of the White House, eret transcript of the Senate!l
The materials supplied to ,Foreign Relations Committee;1
Hunt were used for the break., on the Helms confirmation
in at the office of Dr. Daniel hearing confirms Senator Ful-1
bright's comment. .
Ellsbcrg's psychiatrist on Sept. Hunt pleaded guilty last Jan..
3, 1971, in Beverly Hills, Calif. 10 to having taken part in the
General Cushman, now corn- bugging of Democratic head-
mandant of the Marine Corps, quarters in the Watergate 'corn-
confirmed today that as Deputy Plex last year. He received a
nrovisional 35-year prison term.
Director of Central Intelligence, The sentence could be reduced
he had ordered. agency ma- later if Hunt is found to have
terials made available to Hunt. cooperated. in the current
- But he said that a few days Watergate investigations. He
after doing so, he reported his ,has also admitted taking part
in the office burblary of Dr.
actions to Mr. Helms and "he. Elleberg's former psychiatrict in
assented to what I had done." Los Angeles.
, The general's account of General Cushman,- resplend-
C.I.A. involvement with Hunt ent in full uniform with row
was -made in a tarea.page upon row of battle ribbons and ?
sworn affidavit that he per-
a sharpshooter's medal, marched
sonally presented today to three from one Congressional corn-
separate; Congressional corn- mittee to another for what
mittees. He cut short a Euro-
turned out to be day-long in-
pean tour to appear before the terrogations.
He appeared- first before a
committees.
Helms's Rule Widened
. His comments abbot having
informed his superior of what
he had done would appear to
House Armed Services Subcom-
mittee, headed by Lucien N.
Nedzi, Democrat of Michican;
then before a Senate -appropria-
tions subcommittee, headed by
John L. McClellan, Democrat of
indicate that Mr. Helms was Arkansas; and finally before the
more fully aware of agency in- Senate Armed Services Com-
volvement in the Watergate mittee, of which Stuart Syming-
and pentagon ? papers cases ton, Democrat of Missouri, is
than had previously been sug. temporary chairman.
gested. Domestic Moves Studied
Earlier this week, current! All three committees are in-
C.I.A. officials disclosed that quiring into the issue of
agency preparation of a per- ;whether the C.I.A. exceeded its
sonality assessment of Dr. Ells- ;authority by becoming involved
berg, a defendant in thAfrisito4d (g)4TA:
tions. The agency' charter pre-
cludes it from internal security
un ct ions.
The committee meetings were
closed, but the general's sworn
affidavit was made public after
each session.
Senator McClelan said that
his appropriations subcommit-
tee hoped to hear testimony
next week from Mr. Helms, who
is in Iran.
Senator Henry M. Jackson,
Democrat of Washington, after
hearing the Cushman testimony
'before the Armed -Services Com-
mittee, said, "I don't think the
C.I.A. violated the law. I think
the White House violated the
law."
Senator Sympington, too, in-
dicated that he believed that
the While House request for
the agency's assistance was
improper.
In his affidavit, General
Cushman said that on July 7,
1971, Mr. Ehrlichman called
him from the White House and
said that Hunt had been made
a consultant on security mat-
ters. He said that Mr. Ehrlich-
man asked that the agency give
Hunt some assistance.
General Cushman also noted
that Hunt was "a highly res-
pected and honorably retired'
C.I.A. employe of 20 years' serv-
ce.
The general said that he was
unable to discover any details
of the plan. Be said Hunt told
him that he was under White
House orders not to reveal the
nature or scope of the planned
interview and not to reveal the
fact that he even worked for
the White House.
"He did assure me, however,
the general said, "that lie was
working to be a good purpose
in the interests of the country."
About a month after giving
Hunt a wig and other disguise
materials and various equip-
nent anti alias identification
papers, the general said, he
oundf that Hunt "was becoming
lore and more unreasonable
and demanding" and going far
eyond what seemed necessary
or "a one-time interview."
At that point, the general
said, he stopped "all relation-
ships" with Hunt and so in-
ormed Mr. Ehrlichman.
He said he also told Mr.
I
h'hrlichman "that in my opinion,
dr. Hunt was of questionable
udgment" and with that left
Mr. Ebrlichman to do "as he
demmed proper."
General Cushman, a military
aide to President Nixon when
Mr. Nixon was Vice President,
said that he has known Mr.
Ehrlichman for 10 or 12 years
and respected him highly.
"I also knew that he [Mr.
Ehrlichman] was one of the
three chiefs of staff, as it were,
to the President and that there-
fore he spoke with the authoriy
; of the President's name," Gen- ?
leral Cushman said.
-
The general said he was
aware that leaks of inteligence
information weregreatcon-
cern within the government at
that time and that Mr. Ehrlich-
man had been named "willin
. the White House as the man
' in charge of stopping security
leaks and overhauling the se-
curity regulations."
Orders for Interview
In view of that, the general
continued, he concluded that
Hunt had been hired by the
White House to act in the
security field and that the
C.I.A. was being ordered to
assist him.
He said that Hunt appeared
in his office on July 22, 1971,
and said that he had "a very
sensitive one-time interview
that the White House wanted.
him to hold" but that he dared..
not reveal his identity.
000200010002-2
Approved FoNWease 20algt
tiAr1461143Ab4KV50200010002-2
May 1973
I Nixon friend 'gave
'.go-a.; 'ead for CI
-part in break-in
? i
By, RICHARD BEESTON in Washington
GENEPIAL.ROBERT CUSHMAN, a close friend
and pr?g?f President Nixon, was
reported yesterday to have sanctioned Central
Intelligence Agency assistance for ,a burglary
committed by , two,: convicted Watergate,.
conspirators when he was deputy 'director of
the C IA. , mer director' of the CIA, Mr
' Richard Helms, now American
Ambassador to 1ran, will be
called to testify before the
Senate' Watergate investigation
committee.- '
.A ' possible defence of the
alleged CIA role in the bur-
glary of the psychiatrist's office
is a 'section of the National
Security Act which authorises
the agency to protect "intelli-
gence sources and methods from
unauthorised disclosure."
The Government prosecution
in the Ellsberg.case which has.
become to be .known as the
pentagon Papers trial, claims
that Ellsberg carried out an ille-
gal theft and 'Publication of a
secret . Pentagon study of the
Vietnam war.
,Howard Hunt has stated that
a former member of the White
House staff, Mr Egil Krogh. was
Put incharge of a White. House
team of "plumbers" to stop
I leaks of information after publi-
cation Of the Pentagon papers.
- Chief adviser
According to the New York
Times ? report, Gen. Cushman
acted at the request of Mr
Nixon's chief domestic affairs
.adviser, ?John Ehrlichman, who
resigned lost week.
Gen. Cushman was for four
years chief adviser to Mr Nixon
on .national security when Mr
Nixon was vice-president. When
Mr..Nixon became President, he
appointed Gen. 'Cushman. deputy
director of the CIA, later
making him. a four-star. General?
and Commandant of the Marine
OPITs.?
.In ,a . Grand Jury testimony,
H owdrd 'Hunt, one.. of the Water-
gate conspirators, said .he had
used CIA disguises, fake identi
fication papers and a CIA "safe
}Muse" in Washington .to pre-
pare for the operation.
The -allegations. concerning_
Cushman raisAporoVetliFor Relea
hood that both. he. and the for-
Gen : Cushman is a Marine
Corps, 'commandant ' and a
niember of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff. , ? ? , . .
? The New 'York Times
yesiterday that Gen.
Cushman authorised the use
of C I A. material and assist-
ance for the break-in of
Daniel Ellsberg's , psychia-
trist's office, had been ques-
tioned. by the- Federal Bureau
'of' Investigation and had
accepted full responsibility
for his decision.
sThe allegation was made be-
fore yesterday's denial by the
White House that President
Nixon knew in advance of the
Watergate bugging, that he
agreed to any cover-up or
agreed to offer clemency to any
of the convicted defendants in
return for silence at their trial.
slaffiti-oepaif:
? Hoover '" blackmail "
Time magazine claimed yes-
terday that .the late Mr J.
rdgar Hoover, who was director
or the FBI, had used records
Of wiretaps allegedly ordered by
President Nixon to "blackmail"
the White House into abandon-
ing attempts to have him
removed from office.
'The magazine said that Mc'
Nixon had asked the B I early
in 1969 to tap the telephones of ?
two. New. York Times reporters
and that Mr Hoover demanded
and received written authorisa-
tion from Mr John Mitchell, the
former Attorney-General.
In 1971, the Administration
derided to pressure the
"irascible" Mr Hoover out of
his post. Angered, Mr Hoover.
called Richard Kleindienst,
then Mr Mitchell's deputy, ? and
threatened to reveal the "cm--
barrassing taps:"
No further move against Mr.
Hoover was made,' but, in the
late spring of ,1971, he dis-
covered all his/records of the
Wiretaps on reporters had dis-
appeared.
IA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Approved For ReleopvcAkirti?1647: UVRDP84-00499ROOW0010002-2
1 1 MAY 1973
BY JEREMIAH O'LEARY
St ar-News Staff Writer
? Gen. Rpbert E. Cushman Jr.
admitted today he did not use nor-
mal caution in permitting the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency to assist E.
Howard Hunt Jr. in a mission which
led to a burglary.
Because the assistance was
sought by White House aide John
Ehrlichman, and because Cushman
said he assumed Ehrlichman was
speaking for President Nixon, he
'said he did not use the caution he
would have in other circumstances.
Cushman, nOw Marine Corps
commandant, was deputy director of
the CIA at the time Ehrlichman
sought help on a mission Hunt was
performing for the White IIouse in
following up the leak of the secret
Pentagon Papers.
IN A SWORN affidavit given to
a House Armed Services subcom-
mittee today, Cushman said
Ehrlichman's first teleilhone call to
him about Hunt was on July 7, 1971.
At the time, the general said, he
regarded Ehrlichman as speaking
for the President. The general insist-
ed he never learned any details of
Hunt's mission.
The mission resulted in the bur-
glary in September, 1971', of the Los
Angeles offices of a psychiatrist who
had been athrising Dr. Daniel Ells-
berg, accused of stealing the Penta-
gon Papers.
Cushman told the subcommittee
he never knew Hunt intended to use
CIA technical assistance for a do-
mestic operation and did not learn
about the burglary until reading
about it in recent newspaper stories.
1-10WEVER, Cushman
told the subcommittee he
did eventually consider
Hunt to be of "questionable
judgment" based on infor-
mation given to him by CIA
officials he had assigned to
assist Hunt.
Cushman's affidavit
said, "As soon as I found
out that the individual in-
volved, Mr. Howard Hunt,
was not exercising proper
judgment and was exceed-
ing what I consider prop-
er, I so reported it to his
superior in the White
House and to Mr. Helms
(then CIA director Rich-
ard Helms). This stopped
all further dealings with
Mr. Hunt."
Gen. Cushman als::
appeared before a subcom-
mittee of the Senate Appro-
priations Committee. After
the closed hearing, Sen.
John L. McClelland, D-
Ark., the committee chair-
man, told reporters: "I
don't think that this was a
function that the CIA
should have performed."
Cushman, he said, told
the senators that he would
never do such a thing
again.
The House subcommit-
tee, headed by Rep. Lucien
Nedzi, D.-Mich., also ques-
tioned CIA director James
Schlesinger, newly nomi-
nated to be secretary of
Defense, and CIA veteran,
William E. Colby, chosen
to become CIA director.
Cushman's affidavit de-
clared that the CIA broke
off all connection with
Mint on Aug. 27, 1971.
THE AFFIDAVIT,
sworn before a notary pub-
lic in Fairfax County this
morning, declared:
"I wish to state unequiv-
ocally that I had no knowl-
edge before or after the
fact of any illegal or
unethical acts. About July
7, 1971, Mr. John Ehrlich-
man of the White House
called me and stated that
Howard Hunt was a bona
fide employe, a consultant
see me and request assist-
ance which Mr. Ehrlich-
man requested that I give.
"I wish to explain here
that the CIA comes under
the authority of and works
for the National Security
Council which is, of
course, the President him-
self, advised by such as-
sistants as are named in
the National Security Act
of 1947. I had known Mr.
Ehrlichman for a good 10
to 12 years and respected
him highly as a man of
complete honesty and de-
votion to duty. I also knew
that he was one of the
three chiefs of staff, as it
were, to the President and
that therefore he spoke
with the authority of the
President's name."
CUSHMAN'S affidavit
said the national security
aspects of intelligence
leaks were of great con-
cern at the time and that
Ehrlichman was the White
House man in charge of
stopping security leaks
and overhauling security
regulations.
"From these facts,"
Cushman declared, "I
then drew the following
conclusion, which I believe
any reasonable man would
have reached, namely,
that Howard Hunt had
been hired by the White
House to act in the securi-
ty field and that the CIA
was being ordered to as-
sist him."
Cushman said Hunt vis-
ited him in his CIA office
on July 22, 1971 and stated
oved For Release
would comeT
tnat unt '
C or-it ft..nued_
2
Approved For Rel a
he had a very sensitive
one-time interview that
the White House wanted
him to hold with a person
whose ideology he was not
too sure of and that he
dare not reveal his
(Hunt's) true identity.
"The White House there-
fore wanted assistance
from our technical serv-
ices in providing him with
an identity which would be
other than his own."
Cushman's ?sworn state-
ment continued, "I was
not able to elicit any de-
. tails of the interview
which he stated he had to
conduct and he said that
on White House orders he
was not to reveal' the na-
ture and scope of this in-
terview no the fact that
he worked. for the White
House." ,
HUNT ASSURED Cush-
man, according to the affi-
davit, that he was working
in the interest of the coun-
try.
"Upon his assurance
that this was, in his words,
a 'one-time operation ? in
and out'," Cushman de-
clared, "I authorized the
Technical Services Divi-
sion to give him the neces-
sary papers and disguise
to enable him to conduct
this interview so that he
would not be known nor
could he be recognized
later.
"To the best of my recol-
lection, I reported this a
few days later to Mr.
Helms, and he assented to
what I had done."
But Cushman said late
in August 1971 he was told
that Hunt was "becoming
more and more unreasona-
ble and demanding and
was attempting to go far
beyond the scope of the
original instruction." I
therefore immediately
,stopped all relationships
with Mr. Hunt and gave
instructions to that effect
to the agency.
"I called Mr. Ehrlich-
man on that matter on
Aug. 27, 1971, and I said
that we cannot give such
assistance because it
might possibly be con-
strued as involving the
agency in improper activi-
ties. I then explained the
constraints on the agency
and finally advised Ehr-
2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R0R100010002-2
ichman that the agency
would not have anything
further to do with Hunt. I
also advised him that in
my opinion Hunt was of
questionable judgement.
He should know better
than to even ask for such
support. Therefore I made
this recommendation to
Mr. Ehrlichman for him to
do with as he deemed
proper."
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
STILL CHANCY ? Partly
cloudy tonight with possibil-
ity of showers. Low tonight
near 60. Yesterday's high, 85
at 2 p.m. Today's low, 62 at
3:10 a.m. Details: Page B4.,
?
41'121st Year. No. 150
Copyright e 1973
She Evening Star Newspaper Oa
and
ITA
WASHINGTON
p-e-k
DA I LYiii?AL
x WASHINGTON, D.C., WEDNESDAY, MAY 30, 1973 ?88 PAGES
?
?
SAYS NIXON REQUESTED MEET! G
o
Star-News Staff Writer
2 The high-level White House meeting
rt.)six days after the Watergate break-in
last summer at which CIA officials
were told to curb an FBI investigation
"was held at the President's request"
former White House aide John D. Ehr-
lichman said today.
Ehrlichman, speaking to reporters
By OSWALD JOHNSTON
after giving Senate testimony, insisted
that the meeting was held to make
sure that national security would not
be compromised by a "vigorous" FBI
investigation.
Ehrlichman did not link President
Nixon directly with an order given at
that meeting that the FBI be request-
ed to hold up a probe of campaign
funds "laundeved" in Mexico City.
ii
Recapitulating nearly three hours of ?
closed-door testimony before the Sen-
ate Appropriations subcommittee on
intelligence operations, Nixon's for-
mer domestic policy chief made these
additional points:
He denied that he or White House
aide H. R. Haldeman had made any
"improper suggestions" to CIA offi-
cials that would lead former Acting
o ?
FBI Director Patr
warn Nixon tha3 mem
were seeking mort
President by doverini
incident.
Ehrlichman stra
that former White Hot
W. Dean III was the
referring to, but refu
details.
Ehrlichman denied z.
and
p--Ni
WASHINGTON
re-k
DAI LyigrA
NIGHT
FIN L
n7-1 X WASHINGTON, D.C., WEDNESDAY, MAY 30, 1973 ?88 PAGES
NIXON REQUESTED MEETING
stimorg, insisted
is helt to make
curityaould not
"vigogous" FBI
t linkresident
n order given at
FBI be request-
be of campaign
Mexico City.
1.
Phone [phone]
CIRCULATION 484-3000
CLASSIFIED 484-6000
10 Cents
Recapitulating nearly three hours of ?
closed-door testimony before the Sen-
ate Appropriations subcommittee on
intelligence operations, Nixon's for-
mer domestic policy chief made these
additional points:
He denied that he or White House
aide H. R. Haldeman had made any
"improper suggestions" to CIA offi-
cials that would lead former Acting
FBI Director L. Patrick Gray III to
warn Nixon that members of his staff
were seeking "to mortally wound" the
President by covering up Watergate
incident.
Ehrlichman strongly suggested
that former White House counsel John
W. Dean III was the man Gray was
referring to, but refused to give any
details.
Ehrlichman denied any recollection
of having urged former CIA deputy
director Gen. Robert E. Cushman to
help out Watergate conspirator E.
Howard Hunt Jr. during the summer
of 1971. Cushman has filed a sworn af-
fidavit naming Ehrlichman as the man
who smoothed the way for CIA assist-
ance to Hunt, who was preparing for a
break-in of the office of Daniel
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Approved For Rapase 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R41,0200010002-2
WATERGATE AND THE CIA
One of the great mysteries arising out
of the tangled Watergate scandal is this:
How was the Central Intelligence
Agency drawn into a web of domestic
political intrigue?
The massive espionage apparatus of
the CIA was set up to discover and
counter foreign threats to U. S. security.
By law, the supersecret agency is barred
from internal-security functions.
Yet sworn testimony before Senate
committees has included allegations that:
? White IIouse officials attempted to
get CIA co-operation in concealment of
one aspect of the Watergate case.
? ? A White House aide tried unsuc-
cessfully to persuade the CIA to put up
bail and salary money for the seven men
pose unrelated covert activities of the
CIA or of a special White House investi-
gative unit.
"It now appears," the President add-
ed, "that there were persons who may
have gone beyond my directives, and
sought to expand on my efforts to pro-
tect the national-security operations in
order to cover up any involvement they
or certain others might have had in
Watergate."
FBI investigation. Before the Presi-
dent issued his statement, this testimony
had been developed on Capitol Hill:
Testifying before the Senate Armed
Services Committee, Lt. Gen. Vernon
A. Walters, Deputy Director of the CIA,
said that at a White House meeting on
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
that he had attended the June 23 meet-
ing along with General Waiters.
Mr. Helms quoted Mr. Haldeman as
saying it was "decided at the White
House" that General Walters should go
to L. Patrick Gray III, who was then act-
ing Director of the FBI, and tell him
that continued investigation of the Mex-
ican financial angle might jeopardize
CIA operations in that country.
General Walters said he carried the
White House message to Mr. Gray. But,
he continued, after he and Mr. Helms had
determined that no CIA operation in
Mexico would be endangered by the FBI
probe, he gave that information to Mr.
Gray.
Both Mr. Helms and General Walters
testified that the CIA rejected a request
by John W. Dean III, then White House
counsel, that the spy agency pay bail
and salaries for the Water-
gate conspirators.
Pressure alleged. On May
22, convicted conspirator
James W. McCord, Jr., told
the Senate investigating com-
mittee that he had been sub-
jected to intense pressure to
agree to what be called a
"ruthless" attempt by the
White House to pin blame
on the CIA.
Mr. McCord said he was
convinced that Mr. IIelms
was fired as CIA Director to
"lay the foundation" for
blaming the CIA for Water-
gate. He said he was told by
his attorney, Gerald Alch,
that James R. Schlesinger,
who replaced Mr. Helms,
would "go along" with the scheme. Mr.
Alch denied such a statement. Mr. Schles-
inger said. "No one ever made any such
suggestion to me."
When he testified before the Foreign
Relations Committee, Mr. Helms was
asked whether his refusal to co-operate
in a Watergate cover-up cost him his
cIA job. He replied: "I don't know."
Mr. Helms was asked why the CIA
had supplied equipment used by a
White House investigative team?which
included Watergate conspirators E. How-
ard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy?in the
1971 burglary of the office of a psychia-
trist who had treated Daniel Ellsberg, a
defendant in the Pentagon Papers case.
Mr. Helms replied that "nobody
dreamed the White House was going to
be undertaking burglaries" and said that
litten91401100130 Diesident has not been
arrested for the break-in and bugging of
Democratic national headquarters in
Washington's .Watergate complex on
Juno 17, 1972.
Also, a convicted conspirator has tes-
tified that be was pressured to agree to
a plan to blame the CIA for the Water-
gate plot.
White House position. President
Nixon, in the statement ho issued on
May 22, cast some light on matters af-
fecting the CIA.
The President said that within a few
days of the Watergate break-in, "I was
advised that there was a possibility of
CIA involvement in some way." He did
not divulge the source.
Mr. Nixon also said that he instructed
his top aides, H. II. Haldeman and John
D. Ehrlichman?who quit their White
House jobs on AprilA
the Watergate i vPcti
?USN&WR Photos
White House aides intervened in Watergate inquiry,
according to officials at CIA headquarters, above.
June 23, 1972, he had been directed by
Mr. Haldeman to try to block an FBI
investigation of Nixon campaign funds
channeled through Mexico. The funds
have been linked to financing of the
Watergate burglary.
Senator Stuart Symington (Dem.), of
Missouri, acting chairman of the Com-
mittee, made public a memo written by
General Walters after the June 23 meet-
ing, which quoted Mr. Haldeman as say-
ing "it is the President's wish" that the
Mexican probe be blocked.
Later, however, General Walters told
a House Armed Services subcommittee
that he was not sure he had been told
"it is the President's wish," but that he
had put it in the memo because "the
thought was implicit in my mind."
Mr. Helms's testimony. Richard
IrothitelepgieVY/OROV?C1fitfk
LTS/11C-141
ex- er an now Am assador to
ran, to a crime untnair y recently."
James McCord said he was told high
officials approved Watergate "bugging."
John Caulfield relayed clemency offer
he thought came from President himself.
Bernard
he was
?Photos: USN&WR, Wide World, UPI
L. Barker testified he thought
11 A I's ig GATE
STANDS NOW
In charges made?and charges denied?the issues
are drawn. The test ahead: Who is telling the truth?
who is really to blame for the Watergate mess?
The complex?and often confusing?
issues in the Watergate case are start-
ing to come into clearer focus, after two
weeks of Senate hearings and a state-
ment by the President that is virtually
unprecedented in American history.
Insinuations of direct complicity by
President Nixon in the Watergate scan-
dal have been made by several witnesses
under oath at the Senate hearings.
The President, in his statement of
May 22, denied any prior knowledge of
the break-in and bugging of Democratic
Party headquarters last June 17 or any
part in a subsequent cover-up. But he
admitted:
"With hindsight, it is apparent that I
should have given more heed to the
warning signals I received along the way
about a Watergate cover-up and less to
the reassurances. . . .
"I should have been more vigilant."
Charges have also been made, under
oath, that involve high officials in the
Nixon Administration.
Where the buck stops. Still to be
decided is where final responsibility is
to be fixed for the worst governmental
scandal in decades.
Many more Weeks of Senate commit-
tee hearings lie ahead. A federal grand
jury, under leadership of a new special
prosecutor, is pushing ahead with its
separate inquiry.
U. S. Attorney Harold H. Titus, Jr.,
announced on May 24 that indictments
are expected in 60 to 90 days.
As the investigations widen, serious
conflicts in testimony have developed.
Some charges made by some witnesses
under oath have been denied by others
under oath.
Senator Howard II. Baker, Jr. (Rep.),
of Tennessee, vice chairman of the sev-
en-Senator investigating committee, de-
scribed the committee's dilemma on May
24 in these words:
"We're not judges, and we're not a
jury.
"But we most assuredly are after they
facts, the truth, and it's now apparent
that we're going to have to try to recon-
cile differences in testimony . . . to try to
find where the truth lies."
phases of the wide-ranging investiga-
tions, are key questions:
* What was the role of President
Richard Nixon in this affair?
Any testimony about his personal in-
volvement is, so far, second hand, often
fuzzy in nature.
Witnesses have testified that someone
in the White House tried to block effec-
tive investigation of the bugging.
John J. Caulfield, a former White
House aide, told Senate investigators on
May 22 that he offered executive clem-
ency to convicted Watergate conspira-
tor James W. McCord at the direction
of John W. Dean III, who at that time
was the President's legal counsel.
This offer of clemency, Mr. McCord
testified earlier, was dependent upon his
John Dean was quoted as saying
clemency offer came from "the top."
agreement to plead guilty and remain
silent about involvement of higher-ups.
In describing his conversation with
Mr. Dean about the clemency offer, Mr
Caulfield testified:
"I said, 'Do you want me to tell him
[Mr, McCord] it comes from the Presi-
dent?' He [Mr. Dean] said words .to
the effect, `No, don't do that, say that it
comes from way up at the top.'"
Mr. McCord had testified earlier that
Mr. Caulfield told him "the President of
acting for "national security." Here, as they emerged in various the United States" knew about their
proved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Juno 4, 1973
Jo I HSgle- IP
? ? ? ? ; ? ?is ? ? "
0
NIXON: SEVEN ANSWERS TO WATERGATE CHARGES
Text of an official statement by President Nixon, released
by the White House on May 22, 1973:
Recent news accounts growing out of testimony in the
Watergate investigations have given grossly misleading im-
pressions of many of the facts, as they relate both to my
own role and to certain unrelated activities involving na-
tional security.
Already, on the basis of second and third-hand hearsay
testimony by persons either convicted or themselves under
investigation in the case, I have found myself accused of
involvement in activities I never heard of until I read about
them in news accounts.
These impressions could also lead to a serious misunder-
standing of those national-security activities which, though
totally unrelated to Watergate, have become entangled in
the case. They could lead to further compromise of sensitive
national-security information.
I will not abandon my responsibilities. I will continue to
do the job I was elected to do.
In the accompanying statement, I have set forth the facts
as I know them as they relate to my own role.
With regard to the specific allegations that have been
made, I can and do state categorically:
1. I had no prior knowledge of the Watergate op-
eration.
2. I took no part in, nor was I aware of, any sub-
sequent efforts that may have been made to cover
up Watergate.
'3. At no time did I authorize any offer of executive
clemency for the Watergate defendants, nor did.
I know of any such offer.
4. I did not know, until the time of my own inves-
tigation, of any effort to provide the Watergate
defendants with funds.
5. At no time did I attempt, or did I authorize
others to attempt, to implicate the CIA in the
Watergate matter.
6. It was not until the time of my own investiga-
tion that I learned of the break-in at the office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist, and I specifically
authorized the furnishing of this information to
Judge Byrne.
7. I neither authorized nor encouraged subordinates
to engage in illegal or improper campaign tactics.
In the accompanying statement, I have sought to provide
the background that may place recent allegations in per-
spective. I have specifically stated that executive privilege
will not be invoked as to any testimony concerning possible
criminal conduct or discussions of possible criminal con-
duct, in the matters under investigation. I want the public
to learn the truth about Watergate, and those guilty of any
illegal actions brought to justice.
The President's accompanying statement appears, in full
text, on pages 96-99.
meeting and that "at a future meeting
there would likely be a personal mes-
sage from the President himself."
Mr. Caulfield insisted, however, that
he did not recall "saying anything about
the President." IIe testified:
"I specifically never spoke to the
President of the United States and have
no knowledge of my own as to whether
he personally had endorsed this offer or,
indeed, whether anyone had ever dis-
cussed it with him."
On May 23, under close questioning
by members of the investigating com-
mittee, Mr. Caulfield was asked what
was in his mind when Mr. Dean told
him the clemency offer came "from way
up at the top."
"Well, sir, in my mind I believed
that he was talking about the President,"
Mr. Caulfield replied. "In my mind, I
felt that the President probably did
know about it." ?
Mr. Nixon's specific denials appear
on this page. his full statement explain-
ing his actions throughout the Water-
gate affair begins on page 96. ?
? Did some of President Nixon's high-
est appointees and closest advisers ap-
prove and abet the Watergate raid?
Mr. McCord tejamloltoted/PcOlielMase
fellow conspirators flat the bugging ma
the approval of: John N. Mitchell, who
resigned March 1, 1972, as Attorney
General to become director of the Nixon
re-election campaign; Jeb Stuart Magrud-
er, who was deputy campaign director,
and John Dean, who was then legal coun-
sel to the President.
Senate committee witnesses also have
insinuated that H. R. Haldeman and
John D. Ehrlichman?who until recently
were top White House aides?were in-
volved in the Watergate cover-up.
All these men have denied guilt. All
except Mr. Dean have testified before
the federal grand jury which has been
Jeb Magruder. Named as one of
those who approved the break-in.
investigating the case for more than two
months, and all are expected to be
called before the Senate committee.
? Was there a White House plot to
lay the blame for Watergate on the na-
tion's supersecret spy organization, the
Central Intelligence Agency?
Mr. McCord, in his sensational testi-
mony at the Senate hearings, charged
that there was such a plot and that he
refused to go along with it.
"There was no indication that this
was a CIA operation," he testified.
L. Patrick Gray III, former acting Di-
rector of the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation, in his testimony before a Senate
appropriations subcommittee on May 24,
suggested another role of White House
aides involving the CIA.
As quoted by the subcommittee chair-
man, Mr. Gray warned President Nixon
last July 6 that:
"I feel that people on your staff are
trying to mortally wound you by using
the CIA and FBI and by confusing the
question of CIA interest in, or not in,
people the FBI wishes to interview."
In previously disclosed testimony, it
had been related that White House aides
tried to get the FBI to call off some
tigt?imtiptns because they would
FittLoperations of the CIA
in Mexico. After listening to Mr. Gray's
, (continued on next page)
Its
1/Yr1 I L.I %Uri I L. IIN.JYY
{continued from preceding page]
Approved For R
warning Mr. Gray reported, Mr. Nixon v
$199,000, Mr, Sloan related, was given tional security, of high sensitivity, involv-
to G. Gordon Liddy, one of the seven in a traitor who had given information
9,.?,le
,atiej04*-10171/NaNESPWADP18-41-06499R00620401 60112 sr"?that of the Soviet
Mr. Sloan who was on the White I.741ffin.
Mr. Barker was followed to the wit-
ness stand on May 24 by Alfred C. Bald-
win III, a former Central Intelligence
Agency agent who told of monitoring
the Watergate wiretap from a room in a
nearby motel.
Mr. Baldwin refused, however, to dis-
close what he had monitored?relying on
a federal law which forbids disclosures
of such wiretap information.
Related actions. While the Ervin
committee ground on with its hearings,
there were developments on other Water-
gate fronts.
The Senate, on May 23, confirmed by
a- vote of 82 to 3 the President's nomina-
tion of Elliot Richardson to become the
new Attorney General.
That cleared the Way for Archibald
Cox?Mr. Richardson's choice?to take
over as special prosecutor of the Water-
gate investigation that is now unfolding
before the grand jury.
The Senate acted after assurances by
Mr. Richardson that Mr. Cox would have
"full authority" to conduct an independ-
ent investigation.
It was announced the next day that
the team of federal prosecutors who
have been conducting the grand-jury
investigation will stay on the job?a
least for a while?under the direction of
Mr. Cox.
In predicting indictments within 60
to 90 days, U. S. Attorney Harold H.
Titus, Jr., also announced that one key
figure in the Watergate scandal will.
plead guilty and testify without immuni-
ty for the prosecution. He did not iden-
tify that person.
The Senate hearings at times have be-
come enmeshed in a tangle of contra-
dictory testimony on what appeared to
be side issues.
There were conflicts between lawyer
Gerald Alch and his former client, Mr.
McCord, as to what Mr. Alch had ad-
vised on the nature of the trial defense.
Another conflict developed between
Mr. Alch and Bernard Fensterwald, who
succeeded him as Mr. McCord's attorney.
But the committee refused?for the
present at least?to give Mr. Fensterwald
a chance to testify in rebuttal to Mr.
"The committee does not intend to get
bogged down with a controversy between
lawyers," said Senator Ervin.
The Ervin committee, like the grand
jury, is after more important things:
Who is telling the truth about the
Watergate incident itself?and who is
really to blame for that scandal which
has rocked the U. S. Government?
At the rate things were going, it was
likely to be many months before those
last: year was politic aA liaison far White "I rs told" Ir. Barker rehrd, that westions were fully answered.
only paused, then replied: "Pat, you just
continue to conduct your aggressive and
thorough investigation." After that, how-
ever, Mr. Gray was quoted as saying the
harassment of his investigations ceased.
? Was Watergate only the "tip of an
iceberg"?the visible part of wide-scale,
undercover operations by Nixon cam-
paign workers?
Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr. (Dem.), of
North Carolina, has promised that the
Senate committee he beads will get
into that question in considerable depth'
before its long bearings are ended. Al-
ready, there have been published reports
House staff before becoming treasurer
of the campaign finance committee, re-
signed from that latter post last July?in
protest, he said, against some ?of the
things he was asked to do.
From all this, it is clear how far
afield from the Watergate itself the in-
vestigations eventually will go.
Bay of Pigs men. On the Water-
gate break-in itself, the Senate commit-
tee drew details from one of those caught
in the Democratic headquarters on June
17?Bernard L. Barker.
Mr. Barker, a Cuban-born American
citizen, testified on May 24 that he took
?USN&WR Photo
Senate investigators. Vice Chairman Baker, Chairman Ervin; Chief Counsel Samuel
Dash confer as committee runs into a problem in its hearings on Watergate case.
of "dirty tricks" against Democratic can-
didates, allegedly financed by Nixon
campaign funds.
The General Accounting Office?an
investigating agency of Congress?has
charged that large amounts of money
contributions have not been reported by
the Nixon re-election committee, as re-
quired by law.
IIugh W. Sloan, Jr., former treasurer
of the re-election committee, has testified
in a civil-suit deposition that be gave
$250,000 to Herbert W. Kalmbach, Mr.
Nixon's personal lawyer. Mr. Kalmbach,
according to published reports, has told
the Federal Bureau of Investigation that
he gave nearly $40,000 of that to Donald
H. Segretti, a California lawyer who is
alleged to have played a key role in
various acts of political espionage and
sabotage against the Democrats in last
year's campaign.
Another $350,000, according to Mr.
Sloan, went to Gordon Strachan who
part in the raid because he believed it
was "a matter of national security." He
said he understood the raiders were look-
ing for evidence that the Democratic
Party was receiving contributions from
leftist organizations bent on violence or
from the Communist Cuban Government
of Fidel Castro. No such evidence was
found, he said.
Mr. Barker and three Cuban-Americans
caught with him were all veterans of the
Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961.
Asked if they had participated in the
Watergate raid in hopes of obtaining
"later assistance for Cuban liberation,"
Mr. Barker answered: "To us, this was
our prime motivation."
Mr. Barker admitted he also took part
in a 1971 break-in of a California psy-
chiatrist's office, seeking treatment rec-
ords of Daniel Ellsberg. That incident
contributed to a judge's dismissal of all
charges against Mr. Ellsberg in the
Pentagon-papers case.
pprove For Release 001/00/0 : CIA-RDP 4-00499R 00200010002-2
18 U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Juno 4, 1973
Approved For R,41,pase 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
WATERGATE AND THE CIA
One of the great mysteries arising out
of the tangled Watergate scandal is this:
How was the Central Intelligence
Agency drawn into a web of domestic
political intrigue?
The massive espionage apparatus of
the CIA was set up to discover and
counter foreign threats to U. S. security.
By law, the supersecret agency is barred
from internal-security functions.
Yet sworn testimony before Senate
committees has included allegations that:
? White House officials attempted to
get CIA co-operation in concealment of
one aspect of the Watergate case.
? A White House aide tried unsuc-
cessfully to persuade the CIA to put up
bail and salary money for the seven men
pose unrelated covert activities of the
CIA or of a special White House investi-
gative unit.
"It now appears," the President add-
ed, "that there were persons who may
have gone beyond my directives, and
sought to expand on my efforts to pro-
tect the national-security operations in
order to cover up any involvement they
or certain others might have had in
Watergate."
FBI investigation. Before the Presi-
dent issued his statement, this testimony
had been developed on Capitol Hill:
Testifying before the Senate Armed
Services Committee, Lt. Gen. Vernon
A. Walters, Deputy Director of the CIA,
said that at a White House meeting on
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
that he had attended the June 23 meet-
ing along with General Walters.
Mr. IIelms quoted Mr. Haldeman as
saying it was "decided at the White
House" that General Walters should go
to L. Patrick Gray III, who was then act-
ing Director of the FBI, and tell him
that continued investigation of the Mex-
ican financial angle might jeopardize
CIA operations in that country.
General Walters said he carried the
White House message to Mr. Gray. But,
he continued, after he and Mr. Helms had
determined that no CIA operation in
Mexico would be endangered by the FBI
probe, he gave that information to Mr.
Gray.
Both Mr. Helms and General Walters
testified that the CIA rejected a request
by John W. Dean III, then White House
counsel, that the spy agency pay bail
and salaries for the Water-
gate conspirators.
Pressure alleged. On May
22, convicted conspirator
James W. McCord, Jr., told
the Senate investigating com-
mittee that he had been sub-
jected to intense pressure to
agree to what he called a
"ruthless" attempt by the
White IIouse to pin blame
on the CIA.
Mr. McCord said be was
convinced that Mr. Helms
was fired as CIA Director to
"lay the foundation" for
blaming the CIA for Water-
gate. He said he was told by
his attorney, Gerald Alch,
that James R. Schlesinger,
who replaced Mr. Helms,
would "go along" with the scheme. Mr.
Alch denied such a statement. Mr. Schles-
inger said. "No one ever made any such
suggestion to me."
When lie testified before the Foreign
Relations Committee, Mr. IIelms was
asked whether his refusal to co-operate
in a Watergate cover-up cost him his
IA job. He replied: "I don't know."
Mr. Helms was asked why the CIA
had supplied equipment used by a
White House investigative team?which
included Watergate conspirators E. How-
ard Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy?in the
1971 burglary of the office of a psychia-
trist who had treated Daniel Ellsberg, a
defendant in the Pentagon Papers case.
Mr. Helms replied that "nobody
dreamed the White House was going to
be undertaking burglaries" and said that
arrested for the break-in and bugging of
Democratic national headquarters in
Washington's Watergate complex on
Juno 17, 1972.
Also, a convicted conspirator has tes-
tified that he was pressured to agree to
a plan to blame the CIA for the Water-
gate plot.
White House position. President
Nixon, in the statement he issued on
May 22, cast some light on matters af-
fecting the CIA.
The President said that within a few
days of the Watergate break-in, "I was
advised that there was a possibility of
CIA involvement in some way." He did
not divulge the source.
Mr. Nixon also said that he instructed
his top aides, H. R. Haldeman and John
D. Ehrlichman?who quit their White
House jobs on April
the Watergate invest
?USN&WRPhotos
White House aides intervened in Watergate inquiry,
according to officials at CIA headquarters, above.
June 23, 1972, he had been directed by
Mr. Haldeman to try to block an FBI
investigation of Nixon campaign funds
channeled through Mexico. The funds
have been linked to financing of the
Watergate burglary.
Senator Stuart Symington (Dem.), of
Missouri, acting chairman of the Com-
mittee, made public a memo written by
General Walters after the June 23 meet-
ing, which quoted Mr. Haldeman as say-
ing "it is the President's wish" that the
Mexican probe be blocked.
Later, however, General Walters told
a House Armed Services subcommittee
that he was not sure he had been told
"it is the President's wish," but that he
had put it in the memo because "the
thought was implicit in my mind."
Mr. Helms's testimony. Richard
0A4natape,wicifeettak
has not been
99Ire44n.Mrairly recently."
Alie OH ritiligif_Lysident
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
SPYING AT
WHITE HOUSE ORDERS
When It Started and Why
(-atm or THE Watergate scandal?al-
most daily?comes a steady torrent
Df fresh revelations about spying, bur-
eary and wiretapping ordered by men
in the White House.
It was President Nixon, starting in
1969, who personally ordered certain
ands of espionage inside the U. S. be-
muse of what he called the overriding
iced to safeguard national security.
These orders, testimony makes clear,
vere interpreted in various ways by
ubordinates, leading to wiretaps of Coy-
rnment officials and private citizens,
lurglarizing of offices?and eventually,
s an offshoot, to the Watergate bugging
rid break-in itself on June 17, 1972.
Mr. Nixon, in a statement of May 22,
aid he could 'understand that the em-
basis he put on "the crucial importance
I protecting the national security"
Duld have caused "highly motivated in-
ividuals" to do things he would have
isapproved had he known about them.
The President's critics assert that the
omestie spy system developed by the
Mite House to protect secrets was ill-
ally put to political uses?for which
lame is still to be fixed.
Big surprise. Upshot of it all: Now
ifolding and corning into perspective
a wide range of extraordinary domes-
-intelligence operations that have come
a big surprise to many Americans.
Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr., head of the
Inate's Watergate inquiry, declared
May 31 that the nation would be
hocked" if all details of a White
use plan to "spy on Americans" were
ide public. Ile said that secret docu-
3nts which he had seen reveal a "Ce-
llo mentality" at top levels of the Nixon
Iministration, outlining "an interagen-
operation to spy on Americans, espe-
aly those who disagreed with the Ad-
nistration."
Some in Congress are accusing the
hite House of adopting "pit.W.ratia
tliotis anti of pulling a natTAKI-secur-
ftrii-t=;.
if not all?of the activity as necessary.
They insist that the President's inten-
tions were in the nation's best interests,
in view of the "climate" of the time.
The focus is on three national-security
activities originating in the White
House. In chronological sequence, they
were:
1. A program of wiretapping, begun
In 1969, carried out by the Federal
This plan evolved at a time when
antiwar riots and other violence were
erupting on hundreds of campuses.
The plan was approved by Mr. Nixon
but was shelved when the Director of the
FBI, the late J. Edgar Hoover, opposed it.
Mr. Nixon reported that his approval
was withdrawn before the plan was im-
plemented. However, the Associated
Press reported on May 30 that "sources
close to the Watergate
investigation say the plan
was put at least partially
into practice." The sources
insisted that secret agents
intercepted mail, tapped
telephones, audited in-
come-tax returns and
planted informers. The ex-
tent of this operation is
not fully known.
Another source reported
that?as one example?a
mysterious burglary at the
Chilean Embassy in Wash-
ington in May, 1972, was
part of the plan.
3. The third White
House operation involved
in the controversy was set
up after the FBI withheld
its approval of bugging
and burglary. A secret
unit for "special investiga-
tions" was set up in 1971
in the White House itself.
This specially recruited group was later
to become known as "the plumbers."
It was this unit that has embroiled
the White House in the most serious de-
bate over the Administration's intelli-
gence activities.
"Unprecedented" disclosure. At
President Nixon's order, the undercov-
er group?whose existence was known by
only a few top officials?was created
after what the Chief Executive called
-C1049854400121100111a0Pae2dented pro-
portions?'thotii liTi htt !fbikiilsr trarr Etio as
isbwerg
firoot.',/ ?el t3i
Mr. Nixon with former aide John D. Ehrlichman, who
supervised White House "special investigations" unit,.
Bureau of Investigation. It was directed
against 13 officials of the Nixon Admin-
istration, including members of the Na-
tional Security Council staff, and four
newsmen. That much has come to light.
The purpose of these wiretaps, Mr.
Nixon explained, was to stop leaks that
were endangering "highly secret diplo-
macy," including Vietnam peace talks.
2. The limited wiretapping project
was followed by a 1970 plan for secret
F
10102601MM* : WIAT4R131P4.4
other inte 'gene? activities inside the
8.1 including atitlitititatieti tot bug-
ow, Ito 11114,1.44y itz $011,111E111:4.
SPYING terrorism in. the United
Approved For Rase 2GOA/98/44d: Clikal:E84
[contmued trom preceding pager" " international link. With all
this coming across the.
President's . desk, the
White House decided it
was time to take extraor-
dinary measures."
Core of the resulting
plan, in 1970, said the ex-
official, was to depend
chiefly on the FBI for do-
mestic intelligence, while
stepping up surveillance
abroad by the Central In-
telligence Agency and oth-
er U. S. intelligence groups.
Top Administration offi-
cials were convinced that
radical firebrands in the
U. S. had financial and es-
pionage links. with hostile
foreign governments. But
the CIA reportedly had
been unable to find suffi-
cient evidence to support
this belief.
FBI overseas. Insid-
ers say that presidential
dissatisfaction with CIA
reports was the reason
FBI offices were opened
in 20 foreign countries?to
pursue further the search
for links abroad ,with vio-
lence at home.
The plan for expanded
intelligence called for co-
operation of the FBI, the CIA, the
-fense Intelligence Agency and the
tional Security Agency in a massive
campaign against antiwar radicals, the
Black Panthers and other extremists, and
foreign embassies believed to be harbor-
ing spies or saboteurs.
Mr. .Hoover opposed the plan on the
ground that sonic of the activities pro-
posed?such as burglary?would be il-
legal. Administration sources say the
FBI Director also exhibited animosity
toward the CIA,
In his May 22 statement on the Wa-
tergate case, the President said an im-
proved intelligence system was needed
in 1970 because of lack of liaison be-
tween the FBI and other agencies.
. "In July, 1970," Mr. Nixon said,
"having earlier discontinued the FBI's
liaison with CIA, Director Hoover ended
the FBI's normal liaison with all .other
agencies except the White House."
It was almost a year later?in June,
1971?that the White House was shocked
when "The Now York Times" published
the first installment of the Pentagon
Papers, made available by Mr. Ellsberg.
In the President's words, "There was
every reason to believe this was a se-
curity leak of unprecedented propor-
and his associates of the Pentagon Pa-
pers, a top-secret study of U. S. policy
in Vietnam.
"The plumbers" included two men
brought in from the outside?E. Howard
hunt and G. Gordon Liddy. Mr. Hunt
has testified that they were involved in
the Sept. 3. 1971, burglary of the office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist, and in
the burglary and bugging of the Demo--
cratic Party's national headquartei's in
Washington's Watergate complex. That
break-in, the President said, was as an
act of political espionage unrelated to
the missions of the White House inves-
tigative unit.
Wiretapping surveillance was initi-
ated in the first place?in 1969?the
President says, because news stories "ob-
viously based on leaks" of secret infor-
mation were exposing sensitive elements
of U. S. strategy in Indo-China and the
U. S. position in strategic-arms-limita-
tion negotiations with Russia.
Among those whose telephones were
tapped were aides of Henry A. Kis-
singer, the President's assistant for na-
tional-security affairs.
Mr. Kissinger consulted with FBI Di-
rector Hoover on wiretap targets. Since
disclosure of his role in surveillance of
his own National Security Council staff,
Mr. Kissinger has come under criticism
by some of his former associates, But he
emphasizes that his prime concern was
to plug leaks that could compromise
delicate negotiations.
On May 29, Mr. Kissinger called wire-
tapping in general "a distasteful thing."
But, he added:
. "I considered the situation, as it ex-
isted, a very dangerous one. My concern
was with the protection of classified in-
formation that was entrusted to me and
not the general problem of other leaks."
Reason for decision. A former Ad-
ministration official who had a hand in
drawing up the abortive 1970 intelli-
g,nee plan explained to "U. S. News &
World Report" why the White House
decided to "fight time with fire,"
Said the former official:
"People forget just how bad condi-
tions were then. We had to act. Not only
were buildings going up in flames on
campuses, but terror bombs were ex-
ploding day after day. There were cries
from antiwar activists visiting Hanoi
for our troops to lay down their arms.
Violence was increasing.
"At the same time, police were being
tagged in some cities as targets for ex-
ecution. There were shootouts with the
Black Panthers in Chicago. Arab ter-
rorist groups vere active. Much of the
Antiwar protesters burn flag in 1970.
Tragic confrontation at Kent State.
De-
Na-
tions," which "posed a threat so grave as
to require extraordinary actions."
The action that he took . was creating
the White House special-investigations
unit?"the plumbers"?under the supervi-
sion of John D. Ehrlichman, then Mr.
Nixon's top aide for domestic affairs. In
immediate command was Mr. Ehrlich-
man's assistant, Egil Krogh. The two
main sleuths- were E. Howard Hunt, for-
merly of the CIA, and G. Gordon Liddy,
once an agent of the FBI.
The President said he told Mr. Krogh
that in pursuing leads on the Pentagon
Papers leak, "as a matter of first pri-
ority, the unit should find out all it
could about Mr. Ellsberg's associates
and motives." This led to preparation by
the CIA, at White House request, of a
psychiatric profile on Mr. Ellsberg.
It also led to the burglary?admittedly
authorized by Mr. Krogh?of the office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist in Beverly
Hills, Calif. The fruitless break-in, car-
ried out?according to grand-jury testi-
mony?under supervision of Mr. Hunt
and Mr. Liddy, involved use of equip-
ment supplied by the CIA.
Referring to the Ellsberg probe, Mr.
Nixon said on May 22:
"Because of the extreme gravity of
20 Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R00020110410,002-2oRLD REPORT, June 11, 1973
FROM KING ArtriKIFAMegli09/0UPitk5M409S4illifh2R23M122?
Ssf?ssinations and
recommended tighter security for presidential campaigns.
1970
Violent antiwar demonstrations rocked scores of college
campuses, culminating in the fatal shootings of four students
at Kent State University in Ohio on May 4 and two students
at Jackson State University in Mississippi on May 14.
"Terror bombings" multiplied all across the country. So
did deliberate attacks?often fatal?on police.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover warned of "foreign influ-
ences" in "black extremist groups?particularly the Black
Panthers"?and reported plans for "urban guerrilla warfare"
by the militant Weatherman organization, an offshoot of the
Students for a Democratic Society.
1971
A bomb exploded in the U. S. Capitol on March 1.
A federal grand jury indicted eight persons, alleging a
plot to kidnap a presidential adviser, blow up Government
property in Washington and destroy draft records in Selective
Service offices around the nation.
Thousands of antiwar protesters were arrested in a massive
"May Day" attempt to close down the nation's capital.
In another kind of act that disturbed the White House:
On June 13, "The New York Times" began publishing a se-
ries of documents classified "secret"?known as the Pentagon
Papers?on U.S. policy in the Vietnam war.
1972
The Republican National Convention was shifted to Miami
Beach, Fla., partly because of information that radical groups
planned disruptions at San Diego, Calif., the site previously
selected.
On May 15, Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama was
shot and seriously wounded while campaigning in the Mary-
land presidential primary.
AN ERA OF VIOLENCE
A record of violence and lawlessness?starting before he
took office?was cited by President Nixon as his reason for
ordering steps to protect "national security." Part of that
record:
1968
The April 4 assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., set off rioting in scores of cities. that killed 48 per-
;ons, 'burned hundreds of city blocks, forced the use of 20,-
.)00 federal troops and 34,000 National Guardsmen.
On June 5, Senator Robert F. Kennedy was slain while
?.:iinpaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination. The
issassin was identified as a Jordanian Arab. The tragedy tern-
.iorarily disrupted the primary campaign.
Later in June, a "poor people's march" on Washington
mded in violence, forcing the use of National Guardsmen.
In August, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago
?vas beset by street violence of youthful demonstrators. Once
igain the National Guard was called to aid police.
l969
At President Nixon's inauguration January 20; hundreds
if antiwar demonstrators hurled rocks, bottles and obscenities
it his car in the biggest inaugural disruption ever.
A series of massive antiwar demonstrations in many cities
iroduced repeated outbreaks of violence among crowds rang-
ng up to 250,000 people.
A National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of
,'iolence found the scope of antiwar protest, urban unrest,
)lack violence, college disorders and political assassinations
vere "unprecedented in our history." It warned conditions
he situation, and not then knowing
vhat additional secrets Mr. Ellsberg
night disclose, I did impress upon Mr.
:rogli the vital importance to the na-
ional security of this assignment. I did
lot authorize and had no knowledge of
,ny illegal means to be used to achieve
his goal."
A former White
oininent:
"I feel there
>waking into the
House aide made this
was justification for
doctor's office to see
names could be found of people
Ilsberg was working with. But you
have it both ways. If you conduct
perations of this kind, you can't make
he case stand up in court. Tho Admin-
itration wanted it both ways."
The burglary and disclosure of a wire-
apped conversation involving Mr. Ells-
erg were among factors which resulted
n dismissal of espionage, theft and con-
piracy charges against him.
Among assignments given to "the
lumbers" was compilation of what the
'resident called "an accurate record of
vents related to the Vietnam war."
'resumably it was on thihmiAmAtF
hat. Mr. hunt obtained accenlIcr SraTe
vp-; loot files and faked cables- to
0,K4itlont loitti Kennedy
was implicated in the assassination of
South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh
Diem. Mr. Hunt admitted this in Wa-
tergate grand-jury testimony later made
public at the Ellsberg trial.
White house undercover operations
were not confined to "the plumbers."
Senate hearings on the Watergate bur-
glary have brought out that two former
New York City policemen, John J. Caul-
field and Anthony T. Ulasewicz, were
part of a White House network gather-
ing political information about leading
Democrats.
From an official who helped to devise
the 1970 intelligence plan comes this
comment on the Watergate break-in:
"The system that was developed to
rieal with a real security problem was
used for politics. There is absolutely no
justification for that."
Re-election committee. Senate and
grand-jury testimony has linked the Wa-
tergate burglary to the Committee for
the Re-election of the President.
In preparation for resumption of the
Senate's Watergate hearings June 5, in-
orVAtse Cosfib9ifisitiVVele4-
al c e su e4nonage an sa o age
techniques against persons inside and
outside of the Covernment4
The President insists that he has no
intention of attempting to place a na-
tional-security "cover" on Watergate or
other illegal activities.
But Mr. Nixon is getting sharp chal-
lenges on the national-security issue.
Examples:
Senator Edmund S. Muskie -(Dem.), of
Maine, charged on May 28 that "na-
tional security became the excuse for
systematic deception."
Representative John B. Anderson
(Rep.), of Illinois, chairman of the I louse
Republican Conference, said: "National
security is a very weak reed on which to
explain what happened. It fails to ex-
plain why?with our FBI?it was neces-
sary to set up an extralegal organization
in the White House."
Defenders of the President contend
that actions he took to stop leaks and
protect secrets were justified.
There is widespread belief in Con-
gress that the controversy over burglary,
bugging and spying will intensify as
more witnesses are heard, with a pros-
pect of new revelations.
snyocittp,ars
00 to expect44
ans, he resi.ent says: 'Xs more infor-
mation is developed, I have no doubt
that tnoto question will be raised:"
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
SPYING AT
WHITE HOUSE ORDERS
When It Started and Why
OUT or THE Watergate scandal?al-
most daily?comes a steady torrent
of fresh revelations about spying, bur-
glary and wiretapping ordered by men
in the White House.
It was President Nixon, starting in
1969, who personally ordered certain
kinds of espionage inside the U. S. be-
muse of what he called the overriding
iced to safeguard national security.
These orders, testimony makes clear,
were interpreted in various ways by
lubordinates, leading to wiretaps of Coy-
aliment officials and private citizens,
mrglarizing of offices?and eventually,
a an offshoot, to the Watergate bugging
rid break-in itself on June 17, 1972.
Mr. Nixon, in a statement of May 22,
aid he could 'understand that the ern-
ihasis he put on "the crucial importance
f protecting the national security"
ould have caused "highly motivated in-
ividuals" to do things he would have
isapproved had he known about them.
The President's critics assert that the
omestic spy system developed by the
Vhite House to protect secrets was ille-
ally put to political uses?for which
lame is still to be fixed.
Big surprise. Upshot of it all: Now
afolding and coining into perspective
a wide range of extraordinary domes-
.intelligence operations that have come
; a big surprise to many Americans.
Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr., bead of the
mate's Watergate inquiry, declared
May 31 that the nation would be
hocked" if all details of a White
ouso plan to "spy on Americans" were
ado public. He said that secret docu-
ants which he had seen reveal a "Ge-
ipo mentality" at top levels of the Nixon
Iministration, outlining "an interagen-
' operation to spy on Americans, espe-
illy those who disagreed with the Ad-
inistration."
Some in Congress are accusing the
hite House of adopting "pArwreogii
.tliods and of polling a naffiKasecur-
?1,tititert iivri ,..d 110;41?,
if not all?of the activity as necessary.
They insist that the President's inten-
tions were in the nation's best interests,
in view of the "climate" of the time.
The focus is on three national-security
activities originating in the White
House. In chronological sequence, they
were:
1. A program of wiretapping, begun
In 1969, carried out by the Federal
This plan evolved at a time when.
antiwar riots and other violence were
erupting on hundreds of campuses.
The plan was approved by Mr. Nixon
.but was shelved when the Director of the
FBI, the late J. Edgar Hoover, opposed it.
Mr. Nixon reported that his approval
was withdrawn before the plan was im-
plemented. However, the Associated
Press reported on May 30 that "sources
close to the Watergate
investigation say the plan
was put at least partially
into practice." The sources
insisted that secret agents
intercepted mail, tapped
telephones, audited in-
come-tax returns and
planted informers. The ex-
tent of this operation is
not fully known.
Another source reported
that?as one example?a
mysterious burglary at the
Chilean Embassy in Wash-
ington in May, 1972, was
part of the plan.
3. The third White
House operation involved
in the controversy was set
up after the FBI withheld
its approval of bugging
and burglary. A secret
unit for "special investiga-
tions" was set up in 1971
in the White House itself.
This specially recruited group was later
to become known as "the plumbers,"
It was this unit that has embroiled
the White House in the most serious de-
bate over the Administration's intelli-
gence activities.
"Unprecedented" disclosure. At
President Nixon's order, the undercov-
er group?whose existence was known by
only a few top officials?was created
Mr. Nixon with former aide John D. Ehrlichman, who
supervised White House "special investigations" unit.
Bureau of Investigation. It was directed
against 13 officials of the Nixon Admin-
istration, including members of the Na-
tional Security Council staff, and four
newsmen. That much has come to light.
The purpose of these wiretaps, Mr.
Nixon explained, was to stop leaks that
were endangering "highly secret diplo-
macy," including Vietnam peace talks.
2. The limited wiretapping project
was followed by a 1970 plan for secret after what the Chief Ezegutive called
4infe4t:1365F}RDIR84-01149aROPQack0gfi QPiPet4dented pro-
other intelligence activities inside the portions." The leak he referred to was
U1 L Iiiihnling authorization for bug- the dis?etnitiatiou by Daniel Ellsberg
4".,I 1,11)gb4ivlii itiIIi1 qltHIhlIS. iumititi,..r ,,,, .,4
SPYING
Approved For Rase
Econtindea tram preceding pager
-
and his associates of the Pentagon Pa-
pers, a top-secret study of U. S. policy
in Vietnam.
"The plumbers" included two men
brought in from the outside-E. Howard
Hunt and C. Gordon Liddy. Mr. Hunt
has testified that they were involved in
the Sept. 3. 1971, burglary of the office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist, and in
the burglary and bugging of .the Demo-
cratic Party's national headquarteh in
Washington's Watergate complex. That
break-in, the President said, was as an
act of political espionage unrelated to
the missions of the White House inves-
tigative unit.
Wiretapping surveillance was - initi-
ated in the first place-in 1969-the
President says, because news stories "ob-
viously based on leaks" of secret infor-.
illation were exposing sensitive elements
of U. S. strategy in Indo-China and the
U. S. position in strategic-arms-limita-
tion negotiations with Russia.
Among those whose telephones were
tapped were aides of Henry A. Kis-
singer, the President's assistant for na-
tional-security affairs.
Mr. Kissinger consulted with FBI Di-
rector Hoover ? on wiretap targets. Since
disclosure of his role in surveillance of
his own National Security Council staff,
Mr. Kissinger has come under criticism
by some of his former associates. But he
emphasizes that his prime concern was
to plug leaks that could compromise
delicate negotiations.
On May 29, Mr. Kissinger called wire-
tapping in general "a distasteful thing."
But, he added:
. "I considered the situation, as it ex-
isted, a very dangerous one. My concern
was with the protection of classified in-
formation that was entrusted to me and
not the general problem of other leaks."
Reason for decision. A former Ad-
ministration official who had a hand in
drawing up the abortive 1970 intelli-
gr'nce plan explained to "U. S. News &
World Report" why the White House
decided to "fight fire with fire."
Said the former official:
"People forget just how bad condi-
tions were then. We had to act. Not only
were buildings going up in flames on
campuses, but terror bombs were ex-
ploding day after day. There were cries
from antiwar activists visiting Hanoi
for our troops to lay down their arms.
Violence was increasing.
"At the same time, police were being
tagged in some cities as targets for ex-
ecution. There were shootouts with the
Black Panthers in Chicago. Arab ter-
rorist groups were active. Much of the
terrorism in the United
A64$0Vd WARD FM34-
international link. With all
this coming across the
President's . desk, the
White House decided it
was time to take extraor-
dinary measures."
Core Of the resulting
plan, in 1970, said the ex-
official, was to depend
chiefly on the FBI for do-
mestic intelligence, while
stepping up surveillance
abroad by the Central In-
telligence Agency and oth-
er U. S. intelligence groups.
Top Administration offi-
cials were convinced that
radical firebrands in the
U. S. had financial and es-
pionage links with hostile
foreign governments. But
the CIA reportedly had
been unable to find suffi-
cient evidence to support
this belief.
FBI overseas. Insid-
ers say that presidential
dissatisfaction with CIA
reports was the reason
FBI offices were opened
in 20 foreign countries-to
pursue further the search
for links abroad with vio-
lence at home.
The plan for expanded
intelligence called for co-
operation of the FBI, the CIA, the De-
fense Intelligence Agency and the Na-
tional Security Agency in a massive
campaign against antiwar radicals, the
Black Panthers and other extremists, and
foreign embassies believed to be harbor-
ing spies or saboteurs.
-Mr. hoover opposed the plan on the
ground that some of the activities pro-
posed-such as burglary-would be il-
legal. Administration sources say the
FBI Director also exhibited animosity
toward the CIA.
In his May 22 statement on the Wa-
tergate case, the President said an im-
proved intelligence system was needed
in 1970 because of lack of liaison be-
tween the FBI and other agencies.
"In July, 1970," Mr. Nixon. said,
"having earlier discontinued the FBI's
liaison with CIA, Director Hoover ended
the FBI's normal liaison with all other
agencies except the White House."
It was almost a year later-in June,
1971-that the White House was shocked
when "The New York Times" published
the first installment of the Pentagon
Papers, made available by Mr. Ellsberg.
In the President's words, "There was
every reason to believe this was a se-
curity leak of unprecedented propor-
Antiwar protesters burn flag in 1970.
Tragic confrontation at Kent State,
tions," which "posed a threat so grave as
to require extraordinary actions."
The action that he took .was creating
the White House special-investigations
unit-"the plumbers"-under the supervi-
sion of John D. Ehrlichman, then Mr.
Nixon's top aide for domestic affairs. In
immediate command was Mr. Ehrlich-
man's assistant, Egil Krogh. The two
main sleuths were E. IIoward Hunt, for-
merly of the CIA, and G, Gordon Liddy,
once an agent of the FBI.
The President said he told Mr. Krogh
that in pursuing leads on the Pentagon
Papers leak, "as . a matter of first pri-
ority, the unit should find out all it
could about Mr. Ellsberg's associates
and motives." This led to preparation by
the CIA, at White house request, of a
psychiatric profile on Mr. Ellsberg.
It also led to the burglary-admittedly
authorized by Mr. Krogh-of the office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist in Beverly
Ifills, Calif. The fruitless break-in, car-
ried out-according to grand-jury testi-
mony-under supervision of Mr. Hunt
and Mr. Liddy, involved use of equip-
ment supplied by the CIA.
Referring to the Ellsberg probe, Mr.
Nixon said on May 22:
"Because of the extreme gravity of
20 Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R0002000100024oRLD REPORT, June 11, 1973
FkOM KINGPTOVALtIACE
1/09/04vb;MPORepeg-9f19F
poologpo22
12nraassassinations and
recommended tighter security for presidential campaigns.
AN ERA OF VIOLENCE 1970
A record of violence and lawlessness?starting before he
took office?was cited by President Nixon as his reason for
prdering steps to protect "national security." Part of that
record:
1968
The April 4 assassination of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., set off rioting in scores of cities that killed 46 per-
;ens, burned hundreds of city blocks, forced the use of 20,-
MO federal troops and 34,000 National Guardsmen.
On June 5, Senator Robert F. Kennedy was slain while
ampaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination. The
issassin was identified as a Jordanian Arab. The tragedy tern-
)orarily disrupted the primary campaign.
Later in June, a "poor people's march" on Washington
.ruled in violence, forcing the use of National Guardsmen.
In August, the Democratic National Convention in Chicago
vas beset by street violence of youthful demonstrators. Once
igain the National Guard was called to aid police.
[969
At President Nixon's inauguration January 20, hundreds
)f antiwar demonstrators hurled rocks, bottles and obscenities
it his car in the biggest inaugural disruption ever.
A series of massive antiwar demonstrations in many cities
woduced repeated outbreaks of violence among crowds rang-
rig up to 250,000 people.
A National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of
.7iolence found the scope of antiwar protest, urban unrest,
ilack violence, college disorders and political assassinations
vere "unprecedented in our history." It warned conditions
Violent antiwar demonstrations rocked scores of college
campuses, culminating in the fatal shootings of four students
at Kent State University in Ohio on May 4 and two students
at Jackson State University in Mississippi on May 14.
"Terror bombings" multiplied all across the country. So
did deliberate attacks?often fatal?on police.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover warned of "foreign influ-
ences" in "black extremist groups?particularly the Black
Panthers"?and reported plans for "urban guerrilla warfare"
by the militant Weatherman organization, an offshoot of the
Students for a Democratic Society.
1971
A bomb exploded in the U. S. Capitol on March 1.
A federal grand jury indicted eight persons, alleging a
plot to kidnap a presidential adviser, blow up Government
property in Washington and destroy draft records in Selective
Service offices around the nation.
Thousands of antiwar protesters were arrested in a massive
"May Day" attempt to close clown the nation's capital.
? In another kind of act that disturbed the White House:
On June 13, "The New York Times" began publishing a se-
ries of documents classified "secret"?known as the Pentagon
Papers?on U. S. policy in the Vietnam war.
1972
The Republican National Convention was shifted to Miami
Beach, Fla., partly because of information that radical groups
planned disruptions at San Diego, Calif., the site previously
selected.
On May 15, Governor George C. Wallace of Alabama was
shot and seriously wounded while campaigning in the Mary-
land presidential primary.
he situation, and not then knowing
chat additional secrets Mr. Ellsberg
night disclose, I did impress upon Mr.
Zrogli the vital importance to the na-
kmal security of this assignment. I did
lot authorize and had no knowledge of
tly illegal means to be used to. achieve
his- goal."
A former White House aide made this
omment:
"I feel there was justification for
'making into the doctor's office to see
names could be found of people
.:11sherg was working with. But you
an't have it both ways. If you conduct
perations of this kind, you can't make
he case stand up in court. The Admin-
itration wanted it both ways."
The burglary and disclosure of a wire-
apped conversation involving Mr. Ells-
erg were among factors which resulted
a dismissal of espionage, theft and con-
piracy charges against him.
Among assignments given to "the
lumbers" was compilation of what the
'resident called "an accurate record of
vents related to the Vietnam war."
'resumably it was on this assignment
hat Mr. Hunt obtained accA.PletMEtiii
.oinient Meg And faked tables. to
?ii,,,o? *41;0
was implicated in the assassination of
South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh
Diem. Mr. Hunt admitted this in Wa-
tergate grand-jury testimony later made
public at the Ellsberg trial.
White House undercover operations
were not confined to "the plumbers."
Senate hearings on the Watergate bur-
glary have brought out that two former
New York City policemen, John J. Caul-
field and Anthony T. Ulasewicz, were
part of a White House network gather-
ing political information about leading
Democrats.
From an official who helped to devise
the 1970 intelligence plan comes this
comment on the Watergate break-in:
"The system that was developed to
deal with a real security problem was
used for politics. There is absolutely no
justification for that."
Re-election committee. Senate and
grand-jury testimony has linked the Wa-
tergate burglary to? the Committee for
the Re-election of the President.
In preparation for resumption of the
Senate's Watergate hearings June 5, in-
vestigators pressed ' . *rie4.,..int 3
Ranweareeom !*. ti.' anSct%
techniques against persons Inside and
raitSitle tlf the ritti&Filifitzlii.
The President insists that he has no
intention of attempting to place a na-
tional-security "cover" on Watergate or
other illegal activities.
But Mr. Nixon is getting sharp chal-
lenges on the national-security issue.
Examples:
Senator Edmund S. Muskie (Dem.), of
Maine, charged on May 28 that "na-
tional security became the excuse for
systematic deception."
Representative John B. Anderson
(Rep.), of Illinois, chairman of the house
Republican Conference, said: "National
security is a very weak reed on which to
explain what happened. It fails to ex-
plain why?with our FBI?it was neces-
sary to set up an extralegal organization
in the White House."
Defenders of the President contend
that actions he took to stop leaks and
protect secrets were justified.
? There is widespread belief in Con-
gress that the controversy over burglary,
bugging and spying will intensify as
more witnesses are heard, with a pros-
? pect of new revelations.
tore expect
4-qms. e /7Pstetilli Mgr rms
o
infor-
mation Is developed, I have no doubt
fliqf to fiikt ti''
gal YORK TIMES
Approved For Release 2001/09V2:tp-RfDR84-00499R000200010002-2
N.)
.
Warning Against Blaming
C.I.A. Is Laid to McCord'
By SEYMOUR M. HERSH
Special to The New York Tinton .
WASHINGTON, May 21 ?James W. McCord Jr. sentl
John J. Caulfield, a former White House aide, an unsigned ,
letter shortly .before the Watergate trial warning that if the :
TNixon Administration per: of wiretap information but the
Isisted in an attempt to de-; Federal prosecutors reported
1 that a search of all relevant
,pict the bugging operations wiretap logs proved negative.
with the C.I.A. before joining withdraw from the suit.
the Government to conc,ecte
that he had been overheardq Limited to Foreign Affairs
calling the embassies. I He added that intelligence
Tainted Case Feared
offices in the Government only
' saw material relating to foreign
An associate of Mr. Alch said affairs, and did not get to view'
that was believed "that the transcript S of conversations be-
Government would not come tween the embassy and Con-
forward with a wiretap that gressmen or other transcripts
,we knew they had, thereby relating to domestic affairs.
tainting the whole case." One legal expert, asked about
McCord, in his Senate testi- McCord's alleged attempt to
many, named Mr. Alch as force the Government to either
among those who had urged reveal the wiretap or drop its
him to describe the Watergate case, described it today as "a
bugging as a C.I.A. operation, cute idea."
Mr. Alch, the sources said, filed The expert, Herman Schwarz
a motion last week seeking to of the University of Buffalo
l
Law School, noted that the Fed.
eral Government had been
"struggling" with a Supreme
Court ruling that national se.
as inspired by the Central McCord, who served 19 years The Alch associate said that
McCord did not provide any
evidence to prove that he had
been overheard. "He indicated [curity wiretaps for domestic
that he was meeting with some- purposes were illegal if they
one about this and it was none
were obtained without a- court
i
of Alch's business" the asso- l order and therefore, must be
ciate said. disclosed.
After the Government denied '
the existence of any relevant
wiretap logs, the Alch associate
said, McCord decided not to
press the issue further and in-
stead urged that is defense be
based ? as it was ? on the
'argument that he conducted
Intelligence Agency, he would
"bring the house down,"
sources close to the case said
today.
"He wanted to make IL clear,"
a McCord associate said, "that
if they wanted tio put this off
on the C.I.A., he was going to
blow their story clear out of
the water," volvements of higher-ups dur-
ing the Federal inquiry into the
Watergate affair last fall, and
which the former C.I.A. secii- continued to do so even when
rity official did not mention provided with two chances for
,
during his televised' Watergate
testimony reduced charges, the illegal bugging operation to
before the Senate
This source suggested that protect the United States from
committee last Friday, was McCord's threatening letter to radicals, and therefore had no
. mailed in late December,
Called 2 Embassies
The sources said that Mc-
Cord, a convicted Watergate
bur?glar and conspirator, then
made a token telephone calls
to the Israeli and Chilean Em-
bassies in Washington, which
he. knew, from his days as a
C.I.A. official to be wiretapped
by the Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation, and, they said, he
the President's re-election com-
mittee early in 1972 as a secur-
ity co-ordinator, will testify
again tomorrow before the Sen-
ate Watergate committee. His
initial appearance Friday was
televised nationwide.
One Government source
noted, however, that McCord
had refused to discuss the in-
Mr. Caulfield may have been a criminal intent.
factor behind Mr. Caulfield's Intelligence officials con-
reported subsequent offer of firmed the exitence of wiretaps
executive clemency for McCord On the Israeli Embassy today.
in exchange for silence. Mr. One Government source said
Caulfield also is scheduled to the top-secret F.B.I. wiretap
testify before the Senate Com- program was known by the
mittee tomorrow. code name "Scope" when it
In his testimony Friday, Mc- was initiatedfuring the John-
Cord related how Mr. Caulfield son Administration.
offered him clemency, financial "I remember that the reports
aid and a job if he continued were hand-carried around of
not to cooperate with the Fed- the political sensitivity of our
eral prosecutors. McCord said bugging of an ally," the source
the offer from Mr. Caulfield? added. He specifically recalled
whom he quoted as invoking reading the transcript of a con-
later demanded that White the name of President Nixon? versation involving Golda Meir,
House officials prevail on Fed- was first conveyed during the the Israeli Premier, and Lieut.
era' prosecutors to concede ? e Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, Israel's Am
iopening week the Watergate
that he had been overheard bassador to the United States,
I trial early last January. That during the Mideast cridis of
oi . an illegal wiretap and dis- twould have been about two 1970. "Mrs. Meir was diseuss-
weeks after McCord's letter log Secretary of State [William
was mailed. P.] Rogers," the source recalled.
During his testimony, Mc- At the time, the United States
Cord told of eventually refusing was seeking a peace agreement
miss the charges against him.
"He wanted the Government
to come in and say it had
overheard him," one source
said. "Ile told Caulfield that's (Mr. Caulfield's offer and said. in the Mideast.
he had repeatedly complained' Copies of the "Scope" ma-
the way he wanted it done." to him that "the Government terial were routinely distributed
had lied in denying electronic. by the F.B.I. to the offices of
interception of my phone calls Henry A Kissineer President
Mr. Caulfield, a former New
York City undercover police
man who Joined the White; from my residence." McCord Nixon's national - security ad-
House staff in April, 1969) added that he had provided viser, and to the C.I.A. and
took McCord's demand to JOH rNalincliCinailliorineldthe dates of the !
with a memo- National Security Agency, the
W. Dean 3d, then the White! two cane of m intelligence official said.ine in September,
House counsel, the source said.. 1972, and October, 1979, that I
"Dean wanted to do it that was sure had been intercepted."
way, too," the source added, Government investigators
"but the F.B.I. conducted a. said today that McCord was ,
search and couldn't findany- referring to his calls to the
thing." Chilean and Israeli Embassies.
During the first weeks of
What McCord did not tell the
Senate committee, one source
the trial, McCord's attorney, a
Genic! Alch or Boston, madedded, was the he had told
two nrntions for the chscicAppreaaP6i0Ozd-1646 209110
9/04
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1,1:ASIIINGTON, May 18 FEDERAL Grand Jury, Or-
!l']--j. he Senate committee land?, Fin--feted Nixon
campaign operative Donald
Segretti and ? accountant
George Hearing in connec-
tion with a bogus letter on
JUne 17 at Demorratic Nation- Sen. Edmund Mnskie's station-
al-Committee headquarters. cry, accusing Senators Hubert
A brief rundown of ? invcsti- Humphrey and Henry Jackson
gallons into the Watergate of sexual misbehavior. Hear-
break-in and similar matters: mg has pleaded guilty.
FEDERA I., 'Grand Jnry, - LOS ANGELES County
Winshin{:;ion----Convened shorty Grand Jury?Expected to con-
after the break-in, it returned vcne next month to investigate
iutiotments against , the seven the burglary - attempt at the
office of the psychiatrist of
original Watergate defendants,
all of whom were convicted in former Pentagon Papers de-
Ja.nuary. fendant Daniel Ellsberg.
probing the Watergate affair,
which opened hearings yester-
day, is directing only one of a
series of investigations that
began with the break-in last
:FEDERAL Grand Jury, New
York -Hogan an inve.':?:liaqon
in January of an unreported
$00,00 cash contribution to
President. Nixon's canilmign
by financier Robert Vesco anti
returned indictments last week
against Vesco, former Atty.
Gen. John Mitchell, former
Commerce Secretary _Maurice
Stems, and Harry Sears, New
Jersey ehairmtin of the Nixon
campaign.
EDE RAH Grand diwy,
Haus,tort---Hcgan an investiga-
i tion Jest WC !:c. of in
! contrihutiers to the Nixon
camnaign that were traced to
one of the men captured imado
the Watergate. .11161107-
INnt of a ,$ICO.0O3 contri-
bntion by Itehert AliJJ, presi-
aent of Gulf Reantices
Clifnn lea] Corp.
?HS/HC- g4T
CENTRAL Intelligence
Agency?Being probed by the
Senate Appropriations and
Ileuse Armed Servic.es com-
mittees in connection with
F.',Ilsberg burglary and the
White House Watergate cover-
up. It has been disclosed that
Presidential aides 'trial to or-
der CFA interference with a
Watergate-relafed Federal Bu-
reau of Inves.tigation probe,
JusTICE Department?Out-
going Atty. Gen. Richard
77 -
[10
et,
1/'),q-
I./6
Z4./ "iJ&'
I have been taken to the Justice
1 Department by the General
, Accounting office, the congres
sional watching agency. The
comminittee pleaded no con-
test- and was fined $8,000 in
one case.
WHITE 110USE--President
Nixon announced last August
that an internal investigation
by former Presidential Coon- ?
sel John \V. Dean III cleared
all staff members of involve-
ment. The White House now
says there were inadequacies
in a report relayed orally to
Nixon. Dean has denied con-
ducting such an investigation.
CIVIL SUITE?By Common
Cause, to force disclosure of -
pre-April 7, 1972, campaign
contributions, and by the Dem-
ocratic National Committee
have resulted in sworn depos-
lions which have shed light on
the Watergate ease.
? KENNEDY?Sen. Edward
Kennedy's subcommittee on
administrative practice began
a Watergate investigation last
fall but recommended it be
taken over by a committee
with greater resources.
1hei2Liieat. promised that the
department's \\Taterate loves- "-'"""-Ji:ile 'use
flank-
ion l b
ing and Curre ncy Committee,
tignt rond e, the.
under Chairman Wright Pat-
thoro since that c ning oncer the
ay:tcs,Ination or President "'"''" " rj.?x' beg a" a" "1-
? veAig,:ttiati inattcrs rcialia;
1:enitedy:
to WiAtergate us Atutist but
GNERAL, Accounting Of- halted its probe' after mom-
fice--Five ai:rparent vhAntians be,rS refu.7.ed to vote thci corn-
by the Nixon .committee or 1.11t, mittue sti!Tena powers in Oc-
n72 cam2aii-zn-spen.:Ung tober.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
S y 141d
sopl XL Approved FOr Reelease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R00 200010002-2
,
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J.... N.?, .4. .4.
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- 47-1
i LA. LI .
?
Now that the Watergate invesl
committee has g,?aciously recessed,
t it may intcre6t a fi:NV peo plc: that the
go.vornment is remarkably close
to grinding to a halt. The ultimate
cauSe is Watergate?into?Xication in the
? Senate, so you can 'olame the Presi-
dent if you choose. But the Senate is
still the body that has chosen to halt
the government in many vital ways.
? To get an idea of what is happening,
you need only glance at a single area
where even thc.? dilatory Senate used to
be capable of reasonably swift. deci-
sions. In the bad old days?which some
are beginning to regard as the good
old days?the Senate. cherished two
principles in dealing with vacancies in
.really major government posts.
'17irsi, the President, as head of the
executive branch, was considered .to
have a right to fill major posts with
men of his choice?unless they could
be shown to have really grave deficien-
cies. Second, it was also considered irn-
proper to leave posts like the secretary-
ship of defense, or thio directorship of
the Central Intelligence Agency, in a
kind of empty limbo for undue periods '
of time.
Today, however, .we have had no
! . Secretary of Defense since the Presi-
dent transferred Elliot :Richardson to
the Justice Department. The CIA has
also boon leader-less since the Presi-
dent decided to give the Defense De- ,.
partment to his new CIA' director, Dr.
James Schlesinger, and to promote the
. able CIA professional, William Colby, 1 -
to ? the directorship . Schlesinger has I-
abandoned.
No senator, on the Armed Services
. . Committee can need to know much I
? . more about Dr. Schlesinger, since ex- 1
haustive hearings were held before he 1
WaA confirmed for the CIA director- .
ship..As to Colby no one anywhere has [
so ranch as whispered that .this was j-
not a good choice by President Nixon. t?
OffIcally, to be sure, the hearings on 1.
Schlesinger were delayed because of
'Ms need to attend a NATO meeting in
Europe. In reality, in view of the hear-
ings just held, 'there was no apparent .
need to question Schiesiner :further.
fPresurnably, the Defense Depart-
ment and the CIA will now cease to be
headless in a few days' time. But this
. - is only 1-,cal.i.,;(: of the forceful inter-
; I, vontion from his hospital bed of that
4 relic of the more national-minded past,
i . ?
A ;
the chairman of the Senate Armed-
iForces Committee, Sen. John C.
Stennis. Until Stennis intervened, the
actin,:,, chairman, Sen. Stuart Syroin
ton, meant to deal with Dr. Schlesing-
er'a nomination concurrently with the
vast, c'omple'x and controversial mili-
tary procurement bill which will de-
mand weeks of hearings!
? James Sch/esin ger
all subject to Senator :;:otilbright's an-
gry veto. They were adjudged to be
guilty men, and confirmation was ini-
tially refused to all four. Under heavy
pressure from the senior Republican
on his committee, Sen. Coos-go Aiken,
IFulbright then gave way on the nomi-
nation of the former ambassador to
Thailand and Italy, 'Graham A. Martin,
to be the new U.S. ambassador to
South. Vietnam. -
The argument used vina the need to
have an ambassador to deal with Presi-
dent Nguyen Van Thiclu at this tricky
juncture. All kinds of ego-massage, not
just for Fulbright, but also for other
committee members like Sen. jaCob
Iayits, was further demanded and
vidod, ? before the confirmation of Gra-
ham Martin was reluctantly conceded.
Meanwhile, there are William B.
Sullivan, named for the Philippines; J.
McIVItirtrie Godley, nominated assist-
ant secretary of state for East Asian
affairs; and Charles Whitehouse, for
aaab.a, 0.am a
? C6/10), ?
ambassador to Laos. All are men of
ins-
peccabic character. Whitehouse is per- r
haps the -Foreign Service's most ad- 1.
mired member of his rank and age.
The charge against all of them is,
solely and simply, that they faithfully
carried out their instructions while on
'duty in Southea.st. Asia.. ;.
This makes you almost homesick for
the awful. McCarthy-time. After
Sen. Joseph McCarthy so implacably
and successfully pursued John Davies, 1,
John Stewart Service .and their col-
? leagues; on the .unique. ground of their
individual "bad ,judgment." What Sen-
ator l'ulbright is doing is in fact much I
worse.
HO is making it a proof of fatally
'fbad judgment" for Foreign Service .t
officers to execute 'their own govern- I
ment's policy decisions. So what are 1.
Foreign Service officers to do in the 1
future, if the Fulbrii.:ht elaboration 'on
' the 'late McCarthy is generally- accepted?
ci.D73. Loa Anzeles Timos.
Thi z kind of senatorial ego-trip is
?merely frivolous. As to what Sen. J.
Fuliwight is currently doing in
1 ?
? ? the Serial.? Foreign Relations Commit-
`,SO, ugiier adjectives might \veil be
as cI. Ilcre the problem has been. the ?
1 ?
P;c:ddent'4 choice of four ,
;:tii?ihed Foreign Service veterans for
hi;(h posts here and abroad,
r.ecause of their past service ill
.Thutheast Asia, the four veterans Were
-Approved-For-Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
rs/nc- Ar',F
Approved For Releare02001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R0002a0010002-2
mi4c-cais
4! .
A-4
?
'THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, a C., Friday, Amy 22, 1973
, By Jeremiah O'Leary
Sur-News Staff Writer
The Senate Foreign Rela-
tions subcommittee on mul-
tinational corporations,
reporting on its ITT-Chile
hearings, today called for a
congressional review of the
process by which CIA clan-
destine operations are au-
thorized and conducted.
The subcommittee, head-
ed by Sen. Frank Church,
D-Idaho, said the hearings
in March raised questions
about the so-called "Forty
Committee," an interde-
partmental group under
presidential national securi-
ty adviser Henry Kissinger
which reviews CIA clandes-
tine operations.
? The report said unan-
swered questions include
how much detail the Forty
:Committee communicates
:to the CIA; whether CIA
A tells the Forty Committee
:the means it intends to use
in carrying out assign-
ments; and whether the
committee knew CIA would
discuss with a U.S. corpora-
tion efforts to influence the
:Chilean political situation.
"I'm distressed by what
happened but I can find
,nothing illegal about it,"
Church told a press confer-
, .:ence. "That's why we need
a law to bar this incestuous
[relationship between gov-
ernment and private corpo-
rations."
? CHURCH ANNOUNCED
the subcommittee has unan-
imously approved recom-
mending legislation that
"would make it a criminal
!offense for American citi-
zens to offer or provide
funds to U.S. government
agencies for the purpose of
A interfering in foreign elec-
tions. The bill, which will be
' introduced by the Foreign
Relations Committee, also
',prohibits U.S. employes
A from accepting such funds.
,;.? The penalties described in
:the bill would be a fine of
not more than $10,000 or
imprisonment for not more
than five years, or both.
Church said the record on
the ITT-Chile case would be
...sent to both the Justice
' Department and to special
Watergate prosecutor Ar-
chibald Cox but he said the
subcommittee does not now
'see any indication of perju-
ry because of amended tes-
timony.
pproved For REtleasec2014109/04aCI
tiny and the proposed con-
gressional inquiry of CIA
()aerations is necessary.
Church said, because exist-
ing oversight committees of
Congress have "done very
little overseeing."
THE SUBCOMMITTEE
Wearings brought out great
detail about discussions
among ITT, the CIA and
State Department officials
about the Chilean situation,
including an ITT offer of
money up to seven figures
to set up a campaign fund
for a rival of Marxist Salva-
dor Allende.
The CIA in turn suggested
a plan to create economic
chaos in Chile. None of
these discussions resulted
in any action because the
CIA rejected the ITT money
offer and ITT did not think
the CIA proposal was work-
able.
In 1971, nearly a year aft-
er his election and months
before the ITT-CIA discus-
sions were made public,
Allende expropriated ITT
holdings in Chile:
"It is clear from this
case," the subcommittee
reported, "that there were
significant adverse conse-
quences for U.S. corpora-
tions which arose out of the
decision to use ITT in the
way it was used willing
as ITT may have been ?
and that it was not in the
best interests of the U.S.
business community for the
CIA to attempt to use a U.S.
corporation to influence a
political situation in Chile."
THE SUBCOMMITTEE
asked whether the Forty
Committee considered the
possibility of bloodshed and
civil war in discussing in-
terference and whether it
thought about the conse-
quences if the plan to accel-
erate economic chaos in
Chile had been successful.
The record of) the hear-
ings calls into question the
administration's tated poli-
cy of dealing with govern-
ments as they are in Latin
America, the subcommittee
said.
The subcommittee said it
is understandable that ITT
wanted the assessment of
the U.S. government on the
Chilean presidential elec-
tion. "But what is not to be
condoned," it said, "is that
the highest officials of ITT
sought to engage the CIA in
a plan to covertly manipu-
late the outcome of the elec-
AAD.R8441114kQEM09201010002-2
fly overstepped the line of
acceptable corporate be-
havior."
Watergate U leava;-?-?
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0 THE RECORD: C
OF WHITE HOUSE "P
AIMS
FF"
?USN&WR Photo
it was James W. McCord, Jr. (arrow), who gave bombshell testimony in Watergate hearing.
It didn't take long for the
Senate hearings to get right to
the point: Who ordered the
Watergate buggings?and the
subsequent cover-up?
The Senate bearings on the Water-
gate case had barely begun before it be-
came clear where the investigation was
heading: straight toward the White
Hot me.
From the opening gavel, the ques-
tions asked by the select committee of
seven Senators bored in on the roles
played by onetime aides of President
Richard Nixon and former members of
his Administration.
On May 18, the hearings' second day,
the Senators began to get the sensation-
al kind of testimony that they?and .mil-
lions of American citizens?had been led
to expect.
It came from James W. McCord, Jr.,
one of the seven men convicted of the
break-in and bugging of the Democratic
Party headquarters in the Watergate
complex in Washington, last June 17. - clemency offer was made, "that the re- room where the Teapot Dome scandal
It was Mr. McCor ettoAd FbdtkReleid)2ti01/0(9$044:TiAdai9P94a06499R0002000100024xt news page)
the silence of the Watergate conspira-
tors on March 23 and opened the way
for the massive investigation that is now
in process.
Clemency offered? These were the
highlights of his testimony before the
Senate committee:
? Mr. McCord said he was told by
fellow conspirators that the burglary and
bugging had been approved by John N.
Mitchell, former Attorney General and
later Nixon campaign director; by John
W. Dean III, who was fired recently as
White House legal counsel; and by Jeb
Stuart Magruder, who was deputy di-
rector of the Nixon re-election campaign
and recently resigned from Government.
? After his arrest, Mr. McCord said,
a former White house assistant repeat-
edly offered him "executive clemency"
and financial aid if he would plead guil-
ty and keep silent about the involve-
ment of others.
? These offers, Mr. McCord said he
was told, came "from the very highest
levels of the White House."
"I was further told," he testified,
"that the President of the United States
was aware" of one meeting at which a
to the President, and that at a future
meeting there would likely be a personal
message from the President himself."
Not yet "evidence." It was repeat-
edly pointed out by Senate-committee
members that all this was hearsay evi-
dence that would not be acceptable in
a court of law.
"It is not evidence against the Presi-
dent at this stage," said the committee
chairman, Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr.
(Dem.), of North Carolina. Nor, he cau-
tioned, would the McCord testimony be
admissible in court "to show any connec-
tion with this matter by John Mitchell
or John Dean or Jeb Magruder."
''But," the Senator added, "the testi-
mony which Mr. McCord has given is
relevant to show the motives which
prompted Mr. McCord to participate in
the matter."
Senator Ervin served notice at the
start of the hearings on May 17 that:
"My colleagues on the committee and
I are determined to uncover all the rele-
vant facts . . and to spare no One, what-
ever his station in life......
The historic hearings, televised nation-
wide, began in the same Senate caucus
22
U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 28, 1973
Approved ForRolease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499400200010002-2
Sworn testimony of James W. McCord,
Jr., linked John N. Mitchell, John W.
Dean III, and Jeb Stuart Magruder to
Watergate break-in and bugging case.
Former Attorney General Mitchell
Former White House Counsel Dean
Ap roved Fo
7-Wida World Photos
Re-election cartipaign side Magruder
[continued from page 22]
was aired 50 years ago and the Army-
McCarthy hearings were held in 1954.
It was the first time?after months of
secret investigations and frequently sec-
ond-band reports? that the American pub-
lic had a chance to start getting the full
story of the Watergate scandal at first
hand, under oath.
The mandate given the committee by
the Senate was broad?extending far be-
yond Watergate itself?and Senator Er-
vin made plain his panel would go into
campaign skulduggery in any form.
Although "the first phase of the com-
mittee's investigation will probe the
planning and execution of the wiretap-
ping and break-in of the Democratic
National Committee's headquarters at
the Watergate complex and. the alleged
cover-up that followed," Senator Ervin
said:
"Subsequent phases will focus on al-
legations of campaign espionage and _
subversion and allegations of extensive
violations of campaign financing laws."
Goal: "unvarnished truth." The in-
vestigating committee is under Demo-
cratic . control?with four Democratic
and three Republican members. But Sen-
ator Howard H. Baker, Jr. (Rep.), of
Tennessee, the vice chairman of the com-
mittee, said in his opening statement:
"Any doubts that I might have had
about the fairness and impartiality of
this investigation have been swept away
during the last few weeks. .. .
"This is not in any way a partisan un-
dertaking, but, rather, it is a bipartisan
search for the unvarnished truth."
Other members of the committee arc:
Democratic Senators Herman E. Tal-
madge of Georgia, Joseph M. Montoya
of New Mexico and Daniel K. Inouye of
Hawaii; Republican Senators Edward J.
Gurney of Florida and Lowell P. Weick-
er, Jr., of Connecticut.
Each party has its own counsel. Sam-
uel Dash, a law professor, represents
the Democratic majority, and Fred D.
Thompson, a former assistant U. S. at-
torney, represents the Republicans.
While the Ervin committee did its
work in public, four grand juries worked
in secret, investigating various phases of
scandals spun off by ramifications of the
Watergate probe.
One federal grand jury, in Washing-
ton, D. C., was expected soon to hand
down indictments of several former fig-
ures in the Nixon official family or in his
election campaign.
Other congressional committees were
also busy investigating alleged misdeeds
Rba4der akkalkah% 6CrAi
gence Agency in aspects of the Pentagon
Papers trial:
It was the Ervin committee, however,
that held the national spotlight.
A- dramatic story. In the first two
days of testimony by six witnesses, Mr.
McCord's story was easily the most dra-
matic. He admitted roles in not only the
June 17 Watergate break-in but also in
an earlier break-in at the same place On
May 30 and also to futile attempts to
"bug" the headquarters of the Demo-
cratic: candidate, Senator George McGov-
ern of South Dakota.
Asked why?after an unblemished rec-
ord of service with the Central Intel-
ligence Agency and Federal Bureau of
Investigation?he agreed to take part in
such proceedings, Mr. McCord testified:
"There were a number of reasons. . . .
One of the reasons?and a very impor-
-USN&WR Photo
Convicted Watergate conspirator McCord
said he was offered executive clemency.
taut reason to me?was the fact that the
Attorney General himself, Mr. John
Mitchell, at his offices, had considered
and approved the operation, according
to Mr. Liddy [G. Gordon Liddy was
convicted as one of the planners of the
Watergate bugging.]
"Secondly, that the counsel for the
President, Mr. John Dean, had partici-
pated in those decisions with him; that
one was the top legal officer for the
United States in the Department of Jus-
tice and the second gentleman was a
top legal officer in the White House."
Under questioning of the members of
the Senate unit, Mr. McCord explained
that he was told of Mr. Dean's participa-
tion by Mr. Liddy and by E. Howard
46061312866f66bnnvicted conspira-
Foll'tv,'il4L from the record, are other
iw?0,1 page)
CLAIMS 0F4PicpspettrFor Rele
[continued from preceding page]
' highlights of Mr. McCord's testimony
before the committee?
On CIA involvement:
O Now, did you have any knowledge
?direct or indirect?that would lead you
to believe or have information that the
CIA was involved in this plan?
A I had just the contrary?that there
was no indication, no evidence, no state-
ments to me that this was a CIA opera-
tion, that, quite the contrary, that it was
an operation which involved the At-
torney General of the United States?at
that point in time.
On "hush" money he received:
O Now, after your arrest, did you
receive any money?
A Yes, I did.
? And from whom did you receive
that money?
A The wife of E. Howard Hunt, Mrs.
Hunt.
Can you tell us how much money
you did receive?
A Yes, I received legal fees of $25,-
000 for the payment of lawyers, and I
received a continuance of salary from
July through January at the rate of $3,-
000 a month?which the others were re-
ceiving as well.
O Did you have any knowledge, in-
formation or belief as to where this mon-
ey came from?
A I was told that it came from the
Committee to Re-elect the President?
by Mrs. Hunt.
Details on "clemency." On the offers
of clemency, Mr. McCord testified that
as early as the autumn of 1972:
"Mr. Hunt stated that the defendants
were going to be provided with or given
executive clemency after a period of
time in prison if they pled guilty or if
sentenced in a plea of not guilty, that
they were going to be given financial
support while in prison?that is, their
families would be?and that rehabilita-
tion, not specified, but rehabilitation
and perhaps a job would be provided for
the men, after the release from prison."
Later, the witness said:
"Political pressure from the White
House was conveyed to me in January,
1973, by John Caulfield to remain si-
lent, take executive clemency by going
off to prison quietly."
Mr. Caulfield at that time was work-
ing in the Treasury Department. Later
he joined the White House staff.
After Mr. McCord's testimony, White
House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler
told reporters:
"The President did not participate or
have any knowledge of activities relating
to cover-up, and the iraitifteaci g.0
Iffelease"gb
e ?001M0/04 : CIA-RDP840 49949MEMAANSECUTOR
ARCHIBALD COX, former U. S. Solici-
tor General, was named on May 18 as
special prosecutor to take over the Gov-
ernment's investigation of the Watergate
case.
Announcing the appointment, Elliot
L. Richardson, Attorney General desig-
nate, described Mr. Cox as a "lawyer
of courage, independence and integrity,"
used to handling "explosive situations."
Mr. Cox, 61, is a member of the Har-
vard law school faculty. A Democrat, he
was appointed Solicitor General in 1961
and served in that post under Presidents
Kennedy and Johnson.
authorized anyone to represent him in
offering executive clemency."
Like a spy "thriller." Parts of the
McCord testimony sounded like chapters
from a spy "thriller." He told of secret
meetings in autos on Potomac River
overlooks near Washington, of being di-
rected to a telephone booth to receive a
phone call, and of using a code name?
"Mr. Watson"?in his dealings with Mr.
Caulfield. Some of his phone callers, he
said, were men whom he could not at
that time identify.
Describing a meeting in a lawyer's
office on Jan. 8, 1973, Mr. McCord said
he was asked "whose word I would
trust regarding a White House offer of
executive clemency." He went on:
"I had no intention of accepting ex-
ecutive clemency, but I did want to
find out what was going on and by
whom and exactly what the White
House was doing now."
Conversation in a car. Following is
Mr. McCord's account of a conversation
in a car on a Potomac River overlook
with Mr. Caulfield:
"Caulfield stated that he was carry-
ing the message of executive clemency
to me from the very highest levels of
the White House. He stated that . . the
President had been told of the forth-
coming meeting with me, and would be
immediately told of the results of the
meeting."
Senator Ervin interjected:
"This evidence is competent to show
what, if anything, John Caulfield did to
induce Mr. McCord to plead guilty and
keep silent. It is not any evidence in its.
present state of the hearings that con-
nects, that makes any connection what-
ever, has any relevancy to the President."
Mr. McCord: "Precisely. He further
stated that 'I may have a message to
you at our next meeting from the Presi-
dent himself.' "
28
ly about Mr. Mitchell's involvement, the
following exchange took place:
O Now you've also implicated the
former Attorney General, Mr. Mitchell,
in your testimony as approving and per-
haps helping plan?at least being an
accessory before the fact?on the Water-
gate bugging. Did you ever have any
conversations with Mr. Mitchell yourself
about that operation?
A No, sir,
O Neither about Watergate nor any
other espionage activities?
A No, sir.
First day: Mr. Odle. Compared with
Mr. McCord's day on the witness stand,
the first day of the hearing was relative-
ly uneventful. Its main witness was Rob-
ert C. Odle, Jr., director of personnel
and administration for the Committee for
Re-election of the President (CRP).
It was this committee, operating in-
dependently of the Republican Nation-
al Committee, which ran the Nixon cam-
paign?and employed two of the seven
men convicted last January of partici-
pation in the Watergate bugging.
Highlights of his testimony were that:
? Mr. Mitchell began making key de-
cisions on campaign strategy while he
was still Attorney General, many months
before he left the Justice Department to
become the Nixon campaign manager.
? High White House officials were ac-
tive in campaign planning, filling key
posts on the Re-election Committee with
former presidential aides and sitting in
--by proxy?on strategy sessions.
? Unidentified documents were re-
moved from the desk of deputy campaign
manager Magruder hours after the Water-
gate arrests and taken to private homes
for "security." Other papers?contents al-
so unidentified?were taken to a shred-
ding machine.
The hearings are expected to last for
weeks, with a long parade of witnesses
itArroW?Wit ili5Paro?669Rif66b7fer 0002-2
U.S. NEWS 84 WORLD REPORT, May 28, 1973
24
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, JUNE 4, 1973
Transcripts of Excerpts From the C.I.A. Memorandums About the Watergate Case
Speck/ to The New York limes
WASHINGTON. June 3?Following are excerpts from
nine memorandums and a note of transmittal by Lieut.
Gen. Vernon A. Walters, deputy director of the Central
Intelligence Agency, and a memorandum by James R.
Schlesinger, Director of Central Intelligence, that were
supplied last month to a Senate Appropriations subcom-
mittee in connection with its investigation of the
Watergate case. The excerpts were transcribed by The
New York Times from photocopies of the original docu-
ments. The first is a covering note apparently provided
to the subcommittee prior to General Walters's testi-
mony last month. The excerpts appear in chronological
order.
COVERING NOTE
Dated May 18, 1973
The attached memoranda
were never intended to be
a full or verbatim account of
the meetings they covered.
These were notes to ref reh
my memory if I should need
it. Originally, the only copy
was held in my personal files.
Apparent inconsistency be-
tween my testimony that the
President's name was not
used by Haldeman in our
June 23 conversation and a
acia itak had dist
'e--"wimPiagrvftwemew..fier-
-I wrote this note five days
after the talk. When I showed
it to Mr. [Richard] Helms,
[Didector of Central Intelli-
gence at the time], he point-
ed out that Haldeman had
not actually used the expres-
sion, "It was the President's
wish." Obviously the thought
was implicit in my mind. I
did not, however, correct the
memo since it was for my
own use only. The fact that
I agreed with Helms is shown
by my saying to [L Patrick]
Gray [Acting Director of the
F.B.I.] on 5 July that it was
"implicit." And in several
other talks, both with Gray
and [John W.] Dean [Presi-
dent Nixon's counsel], show-
ing clearly that I did not be-
lieve the President knew.
In my talk with Dean on
26 June, I said. "those who
were not touched by the mat-
ter would be so" if I were to
do what Dean wanted.
The fifth paragraph of my
memo on my talk with him
on 28 June covers this also.
My whole talk with Gray
on 6 July also makes this
wiew clear.
Paragraph 5 of my memo
of July 28 conversation with
Gray also reflects this view.
With regard to the refer-
ence to the Cubans in my
notes on my talks with Dean
on 28 June, he had expressed
the view that there were
three hypotheses on the bug-
ging: 1) The Committee to
Re-elect the President; 2) The
C.I.A.; 3) Some other group.
He never admitted any par-
ticipation by the first group.
I told Dean C.I.A. was not
;
one and pressed me for ideas.
My remarks were intended
only as a hypothetical as-
sumption.
VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JUNE 28, 1972
On June 23 at 1300 [1 P.M.]
on request I called with di-
rector Helms on John Ehr-
lichman and Robert Halde-
man at Ehrliclunan's office at
the White House. Haldeman
said that the "bugging" affair
at the Democratic National
Committee headquarters at
the Watergate apartments
had made a lot of noise and
that the Democrats are try-
ing to maximize it.
The F.B.I. had been called
in and was investigating the
matter. The investigation was
leading to a lot of important
people and this could get
worse. He asked what the
connection with the agency
was and the director repeat-
ed that there was none.
Haldeman said the whole
affair was getting embarrass-
ing and it was the President's
wish that Walters call on
Acting Director L. Patrick
Gray and suggest to him
that, since the five suspects
had been arrested, this should
be sufficient and that it was
not advantageous to have
the inquiry pushed, especial-
ly in Mexico, etc.
Director Helms said he had
talked to Gray on the previous
day and made plain to him
that the agency was not be-
hind this matter and that it
was not connected with it.
None of the suspects was
working for it nor had worked
for the agency in the last
two years. He had told Gray
that none of his investigators
was touching any covert proj-
ects of the agency, current or
ongong.
Haldeman then stated that
I could tell Gray that I had
talked to the White House
and suggested that the in-
vestigation not be pushed
further. Gray [was] receptive
as he was !tanking for gui-
dance In the matter.
The director repeated that
the agency was not con-
nected with the matter. I
then agreed to talk to Gray,
as directed. Ehrlichman im-
plied that I should do this
soon and I said that I would
try to do it today.
Upon leaving the White
House, I discussed the mat-
ter briefly with the director.
Upon returning to the office,
I called Gray [and] indicated
that this was a matter of
some urgency, and he agreed
to see me at 1430 [2:30 P.M.]
that day.
VERNON G. WALTERS
Lieutenant General,
U.S.A.
MEMO DATED
JUNE 28, 1972
At 1430 on 23 June I
called on the acting director
of the F.B.I., L. Patrick Gray,
at his office in the F.B.I.
building and saw him alone.
I said that I had come to
see him after talking to the
'White House." I dited no
names and he asked for
none.
I added that I was aware
of the director's conversation
with him the previous day
and while the further inves-
tigation of the Watergate
affair had not touched any
current or ongoing covert
projects of the agency, its
continuation might lead to
r trri-ritr.
and the agency had an agree-
ment in this respect and that
the bureau had always scru-
pulously respected it. Gray
said that he was aware of
this and understood what it
was conveying. His problem
was horn to low-key the
matter now that it was
launched.
He said that a lot of
money was apparently in-
volved and that it was a
matter of a check on a Mexi-
can bank for $89,000. He
asked if the name "Dahl-
berg" meant anything to me
and I said it did not. But
that was not really signifi-
cant as I had only been with
the agency for a few months.
Gray then said that this
was a most awkward matter
to come up during an elec-
tion year and he would see
what he could do. I repeated
that if the investigations
were pushed "south of the
border" it could trespass on
some of our covert projects
and, in view of the fact that
the five men involved were
under arrest, it would be best
to taper off the matter there.
He replied that he under-
stood and would have to
study the matter to see how
it could best be done. He
would have to talk to John
Dean about it. Gray said he
looked forward to cooperat-
ing closely with the agency.
After some pleasantries
about J. Edgar Hoover and
our past military careers, I
left saying that my job had
been an awkward one but he
had been helpful and I was
grateful.
EM A ED
JUNE 28, 1972
June 26 at about 10 A.M.
I received a phone call from
Mr. Dean at the White House.
He said he wished to see me
about the matter that John
Ehrlichman and Bob Halde-
man had discussed with me
on the 23d of June. I could
check this out with them if
I wished.
I agreed to call on him at
his office in Room 106 [of
the] Executive Office Build-
ing at 1145 that morning.
Immediately after hanging up,
I called Ehrlichman to find
out if this was all right and
after some difficulty I reached
him and he said I could talk
freely to Dean.
At 1145 I called at Dean's
office and saw him alone.
He said that the investigation
of the Watergate "bugging"
case was extremely awkward
and that there were a lot of
leads to important people and
that the F.B.I., which was in-
vestigating the matter, was
working on three theories: 1)
It was organized by the Re-
publican National Committee;
2) It was organized by the
C.I.A.; 3) It was organized by
some other party.
I said that I had discussed
this with Director Helms and
I was quite sure that the
agency was not in any way
involved and I knew that the
director wished to distant
himself and the agency from
the matter.
Dean then asked whether I
was sure the agency was not
involved. He believed that
Barker had been involved in
a clandestine entry into the
Chilean Embassy. 1 said that
I was sure none of the sus-
pects had been on the payroll
for the past two years.
Dean then said that some
of the accused were getting
scared and "wobbling." I said
that even so, they could not
implicate the agency. Dean
then asked whether there
was not some way that the
agency could pay bail for
them (they'd been unable to
raise bail), added that it was
not just bail, but that if these
men went to prison could we
[the CIA.] find some way to
pay their salaries while they
were serving out their con-
victims?
I said that I must be quite
clear. I was a deputy director
and as such had only author-
ity specifically delegated to
me by the director and was
not in the chain of command
but that the great strength
of the agency and its value to
the President of the United
States lay in the fact that it
was apolitical and had never
gotten itself involved in po-
litical disputes. Despite the
fact that I had only been with
the agency a short time. I
knew that the director felt
strongly about this.
I then said that as big as
the troubles might be with
the Watergate affair, if the
agency were to provide bail
and pay salaries, this would
become known sooner or
later in the current "leak-
ing" atmosphere of Washing-
ton and that at that point,
the scandal would be 10
times greater, as such action
could only be done upon di-
rection at "the highest level"
and that those who were not
touched by the matter now
certainly would be so.
Dean seemed at first taken
aback and then very much
impressed by this argument
and said that it was certainly
a very great risk that would
have to be weighed. I re-
peated that the present affair
would be small potatoes com-
pared to what would happen
if we did what he wanted
and it leaked. He nodded
gravely.
I said that, in addition, the
agency would be completely
discredited with the public
and the Congress and would
lose all value to the Presi-
dent and the Administration.
Again he nodded gravely.
He then asked if I could
think of any way we could
help. I said that I could not
think of any but I would
discuss the matter with the
directors and would be in
touch with him. However, I
felt that I was fully cogni-
zant of the director's 4eel-
ings in the matter. He
thanked me and I left.
VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JUNE 29, 1972
On 28 June, at 1130, John
Dean asked me to see him at
his office in the Executive
Office Building. I found him
alone.
He said that the director's
meeting with L. Patrick Gray,
F.B.I. director, was canceled
and that Joihn Ehrlichman
had suggested that Gray deal
with me instead.
The problem was how to
stop the F.B.I. investigation
beyond the five suspects.
Leads led to two other peo-
ple?Ken Dahlberg, and a
Mexican named Guena. Dean
said that the $89,000 was only
related to the bugging case
and that Dahlberg was refus-
ing to answer questions.
Dean then asked hopefully
whether I could do anything
or had any suggestions.
I repeated that as the dep-
uty director, I had no inde-
pendent authority. I was not
in the chain of command and
had no authority other than
that given me by the director.
The idea that I act indepen-
dently had no basis in fact.
Dean then asked what
might be done and I said that
I realized he had a tough
problem, but if there were
agency involvement, it could
risks that were concomitant
appeared to me to be unac-
ceptable.
At present it was a high-
explosive bomb but interven-
tion such as he suggested
could transform it into a
megaton hydrogen bomb. The
present caper was awkward
and unpleasant. Direct inter-
vention by the agency would
be electorally mortal if it be-
came known and the chances
of keeping it secret to the
election were almost nil.
I noted that scandals had
a short life in Washington
and that other newer, spicier
ones soon replaced them. I
urged him to not become un-
duly agitated by this one.
He then asked if I had any
ideas and I said that this af-
fair already had a strong
Cuban flavor and that every-
one knew that the Cubans
were conspiratorial and anx-
ious to know what the poli-
cies of both parties would be
toward Castro. They, there-
fore, had a plausible motive
for attempting this amateur-
ish job which any skilled
technician would deplore.
This might be costly but it
would be plausible.
Dean said he agreed that
this was the best tack to
take, but it might cost a half
million dollars. He also
agreed (for the second time)
that the risks of agency in-
volvement were unacceptable.
After a moment's thought,
he said that he felt that
Gray's cancellation of the
appointment with Director
Helms might well be reversed
within the next few hours.
Dean thanked MP anti T
left. VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JULY 5, 1972
MEMO FOR THE RECORD
On July 5, '72 at 5:50 P.M.,
I received a phone call from
the acting director of the
F.B.I., L. Patrick Gray. He
said that the pressures on
him to continue the investiga-
tion were great. Unless he
had documents from me to
the effect that their (F.B.I.)
investigation was endanger-
ing national security, he would
have to go ahead with the in-
vestigation of Dahlberg and
Daguerre. He had talked to
John Dean. I said I could not
give him an immediate an-
swer but would give him one
by 10:00 on 6-July. He said
that would be agreeable.
VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JULY 6, 1972
At 10:05 on 6 July 1 saw
acting director L. Patrick
Gray at his office. We were
alone during our conversa-
tion. I handed him the memo-
randum which is attached and
said that it covered the entire
relationship between the
Watergate suspects and the
agency.
In all honesty I could not
tell him to cease future in-
vestigations on the grounds
thta it would compromise the
security interests of the
United States. Even less so
could I write him a letter to
this effect. He said that he
fully understood this. He him-
self had told Ehrlichman and
Haldeman that he could not
possibly suppress the investi-
gation of this matter.
Even within the F.B.I. there
were leaks. He had called in
the components of his field
office in Washington and
chewed them out on this case
because information had
leaked to the press concern-
ing the Watergate case which
only they had.
I said that the only basis
on which he and I could deal
was absolute frankness and
I wished to recount my in-
volment in this case. I said
that I had been called to the
White House with Director
Helms and had seen two
senior staff assistants (I
specifically did not name
Haldeman and Ehrlichman).
I said that we had been
told that if this case were
investigated further, it would
lead to some awkward
places, and I had been di-
rected (the implication being
that the President directed
this although it was not spe-
cifically said) to go to acting
director Gray and tell him
that if this investigation
were pursued further, it
could uncover some ongoing
covert operations of the
agency. I had done this.
Subsequently. I had seen
Mr. Dean, the White House
counsel, and told him that
whatever the current and
present implications of the
Watergate case were, that to
implicate the agency would
not serve the President but
would enormously increase
the risks to the President.
I had a long association
with the President and was
as desirous as anyone of
protecting him. I did not be-
lieve that a letter from the
agency asking he F.B.I. to
lay off this investigation on
spurious grounds that it
would uncover covert opera-
tions would serve the Presi-
dent.
Such a letter in the current
atmosphere in Washington
would become known prior
to election. What was now a
minor wound would become a
mortal wound. I said quite
frankly that I wouldn't write
such a letter.
Gray thanked me for my
frankness and said that this
opened the way for fruitful
cooperation between us. He
would be frank with me, too.
He could not suppress this
investigation with the F.B.I.
He had told Kleindienst this.
ir a e weard pre-
fer to resign, hut his resigna-
tion would raise many ques-
tions that would be deteri-
mental to the President's
interest.
He did not see why he or
I should jeopardize the integ-
rity of our organizations to
protect some mid-level White
House figures who had acted
imprudently. He was pre-
pared to let this go to Ehrlich-
man, to Haldeman, or to
Mitchell, for that matter. He
felt it important that the
President should be protected
from his would-be protectors.
He had explained this to
Dean as well as to Ehrlich-
man and to Haldeman.
He said he was anixous
not to talk to Mitchell be-
cause he was afraid that at
his confirmation hearings he
would be asked whether he
had talked to iMtchell about
the Watergate case and he
wished to be in a position
to reply negatively. He said
that he would like to talk to
the President about it but he
feared that a request from
him to see th President would
be misinterpreted by the
media.
I said that if I were di-
rected to write a letter
him saying that the future
investigation of this case
would jeopardize the security
of the United States and
covert operations of the
agency, I would ask to see
the President and explain to
him the disservice 1 thought
this would do to his interest.
The potential danger to the
President of such a course
far outweighed any protec-
tive aspects it might have for
any other figures in the
White House and I was quite
prepared to resign myself on
this issue. Gray said he un-
derstood this fully and hoped
I would stick to my guns. I
assured him I would.
Gray then said though
this was an awkward posi-
tion, our mutual frankness
had created the basis for a
new and happy relationship
between the two agencies. I
said the meorandum I had
given him described in detail
the exact measure of agency
involvement and noninvolve-
ment in this case, including
information on Dahlberg and
Daguerre. He thanked me
again for my frankness and
confidence and repeated that
he did not believe that he
could sit on this matter and
that the facts would come out
eventually. He walked me to
the door.
VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JULY 13, 1972
On 12 July at 14150 I
called on acting director L.
Patrick Gray at his office and
saw him alone.
I told him that shortly
after I had seen him the last
time and given him the
memorandum concerning for-
mer C.I.A. association of the
suspects in the Watergate
case, I had since discovered
one additional item concern-
ing Howart Hunt. I gave him
that memorandum concern-
ing the assistance given to
Hunt, which terminated in
August, 1971, when his de-
mands escalated to an inap-
propriate level. We had as-
sisted him following a request
from the White House and it
was our understanding that
it was for the purpose of
tracking down security leaks
in the Government.
He thanked me and said
that this case could not be
snuffed out and it would
lead quite high politically.
Dahlberg was in the clear. He
had gotten the check from
Maurice Stens and deposited
it in the Mexican bank. It
was undoubtedly political
money.
Last Friday, the President
called [Gray] to congratulate
him on the F.B.I. action which
had frustrated the aircraft
hijacking in San Francisco.
The President asked him if
he had talked to me about
the case. Gray replied that
he had.
The President then asked
him what his recommenda-
tion was on the matter. Gray
had replied that the case
could not be covered up and
would lead quite high and he
felt that the President should
get rid of the people that
were involved. Any attempt
to involve the F.B.I. or the
C.I.A. in this case would only
prove a mortal wound (he
used my words) and would
achieve nothing.
The Presidlent then said,
"Then I should get rid of
whoever is involved no mat-
ter how high?" Gray replied
that was his recommenda-
tion.
The President then asked
what I thought and Gray said
my views were the same as
his. The President took it
well and thanked Gray.
Later that day, Gray had
talked to Dean and repeated
the converstien to him. Dean
had said, "Ceee."
Gray had heard no more
on the subject. He asked
whether the Persident had
spoken to me and I said he
had on another matter but
had not brought up this mat-
ter with me.
Gray then said that the
U. S. Attorney had sub-
poenaed the financial rec-
ords of the Committee to
Re-elect the President. It had
been suggested to him that
he stop this. He had replied
that he could not. Whoever
wanted this done should talk
to the Attorney General and
_ass. it Share was assr legal
way to do this. He could not.
He said that he had told
the President in 1968 that
he should beware of his sub-
ordinates who try to wear
his Commander in Chief
stripes. I agreed, saying that
in my view the President
should be protected from the
self-appointed protectors who
would harm him while trying
to cover their own mistakes.
Gray said that our views
coincided on this matter. He
would resign on this issue if
necessary and I said that in
maintaining the integrity of
our agencies we were render-
ing the President the best
possible service. I too, was
quite prepared to resign on
this issue.
He thanked me for my
frankness and said that we
had established a warm, per-
sonal, frank relationship at
outset of our tenure in our
respective jobs.
VERNON G. WALTERS
MEMO DATED
JULY 28, 1972
[11
On Friday, July 28, 1972,
at 11 A.M. I called an the
acting director 'of the F.B.I.,
L. Patrick Gray, at his office
In the F.B.I. building. He saw
me alone. I said I had come
to clarify the last memoran-
um I had given him in reply
to inquiries from Mr. Pirham
"Cleo."
[21
I said that "Cleo" was Mr.
Cleo [blank], an electronics
engineer who was in contact
with Mr. Hunt during August
of 1971. Mr. [blank] supplied
a recorder pursuant to Mr.
Hunt's request and had as-
sisted him to get it in shape
for use in overt, not clandes-
tine, recordings of meetings
with agents. There was no
attempt to make the recorder
useful for clandestine activi-
ties .
Mr. [blank] had two addi-
tional meetings, generated by
a phone call to the above
number (a sterile telephone in
one of our offices), to
straighten out some difficul-
ties that had arisen with re-
spect to the microphones. We
never recovered the recorder.
Aside from the above con-
tact with respect to the re-
corder, there wer econtacts
with Mr. Hunt with respect to
false documents and dis-
guises for himself and an
associate. He was also loaned
a clandestine camera, which
he returned. We developed
one roll of film for Mr. Hunt,
of which we have copies
showing some unidentified
place, possibly the Rand
Corporation. We had no con-
tact whatsoever with Mr.
Hunt subsequent to 31 Au-
gust 1971.
He thanked me for this in-
formation. I added that when
Hunt's requested had esca-
lated, we terminated our
assistance to him and had no
further contact with him sub-
sequent to 31 August 1971.
He vas grateful for this in-
formation.
Gray asked me if the Presi-
dent lad called me on this
matter and I replied that he
had rot. Gray then said a
lot o pressure had been
brouglt on him on this mat-
ter be he had not yielded.
I toll him that we intended
to teiminate the 965-9598
nuance- [the C.I.A.'s sterile
phone and he nodded. Then
he sail, "This is a hell of a
think co happen to us at the
outset of our tenure with our
respective offices." I agreed
hearfiy.
[7]
Hethanked me for coming
to se him and for maintain-
ing itch a frank and forward
relathnship with him. I left
him short, unsigned memo
embdying what I had told
him. Vernon A. Walters
SCILESINGER LETTER
lated Feb. 9, 1973
Subect : Telephone Call
Frog John Dean.
Tis evening at 6:10 T re-
ceivd a telephone call from
Johr Dean at the White
Holm Dean indicated that
he *anted to discuss two
topic
Fie, he [referred] to a
packt of material that had
been3ent to the Department
of Jetice in connection with
the eatergate investigation.
He aggested that Justice be
reqtred to return this pack-
agea the agency [the C.I.A.].
Te only item that would
be rt at Justice would be
a cat in the files indicating
thal t package had been re-
turret to the agency, since
the material in the package
was.no longer needed for the
Purotes of the investigation.
lie nd.cated that the agency
hacbriginally provided these
materials to the Department
of Justice at the request of
the [Assistant] Attorney Gen-
eral, Mr. [Henry E.] Petersen.
The second subject that he
raised was the pending in-
vestigation by the Senate on
the I.T.T. affair in relation to
the Chilean problem. He felt
that this investigation could
be rather explosive. He also
indicated that there might be
some sensitive cables at the
agency that might be re-
quested by the Senate investi-
gators.
I indicated to him that
while I had not seen any
cables, I had been briefed on
the subject, and that the role
of the Government appeared
to be clean. He expressed his
delight at hearing this assess-
ment. I indicated that I would
look into the cables for that
period.
In this connection, he men-
tioned that there is a hot
story being passed about in
the press, primarily instigated
by Seymour Hersh of The
New York Times. The story
suggests that [Frank] Sturges,
who sometimes went by the
code name Federini, was the
individual responsible for the
burglarizing of the Chilean
Embassy in Washington.
He also indicated that he
expected Senator [J.W.] Ful-
bright to request the Justice
Department to produce Stur-
gis for the Senate hearings.
I indicated that I would
look further into the matter.
He then made some rather
jovial remarks about not al-
ways being the bearer of bad
tidings, and I inquired what
the good news might be. Fur-
ther references were made
to a pending appointment at
the A.E.C.
Shortly thereafter, I dis-
cussed those matters with
Bill Colby [then a high-rank-
- --
ing C.I.A. official], who in-
dicated that Sturgis had not
been on the payroll for a
number of years and that
whatever the allegations
about the Chilean Embassy,
the agency had no connec-
tion at all.
We also agreed that he
would discuss the question
of the package realtive to
the Watergate investigation
with General Walters and a
discussion would be made
with regard to the appropri-
ate action. J. R. S.
cc: General Walters
(James R. Schlesinger)
MEMO DATED
MAY 11, 1973
MEMORANDUM OF
CONVERSATION OF
FEB. 21, 1973
At the request of the di-
rector, Dr. Schlesinger, I
called on Mr. John Dean in
his office at the White House
at 4:30.
I explained to him that, in
connection with his request
that the agency ask the De-
partment of Justice to return
a package of material that
had been sent to them in
connection with the Water-
gate investigation, it was
quite impossible for us to
request the return of this,
as this would simply mean
that a note would he left in
the Department of Justice
files that the material had
been sent hack to the agency,
and we had been asked not
to destroy any material in
any way related to the case.
I again told him that there
was no agency involvement
in this case, and that any
attempt to involve the agency
could only be harmful to the
United States. He seemed dis-
appointed. I then left.
VERNON A. WALTERS
4111.?????
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
,"144440,08eavasowsvo---*
McCord Vhargeastaiiie:DeyniedRo
Continued From Page A-1 Coast. It was Caulfield, sources, told the grand mid, at that time had au- will emerge as the central
who wanted to talk about a jury that he showed the there was a personal thority to order wiretaps figure in the wiretap oper-.
letter he had just received, letter to Dean. Dean soonfriend who was involved. for domestic security rea- anon, which was conduct-
thing to go into it, that I sons and might have had ed under the guise of na-
Fielding said. got in touch with Caulfield ? ? ? It was a very Painful
would be glad to do it at a information regarding donut security. McCord is
As Fielding recalled it, and told him to contact
Caulfield told him "the McCord with the offers, threatened disorders. expected to make the dis-
cmtent of the letter was the sources said. later time, that I hoped "information which I felt I closures under creases.
'they were trying to place they would defer that might not be privy to and amination, with later wit-
this matter (the bugging) CAULFIELD reportedly question until subsequent Mr. Liddy might not be nesses adding details.
at the feet of the CIA, it told the grand jury thatThe Sun quoted one See-
questioning and I would be privy M. . . .''
doesn't belong there, and the lest time he saw the glad to answer it. They ate source as saying,
Adding to his "appre-
trees in the forest will hands. Whether it is still in saltleithe'rmoaCdodrdsn'OS: his vhrilsci:i.ne" aabtout possible .6.1,1c.i.syeetr,;sotnaeple:d pr:re:_
theR
if it is placed there, all the letter, it was in Dean's
attorney, Bernard Fen- ca. They were running a
fall.' The letter said to existence is not known. publican National Con ea.
it on and tell them McCord also alluded sterwald, could be reached vention, McCord said police state when they had
that if that's what they several times during following the hearings to w authority."
ere FBI intelligence re-
want to happen, they are yesterday's statement to be asked why McCord had ports he had received from In other testimony pro.
onthe right course, and his contention that hisnever mentioned the Dee the internal security divi- terday, McCord said that:
the letter was unsigned." home telephone had been cember letter to Caulfield sion of the Justice Depart- ? Liddy was given a budg-
Caulfield, Fielding con- tapped, and that he had so in any forum. mem ? reports obtained et of $300,M0 to 9350,100 for
tinned, said he didn't know stated in a motion filed with the help of the Justice political espionage, clan.
mist the letter was from. last fall before the trial McCORD earlier told Department ? reports destine photography and
"He said the only people j.?,,,,, the Senate committee that obtained with the he) of bogging activities that no.
hecould think that it could The prosecutors, reply- it was Liddy, former co.- the division's former eluded planned operations
possibly he from, and it ing to McCord's motion, tel to the re-election con, director, Robert C. Mardi- at the Watergate, Sen.
was surmise on his part, said they had checked fed- mittee and later to its fi- an, then with the re-ele, George McGovern's cam-
eral law enforcement rece non committee. paign headquarters on
would be either Mr. (G. nonce unit, who first drew
Gordon) Liddy or Mr ords and could find no ins him into the Watergate Capitol Hill and the Demo-
McCord dication that a tap had
scheme in early January McCORD TESTIFIED erotic National Conven-
..."
Fielding said he relayed ever been put on McCord's 1972. that at his request, Robert non. Only the Watergate
Liddy told him that the break-in actually took
the message to Dean when phone, C. Odle Jr., the cam'
returned from Califor- However. Caulfield re- OPeretion was being mittee's office manage, Plac?
nia, and said Dean said, Portedly told the grand Platin0d bY then-AttY. Gen. "sent a memorandum ? Howard Hunt, another
"Well, it was ProbablYi of the convicted Watergate ury that McCord had said John N. Mitchell, presi- to Mr. Mitchell asking for
McCord.' or something toonspirators, "indicated to
that effect ..." he had telephoned some eiliecnettiaolncocounsmmielt,Deadne,,r,ye-
approval of my contact conspirators,
that he had separate.
foreign embassies he knew with that organization"
independent knowledge,.
The letter as Fielding were regularly tapped by director .Teb S. Magruder (the internal security divi.
the federal government, that Mr. Mitchell and Mr.
described it seems to r, and Liddy himself, Mc- sion of Justice).
fleet the deep loyalty and suggested that Caul- Cord said. "The next I heard was a Dean and Mr Magruder
McCord held for the CIA, Asked why he agreed to had planned the opera-
field have the White Home call from Mr. Mardian M
where ho. worked as a sc. check again to see if Mc- participate in an illegal which he referred to that tions in the Attorney
curtsy officer from 1951Cord's voice could be break-in at the Watergate memorandumsnot- and he s Generals ()ffice.
Hunt also referred. in
after spending a lifetime eel mat Mr Mitchell had
through 1970. picked up on those taps.
i
conversations about Wa-
n law enforcement for the given approvM to my con-
BourizA,En, sources say McCord wm pp sly
FBI and CIA, McCord tact to acquire that type a mrgate planning, to his
Caulfield told the grand hoping that having his
former White /IOUS? SUPC-
jury that the letter also et/tee discovered on a goy- rePiied:
rior, Charles W. Colson. At
information . . . such in-
"One of the reasons. and formation as did affect,
reflected a stronger state- ernmentmrdered wiretap
one point, NIcCord testi-
might cast enough douM a very important reason to might affect, the security
tnent by McCord - - that if
fel the prosecution's evi- me. Was the fact that the of f ho fro_oLoofion, Bed, Hum held a break-in
dome to have the caseattorney generai himself, jr.josgujite, ?? ?pyl,u,ndoinnthinhen,uid,,,a,n,dofsniel,
,
thrown out on a technicali- Mr. John Mitchell, had at From mid-May until las
ty, according to sources, his office considered and June 17 arrest at the Wa? will see Colson." McCord
approved the operation, tergate , he received said he concluded flues
McCORD EXPLAINED according to Mr. Liddy. "almost daily" reports ? "was going to see Mr. Cal.
not having previously including FBI reports ? son and discum our giving
mentioned the Caulfield "SECONDLY, that the from two offkus a, , him the operational plan."
meeting by saying he had counsel for the President, internal security division, Colson has consistently
wanted to collect his Mr. John Dean, had par- McCord said. denied any knowledge of
thoughts first on so impor- ticipatcd in those decisions McCord said he the Watergate brmk-in,
tant a matter. "1 wanted with him. One was the top "understood" the Demo- and publicly asserted he
to he as accurate as I legal officer for the United erotic party was given has passed a lie detector
mild because it involved States at the Department similar access to intelli- test on that question.
the President of the United of Justice, and the second gence reports about possi- ? While serving as securis
States, in my opinion," he gentleman the top legal ble convention disruptions, ty director for the re-elec-
told committee counsel officer in the White House. although Democratic offi- tion committee, McCord
Samuel Dash. . . . clots have emphatically received a salary' a
Asked why he had not McCord said the re- denied ever receiving such 520,00o annually. In
fold floethe grand jury of the election committee had information. lion, LUSO paid him 52,000
meetings with Caulfield, many reports of potential a month in cmh during the
McCord replied, "When I violence at the August TODAY'S Baltimore Sun
appeared before the grand Republican National Con- Manning phase of the
quotes soto-ces as saying Watergate operation.
III told them that ? I vention, and indicated that that the Senate committee After his arrest, McCord
raised the question about he believed the Watergate will be told next week of a received a total of $46,000
political pressure that had bugging might have been national network a wire- in cmh from Mrs. Hunt,
been put onto me by the planned in mrt to obtain tam used to suPPlY midi- who was It killed in a
Hunts (E. Howard Hunt information about disrup- cal information to the Nix- December plane crash in
Jr. and his wife, Dorothy, tions by demonstrators. on campaign committee. Chicago. Some 525,000 of
If is now dead). The attorney general, he Mardian, the paper said, this amount was for "legal
About a halfehour after
he began his Senate testi-
mony yesterday morning,
McCord began reading
from a prepared statement
which said in part:
"Political pressure from
the WNte House was con-
veyed to me in January
1973 by John Caulfield to
remain silent, take execu-
tive clemency by going off
to prison quietly, and 1
was told that while there I
would receive financial
aid, and later rehabilita-
tion and a job.
"I was further told in a
January meeting M 1973
with Caulfield that the
President of the United
States was aware of our
meeting, that the results of
the meeting would be con-
veyed to the President,
and that at a future meet-
ing there would likely be a
personal message from the
President himself."
McCORD SAID the
three meetings in questinn
took place on Jan. 12, 14
and 25 although he was
first contacted in connec-
tion with the matter by an
unknown caller the night
of Jan. 8, the day the Wa-
tergate trial began.
McCord has now testi-
fied before the Watergate
grand jury, the Senate
stall, ill open before the
full cemmittee yesterday,
and in one full and one
partial pre-trial deposition
in connection with the re-
lated Watergate 'aso
suits.
In none of these, howev-
er, has he ever mentioned
a letter he mailed to Caul-
field in late December.
The letter was unsigned,
hut Caulfield. according to
sources, has told the grand
jury that he has confirmed
that it was in fact from
McCord.
The letter is mentioned
coincidentally in a deposi-
tion, released yesterday,
by Fred Fielding, a Dean
aide who took part in
emptying he safe in the
White House office of Wae.
tergate mnspirator E.
Howard Hunt Jr. two days
after [beeline 17 arrests.
FIELDING, WHO also
testified a he trial, said
in his deposition that
around 11ec. 31 he re-
ceived 0 fall for Dean.
who was den on the West
prevent his going to jail,
then he would tell every-
thing he knew.
This differs somewhat
from McCord's portrayal
of himself. both in his tes-
timony yesterday and in
his 383-page deposition in
the civil case, as a man
who was primarily con-
cerned with having the
truth came out, no matter
what.
At one point in his state-
ment yesterday, NIcCord
says of Inct offers transmit-
ted by Caulfield, "My re-
sponse was that I felt si
massive injustice was
being done, thm I was dif-
ferent than tile others, that
I was going to fight the
fixed case, and had no in-
tention of either pleading
guilty, taking executive
clemency or agreeing to
remain silent."
Caulfield, according to
McCord's
Here is the text of a statement James McCord
read to smators _yesterday after being asked about
political ressure on him to keep silent:
SUBJECP: POLITICAL PRESSURE ON THE
WRUER TO ACCEPT EXECUTIVE CLEM-
ENCY AND REMAIN SILENT :
Political pressure from the White House was
conveyec to one in January 1973 by John Caulfield
to remah silent, take executive clemency by
going ofl to prison quietly and I was told that
while than I would receive financial aid and lat-
er rehablitation and a job.
I was further told in a January meeting in 1973
with Catlfield that the President of the United
States was aware of our meeting, that the results
of the meeting would be conveyed to the Presi-
dent, ad that at a future meeting there would
likely be a personal message from the President
himself. The dates of the telephone calls net forth
below are the correct dates to the best of my rec-
ollection
On the afternoon of Jan. 8, 1973, the first day of
the Watergate trial, Gerald Alch, any attorney,
told me that William 0, Bittman, attorney for E.
Howard Hunt, wanted to meet with me at
Bittman's office that afternoon. When I asked
why, Alch said that Bittman wanted to talk with
me about "whose word I would trust regarding a
White House offer of executive clemency." Alch
added that Bittman wanted to talk with both Ber-
nard Barker and me that afternoon.
I had no intention of accepting executive clem-
ency, but I did want to find out what was going
on, and by whom, and exactly what the White
House was doing now. A few days before, the
White House had tried Inlay the Watergate oper-
ation off on CIA, and now it was clear that I was
going to have to find out what was up now. To do
so involved some risks. To fail to do so was in my
opinion to work in a vacuum regarding White
House intentions and plans, which involved even
greater risks, I felt.
AROUND 430 P.M. that afternoon, Jan. 8,
while waiting for a taxi after the court session,
Bernard Barker asked my attorneys and me if he
couid aide in the cab with us to Bittman's office
which we agreed to. There he got out of the cab
and went up towards Bittman's office.
I had `men under the impression during the cab
ride tha: Rittman was going to talk to both Bar-
ker and tie jointly, and became angered at what
seemed b me to be the arrogance and audacity of
another man's lawyer calling in two other
lawyer's clients and pitching them for the White
House. Alch saw my anger and took me aside for
about a half hour after the cab arrived in front of
Rittman% office, and let Barker go up alone.
Aboutb p.m. we went up to Bittman's office.
There Alt disappeared with Bittman, and I sat
alone in Bittman's office for a period of time,
became reitated, and went next door where Ber-
nard Shaikman and Austin Mittler, attorneys for
me and Hunt respectively, were talking about
legitimat legal matters. Alch finally came back,
took me nide and said that Bittman told him I
would becalled that same night by a friend I had
known fora the White House. I assumed this
would Ix John Caulfield who had originally re-
THEwmt9,spfx4 DAILY 115,1?, A-11
This is the phone booth near the Blue Faun-
tain Inn in Rocicville where James McCord
Jr. says he received offers of executive
clemency from a White House representa-
tive if he would agree to "plead guilty" in
the Watergate breakin case and then keep
quiet,
fees'' and the remainder
for "salary'. at a rate of
93,000 ner month. NIcCord
testified.
? Al no ante was there
any indication that the
CIA was involved in the
Watergate operation, ei-
ther before or offer the
Wage pact
ST. LOUIS (AP) ? The
president of strikebound
Mark Air Lines has tols
stockholders that the coin
party has offered mechan-
ics a contract which would
pay technicians with six
months' experience 013,795
a year.
Edward J. Crane, ad-
dressing more than MO
stockholders at an annual
meeting yesterday defncd-
break-in itself. "I had just
the contrary . . that it
was an opera tic n which
involved the attorney gen-
eral of the United States
. . . involved the cnunsel
to the White House. in-
volved Mr. Jeb Magruder,
and Mr. Liddy . "
McCord said.
Offered
ed the company offer by
calling it one "that would
allow our employes to be
the highest paid in the
industry.?'
Mechanics for other air-
lines make about 513,104,
Crane said.
The Aircraft Mechanics
Fraternal Association, on
strike since April 19,
meanwhile asked for a
resumption in negotia-
tions.
Statement on Political Pressure
cruited me for the Committee for the Re-Election
of the President position.
Ab an 12:30 p.m. that same evening, I received a
call from an unidentified individual who said that
Caulfield was out of town, and asked me to go to a
pay phone booth near the Blue Fountain Inn on Rte.
355 near my residence, where he had a message for
me from Caulfield. There the same individual called
and read the following message:
"Plead guilty."
One year is a long time. You will get Executive
Clemency.
Your family will be taken care of and when you
get out you will be rehabilitated and a Job will be
found for you.
"Don't take immunity when called before the
grand jury."
The same message was once again repeated, ob-
viously read.
I told the caller I would not discuss such matters
over the phone. He said that Caulfield was out of
town.
ON WEDNESDAY evening, Jan. 10, the same
party called and told me by phone that Jack would
want to talk with me by phone on Thursday night,
Jan. 11, when he got back into town, and requested
that I go to the same phone booth on Rte. 355 near
the Blue Fountain Inn. He also conveyed instruc-
tions regarding meeting Caulfield on Friday night,
Jan. 12.
On Thursday evening, Jan. 11. the same PBMY
called me at home and Mid me that Cauilield
plane was late and that he wanted to meet with me
personally the same evening after arrival. I told
him that I would not do so but would meet with him
Friday night it he desired. Later that evening about
9:30 p.m., Caulfield called me on my home phone
and insisted on talking with me but my family re-
fused to let him do so, since I was asleep.
On Friday night, Jan. 12, from about 7:00 p.m. to
7:30 p.m. I met with Caulfield at the second over-
look on George Washington Parkway in Virgina and
talked with him in his car. Caulfield advised that he
had been attending a law enforcement meeting in
San Clemente, Calif., and had just returned. I ad-
vised him that I had no objection to meeting with
him to tell him my frame of mind bet that I had sa
intention of talking executive clemency or pleading
guilty; that I had come to the meeting at his request
and not of my own, and was glad to tell him my
views.
HE SAID THAT the offer of executive clemency
which he was passing along and of support while in
prison and rehabilitation and help toward a job lat-
er "was a sincere offer." He explained that he had
been asked to convey this message to me and was
only doing what he was told to do. He repeated the
last statement several times.
My response was that I would not even discuss
executive clemency or pleading guilty and remain-
ing silent, but I was glad to talk with him, so that
there was no misunderstanding on anyone's part
about it.
Caulfield stated that he was carrying the message
of executive clemency to me "from the very highest
levels of the White House." He stated that the Pres-
ident of the United States was in Key Biscayne,
Fla., that weekend, had been told of the forthcom-
ing meeting with me, and would be immediately'
told of the results of the meeting." He further stated
that "I may have a message to you at our next
meeting from the President himself."
I ADVISED Caulfield that I had seen the list of
witnesses for the trial and had seen Jeb Magruder's
name, appearing as a government witness. I ad-
vised him that it was clear then that Magruder was
going to perjure himself and that we were not going .
to get a fair trial. Further I told him that it was
clear that some of those involved in the Watergate.
case were going to trial, and others were going to
be covered for (I was referring to John Mitchell,
John Dean and Magruder) and that was not my
idea of American justice.
I further advised Caulfield that I believed that the
government had lied in denying electronic intercep-
tion of my phone calls from my residence since
June 17, 1972, and that I believed that the adminis-
tration had also tapped the phones of the other de-
fendants during that time. I mentioned two specific
calls of pane which I had made during September
and early October 1972, which I was certain had
been intercepted by the government, and yet the
government had blithely denied any such tapping.
I compared this denial to the denial the govern-
ment had made in the Ellsberg case, in which for
months the government had denied any such imper-
missible interception of the calls and yet in the
stmmer of 1972 had finally been forced to admit
mem when the judge ordered, by court order, a
search of about a dozen government agencies, and
calls intercepted were then disclosed.
I STATED that if we were going to get a fiction of
a fair trial, through perjured testimony to begin
with, and then for the government to lie about ille-
gal telephone interceptiOns, that the trial ought to
be kicked out and we start all over again, this time
with all of those involved as defendants. At least in
this way, "some would not be more equal than
others" before the bar of justice and we would get a
fair trial.
The executive clemency offer wa made two or
three times during this meeting, as I recall, and I
repeated each time that would not even discuss it,
roe discuss pleading guilty, which I had been asked
sods in the first telephone call received on the night
of Jan. 8, from Caulfield's friend, whose identity I
an not know. I told him that I was going to renew
tie motion on disclosure of government wiretapping
cf our telephones.
Caulfield ended the conversation by stating that
le would call me the next day about a meeting that
some afternoon, Saturday, Jan. 13, and that if I did
rot hear from him, he would want to talk with nte
In telephone on the evening of Monday, Jan, 15,
1)73.
I DID NOT HEAR from Caulfield on Saturday but
m Sunday afternoon he called and asked to meet
Be that afternoon about an hour later at the same
location on George Washington Parkway. He stated
that there was no objection to renewing the motion
m discovery of government wiretapping, and that if
Shot failed, that I would receive executive clemency
dter 10 to 11 months. I told him I had not asked
myone's permission to file the motion.
Ile went on to say that "the President's ability to
gwern is at stake. Another Teapot Dome scandal is
mssible, and the government may fall. Everybody
eon is on track but you. You are not following the
game plan. Get closer to your attorney. You weem
tr be pursuing your own course of action. Don't talk
if called before the grand jury, keep silent, and do
the same if called before a congressional commit-
tee."
My response was that I felt a massive injustice
was being done, that I was different than the others,
that I was going to fight the fixed case, and had no
intention of either pleading guilty, taking executive
clemency or agreeing to remain silent. He repeated
the statement that the government would have diffi-
culty in continuing lobe able to stand.
I RESPONDED that they do have a problem,
but that I had a problem with the massive injustice
of the whole trial beng a sham, and that I would
fight it every way I knew how. He asked for a com-
mitment that I would remain silent and I responded
that I would make none. I gave him a memorandum
on the dates of the two calls of mine in September
1972 and October 1972 that I was sure had been in-
tercepted, and said that I believed the government
had lied about them. He said that he would check
and see if intact the government had done so.
On Monday night, Jan. 15, 1973, Caulfield called
me again at the phone booth on RTE. 355 near my
residence. I informed him that I had no desire to
talk further, that if the White House had any inten-
tion of playing the game straight and giving us the
semblance of a fair trial they would check into the
perjury charge of mine against Magruder, and into
the existence of the two intercepted calls previously
referred to, and hung up.
On Tuesday morning, about 7:30 a.m., Caulfield
called my residence but I had already left for court.
ON TUESDAY evening, Caulfield called and
asked me again to meet with him and I said not un-
til they had something to talk about on the perjured
testimony, and the intercepted calls. Ile said u?ords
to the effect "give us a week,- and a meeting was
subsequently arranged on Jan. 25, 1973 when he
said he would have something to talk about.
About 10:00 a.m. on Thursday, Jan. 25, 1973, in
a meeting lasting until about 12:30 a.m., we drove in
his car toward Warrenton, Va., and returned, and a
conversation ensued which repeated the offers of
executive clemency and financial support while in
prison, and rehabilitation later. I refused to discuss
He stated that I was "fouling up the game
plan." I made a few comments about the "game
plan." He said that "they" had found no record of
the interception of the two calls I referred to, and
said that perhaps it could wait until the appeals, lie
asked what my plans were regarding talking public-
ly, and I said that I planned to do so when I was
ready; that I had discussed it with my wife and she
said that I should do what I felt I must and not to
worry about the family.
I ADVISED JACK that my children were now
grown and could understand what I had to do, when
She disclosures came out. He responded by saying
Shut "You know that if the administration gets its
back to the wall, it will have to take steps to defend
itself." I took that as a personal threat and I told
him in response that I had had a good life, that my
will was made out and that I had thought through
the risks and would take them when I was ready.
He said that if I had to go off to jail that the
administration would help with the bail premiums. I
advised him that it was not a bail premium, but
:5170.11151 straight cash and that that was a problem
would have to worry about, through family and
friends. On the night before sentencing, Jack called
me and said that the administration would provide
Ike 1100,000 in cash if I could tell him how to get it
funded through an intermediary. I said that if we
ever needed it I would let him know. I never con-
tacted him thereafter; neither have I heard from
him.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Approved For 11 re1/W 860?49F1065yRigs
JULIE EISENHOWER
Julie Nixon Eisenhower says the Water-
gate hearings "affect anyone close to my
father who thinks he's done a great job as
President. They overshadow his achieve-
ments. I have faith that it will all work Out
. . . and he can move on to other things."
She said she would like to reserve judg-
ment on the hearings, which she has been
watching. "I'm just completely mystified,"
she said. "These are good men. I'm just
waiting until everything comes to light....
It's a very difficult time . . . a lot of men
are good friends and dedicated Americans
who have been called into question."
MRS. EISENHOWER also said:
? Her father went through a difficult time
reorganizing his staff recently, when he
was also trying to make decisions about
Leonid BrezImey's visit and disarmament.
? Her father "feels confident." People for-
get he's 60 because he looks young, and are
surprised sometimes when he appears
tired. "I've been kidding him about a few
gray hairs lately ? but I think they make
him look distinguished."
? When she feels criticism is unfair, "it
really gets me down," but I talk to my hus-
band . "I don't worry my father."
? Not all the coverage of the Watergate has
been "completely balanced." There has
been much "hearsay and second sources."
She cited the resignation of Young Republi-
can Ken Rietz as having nothing to do with
( Clare Crawford
the Watergate affair. We most "be careful
not to try these people in the newspapers."
SHE SAID her father would not resign.
"He really loves his country . . . he's a
dedicated man. The country needs his pro-
grams. When the going gets rough, I don't
think he'd ever bug out, to to speak."
Mrs. Eisenhower made her remarks on
Dimension Washington, which will be seen
on WRC-NBC TV tomorrow at 1130 a.m.
Mrs. Eisenhower also discussed the com-
ing dinner for prisoners of war at the White
House Thursday.
She said the honor guard will use the
homemade American flag from the Hanoi
Hilton, the name the men gave to their
prison camp.
The event will be similar to state dinners,
except the "Hanoi Hilton" chaplain will
give a blessing arid the POWs will sing the
song they sang each morning in prison.
Much of the dinner has been donated ?
from wine to flowers ? and people have
written in asking to serve as waiters or
help with the dinner.
Mrs. Eisenhower said she didn't feel the
Watergate would overshadow the POW
dinner, which was planned in February.
"FOR ONE NIGHT, the whole country
will focus on these men and ... the courage
it took to survive." The President, she said,
has asked Bob Rope. Sammy Davis Jr.,
John Wayne and other entertainers for the
dinner to come to Washington a day early
to entertain wounded veterans at Walter
Reed and Bethesda.
Mrs. Eisenhower said her husband's
sports writing job is only part-time and
that he is doing free lance articles, includ-
ing one for a magazine on the Middle East.
She said his first column was about
whether baseball was for the young or the
old and questioned the use of such things as
pantyhose nights at the ball park. He will
write general sports columns, rather than
just cover the Philadelphia team.
She said he has applied to several law
schools here for the September semester.
"I think he's interested in politics, and I
wouldn't rule that out for the future."
MRS. EISENHOWER said she was en-
joying traveling and representing her par-
ents and probably would not return to
teaching until after her father leaves the
White House.
She endorsed politics as a career. "If
you're a firm believer in what you are
doing and you really think you can make a
contribution and a difference . .. then you
can stand the other side effects."
Ple ginning *Id
ass TheTaNewsPOrtt011.0
A-12
WASHINGTON, D.C., SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1973
EGG-SHAPED 'ROC'
Corcoran Gift
By RUTH DEAN
viv-vsisss91.1"99t
An egg-shaped laminat-
ed pine sculpture entitled
"Roc," by sculptress Jen-
nie Lea Knight, won out in
the competition with the
works of two other sculp-
tors last night as the
Friends of the Corcoran's
1973 gift to the Corcoran
Gallery of Art.
The ISO-member group,
founded 11 years ago to
augment the gallery's con-
temporary art collection,
cast the deciding vote fol-
lowing their annual dinner
in the Gallery's Mantel
Room.
But there were under-
currents of dissension,
voiced at the pre-dinner
reception and following
the dinner vote, over the
choicest artists by the
Acquisitions Committee
and gallery director Roy
Slade's final selections of
one individual work each
for the finalists.
IN ADDITION to Miss
Knight, the oilier finalists
were Robert Stackhouse
and Ed Love. All are local
artists.
Several guests liked
Stackhouse's 12-foot long
redwood sculpture that
looked like a Viking boat
or Hawaiian outrigger. It
also served as a handy bar
for drinks until watchful
gallery officials asked
their removal.
The third sculpture,
"Helmet" by black artist
Ed Love, demonstrated
the artist's ingenuity at
translating auto parts into
a primitive African mask.
"It's all politics," said
one disgruntled woman
who wished to be name-
less. "I didn't vote. I felt
like I was back in the last
election ? nobody to vote
for."
A more outspoken
Friend, black artist Har-
old Smith, called the gal-
lery selection "a pile of
garbage ? I wish they'd
given ma choice."
Even before it was voted
the winning selection,
"Roc" was the favorite of
three discerning Friends.
ISABEL A. BURGESS,
member of the National
Transportation Safety
Board, said she thought
the Knight sculpture's
"tactile quality is great."
And Sam and Helen
Greenbaum, both collec-
tors of contemporary art
themselves, praised its
subtlety and grace.
"We're going to Rome and
Florence next week to look
at the contemporary art
there; we love it," he said.
At the dinner, Dr. Thom-
as A. Mathews, president
of the Friends, announced
this year's gift would be a
memorial to GaRerypatron
Miss Edith Cook, a Labor
Department attorney who
died earlier this year.
In his talk, Mathews
also indicated there'd been
NOMe dissent among the
Friends.
"Questions have been
raised," he said, "why a
sculpture? And why
haven't the Friends pur-
chased a major work of
art this year?"
Defending the Acquisi-
tions Committee's choice,
he said "I think any work
we buy for the Corcoran is
a significant work of art.
"The reason why we're
not spending a lot of onto.
Margaret's First In Line
Margaret Truman Daniel bought the first sheet of Truman 8-cent stamps issued this
month to commemorate the 89th birthday of her father, former President Harry Tru-
man. Edgar Hinde, postmaster in Independence, Mo., hands theme to Mrs. Daniel, wife
of newspaperman Clifton Daniel.
cy this year (average
price of the sculpture
selections was in the $1,00D
range) is scone treasury
can build itself up, to that
if we are in a position to be
offered a major work of
art, we can buy it. We also
Radio
TV
Notes
tori Trott the 25-veer.
uld Whemon housewife
and muther of two who
won WRC-Radio's "fan-
tasy" contest jackpot
prize of $25,000?she mute
that she'd give $20,000 to
the muscular dystrophy
campaign- ta Ikedvia long
distance Thursday with
comedian Jerry Lewis.
She's been united to ap-'
pear on the next Labor
Day telethon by Lewis.
'the NBC station has
worked out the tax angle
in regard to the contest:
Mrs. Trott will get a check
for SS.000 only.
Jack Rowzie WCTN-AM
lot 9901, the new religious-
y oriented station, now
hopes to be on the air on
Monday. beginning at 6
a.m. Technical difficulties
led to postponement silts
prenuere.
Montgomery County res-
idents will get a chance to
look at their school system
in a series of six programs
WETA-26 beginning at 7
p.m. Monday. The opening
show will feature the de-
partments of information,
research. human rola-
tions, association relations
and the ombudsman. The
series is currently being
aired at 3,30 p.m. on Tues-
days, and the prime-time
rerun should give the pro-
grams wider circulation.
?BERNIE HARRISON
"Roc" by Jennie Lea Knight
want to increase member-
ship "
EARLIER at the recep-
tion, Slade expressed hope
that the Gallery's board of
trustees will find a new
director "before summer,
So decisions can get under
way for the fall collec-
tions."
He said the search
committee, headed by
David Uoyd Kreeger, has
been meeting twice a week
interviewing "people from
the Midwest and West."
If he is the feat choice.
Slade said he "would be
willing to carryon and has
so indicated." After four
gallery directsrs in five
years, he salt what the
Corcoran neecs now "is
continuity and stability."
PRE-AUCTION EXHIBIT
Two portraits by Joshua Johnston, including this one of
Mrs. Barbara Baker Murphy (above), are on view
through Monday in o pre-auction exhibition of art and
decorative objects at Adam A. Weschler & Son, 905-9 E
Sr. NW. Johnston, who painted in Baltimore early in the
1800s, is one of two 19th-century black artists in the ex-
hibit. The other is Robert S. Duncanson, a landscape
painter frorn Cincinnati. Other 19th-century American art-
ists in the show are William Merrit Chase, Eastman John-
son and William Rimmer. The four-clay estate auction be-
gins Thursday.
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Approved For %lease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP8,4-004991Z0200010002-2
JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, Prosidont
-^ ? ?.,C5
and
WA ''171't C11 i
NLWZIOLD NOYES, fditat
,t A-16 *
WEDNESDAY, MAY 23, 1973
????????.11...?.????????????,..nvorryl?Mr.O.........
',WARY RficeRiOR7
By MARY MeGRORY
Star-News Staff Writer
In an anonymous letter
sent to his only pal in the
White House in December,
James McCord wrote pro-
phetically, "Every tree in
the forest will fall."
When McCord, the amia-
ble old spook, left the
stand of the Ervin commit-
tee, he left a ravaged land-
scape behind him. So grip-
ping, outlandish and un-
shakeable had been his
tales of life in the Nixon
campaign committee that
the President at the end of
the day popped out with a
statement warning all in-
vestigators to have a care
for "national security."
In his accusations about
the President's sinister
grand design to turn the '
CIA into a cloak for the
Watergate operation,
McCord had been corrobo-
rated by no less a person-
age than the agency's
deputy director, Lt. Gen,
Vernon A. Walters.
And when McCord final-
ly wound down, his buddy
? a New York cop named
John J. Caulfield, brought
into the White House to
"provide private investi-
gative .support" for God
knows what other schemes
? advanced to the witness
table to corroborate Mc-
Cord's charges of political
pressure from the White
House to accept executive'
clemency in all details
save for the mention of the
President's name.
McCORD dropped his
big borate last weela but
?-he .haa a TeW gana gre-
nades in his final hour. He
,mentioned casually, when
discussing the deep-laid
plot for the lay-off of Wa-
tergate on the CIA that
? James Schlesinger, the
short-livcd director, now
Defense secretary-desig-
nate, "would go along."
Nobody took him up on it.
By now everyone is
wary. Pull off a splinter on
Watergate and a wall falls
in.
" Fred Thompson, the
husky, phlegmatic rninori-
? ty counsel asked about the
only question that anyone
dared put to McCord after
the spate of specifics had
flooded a million living
rooms across the nation.
Why hadn't he sung
sooner?
ObvieesIy,b-t-F-..nnjare lend
not bothered him. He
made a formal act of con- _
ition, bet 19 years_in the -
wsl,Fcor,R,Mainch 2001/09/04 : CIA-ROP84;00
conscYmee fficicntly to
-don the blue surgical !
nrwel
alemsnava.-rreato,,:r
had the blessing of the
then attorney general.
AND SURELY although
a pleasant man in other
respects, he was at one
with his leaders about the
perilous state of the rep-
bulic, menaced as it was
by enemies from within.
He gave the usual litany of
bombings and threats,
glided over the the chilling
information that the Mc-
Govern people had a "a
pipeline" in CREEP, and
as the clincher, cited the
report that the Vietnam
Veterans Against the War
had an office in the Demo-
cratic National Commit-
tee.
The VVAW, a touching
band numbering a thou-
sand at full strength,
staged a pathetic demon-
stration on the Mall in 1970
and gave the Republican
National Convention in
Miami its only honest
moment when they
marched in total silence to
the Fountaimbeau.
It was actually after the
break-in that McCord
learned of their firebase at
the Watergate, which
makes the break-in
.history's first pre-emptive
or perhaps retroactive
protective reaction raid.
What then, had impelled
him finally to raise his
voice and blast the forests
of Richard Nixon? Well
two things, it seems. One
was that it was not done in
ea) eav (e.
? the style of the CIA, the
agency he loves.
HE TOLD his friend,
Jrck Caulfield, that in the
CIA the rule, if caught,
was for everyone to go
together. While he was
meeting Caulfield on the
second overlook of George
Washington Parkway Job
Stuart Magruder who he
says knew all about it, was
feasting with his family
and acting as master of
the inaugural revels.
He left the impression
that he might have swal-
lowed his sentence as he
would have swallowed a
death pill on a foreign
mission, had the conspira-
cy taken the group rate to
the slammer.
He waited until Judge
John H. Sirica, after "a
sham trial," had urged
them all to come forward
and tell all they knew. The
Senate committee had
provided the only forum
where McCord could tell
all his secrets.
On the only occasion his
light voice rose and his
tired face turned dark
with. emotion, McCord
said, "I am fully con-
vinced this was the right
decision."
CAUL:Fa-LLD, a dis-
traught, pop-eyed, bumpy-
nosed upwardly mobile
Brnx native, came on aft-
erwatds and, said that ile?
and 441/100 percent of what
McCord had spilled was
true. Caulfield was anoth-
er interesting case. A man
eaten alive by ambition,
he was ever on the watch
for advancement in adniin-
fthifit Cirldres
and his ego wan wounded
by John Mitchell who
treated him as "only a
bodyguards."
Caulfield sl.fethtly laun-
dered McCord's version of
what he had told him dur-
ing one of their renezvous:
McCord ? said Caulfield
arned him, "You know if
the administration gets its
back to the wall it will
have to take steps to de-
fend itself."
Caulfield scrubbed it up
a bit to read: "Jim, I have
'i worked with these people
and I know them to be as
tough-minded as you and
' itself,"
Caulfield scrubbed it up,e.
, a bit to read: mini, I have;
! worked with these people
and I know them to be as
? tough-minded as you and
; They weren't saints, ei-
ther of them, but they are
0,4116.2,tgc?Lirtrci
VuMAT6r, of
I
?
. people like McCord zinc'
!Caulfield, 'oecauSe that is
? hse
440
A.T
? Enough new information has come
? out of the Watergate-Pentagon Papers
investigation so that accounts can be
better squared on the involvement of
one key department, the Central Intel-
ligence Agency. _
? The CIA looked bad in the wake of
disclosures that at White House re-
quest it had provided assistance to the
burglars of the office of Daniel
Ellsberg's psychiatrist, and that it
cooperated in compiling a psychologi-
cal profile of Ellsberg. We said at the
time that this involvement compro-
mised and discredited the CIA.
Since then, there has come some
rather remarkable testimony from
General Robert E. Cushman, former
deputy director of the agency, General
? Vernon Walters, currently deputy
director, and Richard M. Helms, whn
was director of CIA in the period cov-
ering both the Ellsberg and the Water-
, gate episodes. Although CIA does not
emerge blame-free, the new disclo-
sures do afford a better perspective,
4.; and do place the agency's role in a
more favorable light.
To recapitulate: General Cushman
used bad judgment in helping burglars
7' E. Howard Hunt and Gordon Liddy,
? though it is fairly clear he did not
know, their mission, and though CIA
assistance to them was halted even
? before the burglary took place. Helms
? used similar bad judgment in ac-
quiescing on the Ellsberg profile. So
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s
ffehrnin
and
Thetteiews
CROSBY N. BOYD, Chairman of the Board
JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, Presider',
NEWBOLD.NOYES, Editor
A-14 **
TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1973
The CIA in a Better Light
much for the Ellsberg-Pentagon Pa-
pers period in 1971.
In the 1972 period following the ar-
rest of the Watergate burglars, high.
' White House officials evidently at-
tempted on several occasions to un-
load major responsibility on CIA for
what happened, and to get the agency
to help scuttle the FBI's investigation.
Helms and General Walters deserve
great credit for refusing to go along
with the White House suggestions,
which Senator McClellan described as
"beyond impropriety."
Should Helms and Walters have
gone to the President, or Congress,
with that informatiGn? Perhaps so. In
retrospect, it is understandable that
they did not. Lyman Kirkpatrick, a
former CIA official, wrote recently in
the New York Times:
"In fairness to CIA and other de-
partments involved, the role of the
Wnite House staff should not be under-
estimated. It is not the custom of the
bureaucracy to question a call from
the executive offices. It is assumed
that the President's people know what
they are doing. While they may not
inform the President of all details, it is
usually believed they are operating
under approved policy guidelines."
The point is worth remembering. It
is one thing to have been marginally
compromised. It is another to have
used the power and authority of the
White House to plot the compromising.
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ThevejNews
Approved FAitiompjp01/09/04 : CIA:RDP84-00499%00200010002-2
NN, President I
NEWBOLD NOYES, Editor
A-la *.
WILLIAM SAFIRE
THURSDAY, MAY 24, 1973
rnis ion of Error, Not G?ft
In one of the most re-
markable statements ever
issued by the White House,
the President made these
confessions:
1. A bureaucratic civil
war took place in the intel-
ligence community in 1970,
pitting J. Edgar Hoover's
FBI against our foreign
intelligence agencies on
the issue of whether to re-
sume authority, ended in
1966, permitting U.S.
agents to burglarize for
national security reasons.
Hoover, who did not want
his men involved in this
kind of operation, won.
Cooperation between agen-
cies bogged down and our
intelligence "deteriorat-
ed."
2. The President stated
"I approved" the creation
of the unit called "the
plumbers" to investigate
national security leaks aft-
er the publication of the
Pentagon papers, and "I
told Mr. Krogh that as a
matter of first priority, this
unit should find out all it
could about Mr. Ellsberg's
associates and his mo-
tives." The picture this
calls to mind of a U.S. pres-
ident acting as angry spy-
master is disheartening.
3. The President assert-
ed he told Asst. Atty. Gen.
Petersen to "confine his
investigation to Watergate
and stay out of national
security matters." That
means the President ob-
structed the investigation
to the extent he felt neces-
sary to protect national
security. If his accusers
want to say that makes him
part of a cover-up, so be it,
Which also applies to the
next point:
4. The President said "I
instructed Mr. Haldeman
and Mr. Ehrlichman to
ensure that the investiga-
tion of the break-in not
ose either an unrelated
5. "It is clear that unethi-
cal, as well as illegal, ac-
tivities took place in the
course of that 1972 cam-
paign. None of these took
place with my specific
approval or knowledge."
The President is a lawyer,
and is advised by men who
are careful about every
word in a written state-
ment; the addition of the
word "specific" before
"approval or knowledge"
is probably the greatest
single confession of error
in the document.
The President's confes-
sions ? and these are only
a handful of those made in
the statement ? are con-
fessions of error, not of
guilt. He says he mis-
judged; he did not intend;
he "should have been more
vigilant." But in terms of
the commission of a crime,
he admits nothing.
Since the statement
seems to raise more ques-
tions than it answers, why
did the President issue it?
It enables the men he
mentions ? Haldeman,
Ehrlichman, Krogh, depu-
ty CIA chief Walters?to
testify truthfully without
seeming disloyal to the
President.
It puts information out in
a big bucket ? not drop by
drop, as in the cartoon of
water torture inflicted on
the Republican party in the
post-Harding era.
It reminds the fair-mind-
ed of the context of Ale
times; now that Vietnam is
over, we tend to forget the
fury of the opposition to the
war and the real domestic
threats some of the protest..
ers-posed.
It tries to separate dirty
politics, which is uncon-
scionable, from the dirty,
but somewhat more con-
scionable business of
Approve 4Yvgft Roziefute (2116$109iO4 s %IN*
or the activities of the laws on
White House investigations security.
"nit "
L. lo
eh
9p
? ? Mb
I 0
news conference in which
the President can speak
like a lawyer in court,
making references to a
detailed brief, and not like
a defendant telling the sto-
ry for the first time.
Most important, the
statement focuses atten-
tion on the dilemma that
drew the Nixon adminis-
tration into the supersnoop
business in the first place:
At what point does the de-
fense of our system corrupt
our system?
It is satisfying to say,
"An obsession with securi-
ty leads to political para-
noia, and the overreaction
to dissent turns leaders
into would-be dictators."
Or, in regard to association
with people you have de-
graded by requiring them
to do the dirty work, to
apply the adage, "When
you lie down with dogs,
you get up with fleas."
There is much truth in
that, but how far are we
willing to take the
argument? How do we pro-
tect our secrets? Is it such
a good idea to try to uncov-
er another country's
secrets? Do we need a cov-
ert operation in CIA at all
anymore?
The President, after two
months, has decided upon
a strategy to deal with
Watergate: To admit error
rather than guilt, and to
change the battleground
from "was the President
involved in these sleazy
political shenanigans?" to
a loftier "what liberties
are we prepared to give up
for national security?"
For a man with his back
to the wall, it is a daring
strategy, but it is risky, too.
? for one of the fruits of
the detente Nixon brought
about is a long-awaited
lessening of the lust for
14902130erf06024 another is a
growing reluctance to sub-
vert the law in the name of
national security.
It lays the basis for a
"CeiVA4/ 114 fl,V eit?7 XykoNyk
ond
Approved FoeleasTli/ara dleg049tR000200010002-2
CROSBY N. BOYD, Chairman of the Board
JOHN H. KAUFMANN, President NEWBOLD NOYES; Editor
A-14 **
TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1973
CROSBY S. NOYES
What Ervin and Co.
One of the sadder as- ? but in government as a
pects of the Watergate whole.
affair is the reaction of
those very sincere people
who insist on minimizing
its significance.
As every newspaper in
the country is well aware
by this time, one of the
major themes of these pro-
testers is that the newspa-
pers themselves are the
real culprits in blowing up
the story out of all propor-
tion to its real importance.
Another is that what hap-
pened is par for the course
in American politics. As
one reader wrote The Star-
News:
"The Watergate case, as
an instance of political
' espionage and misuse of
campaign funds, is surely
not the heinous crime the
media make of it. Ameri-
can politics has been cor-
rupt, venal and self-cen-
tered as far back as mem-
ory permits."
? Maybe so. Yet this wide-
ly held attitude reflects a
cynicism that is, in fact,
something new in Atneri-
? can political life. And it is
also, perhaps, a measure
of how far the Watergate
affair itself has under-
mined public confidence --
not only in the perform-
ance of this administration
It is a reaction to be
7 expected in foreign coun-
tries. In China and the
Soviet Union, where such
goings on are indeed rou-
tine stuff, virtually no
mention of Watergate has
appeared in the press.
Western Europeans, who
know something about po-
litical scandals, are more
impressed by the intensity
of American reaction than
by the affair itself. The
South Vietnamese are re-
ported to be secretly de-
lighted to find another
government apparently as
corrupt as their own.
? Still, it is not excessively
naive to say that Water-
gate is very far from being
par for the course in
American politics.
Charges of criminal con-
spiracy reaching into the
heart of the White House
and the top levels of the
federal administration are
anything but routine. The
idea that politics ? and by
extension politicians and
the government itself ?
are inherently corrupt and
venal, if not downright
crooked, amounts to a
considerable injustice to a
great =any perfectly hon-
?
""nr:011101,1,',1,117,
Can Do for America
est and dedicated men and
women.
This, it seems to me, is a
growing misconception
that can cause real injury
if left unchecked. And it is
perhaps in this area that
the hearings presided over
by Sen. Sam Ervin, D-.
N.C., can make their
greatest contribution in
neutralizing the poisons
generated by the Water-
gate case.
There are problems, of
course, in holding hear-,
ings in public while grand
juries still are hearing
evidence and handing
down indictments on spe-
cific criminal charges
connected with the case. It
is quite true that the prob-
lem of granting immunity
from prosecution to some
witnesses before the com-
mittee is a delicate one
which could complicate
the work of the grand ju-
ries. It is possible that the
evidence presented to the
Senate committee may to
some degree prejudice the
judicial machinery.
It also is possible that
the Senate hearings may
result ? at least for the
short run ? in a further
decline of public confi-
dence in the administra-
tion. The announced pur-
pose of the committee is to
educate the public and to
determine what new laws
may be needed to correct
the abuses of the past, and
that may be a painful
process.
Yet no less important,
quite certainly, than the
process of determining
criminal responsibility
and punishing guilty indi-
viduals. By itself, the judi-
cial process is unlikely to
provide the public with a
clear perception of where
we have been in this affair
and where we must go
from here. As the commit-
tee vice chairman, Sen.
Howard Baker, R-Tenn.,
put it:
"Although juries will
eventually determine the
guilt or innocence of per-
sons who have been and
may be indicted for specif-
ic violations of the law, it
is the American people
who must be the final
judge of Watergate."
And, if the committee
does its job, that judg-
ment certainly will not be
that the government as a
whole is corrupted and
unworthy of the confi-
dence of the American
people. Quite on the con-
trary, the real lesson that
will be learned is that the
Watergate affair was a
grotesque aberration engi-
neered by people with pre-
cious little knowledge of
the American political sys-
tem and the permissible
limits of political conduct.
The essential job of the
committee, in short, is to
restore the confidence of
the people in the system of
government in this coun-
try and the integrity of the
vast majority of those who
serve the system. And that
is a far more important
objective than sending a
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coundrels off to jail.
Approved F
n4
and
ThettNews
CROSBY N. BOYD, Chairman of the Board
JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, President
NEWBOLD NOYES, Editor
A-14 **
_
TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1973
' ,RUSSELL BAKER
Suggestions for Improvement
It is not too early in the
Watergate business to
start drawing tessons and
thinking about reform.
Following are a few of the
more obvious things that
might be done to improve
the quality of government.
1. Abolish the FBI and
CIA. Both have become
intensely bureaucratized
agencies with too many
activities ? electronic
eavesdropping, keeping
secret dossiers on citizens
and members of govern-
ment, collecting intelli-
gence for domestic politi- ?
cal manipulation -- char-.
acteristic of secret-police
functions in a totalitarian
state.
?
Entrenched police bu-
reaucracies are not only
unattractive in an open
society but also danger-
?
ous. With their blackmail
powers over political lead-
ers and their ability to.
harass their enemies, they
become small states with-
in the state.
The best way to dispose
of their threat is to dis-
Solve such bureaucracies
periodically? every 10
years perhaps ? and
empower Congress to cre-
ate such new national po-
lice bureaus as may from
time to time seem neces-
sary.
This might even improve
police and intelligence
performance, since new
government agencies tend
to be dynamic and effec-
tive while aged ones be-
come absorbed in internal
politics and wasteful, pos-
sibly dangerous plots for
AppropittuilNrare1681709
AS6'
Needless to say, Con-*
gress should be cautious
about permitting person-
nel carryover when aboli-
shig one set of police agen-
cies and establishing its
successor. Amateurism at
the police station is al-
ways preferable to the ef-
ficiency of a Gestapo or
KGB.
2. Get the President off
Mt. Olympus. The impor-
tant thing is to restore his
contact with American
life. At present he is treat-
ed like a live mummy,
wrapped tightly in his
own highly peculiar work
problems and sealed off
from the living world in
the famous 0 Jai Tomb.
Periodically, Presidents
ought to be compelled to
drive their cars in a rush
hour, catch a taxi in the
rain, and wait their turn
for a drugstore-counter
' lunch. Since this is proba-
bly impossible ? because
of our hundreds of thou-
sands of armed maniacs ?
we may have to be satis-
fied with more modest in-
roads upon his grandeur.
His emperor's fleet of
transport vehicles, for
example, can mostly be
disposed of. His assistants
can surely make do with
taxi or bus.
He should be placed
under some inexplicit
compulsion to maintain
modest contact with the
public. Once a month, per-
haps, he might be required
to sit in front of TV camer-
as and talk to us about
what is going on. Regular
news conferences might be
discourse between man
and group, encourage pos-
turing and place corrupt-
ing importance on show-
business skills or lack of
them in politicians.
3. Get the President out
of show business. The
present grotesque impor-
tance accorded "Charis-
ma" among presidential
politicians reflects the
disagreeable tendency in
American life to look upon
the President as a super-
'star, complete with fan
clubs to deluge him in
postcards and letters
whenever he appears on
camera to call the faithful
to composition.
4. Cut presidential cam-
paigns to eight weeks. Out-
law political advertising.
Provide limited amounts
of free TV, radio, newspa-
per and billboard space
for major candidates.
Make the Internal Reve-
nue Service start enforc-
ing the gift-tax law on big
contributions to politi-
cians. And why not, as
long as we are discussing
the impossible, change the
President's term from four
years to three? Four years
is too long to wait for a
referendum on presiden-
tial performance.
Considering the volatili-
ty of the times, three years
is probably too generous.
The faster turnover in
Presidents which would
result from the three-year
term would probably tend
to make them mote com-
monplace and, therefore,
less regal. It would compel
them to keep in mind that
gg A,tqle?,tsoD v? a President is, after all,
OeOrittils-timmtwoMON tilofiaeit.
_
70s, Yesterday's high, 73 at
3:30 p.m. Today's tow, SO at
4:25 p.m. Details : Page EI-6.
1st Year. No. 142 "The cdpyrtet - LIM
Evening Star New3PICer
,
0
ViihrmS I-I IAN GTY) N
(EA I L2-411.
WASHINGTON, D.C., TUESDAY, MAY 22, 1973-56 PAGES
???? OA WO ..-??????
Phone 484_5000 CIRCULATION 4843000
CLASSIFIED 484-6000
10 Cents,
EFUSED TO TURN ON CIA
--Star-News Photographer Joseph Silverman
Sen. Howard Baker, Sen. Sam Ervin (from left) and counsel Sam Dash confer at today's hearings.
By MARTHA ANGLE
and JAMES DOYIE
Star-News Staff Writers
Convicted conspirator James W. McCord Jr.
today told a Senate Committee that defendants
in the Watergate case were subjected to White
House pressure to blame the operation on the -
Central Intelligence Agency and he alone re-
sisted the pressure.
McCord said that his co-defendants and his
own attorneys tried last December to? get him
to go along with the story that the CIA had
been behind the Watergate break-in and bug-
ging-
"I refused to do so," he said, reading from a
detailed memorandum he submitted to the
Senate Watergate Committee on May 7.
AT ONE POINT, McCord said, he told Ger-
ald Alch, one of his attorneys, that "even if it
meant my freedom, I would not turn on the
organization that had employed me for 19
years and wrongly deal such a damaging blow
that it would take years for it to recover. .."
By late December, McCord testified, "I was
completely convinced that the White House
was behind the . . . ploy. . and would do what-
ever was politically expedient at any one par-
ticular point in time to accomplish its ends."
During Christmas week, he said, he sent an
unsigned letter to John J. Caulfield, a former
White House aide who had first recruited Mc-
Cord to handle security for the Republican
National Committee and who then was em-
ployed at the Treasury Department.
?St ar-Newa Photographer Joseph Ser-
James W. McCord reads his opening state-
ment at today's Watergate hearing.
isy late uccember, mccora teStilied, "'I WA4
9ompletely convinced that the White House
was behind the. .mulaved iz..iggscioallOAQ,
ever was politicaIirexpedient allrldny one par-.
ticular point in time to accomplish its ends."
During Christmas week, he said, he sent an
unsigned letter to John J. Caulfield, a former
White House aide who had first recruited Mc- \
Cord to handle security for the Republican
National Committee and who then was em-
ployed at the Treasury Department.
THE LETTER, HE said, was designed to
head off the alleged White House attempt to
blame Watergate on the CIA. In substance, it
said:
"Dear Jack: I am sorry to have to write you
this letter. If (CIA Director Richard) Helms
goes and the Watergate operation is laid at
CIA's feet where it does not belong, every tree
in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched de-
sert.
"The whole matter is at the precipice right
now. Pass the message that if they want it to
blow, they are on exactly the right course. I'm
sorry that you will get hurt in the fallout."
THE LETTER, McCord said, contained no
request that the White House contact him. If he
had wanted to talk with Caulfield, McCord
said, he could have telephoned him easily.
McCord last Friday testified that Caulfield
met with him three times in January of this
year to transmit White House offers of execu-
tive clemency, monetary payments and a fu-
ture job if he would remain silent about the
Watergate case.
McCord also said he was "convinced" that
Helms was fired as CIA chief last year so that
the White House could replace him with its own
man and blame Watergate on the CIA.
McCord said he considered it part of a con-
tinuing plot in the White House to effect
"political control" over the agency.
Reading from a previously prepared memo,
McCord said he had been told that James R.
Schlesinger, who replaced Helms as CIA chief,
"would go along" with the White House plot to
blame Watergate on the CIA. Schlesinger has
since been nominated to be Secretary of De-
fense. See HEARINGS, Page A-4
MAN WHO CALLED McCORD
iuiliillaffPur
A former New York policeman was hired by
presidential adviser John D. Ehrlichman in 1969
to conduct political syping operations under
Ehrlichman's direction and was paid secretly by
President Nixon's personal attorney, according
to informed sources.
The sources said Anthony T. Ulaseivicz carried
out a series of assignments from Ehrlichman that
ranged from a probe of Sen. Edward M.
Kennedy's Chappaquiddick accident to an inves-
tigation of a teacher reportedly harassing Julie
Nixon Eisenhower in Florida.
Ulasewicz has acknowledged he was the man
with a New York accent who made a telephone
call to James W. McCord Jr., offering him execu-
tive clemency if he would plead guilty and re-
main silent at his Watergate burglary trial. Mc-
Cord, who described the clemency offer on Fri-
day, was to resume his Senate testimony today.
Acting under orders from Ehrlichman, it was
learned, Ulasewicz at various times investigated
alleged ties between Sen. Edmund S. Muskie, D-
Maine, and corporate polluters, checked on re-
ported harassment of the President's daughter,
probed the finances of Sen. Hubert Humphrey's
campaign, and investigated a Georgetown inci-
dent of unspecified nature involving House
?.Star-Nitws Photographer Joseph Silverman
James W. McCord reads his opening state-
ment at today's Watergate hearing.
Vagerg te
At MN
Political spying operations for the White
House were carried out by a former New York
City policeman under John D. Ehrliclunan's
direction starting in 1969, sources said. Page
A-1.
Senate action on Elliot L. Richardson's nomi-
nation as attorney general may come by to-
night, following what is expected to be favora-
ble action by the Judiciary Committee today.
Page A-7;
Richardson?owes his confirmation to the
committee's confidence in the independence of
his old Harvard Law School professor, Archi-
bald Cox, as special Watergate prosecutor,
Mary McGrory writes. Page A-9.
James W. McCord today told a Senate com-
mittee that he alone of the Watergate defend-
ants resisted White House pressure to blame
the burglary on the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy. Page A-1.
An effort to persuade CIA officials to inter-
vene and call off FBI probing of aspects of
Watergate case came less than a week after
the break-in and was represented as "the
President's wish," a CIA memo made public
yesterday disclosed. Page A-6.
A White House plan for widespread domestic
espionage following the 1970 Cambodian inva-
sion is under investigation by congressional
committees. Page A-2.
,71
Speaker Carl AtIVTIcoved For REgult21924/119.404 : CIA-RDP84-004?9ROMEMapreasinternationd
AMMO
' committee, he was anxious
*proved For Reit:AWN:01
tErimctriMiS00499R000201161.000242rmation re-
?10," Washington, D. C, ustsdCry, y , 7
garding possible violence
against the committee and
the Republican party.
In February 1972, pipe
bombs exploded at a police
station in Manchester,
. N.H. One of those arrested
was carrying letters say-
ing, "We have just
bombed the offices of the
Committee to Re-elect the
President in New Hamp-
shire."
McCord said a
bomb attack on committee
offices in Manchester was
obviously planned after
the police station effort.
A few days later, he said
another bomb exploded at
Republican county head-
quarters in Oakland, Calif.
There were numerous
threats, McCord said,
against Mitchell and his
wife, Martha.
McCord said he was
anxious to learn what
groups were fomenting
violence, who was funding
them or encouraging them
and what they were plan-
ning next.
He said he had "no indi-
cation whatever" that
Democratic party chair-
man Lawrence O'Brien or
Sen. George McGovern
had any knowledge of such
groups and their plans, but
thought it possible that
staff members "might be.
working behind quietly backs to
1' encourage" certain radi-
HEARINGS
McCord Reports
Cover-up 'Ploy'
Continued From Page A-i
McCord's former attor-
ney, Alch, flew to Wash-
ington from Boston today
to demand an opportunity
to testify before the Senate
committee tomorrow on
McCord's accusations
against him. Representa-
tives of his law firm said
Alch has a 5 p.m. appoint-
ment with committee
counsel to demand rebut-
tal time for the chatges
made by McCord last Fri-
day against his former
lawyer.
Alch associates said the
Boston attorney came here
because he has documents
to back up his story and
because he "thinks the
committee might not put
him on the stand."
Under close questioning
by the committee mem- I
bers, McCord was unable
to say the offers for execu-
tive clemency, money and
a job after prison came
directly from any official
at the Committee to Re-
Elect the President or the
White House. And, he said,
the suggestion that he use
as a defense that the Wa-
tergate break-in was a
CIA operation came front
his lawyer, Gerald Ala,
and not from any govern-
ment or campaign official.
McCord mentioned con-
versations with fellow ?
conspirator E. Howard !
Hunt and his late wife,
with another convicted
conspirator, Bernard Bar-
ker, and with Caulfield.
Sen. Herman Talmadge,
D-Ga., said at one point to
McCord, "You have not
connected it with the
White House or the Com-
mittee to Re-Elect the
President" directly. Mc-
Cord did not counter this
statement, although in tes-
timony Friday he said
Caulfield told him Presi-
dent Nixon was aware of
their meetings.
ON ANOTHER subject,
McCord told the Senate
committee that in January
or February 1972 one of his
co-conspirators, G. Gor-
don Liddy, told him he was
going to Las Vegas to
"case" the office of Hank
Greenspun, editor of the
Las Vegas Sun.
Liddy told him Attorney
General John N. Mitchell
had indicated that Green-
spun had "blackmail" in-
formation linking a Demo-
cratic presidential candi-
date with racketeering
elements.
McCord said he person-
ally tends to "disbelieve"
any such Information ever
existed.
? Liddy, he said, made
? two trips to Las Vegas ?
In February and again in
April 1972 ? to plan "for
an entry operation into
Greenspun's safe."
McCord, in response to
questions from committee
members said that to the
best of his knowledge
there never was an actual
break-in at Greenspun's
office.
After the April trip, he
said, Liddy told him of
plans for the "entry team"
to go from Greenspun's
office to the Las Vegas
airport "where a Howard
Hughes plane would be
standing by to fly the team
to a Central American
country."
At one point in his testi-
mony, McCord said that
among the reasons he had
to believe that the Repub-
lican campaign was en-
dangered was thhat he had
received information that
Vietnam Veterans Against
the War had an office
within the DNC at the
Watergate.
But in answer to a ques-
tion from Sen. Lowell
Weicker, Jr., R-Conn.,
McCord said he did not get
that information before
June 17, the day of the
break-in. He could not
recall the source.
It was at about this time,
McCord said, that another
co-defendant, E. Howard
Hunt "gold me he was in,
touch with a Hughes corn- I
pany that might need my !
services after the elec-
tion."
Both Hunt and Liddy
told him they had handled
a Howard Hughes contri-
bution to the Nixon re-
election campaign, Mc-
Cord testified.
i
cal groups.
"I felt the Watergate
operation might produce
some leads answering
some of these questions,"
McCord told the commit-
tee.
"In hindsight, I do not
believe that the operation
should have been sanc-
tioned or executed. How-
ever, you asked me about
my motivations at the
time."
McCord testified today
he pressed his old friend
Caulfield to ascertain
whether ? as McCord be-
lieved -- his telephone
calls were being intercept-
ed by the government.
McCORD today also
elaborated on the factors
which persuaded him to
participate in the Water-
gate bugging venture in
the first place.
First and foremost, he
repeated, was the
"sanction" given the oper-
ation by Mitchell and John
W. Dean III, counsel to the
President?sanction re-
layed by Liddy.
In addition, McCord
said, as security director
for Nixon's re-election
;i
HE CONCEDED that he
had deliberately made two
telephone calls to foreign
embassies in Washington
in an attempt to be over-
heard on government wir-
etaps. But he denied that
this was a ploy to under-
mine the government's
case against him.
McCord said he made
the calls to test the
government's honesty. He
was convinced his own tel-
ephone had been illegally
wiretapped, he said, but
believed the government
would probably deny it if
asked about it in court.
He said he tried to be
oVerheard on other taps on
embassy telephones to see
if the government would
admit overhearing him
I there. He said it didn't.
News reports today identi-
fied the embassies as
! those of Israel and Chile.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Egil Krogh Jr. (right) talks with his law-
yer, Steven Shulman, as they leave U.S.
?Associated Press
District Court here after Krogh met with
Watergate prosecutors.
i Continued From Page ii-1
i Sources said. he also
Iconducted a background
check on Rep. Mario Biag-
gi, D-N.Y., candidate for
mayor in New York, and
looked into the possibility
: that the brother of one
, possible Democratic presi-
dential contender had
been involved in a homo-
sexual incident in New
i York.
SO WIDE was the net
cast by Ulasewicz, sources
said, that at one juncture,
he was assigned to investi-
gate the activities of a
"Donald Simmons" in the
1972 Wisconsin primary,
only to discover that
"Simmons" was actually
Donald Segretti, alleged
GOP saboteur indicted in
Orlando, Fla., May 4 on
charges of distributing a
phony letter on Muskie
stationery accusing Hum-
phrey and Sen. Henry M.
Jackson of sexual miscon-
duct.
From 1969 to 1971, the
sources said, Ulasewicz
was carried on the law of-
fice payroll of Herbert W.
Kalmbach, President
Nixon's personal attorney.
Beginning in September
1971, he received lump.
sum cash payments from
Kalmbach that in one in-
stance totaled $30,000, it
was reported.
Ulasewicz has been
identified in earlier news
reports as the agent whom
Kalmbach used in contact-
ing one or more of the sev-
en convicted Watergate
conspirators in regard to
payments of "hush" mon-
ey in exchange for their
silence about the involve-
ment of high White House
officials in the Watergate
operation.
worked out with Kalm-
bach, sources said.
McCord, who is expect-
ed to conclude his Senate
testimony today, told the
panel Friday that former
White House aide John J.
Caulfield in January
transmitted offers of mon-
ey, executive clemency
and a future job in ex-
change for silence about
the Watergate incident.
During that same time,
McCord testified, he had
received telephone mes-
sages from an unidentified
caller arranging the meet-
ings with Caulfield. Press
reports have identified
Ulasewicz as the anony-
mous caller.
It was Caulfield, sources
said, who recommended
Ulasewicz to Ehrlichman
shortly after he himself
was hired in March 1969,
to supervise legitimate
"discreet investigations"
and maintain liaison with
federal law enforcement,
agencies. Caulfield and
Ulasewicz were former
colleagues on the New
York police force.
, Caulfield is expected to
appear before the Senate
committee later today or
tomorrow.
SOURCES said Caulfield
and Ehrlichman first in-
terviewed Ulasewicz at
the American Airlines
terminal at LaGuardia
'
a
Airport in New York in the
spring of 1969, and Ula-
sewicz began his
"investigative" work in
July of that year. Chappa-
quiddick was his first as-
signment, it was learned.
Ulasewicz was told to
use code names, avoid any
mention of his White
House connection and re-
port verbally to Caulfield,
sources said.
In a related develop-
ment, the Scripps-Howard
News Service reported
that Ulasewicz has led
Senate investigators on a
tour of locations in the
Washington area where he
hid money for eventual
distribution to the original
Watergate defendants.
That "hush money," al-
legedly given to the de-
fendants in return for will-
ingness not to implicate
higher officials in the con-
spiracy, was transmitted
from Kalmbach to Ulasew-
icz and then to the late
Mrs. Dorothy Hunt, wife of
one of the defendants.
WASHINGTON'S Na-
tional Airport was a major
"drop point" for delivery
of cash to Mrs. Hunt, and
one of Ulasewicz's favorite
locations, according to the
story written by Scripps-
Howard Staff writer Dan
Thomasson.
His account said large
a
sums of money were
stashed in a locker at the
airport for pickup by Mrs.
Hunt, who would gain ac-
cess to the locker by re-
trieving a Icey Ulasewicz
had taped in a hidden
place in a telephone booth
near the Eastern or Amer-
ican Airlines ticket count-
ers.
Mrs. Hunt was killed in
a Chicago plane carsh in
December, and at the time
of her death she has
$10,000 in cash in her
purse. The amount which
she and others distributed
to the defendants was
more than $300,000, ac-
cording to the Scripps-
Howard story.
The story also said some
of the "hush money" was
left in "some of the most
public places imaginable,"
and usually was composed
of $100 bills left in plain ,
manila envelopes.
CITING the case of one
middle-man who allegedly
took $1,000 of the payoff
money for "expenses,"
Thomasson's story said
investigators believed
some of the funds were
"skimmed" 'by those who
handled them.
The Senate committee is
expected to sun-Anon Ula-
sewicz sometime after it
has heard the testimony of
McCord and Caulfield.
ARRANGEANNWEfdrFOr Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
his expenses, including the
maintenance of an apart-
mr.nt iii Nous Vivrtr 1111,1.r.
.Washingion, D. C., Tuesday, May 22 1973
CIA MEM0p0AtoliALDEMAN_RD,154L00490.13000200010002-2
Vs
Red f
By OSWALD JOHNSTON
Star-News Staff Writer
Six days after the We-
' tergatc break-in last June,
federal prosecutor Earl J.
? Silbert revealed at a rou-
tine bond hearing involv-
ing the burglars that a
bank draft of $89,000 link-
ed to Bernard L. ear-
, ker, one of the suspects,
had been traced to a bank
in Mexico City.
That same day, June 23,
1972, according to recent
testimony before three
congressional committees,
White House aides H. R.
Haldeman and , John D.
Ehrlichman tried to enlist
CIA cooperation in block-
ing an FBI investigation of
an ill-defined Mexico City
finance operation.
According to a memo by
CIA deputy director Lt.
Gen. Vernon A. Walters
, which was prepared a few
,,.days later but revealed
, only yesterday, heading
off the FBI probe was
. deemed so urgent that
flaldernann told CIA offi-
? cials that day "it is the
President's wish" that
Walters go to FBI acting
director L. Patrick Gray
III to call the FBI investi-
gation off.
In the annals of the
complex Watergate affair,
the details of the tortuous
financial trial that led
from a Houston mining
company, through Mexico
City, to Barker and then to
GOP fundraiser Maurice
Stans' safe did not surface
for many weeks.
TO WALTERS and to
former CIA director Rich-
ard M. Helms, who testi-
fied yesterday in an open
session of the Senate For-
eign Relations committee,
the connection was totally
obscure last June.
As Helms recalls it, he
was summoned by tele-
phone to be at the White.
House at 1 p.m. June 23 to
discuss an unidentified
subject and to come with
Walters, a former aide to
President Nixon who bare-
ly six weeks before had
been sworn in as CIA dep-
uty.
Once in Ehrlichman's
office, Helms recalled,
Haldeman told the men
there was a danger the
Watergate incident might
be capitalized upon by the
"opposition." Apparently
some danger to the nation-
al security likewise was
invoked, as Helms recalls
it, because "Haldeman
also mentioned the Bay of
Pigs, in an incoherent
statement I didn't under
stand."
In late November, a few
weeks after Nixon's land-
slide victory, Helms was
summoned to Camp David
and told he was resigning
as CIA director, some six
months before reaching
retirement age, and being
, reassigned as ambassador
to Iran. Haldeman was
, present at that meeting
with the President, Helms
recalled yesterday.
Asked by several sena-
tors whether his removal
was related to his refusal
to let the CIA be used by
the White House in the
Watergate case, Helms
had one reply. "I honestly
don't know."
I STILL ANOTHER of
Walters's "memorandums
k of conversation" ? writ-
ten last year but disclosed
yesterday to the New York
I Times by other congres-
sional sources?quotes
Gray as saying that the
President, during a tele-
phone conversation, had
inquired about "the case,"
an apparent reference to
the Watergate inquiry.
This
memorandum
quotes Gray as telling the
President that the Water-
gate case could not be
11 covered up ,and that he
thought that Nixon should
get rid of those involved
The memorandum, pre-
pared by July 13, is said to
be Walter's recollection of
a conversation held just a
day earlier with Gray
The document quotes
Star-News Photographer Joseph Silverman,.
Richard Hehna testifies.
Walters, in a confiden-
tial memorandum of the
same conversation, which
Sen' Stuart Symington (D-
Mo.) in part revealed, at
yesterday's hearing, put it
more bluntly. "It is the
President's wish that you
go to Mr. Gray ..." is the
way he heard Haldeman's
order.
Halms yesterday insist-
ed that he had no recollec-
tion of the phrase "it is the
President's wish." But he
left no doubt that he re-
garded an order from
Haldeman as issuing from
the top. "When the
President's chief of staff
speaks to you," he noted,
"you assume he speaks
with authority."
Haldeman told the New
York Times yesterday
that the President was not
in any way involved in the
Watergate cover-up.
Hein-is revealed yester-
day that the CIA immedi-
ately checked the only
conceivable link betWeen
the Mexican money trans-
fer and its own operations
in Mexico. This was Man-
uel Ogarrio Daguerre, an
attorney to whom had re-
ceived a $100,000 transfer
from Gulf Resources and
Chemical Corp. of Houston
as a bill payment April 3,
1972.
OGARRIO, Helms told
the committee, "had no
relation to the agency,"
and by June 26 the CIA
director and his deputy,
were trying to tell White
House aides they could not
invoke CIA operations to
block the FBI probe.
Ogarrio, as the investi-
gation eventually was to
THEN HALDEMAN reveal, bought $89,000 in
gave his order: "It was bank drafts from Banco
decided at the White Internacional in Mexico
House," Helms testified City April 4, 1972.
yesterday, that Walters The next day the
should go to Gray and tell drafts,plus $11,000 in cash,
him that continued invAINProviezier-duliRialelabie [phone]
gation of the Mexican fi- to Nixon fund-raisers in
nance might jeopardize Houston. The money was
A Irtties ihorre flown immediately to
Washington. The drafts
were cashed through
Barker's Miami bank ac-
count before the money
went back into a campaign
safe used, in part, to fi-
nance Watergate spying.
Some of these connec-
tions between Watergate
and the GOP campaign
might never have been
made' had Haldeman's
order of June 23, been car-
ried out, and the Mexico
City bank transaction.
? which Watergate prosecu-
tor Silbert revealed that
day, might never have
been developed. The full
details of the Mexican
transaction are still under,
investigation by a federal
grand jury in Houston.
Helms, looking back
yesterday on that early
stage of the Watergate
scandal, stressed the
seeming innocence of what
Haldeman seemed to be
asking him to do, even aft-
er it had been revealed
that the reason offered for
blocking the FBI probe?
CIA operations in Mexico
-- was spurious. -
Whether or not Halde-
man spoke at "the
? President's wish." Helms
made it plain, "assistance
to the President hasn't
been considered a crime
until recently."
HE EXPLAINED: It
was only six days after
Watergate when Halde-
man spoke, the full import
of Watergate was un-
known, he could not under-
stand what a Mexican
bank transaction had to do
with the incident.
Later, as the scope of
the case began to widen,
Helms said, "My total
preoccupation was to keep
the CIA uninvolved in the
whole matter -- and I suc-
ceeded in so doing."
04:
cipiheisittogv,
Gray as saying that Presi-
dent Nixon had called him
a week earlier to congrat-
ulate him on FBI action
frustrating an airplane
hijacking in San Francis-
"Toward the end of the
conversation," according
to the Walters memoran-
dum, "the President asked
him (Gray) if he had
talked to me (Walters)
about the case. Gray re
plied- that he had. The
President then asked him
what his recommendation
was in this case
The memorandum then
continued:
Gray had replied that
the case could not be cov-
ered up and it would lead
quite high and he felt that
the President should get
rid of the people that were
involved. Any attempt to
involve the FBI or the CIA
in this case could only,
prove a mortal wound and
would achieve nothing.
"The President then
, said, 'Then I should get rid
? of whoever is involved, no
matter how hign up?'
Gray replied that was his
, recommendation.
' "The President then
asked what I thought and?
9R00026
the same as his. The Presi-
! Gray said my views were
it o. well and
91
GOOD START?Clear tonight,
low in 50s. Sunny tomorrow,
high in mid-70s. Yesterday's
high, 66 at 4:30 p.m. Today's
tow, 57 at 2:30 !a.m. Details:
Page D-4.
CN
0
(7,
121g Year. No. Mr
mita
and .
"TA
WASHINGTON
ra I
C,opyrigtg
'Ow Evening Star Newspaper Oa
x WASHINGTON, D.C., MONDAY, MAY 21, 197-54 PAGES
NIGHT
FINAL
CIRCULATION 484-3000
Phone [phone] CLASSIFIED 4846000
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By OSWALD JOHNSTON
Star-Nears Staff Writer
CIA Deputy Director Lt. Gen. Vernon A.
Walters, in a memorandum prepared last
June, said he was ordered by White House
chief of staff H. R. Haldeman to interfere with
an FBI investigation of the Watergate case and
was told "it is the President's wish" that he
carry out the order.
The memo was written a fes . days after a
June 23 White House meeting in which the or-
der was relayed to Walters in the presence of
then?CIA director Richard M. Helms and
presidential domestic adviser John D. Ehrlich-
man.
The substance of the memo was revealed
today in a hearing before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee. Helms, testifying to the
1 committee, said he had no recollection that the
President's name was invoked on the June 23
/UGC, taxab.
Pressed by committee members, Helms de-
clined to say "categorically" that Nixon's
name did not come up at the meeting. But he
stressed he had no independent recollection
that would back up what Walters wrote.
DURING MORE than two hours of an open
hearing, at the conclusion of which Helms Was
roundly praised by committee members for
refusing to yield to White House pressure,
Helms stressed that he gave orders after Wa-
tergate that the agency was under no circum-
stances to be linked with the widening scandal.
Much of the testimony merely confirmed ear-
lier disclosures of the campaign by White
House aides Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman
and John W. Dean III to use the CIA to hinder
investigation of Watergate and too provide a'
Cover for the five Watergate burglars.
Helms made it plain, however, that his per-
plexity was extreme in the face of evidence
that top-ranking White House aides, invoking
presidential authority, were seeking to involve
the agency in illegal activities.
See CIA, Page A-2
rid rode
At Glance
H. R Haldeman told CIA officials "it is the
President's wish" that the agency tell the FBI
to limit its Watergate investigation, acct3rding
to testimony on Capitol Hill today. Page A-1.
Investigators are tracing the movements of
the Nixon re-election campaign's undercover
operator, Donald H. Segretti, to Pittsburgh,
San Diego, San Francisco, Milwaukee and
Portland. Page A-1.
Former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell and
former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans
plead not guilty to perjury and conspiracy
charges at their arraignment in New York.,
Page A-8.
Nixon campaign advisers were reported to
have given hush money to Watergate defend-
ants as recently as five weeks ago. Page A-8.
?Star-News Photographer Joseph Silverman
Former CIA Director Richard Helms pre-
pares to testify before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
Approved For4,Jease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499U0200010002-2
CIA
President's Wish,"
Haldeman u ot e d
? Continued From Page A-1
, Asked why he did not go
, personally to Nixon with
his misgivings, Helms
replied: "My interest was
to keep the agency out of
1
t__this case under all circum-
I stances,- and I wanted to
stay as head of the agency
, to keep it out.
"I though I would be
more successful doing this,
than someone who came
along later," Helms said.
s'? ' At another point in the
' ? hearing Helms was asked
? about the CIA role in the
,? burglary of the Beverly
Hills offices of Daniel
? Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
.. Helms indicated disgust
over White House requests
? of the agency he formerly
headed.
.... He said the CIA went
along with requests for the
? assistance because
"assistance of the Preis-
"' " dent has not been a crime
until fairly recently."
? TWO WEEKS AFTER
, the November election,
Helms was informed by
? Nixon that he would be
? removed as CIA director
, ? and reassigned as ambas-
sador to Iran. Helms has
refused to discuss his con-
versation with Nixon, on
' ?the reasons for his remov-
al.
. - But in the face of wide-
spread speculation in the
wake of the most recent
Watergate revelations that
Helms' departure was re-
lated to his refusal to in-
volve the CIA in the eover-
up, Helms today only .
pleaded ignorance when
asked directly if that was
the reason for his forcel
resignation.
The senators also
pressed hard on the ftic
that Walters, Helms' depu-1,
ty who was specifically
chosen to do the White
House bidding, was a fori
mer interpreter for Nixon'
and had been the Whit?e
House choice to be CIA
deputy.
Helms admitted today,
"I would have preferred to
have an agency man put in
the job." '
WIIEN ASKED further
by Sen. Charles H. Percy,
why Haldeman and
the other White House
aides concentrated their
attention on a White House
appointee, Helms conced-
ed, "I thought it very odd
at the time."
Committee members,
Percy included, hastened
. to stress they meant no
criticism of Walters, who
in the face of the White
House pressure, obeyed
Helms' directive and re-
fused to cooperate.
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225 Virginia Aviv. S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003
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SUBSIDIARY and AFFILIATED COMPANIES
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'
(
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
LLNS,AlLeti
his motives"?and the burglary at the of-
fice of Ellsberg's psychiatrist followed.
Approved,,FO 4,049
INIWARATIAMIld- in frTFad it re-
ported to the judge in the Ellsberg trial
after learning about it this spring. But he
added that, given the stress he put on
national security, be could "underStand
how highly motivated individuals could
have felt justified in engaging in specific
activities I would have disapproved."
When the political scandals of 1972
broke, Mr. Nixon said, his single fear was
not that the truth of Watergate might
out but that the inquiry might blunder
into covert national-security operations.
Cis fears were quickened by the involve-
ment of one of his plumbers, Hunt, in
the Waterbugging, and .by a report to
the President?he didn't say from whom
?"that there was a possibility of CIA in-
volvement in some way." He accordingly
told his two top hands, H.R. Haldeman
and John Ehrlichman, to see that the in-
vestigation was restricted to Watergate
and prevented from exposing either CIA
or plumber operations. Four weeks ago,
in his TV speech on the scandals, Mr.
Nixon embraced Haldeman and Ehrlich-
man even as he bade them farewell;
now, naming no names, he said some of
his people "may have gone beyond -my
directives .. , in order to cover up any in-
volvement they or certain others might
have had in Watergate."
UPI
Magruder: The man who turned ?
President's accounting, during the spring
and summer of 1970?a time of prolifer-
ating campus riots, terrorist bombings
and open warfare between "guerrilla-
style groups" and the police. Intelligence
gathering, Mr. Nixon said, was in trouble
at the time because the FBI had aban-
doned "certain types of undercover op-
erations"?including burglaries?and be-
cause the aging Hoover was in the
process of breaking off relations with ev-
ery other agency in the field.
Breaking and Entering
The President convened a crisis meet-
ing of the major intelligence agencies in
June; they returned a report calling,
among other things, for "surreptitious
entry?breaking and entering, in effect?
on specified categories of targets" in the
national-security field. The President
ap-
proved the plans in July but called them
i off five days later on Hoover's pro-
tests, and they were never implemented
(box). Still, said Mr. Nixon, some of
the plans involved foreign intelligence
matters, and the documents describing
Ahem?the John Dean papers?remain
"extremely sensitive" to this day.
The vacuum in intelligence gathering
continued, Mr. Nixon said, and he moved
the White House into it, first trying to
ramrod the established agencies with a
special Intelligence Evaluation Commit-
tee?and later, in 1971, organizing the
secret in-house gumshoe squad known
formally as the Special Investigation Unit
and informally as the "plumbers."
The unit, headed by Egil Krogh and
staffed by Waterbuggers-to-be G. Cor-
don Liddy and E. Howard Hunt, was
first assigned to the leak of the Penta-
gon papers by Daniel Ellsberg to The
New York Times. It looked at the time,
Mr. Nixon said, like a "security leak of
unprecedented proportion"; he directed
.18
HS/He-AI?
When the Shouting Stops
The first audience for the statement
was the White House press corps, a
body now almost at open war with the
Administration's front men?and the
newsmen received it with almost un-
precedented ferocity. Garment and the
President's newly appointed special
counsel on Watergate, J. Fred Buzhardt,
took turns not answering questions about
the 1970 breaking-and-entering plans. "I
have no authority to declassify the docu-
ment," Buzhardt finally protested. "Class-
ified or otherwise," one reporter shouted
back, "do you realize you are leaving
unanswered the question of whether or
not the President of the United States
(Continued on Page 20)
P. Brennan with apolozlom to Chm-len SchultZ
n !
11101101? U e- OR
??20001A?? PER r
SECRET POLICE
La the low-key, bureaucratic language
I used by the President last week, they
were "specific options for expanded in-
telligence operations." What that really
amounted to, however, was the most
wide-ranging secret police operation
ever authorized?however briefly?in the
peacetime United States. It called for
an unprecedented cooperative effort by
the nation's most powerful intelligence
age] leies : the FM, CIA, National Se-
curity Agency and Defense Intelligence
Agency. And it paved the way for bug-
ging, burglary, perhaps even blackmail
by government agents against American
citizens?among them Federal employees,
antiwar activists, campus radicals and
militant Black Panthers?as well as for-
eign students and diplomats.
The plan was operational for only five
days in the summer of 1970, and the
Administration says it was never im-
plemented. But the potential was strik-
ing. "When you read it," predicted a
Congressional source, "it will send chills
up and down your spine." More chilling
still, there was mounting evidence last
week that the plan had helped spawn
Watergate, the break-in at Daniel Ells-
berg's psychiatrist's office?and a string
of other burglaries by clandestine op-
eratives of the Nixon Administration.
Risks: Under the original plan, the FBI
was authorized to take on foreign in-
telligence assignments inside the U.S.
(embassy break-ins, for example), while
the CIA got a green light to run its own
domestic operations?including. NEWS-
WEEK learned, spying on high U.S. offi-
cials who were suspected of being se-
curity risks. One of the proposals would
have created a new cadre of "super
CIA agents" for domestic missions, opera-
tives who could not be traced to the
agency and whose identity and assign-
ments would be concealed from all but
the highest agency officials. "The whole
purpose," said one source familiar with
the document, "was to try to get in-
formation on matters the Administration
felt endangered national security by
whatever means were considered neces-
sary. But a lot of what was proposed
didn't deal with national security at all,
In many ways it seems like just an excuse
for domestic spying."
Similar activities had been carried out
routinely by the FBI against foreign
agents from World War II through the
mid-60s. What made the new strategy
so significant was the way it broadened
the target to include domestic radicals
and other citizens whose direct ties to
foreign governments were questionable
ill1111111111111111111111111,11111111111,111111/011/111111111111111111111111110111111111111111.01,1111111,1111111111111.21V1111111.11111.1,1,1011,1,10.,1,1......,.....',,,.
proved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Newsweek
f.
------Approvedfosplease-2001/09/04-relARDP8441049WM20011111,22"'
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
best. It also brought the overseas-ori-
ted CIA, DIA and NSA into a far
Ire comprehensive domestic partner-
ip with .the FBI, in the process erasing
my of the carefully drawn limits by
.tich these agencies had previously
'Tit bound?at least on the record.
:The background of the plan, sketched
0: week in the President's Watergate
itement and amplified by several in-
lligence experts, was as fascinating as
-t.! document itself. At the time it was
(pared, in June of 1970, FBI boss J.
agar Hoover, then 75, seemed to many
gli government officials to be losing his
'ip. More important, the bureau seemed
tralyzed in tennis of its own intelligence
ork?and cut off from other agencies.
Secret lawbreaking had been part of
le FBI repertoire since 1941. With the
,rmal or tacit approval of each succeed-
g Administration?sometimes just a
eflectiveness. But there is solid evidence migh ave prompted the wide-spread
that Hoover had not kept up with chang-
ing styles of radical activity, and that he
had largely ended liaison between his
men and other investigative agencies.
"We read about the Columbia University
riot in the papers," one veteran agent re-
called. "Hell, we were getting half our
information from the newspapers."
By the summer of 1970, the White
House was seriously concerned over the
wave of domestic unrest apparently fo-
mented by radicals and ghetto militants.
By one accounting there were 1,792
campus demonstrations in the 1969-70
school year alone?plus 274 cases of
arson, fourteen bombings, eight deaths
and 7,500 arrests. More than 200 cops
were attacked in racial incidents be-
tween January and November of 1970?
with 173 wounded and 23 killed. Spe-
cifically, there was concern about such
repression of civil liberties.
The result, NEWSWEEK learned, was
that a plan for traditional counterintelli-
gence aimed at foreign agents soon met-
amorphosed into a new scheme in which
"heavy methods" would also be focused
on Panthers, the Berrigan brothers, SDS
and other leftist groups, draft dodgers
and deserters. It proposed opening radi-
cals' mail and harassing them with tax
audits. "It is a totally far-right view,"
said one Congressional source. "It fre-
quently brings up the question of legali-
ty and concludes that the problem is WO
great to consider legal niceties."
Pigeonholed: On July 23, 1970, the
plan was approved by Mr. Nixon. But
the approval was withdrawn five days
later, after Hoover refused to go along.
The FBI boss had scrawled objections
on almost every page; he may also have
John Maly--NoW York Times
, A question of intelligence: Huston
(above), hoover with the President
,ink or nod?Hoover mounted a broad
rray of illegal "special programs."
,gents tapped telephones, bugged rooms
rid traced mail to and from subjects un-
er investigation. "We had a virtually
rce hand," recalled one bureau veteran.
The boys would do what they had to
.. And if they got caught, Hoover
/ould disavow them." The free hand
acluded the "surreptitious entry"
breaking and entering) mentioned last
veek by the President, infiltration of
Uspect groups and the blackmailing of
-orcign diplomats?studying their person-
alties, then luring them into compromis-
ng situations to get information.
Spy Rings: Following a 1965 White
louse order, Hoover dropped the dirti-
:st of those tricks. The nation that once
,pplaudod their use against Nazi sabo-
curs and Communist spy rings was now
css enthusiastic about counterespionage
echniques turned against college kids
Some former FBI officia0PBrgIngaFt c)rrilserfilfa At* kiwi."
Ind antiwar matrons.
'tone of this interfered with the FBI's cern that continued unrest at the time p
groups as Weatherman and the Panthers
(were they receiving funds from coun-
tries in North Africa and the Carib-
bean?) and suspicion that Arab students
in the U.S. might be plotting to sabotage
Mideast peace talks at the U.N. "What
the hell were we to do?" demanded for-
mer White House aide Tom Charles
Huston last week. "Wait until people got
killed? Tho President did not believe he
had adequate information to deal with
the magnitude of this problem."
Mr. Nixon's solution was a joint meet-
ing with Hoover, CIA boss Richard
Helms, Lt. Gen. Donald V. Bennett of
the DIA and Vice Adm. Noel Gayler of
NSA. Out of this session grew the idea
for unifying and expanding critical intel-
ligence activities. Perhaps the key fig-
ure, however, was young (then 29)
Huston, who was assigned by the White
House -to help draft the plan and who
seemed obsessed by the threat of do-
?
Iragnaltoo
been loath to share the bureau's sole
responsibility for domestic operations. In
any event, Hoover protested to Attor-
ney General John Mitchell, who backed
Hoover's case. Some six months after the
plan was officially pigeonholed, however,
copies were distributed within an inter-
departmental intelligence unit set up by
Assistant Attorney General Robert Mar-
dian?later a top Nixon campaign aide.
Tho plan was dead but its spirit ap-
parently lingered on. Over the next two
years, NEWSWEEK learned, undercover
agents for the Administration made sur-
reptitious entries to undermine the de-
fense in at least three cases against rad-
icals: the Panthers, the Berrigans and
the Chicago Seven. White House counsel
John Dean, who had worked with Mar-
dian's group, obviously considered his
copy of the plan worth filing. Also work-
ing with Mardian, as a Treasury repre-
sentative, was ex-FBI man G. Gordon
9,04114e White House
glary and the
ot now 'known as Watergate.
,II?111/IIIIIII,IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII.11111,011111111111111111111111111111M111111IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII11111111,11111111111111111111/1111111111I11111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111I11111111111111111111111/111111111111111111111111111111111I/IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII/1111111111111111.1111111111111.1111111111111111111.1111111111111111111111111/11111111111111,-IMMIIIIII,IIIIIIIIIIIIIIII11111,111111111111111111111,1111111.111.1.1111111111111.11M1111111 1.11111
" Approved For Release 20
BIG DEALS IN SAN CLEMENTE
As if Watergate weren't enough, yet another embar-
rassment bobbed up last week to haunt President Nixon?
the curious story of how he came to be lord of the manor
at La Casa Pacifica, his palmy, 29-acre estate in San
Clemente, Calif. Questions about the deal had been
bobbing up ever since Mr. Nixon bought the mansion that
now the Western White flonse in 1009 for $1.5 million.
Two weeks ago the Santa Ana Register reported that
4 :NGIA\REP84401:1499ROOD2f00810406Kc with money
left over from his 19 'residential campaign. The report
brought an angry denillrfrom the White House.
But when the details were finally released last week,
the story got curiouser and euriouser. As the White House
told it, the original down payment was financed by a
$625,000 loan to the President from his friend Robert
G. AbPlanalp, the millionaire machinist who perfected
the aerosol spray valve. The deal was handled by Mr.
Nixon's former personal lawyer, Herbert Kalmbach, the
man who ran the $1.7 million campaign fund that was
tapped in 1972 to pay the Watergate burglars.
. Originally, Mr. Nixon had hoped to sell all but 5,9 acres
of the property to a "suitable buyer"?perhaps the trustees
of a proposed Nixon Presidential library. But as the
White House told it last week, Abplanalp himself bought
the land nearly two and a half years ago, for $1,219,000.
Oddly enough, no deed was recorded.
Whatever questions remained, the President could
boast of a notable deal. After all the intricacies were
netted out, he owned one of the choicest homes in Cali-
fornia for a total investment of $374,514?and thus far
he had actually paid just $33,500,
(Continued from Page 18)
approved felonies?" Jeered another: "You
certainly know enough about law to know
that, Fred." At yet another point, a re-
porter demanded furiously when the
President was going to submit to ques-
tioning himself; the answer, leaked in-
formally later, was, not until the press
stops shouting at his people.
The scene was ill-tempered, but the
statement looked little better on second
reading. It pledged at the outset not to
put "a national security 'cover'" on Wa-
tergate?and proceeded to put one on
parts of the Watergate cover-up and
most of the collateral scandals as well.
It moderated the President's position
only enough to accommodate damaging
evidence that had already come out and
to keep other embarrassments?notably
the Dean papers?bottled up.
What He Didn't Say
Otherwise, the statement pleaded Mr.
Nixon's innocence of everything. It re-
ferred only glancingly or not at all to the
related fast practices Watergate has
come to stand for?the political dirty
tricks, the under-the-table funding, the
shredding and burnbagging of evidence,
the influence-peddling case that brought
a former Attorney General and a former
Commerce Secretary under indictment.
And it refused to acknowledge the clear
linkages between the 1969-71 secret-
police operations sanctioned by the Pres-
ident and the 1972 political marauding
that he says caught him by surprise.
They had "no connection," said Mr. Nix-
on. But they did, in style, zeal, method,
personnel?and soul.
The statement was vulnerable as well
on point after specific point:
= The Hoover Problem: The passage in
the statement about the low estate of
American intelligence gathering in the
last days of J. Edgar Hoover amounted
20
to a confession by the President that he
couldn't control or fire the man be held
responsible. "If the FBI under J. Edgar
Hoover wasn't dependable," one GOP
senator asked, "why keep him on?" One
well-wired source offered NEWSWEEK a
reason: Hoover had in his files some ma-
terials regarded by the Administration as
very, very damaging to persons on the
White House staff," and he was not
above using them to insure his tenure in
office. He served, in any case, until his
death a year ago; his most private files
were thereafter removed to his home
by his deputy and lifelong friend Clyde
Tolson and have never surfaced.
? The Ellsberg Break-In: The President's
apparent inability to cope with Hoover
led in turn, by his own narrative, to the
creation of his own security-police unit
when the Pentagon papers broke. The
available evidence suggested that he
overreacted?that the publication of the
papers was far more an embarrassment
than a threat to national security and
that the FBI in any event had known
for more than a year that Ellsberg had
been copying the documents. Mr. Nixon
nevertheless put his plumbers on the
case; his protest that he would never
have approved a burglary in this nation-
al-security case sorted oddly with his
admission that he had said yes to a
whole run of them?at least in theory?
the year before. His defense, indeed,
rested on the odd proposition that he
had been concerned enough about intel-
ligence leaks to create a covert-opera-
tions unit, but not enough to ask there-
after what it was doing.
Mr. Nixon did not even mention that
his black squad had drawn the CIA
into the caper in a support role, in plain
violation of the laws barring it from
domestic operations. The agency's for-
mer director, Richard Helms, now in
less-than-happy exile as ambassador to
Iran, and its surviving deputy director,
Lt. Gen. Vernon Walters, toured Capitol
Hill last week trying?apparently suc-
cessfully?to persuade thc agency's
friends there that they went along re,
luctantly under White House pressure
and even then were unaware that it
was a burglary they were supporting.
NEWS'WEEK learned that the agency had
in fact bugged one of its own offices the
day plumber Hunt came to pick up his
disguise, faked papers and other pare-
phernalia; the legs suggest that Hunt
ducked questions about what he was up
to and answered only that it was a high-
level White House mission.
? The Ellsberg Cover-up: Mr. Nixon did
a fast semantic two-step suggesting that,
far from trying to cover up the burglary,
he had in fact ordered on April 25 that
it be reported "immediately" to the
Ellsberg trial judge, W, Matthew Byrne.
But new evidence indicated that he had
in fact been sitting on the information for
a month?a silence that put a more damn-
ing cast than ever on the affair and on
the President's credibility, The agent of
his embarrassment was his new Attorney
General, Elliot Richardson, whO testified
at his confirmation hearing that the Pres-
ident himself had mentioned having
heard about the break-in from Dean in
late March. At that time, the White
House insisted, his information was still
'fragmentary. But the fact remained that
the President had at least an inkling of
the burglary when his man Ehrlichman
twice offered the FBI directorship to
Judge Byrne in early April?and when
he himself chatted with the judge at
one of the two trysts.
? The CIA Connection: The President de-
fended his having limited the Water-
gate investigation in part by citing his
unattributed tip that the CIA might have
been involved and should be protected.
But both Helms and Walters told Con-
Newsweek, June 4., 1973
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Approved Foil&lease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499470200010002_2VATIONAL
gressional committees on their rounds
that Mr. Nixon had never asked them if
it were true. Instead, as they told it,
Haldeman and Ehrlichman had simply
asserted that the agency might be com-
promised if the FBI nosed around in the
Mexican money-laundering operation
that ultimately bankrolled the Water-
buggers; Walters in fact quoted Halde-
man in a memo as having said it was "the
President's wish" that they tell Gray to
call off his agents. There were continuing
intimations, moreover, that some of the
President's men?far from trying to pro-
tect the CIA?wanted it to take the rap
for the Watergate bugging and thus
smother the whole affair in a national-
security blanket. Mr. Nixon said he had
no part of any such scheme. It appar-
ently survived nevertheless: McCord, an
ex-CIA technician, sent the agency sever-
al anonymous but easily traceable letters
between July 1972 and January 1973
warning that the White house was trying
to hang the rap on them.
The white paper as a whole was in
one sense a homecoming for the Presi-
dent to the politics of national. security?
a theme that has threaded through his
entire quarter-century in government.
He fairly glowed while delivering it to
the assembly of POW's the next after-
noon in an arm-waving, flag-and-country
speech; that night, the ex-prisoners and
their wives and sweethearts came over
to the White House for an all-star gala
(Sammy Davis Jr., Bob Hope, Joey
Heatherton, Irving Berlin, Vic Damone,
Ricardo Montalban), and the whole
crowd sang "God Bless America."
But the statement was in another
sense a measure of how badly the bur-
AFFAIRS
Cox, Richardson: The question was 'a kind of blcazincss'
geoning scandal has diminished Mr. Nix-
on's options: national security was per-
haps his last available defense. He had
long since abandoned his position that
none of his people were involved; now,
he was fighting for his own personal
survival. The foxhole no longer had room
for anybody else, not even Haldeman
or Ehrlichman; they were gently but
unmistakably cast out.
Some close readers of the text guessed
that Mr. Nixon's delicacy in doing so,
and his omission of any mention at all of
UPI
Mitchell's ill fortune, might reflect the
probability that his future now rests on
their continuing loyalty under the klieg
lights and the drumfire questioning yet
ahead. Dean remains a danger, though
some Nixonians were satisfied that the
worst tales he can tell have already
been told. "It would take one of the big
three?Haldeman, Ehrlichman or Mitch-
ell?to get him," said a former Nixon op-
erative, "and I don't see any of them
turning on him at this point."
If he was troubled by the dangers
SPREADING STAIN JUSTICE... H31 .. CIA ... STATE... SEC
The spreading stain of Watergate has
dealt a punishing blow to the prestige
and authority of the White House, - but
it has tarnished pther agencies of the
government as well. The damage so far: -
se DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE: Former At-
torney General John Mitchell conducted -
strategy sessions in his office at which
G. Cordon Liddy- reportedly proposed
"mugging, bugging, kidnaping, and even
-
a prostitut ion squad," and James Me-
Cord jr. says Liddy told him that Mitchell
specifically approved - the Watergate.
break-in. Robert Mardian, Mitchell's pro-:
t6g6 formerly in charge of the depart-
ment's Internal Security Division, is said
to have opened the department's files to
Liddy and E. Howard Hunt a year be--
fore the break-in. McCord says he re-
ceived daily reports on the comings and
goings of Democratic Presidential candi-
dates from Mardian's unit. Mitchell was
indicted in the Vesco influence-peddling
case. His successor,A .191010E44:kg&
? si ?
who has managed so low o stay clear
of the taint so far, was forced nonethe-
less to ro-;31.pi on April 30after learning:
. how many of his close: associates had -
been implicated. :
a THE FBI: Former acting director L.
Patrick Gray III has admitted giving
White House counselor John W. Dean
III free access to Watergate files, oven
after he began to suspect Dean and oth-
ers of manipulating the FBI and the
CIA in the cover-up. Gray accepted and
destroyed two files from burglar E. How-
ard Hunt's White House safe, given to
him by John Ehrlichman and Dean. Gray*
also allowed Ehrlichman to cancel a
meeting he had arranged with CIA di-
rector Richard Helms to compare notes
on the cover-up-,and he never sched-
uled another. ?
al THE CIA: Two Watergate burglars,
McCord and Hunt, were ex-CIA men
who had served nineteen and 21 years
with ? the agency. The CIA provided
Hunt and Liddy With wigs, voice distort-
ers, false papers and a special- camera to -
a tV OiletialAisdbhgff ItTEI*84 -Rum
e nis a ee
give the White House "plumbers" a psy-
chiatric profile of Ellsberg, assembled
from CIA files, but later refused further
aid. Deputy CIA director Vernon A.
Walters, under orders from Presidential
aides H.R. Haldeman, Ehrlichman and
Dean, helped to stall an FBI investiga-
tion of the financing of the Watergate
mission. There was a concerted White
House effort to pin the bugging on the
CIA, but Helms never protested to Mr.
Nixon or reported these activities to the
CIA's Congressional watchdogs.
a DEPARTMENT OF STATE: Under orders
from the White House, hunt was given
access to 240 secret State Department
cables from which he falsified docu-
ments linking John F. Kennedy to the
assassination of South Vietnamese Presi-
dent Ngo Dinh Diem.
a THE SEC: After a New York grand
jury reported that he had improperly
handled an SEC complaint against in-
dicted financier Robert Vesco, SEC
chairman G. Bradford COOK resigned.
#201041 ary of State, was also
under
J. Casey, now
under fire last week for SEC decisions
involving Vcsco and ITT.
Approved Forease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84- 0499W0200010002-2
$1111.*W14:11..1
I
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HEADQUARTERS OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY AT LANGLEY, VA.
TIME has learned that one member
of the plumber team, David Young, for-
merly of Henry Kissinger's national se-
curity staff, has sought immunity. He
has Oeen granted it by the prosecutors
and is expected to tell whatever he
knows about any leak-plugging opera-
tions that arc related to the obstruction
of the Watergate investigations. That
could be a critical test of the security de-
fense that Nixon has raised.
Stage Set. Another key witness,
Jeb Stuart Magruder, former deputy di-
rector of the Nixon re-election commit-
tee, has agreed to plead guilty and turn
Government witness. Since he has ad-
mitted sitting in on the meetings in At-
torney General John Mitchell's office at
which the Watergate spying plans were
first discussed, he is believed to have
great knowledge of the burglary and the
cover-up.
With the Senate confirmation last
week of Attorney General Elliot Rich-
ardson and the implicit approval of his
chosen special prosecutor, Archibald
Cox, the stage is set for an all-out pur-
suit of the guilty: Democrat Cox, an ag-
gressive Solicitor General in the Ken-
nedy Administration, declared in
Richardson's presence that he did not
intend to "shield anybody, and I don't
intend to be intimidated by anybody."
He said that he would feel free to pro-
test publicly if anybody tries to ham-
per him and that he will pursue the ev-
idence "wherever that trail may lead."
Despite the new Nixon statement,
that path may still pass uncomfortably
close to the Oval Office. For all of those
Senators, jurors and other investigators
charged with seeking the truth about
Watergate, the Nixon brief raises al-
most as many questions as it answers.
Washington Democratic Senator Henry
Jackson, who sits on the Armed Ser-
vices ComMittee that has watchdog au-
thority over the CIA, suggests that the
committee should send Nixon a set of
written "interrogatories." Says Jackson:
"At some point socaiiipprdwaid EgroRgl
to appropriate questions,"
Already tlw Pi't=cient's new secu-
riltf hhinkt ". Frnt !-1/- tlir?
SECURITY
Jill parrs 133 ar
"The danger to political dissent is acute
where the Government attempts to act
under so vague a concept as the power
to protect 'domestic security.'" So
wrote Justice Lewis Powell, a Nixon ap-
pointee, in the 1972 Supreme Court
opinion that forbade the wiretapping of
domestic organizations and individuals
without a court warrant. Ironically, the
court issued its decree just two days af-
ter the Watergate conspirators were
caught with electronic surveillance
equipment in the headquarters of the
Democratic National Party?a legiti-
mate political dissent organization if
there ever was one.
The twin terms "domestic security"
and "national security" are so broad
that they can be invoked to cover a mul-
titude of actions?many of them in vi-
olation of the Constitution. But the
agencies normally responsible for pro-
tecting the nation from both foreign and
internal threats (see box following page)
are federal bodies sanctioned by law.
The Nixon Administration not only re-
defined national interest to include the
personal and political aims of the party
in power?but set up on its own a White
.1, EDGAR HOOVER
se 2001/09/04 (CIA-RDP84-0
IHS/HC- $11.
tZVIENtf
House security agency that was neither
established by law nor responsible to the
Congress. Why did the Administration
fee i it necessary to form the President's
own extralegal security apparatus?
The experience of Lyndon John-
son's Administration undoubtedly in-
fluenced the Nixon men. Johnson re-
sisted the temptation to use the ever
more sophisticated electronic surveil-
lance equipment for domestic intelli-
gence. But by the late 1960s he sought
desperately for a way to cope with wide-
spread and often simultaneous urban
riots. Attorney General Ramsey Clark
sent a tough memo to FBI Director J.
Edgar Hoover, urging him to use "max-
imum available resources" of his agen-
cy to investigate and predict riots. An-
gered at Johnson's refusal to allow
wiretapping and electronic bugs against
gangsters, Hoover balked. In fact, he
proceeded to scrap many of the FBI's
more dubious but productive tech-
niques, such as burglarizing the homes
and monitoring the mail of suspected
spies and criminals. Stymied by Hoo-
ver and realizing that not even the
8,700 agents of the FBI could cope with
riots, the Johnson Administration
turned to the U.S. Army as a tool of
massive retaliation, giving it new char-
ters to collect intelligence on civilians
in the process.
When Nixon took office, he was
confronted by much the same climate
of urban unrest and growing racial
militancy. He also had to cope with
new dangers?bomb-throwing anar-
chists, skyjackers and an exploding drug
traffic. White House officials quickly en-
couraged the Army to step up its domes-
tic intelligence operations. Within two
u...114kniMptapj,2,1 million "person-
mmmu,6 Y6rihe victims, Adlai
Stevenson III, then Illinois state treasur-
er, was to call the operation "Kafka in
e,f
PI For
iiickalenitormindAtetett9
The nation's intelligence system is un-
questionably large but it is anything
but monolithic. It is a loose aggrega-
tion of agencies, each with a specific
role and place, wary of any encroach-
ments on its prerogatives. The prin-
cipal members:
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, Di-
rector-designate: William Colby. Esti-
mated number of employees: 15,000.
Estimated budget: $750 million. Es-
tablished by the National Security Act
of 1947 to replace the World War 11
Office of Strategic Services. Officially
supervised by four congressional com-
mittees, but largely autonomous and
excused by a 1949 law from any ac-
counting of the funds it gets or spends.
In charge of espionage and clandestine
operations abroad as well as overt in-
telligence-gathering activities; forbid-
den by law to exercise any police, sub-
poena or law-enforcement powers, or
internal security functions in the U.S.,
but has occasionally interpreted these
laws freely. Grown somewhat fat over
the years, was ordered this year to cut
its staff by 10%, but cuts are still not
completed.
The director of the CIA also serves
ex officio as chairman of the U.S. In-
telligence Board, which reports to Pres-
ident's National Security Council (see
diagram). The board coordinates and
supervises major American intelligence
activities, and exercises supervisory
control over every other security
system.
DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY. Direc-
tor: Vice Admiral Vincent P. dePoix.
Number of employees: 5,000. Budget:
$129,300,000. Set up by Robert S. Mc-
Namara in August 1961, after the CIA
intelligence for Bay of Pigs invasion
proved disastrously inadequate, and be-
cause the three military services' op-
erations suffered from a lack of over-
all evaluation. The agency operates
under the direction of the Secretary of
Defense. Charged with assessing the
worldwide military situation, the De-
fense Intelligence Agency coordinates
the conflicting and not infrequently self-
serving intelligence operations of the
three armed services?Army's 0-2, Of-
fice of Naval Intelligence and Air
Force's A-2. DIA men tend to view CIA
men as the spoiled darlings of the in-
telligence community. The CIA, which
once dealt directly with military in-
telligence services, resents MA's role
as middleman, and tends to look upon
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
AGENCY
# .0
rn
dw
DEFENSE INTELLIGENCE
DEN CV
FEDERAL 3UREAU
OF INVESTIGATION
U.S.
INTELLIGENCE
BOARD
NATIONAL SECURITY
AGENCY
DEPAM111,rf OF THE
TP.EASUW(
flM Chtlt ,y i.Ail
,rrArEs
ATOitt!C FNEPGY
COMMIE?SION
rtEr,u OF INTELLIGENCE
Pa41..) RESL-ARCH
2 4
?
"-? members as minor-league spies.
00200010002-2
ATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY. Direc-
tor: Lieut. General Samuel Phillips,
U.S.A.F. Employees: 25,000. Budget:
classified. Created in 1952 as a sp-
an te agency within the Defense De-
partment. Makes and breaks codes, de-
velops techniques for electronic sur-
veillance of foreign troop and ship
movements and construction of military
facilities (NSA equipment was used on
the U-2 spy plane shot down over Rus-
sia in 1960).
BUREAU OF INTELLIGENCE AND RE-
SEARCH. Director: Ray S. Cline. Em-
ployees: 335. Budget: about $8,000,000.
Intelligence arm of the State Depart-
ment since 1947. Charged with gath-
ering and analyzing information essen-
tial to U.S. foreign policy. Staffed by
economists and academicians. Prepares
studies on subjects as diverse and es-
oteric as Albanian public health sys-
tern and the clove industry in Zan-
zibar. Generally considered a "clean,"
as opposed to "dirty" or covert oper-
ation.
ATOMIC ENERGY COMMISSION. Direc-
tor: Dr. Dixy Lee Ray. Total employ-
ees: 7,000. Overall budget: $2,500,000,-
000. Established in 1946 to govern
development of atomic energy. Also
maintains a constant watch on the
atomic capabilities of other countries,
detecting and identifying nuclear tests.
DEPARTMENT OF THE TREASURY. Direc-
tor: George P. Shultz. Total employees:
117,462; 100-200 directly involved in
intelligence. Oversees Bureau of Cus-
toms and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco
and Firearms. Thus responsible for nar-
cotics investigations. Department also
includes Secret Service, which protects
President and other top officials, main-
tains liaison with Interpol, the inter-
national criminal police organiation.
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION.
Director: William Ruckelshaus. Em-
ployees: 19,857 (including 8,700
agents). Budget: $336,300,000. Number
of field offices: 59. Established in 1908
as investigative arm of the Justice De-
partment, the closest U.S. equivalent
to a national police force. FBI has ju-
risdiction over wide range of crimes
from assassination of a President to
bank robbery, kidnaping and transpor-
tation of stolen cars. Since 1936, has
had jurisdiction over espionage and sab-
otage within the U.S. J. Edgar Hoo-
ver, director from 1924 until his death
last year, expanded FBI authority to in-
vestigate Communists, Ku Klux Klans-
men, radical students and other ele-
ments he considered a threat to national
security. The bureau's latest assign-
ment: getting to the bottom of the so-
9Rvii6615119rOdosed"1-
TIME, JUNE 4, 1973
independent third party. One man, who
is' reported to have been among thrwe
bugged, claims thAriprimpedlzpd&Red
by the idea of Kissinger's listening tet'Ws
office calls, but he resents the idea that
Kissinger monitored his personal life.
Kissinger's academic colleagues are
also disturbed about his involvement in
the bugging. One noted journalist decid-
ed to boycott a 50th birthday party that
Kissinger's old friend, Harvard Profes-
sor Guido Goldman, scheduled for him
at New York's Colony Club over the
weekend. Others have merely wondered
how a man like Kissinger could have al-
lowed himself to be so compromised.
Just why Kissinger did allow it re-
mains unclear. He himself has said that
he regrets the whole episode, hut that
he was told that it was the usual prac-
tice followed in previous Administra-
tions. Some observers believe Kissinger
was truly concerned about security and
worried that leaks would damage del-
icate negotiations, though most agree
that the disclosures in question con-
cerned information that was a secret
only to the American people, not to
the Communists.
Hard-Nosed. A few suspect that
Kissinger wanted to solidify his position
with the President by proving that he
could be just as "hard-nosed" as White
House Aides Bob Haldeman and John
Ehrlichman. Such a desire would derive
naturally from Kissinger's past career at
the White House. Trapped between the
hostility of Haldeman and Ehrlichman,
who distrusted any signs of indepen-
dence, and the jealousy of State Depart-
ment officials who resented his power
and success, Kissinger has been a target
of sniping ever since he joined the Ad-
ministration. He has tried on three sep-
arate occasions to resign. Each time, his
friends have persuaded him to stay on.
Kissinger, who feels that he has been
misunderstood by his friends, is upset
by the doubts about his behavior. But
his anger has not prevented him from
doing his job. Aside from his talks with
Le Due Tho, he spent the week in Par-
is working out the agenda for President
Nixon's meeting with French President
Georges Pompidou in Iceland this
week. He seems determined to contin-
ue. "We have got to get back to gov-
erning," he told TIME Diplomatic Ed-
itor Jerrold Schecter. "The fact that a
few frivolous zealots misused their trust
does not mean that we can stop func-
tioning as a government."
Whether Kissinger himself can con-
tinue to function will depend upon his
ability to maintain the confidence of
both the President and the international
community. His departure, which docs
not now seem likely, would be unfor-
tunate. Even Kissinger's critics ac-
knowledge that both his policies and his
tactics have helped normalize relations
with mainland China, promote detente
with the Soviet Union and reduce the
U.S. role in Southeast Asia. Few want
to see the architAPPrQ10461 if al
forced from office.
26
THE HEARINGS
eiegfrifi et Orders
Senator Sam Ervin's Watergate com-
mittee has promised to expose all the
secrets of the scandal, but while the var-
ious accusations and defenses reverber-
ated through the top levels of Wash-
ington last week, the Ervin committee
lumbered along in pursuit of lesser men.
In the long, slow process of build-
ing their case, the committee members
were paternally patient, indulgent even,
as they questioned, one after another,
the fixers and followers and bearers of
messages. As the witnesses testified,
they soon revealed that they had been
drawn into the affair without quite re-
alizing what they were doing, that they
were more adept at taking orders than
understanding them. John J. Caulfield,
an ex-cop who had carried an offer of
STEVE NORTIIUP
had approved the Watergate break-in.
The objective, as McCord understood
it, was to anticipate the plans of any
groups planning violence during the
presidential campaign. "Uppermost in
everyone's mind at that point in time,
and certainly in mine," said McCord,
"was the bloodshed which had occurred
at the 1968 Democratic Convention in
Chicago."
McCord ticked off other acts of vi-
olence that had filled him?and his su-
periors in the White House?with fore-
boding: a bomb blast at the U.S. Capitol
Building in 1969; the destruction of the
offices of Senator John Tower in Aus-
tin, Texas, in 1972; the alleged threats
by the Viet Nam Veterans Against the
War to bomb the G.O.P. Convention;
WITNESS JAMES McCORD SHOWING SENATE WATERGATE COMMITTEE HOW TO BUG ATELEPHONE
Fixers and followers more accustomed to taking orders than understanding them.
Executive clemency to convicted Wa-
tergate Raider James W. McCord Jr.,
described how he had been "injected
into this scandal," how he had been
forced to choose between obeying the
law and obeying the White House, and
Sam Ervin remarked: "The greatest
conflicts in this world are when we try
to choose between two loyalties."
McCord, the star witness to date,
finally explained his motives for becom-
ing involved. As an old CIA hand, he
said, "I had been working in an envi-
ronment where, if there was ever any
question of the legality of a matter or
an activity, it would always be sent to
high legal officials for a decision on the
matter, where, if they sanctioned it, that
was sufficient." He added that "left
alone, I would not have undertaken the
operation."
the continued threats against the lives
of John and Martha Mitchell. Though
he was "completely convinced" that
Senator George McGovern and Dem-
ocratic Party Chairman Lawrence
O'Brien had no knowledge of the con-
spirators, McCord believed that Dem-
ocratic offices in Washington and Cal-
ifornia were being used by plotters.
Thus he agreed to participate in raids
on both places, though the burglary of
McGovern headquarters was never
carried out.
In the course of his testimony, Mc-
Cord brought up another burglary plan
that had not been mentioned publicly
before. In early 1972, Liddy had said
he might need his help in breaking into
the office safe of Herman ("Hank")
Greenspun, feisty publisher of the Las
Vegas Sun. Liddy said he had been in-
But his fellow conspirator, G. Gor- formed by Mitchell that Greenspun had
don Liddy ,_sought his help,_sing that documents connecting a top Democrat-
emic2041M9A4 ROWNRUFF444:104991510K2.0MOOD2adate with racke-
Presidential Counsel John W. Dean III teers?though McCord now believes
TIME, JUNE 4, 1973
THE NATION Approved Forgo lease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R0P0200010002-2
that there was another motive for crack- Caulfield took this proposal back to
ing the safe, (Greenspun thinks that the Dean, who replied: "Go back to him
raiders were searching for papers that and tell him that we are checking on
might prove embarrassing to Howard these wiretaps, but this time impress
R. Hughes, whom Grecnspun was su- upon him as fully as you can that this
ing over a real estate controversy.) Once offer comes from the very highest level
the break-in was completed, said Lid- of the White House." Caulfield asked
dy, the burglars would escape to Cen- Dean if there was a name he could use.
tral America aboard a plane owned by "No," said Dean, "I don't want you to
Hughes. McCord never joined the raid do that. But tell him that the message
and never found out what happened. comes from the very highest levels."
Later he read that E. Howard Hunt had Caulfield asked: "Do you want me to
forwarded a campaign contribution tell him it comes from the President?"
"No," replied Dean, "don't do that. Say
it comes from way at the top."
Since Caulfield had brought up the
name of Anthony Ulasewicz, another
little man was called to testify. Once
Ulasewicz had outlined his job as a
sleuth, Senator Howard H. Baker Jr.
asked him if he thought that the "wire-
men" on the New York police force
were more competent than the Water-
gate raiders. Replied Ulasewicz: "Any
old retired man in the New York po-
lice department ... would not have gone
in [to the Watergate] with an army,
that's for sure."
Judging from the testimony of two
other participants, Bernard L. Barker
and Alfred C. Baldwin, they were even
more in the dark about the affair. A con-
victed Watergate conspirator who gave
his address as Cell Block 4, District of
Columbia Jail, Barker described how
his love of Cuba, where he was born
and spent half his life, led him to join
the Bay of Pigs operation under the su-
pervision of E. Howard Hunt Jr. Ten
years later, Hunt once again sought his
help. Barker made it clear that he was
not being paid to think. "I was there to
follow orders," he told the committee,
"I was part of Hunt's image."
When pressed for his'motives, Bar-
ker spoke vaguely of national security,
as if he were not too certain what the
concept meant. He said he had joined
the Watergate operation to discover
whether the Democrats were receiving
campaign contributions from leftist or-
ganizations at home and abroad, but
nothing to that effect was found. He also
had helped burglarize the office of the
psychiatrist of Daniel Ellsberg, he said,
in order to get information about a
"traitor" who he claimed had passed se-
cret documents to the Soviets.
Convert. Also caught in the Wa-
tergate web. Baldwin testified that even
when he was arrested, he was not sure
what was going on. A onetime FBI agent
who had joined C.R.P. with the hope
that he might "do well" and "obtain per-
manent employment," Baldwin had
been working for weeks in the Howard
Johnson's motel across from Watergate.
With earphones on his head, he jotted
down more than 200 conversations
from bugs that had been successfully
the phones of boAli....gy,liAtierciele OritiOOeliecg bhili44qP?94ti.FM96R0ab"r1""s2jefense. Alch. as
probably tapped bPrrcrTY:S., c thougha tonal P ommii o ices uring the dapper as c was indignant, demanded
that the Government would be embar- Memorial Day weekend. On the night the right to make a lengthy rebuttal and
rassed if forced_ to reveal the taps at his of, the break-in, he was given a walkie- to impugn McCord's testimony. He said
from Hughes to the Committee for the
Re-Election of the President.
Freedom. Like McCord, John
Caulfield portrayed himself as more
used than using, a pliant tool of higher-
ups. Obviously impressed by the fact
that he had been plucked from obscuri-
ty on the New York City police force to
head a special security apparatus in the
White House, Caulfield was prepared
for almost any assignment. Even so, he
balked when John Dean first asked him
to convey the offer of Executive clem-
ency to McCord, a close friend. By then
holding a job as assistant director of en-
forcement at the Treasury Depart-
ment's Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms, from which he resigned last
week. Caulfield wanted someone else to
do the job for him. He chose a paunchy
ex-cop from New York City, Anthony
Ulasewicz, who was on the payroll of
Herbert W. Kalmbach, the President's
personal attorney. Without identifying
himself, Ulasewicz phoned McCord
and relayed Dean's message: "1) a year
is a long time: 2) your wife and family
will be taken care of; 3) you will be re-
habilitated with employment when this
is all over."
McCord insisted on meeting Caul-
field face to face. "I objected to seeing
Mr. McCord," Caulfield testified. "But
finally Mr. Dean got my concurrence
to do so." McCord, however, turned
down the offer. He told Caulfield: "I
have always followed the rule that if
one goes, all who are involved must go
I saw a picture of some guy who I
am sure was involved sitting with his
family. I can take care of my family. I
don't need any jobs. I want my free-
dom." McCord had testified that he be-
lieved the clemency offer Caine from
Nixon himself, but Caulfield contradict-
ed that. He declared that he never said
he was speaking for the President. Un-
der questioning by the committee, how-
ever, he admitted feeling that "the Pres-
ident probably did know about it ...
Based on that background, I thought I
was doing something for the President
of the U.S., and I did it, sir."
McCord offered a bizarre counter-
proposal. He told Caulfield that he had
made telephone calls to the Chilean and
Israeli embassies in Washington. Since
ATTORNEY GERALD ALCH TESTIFYING
A
INTERMEDIARY JOHN CAULFIELD
EX-COP ANTHONY ULASEWICZ
Torn between loyalties.
headquarters. Eventually, someone
whispered over the walkie-talkie:
"They've got us." The next thing he
knew. Hunt stormed into the room.
made a hurried trip to the bathroom,
then darted out again, shouting to Bald-
win to pick up the electronic equipment
and the logs of the tapes and run. Bald-
win called after the fleeing Hunt: "Does
this mean I won't be going to [the con-
vention in] Miami?"
Such was the complexity of the
week's testimony that even the little
men's attorneys got into the act. Mc-
Cord had said that his own lawyer for
the Watergate trial, Gerald Alch, had
advised him to claim that the break-in
was a CIA operation. He said Alch also
suggested that CIA documents could be
client had made such a charge. Replied
"Pensterwald: "I can only hazarcl the
guess that it is ttApprdvela ele
Cord's faulty recollection. I think ou
will agree that there is no zealot like a
convert.- Taking the offensive, Alch
quoted Fensterwald as declaring:
"We're going after the President of the
United States." Alch said he replied that
he "was not interested in any vendettas
against the President." But questioning
from the committee forced Alch to ad-
mit that some of his statements to Mc-
Cord might have made McCord suspi-
cious that he was working with the
White House to get a guilty plea.
No sooner had Alch made his pro-
test than both Fensterwald and McCord
demanded a chance to answer. But the
committee decided that it was time to
call a halt. The Watergate small fry had
already consumed much more time than
had been scheduled, and there was
growing criticism that the committee
should move on to bigger game. Other-
wise, it would be several weeks before
major figures like John Dean, H.R. Hal-
deman and John Ehrlichman were
heard from. Responding to this restive-
ness, the committee moved up the re-
sumption of hearings from June 12 to
June 5 ("February 5th at 10 p.m." was
what the weary Sam Ervin actually
said).
Privilege. One of the key witnesses
now scheduled to be called is Hugh
Sloan Jr., who served as treasurer of
C.R.P.'s finance committee. TIME
learned that his testimony will spell out
how nearly $900,000 in campaign con-
tributions were distributed for what
Sloan says he later learned were under-
cover operations. The money was divid-
ed among several different bank ac-
counts, the bulk of it going to Kalmbach
and Liddy. At one point, according to
Sloan, he went to Finance Chairman
Maurice Stans to ask why Liddy re-
ceived so much. Stans told him: "I don't
know, and you don't want to know." Af-
ter the break-in, Sloan told the commit-
tee in its preliminary investigation, he
approached Ehrlichman. Worried that
any money found on the defendants (the
police reported several thousand dol-
lars) would be traced to him, he asked
what he should do. Ehrlichman assured
him that the matter would be covered by
Executive privilege "at least until after
the election." Said the White House do-
mestic chief: "You are overwrought.
You should take a vacation. It is also im-
portant to protect the President."
In the weeks that followed, Sloan
said, he was repeatedly pressured to
commit perjury. Jeb Stuart Magruder,
then deputy chief of the C.R.P., insisted
that they agree on a low figure for the
amount of money that had been given to
Liddy. Sloan told Magruder: "I have no
intention to perjure myself." Replied
Magruder: "You may have to." Finally,
Sloan went to Sums to offer his resigna-
John Dean Warns: A Mile to Go
ase 2001/09/04 ? CIA-R0P84-004
His youthful appearance snowing no
sign of ordeals past or to come, for-
mer White House Counsel John W.
Dean In exudes confidence like a Dale
Carnegie graduate. He is clear. of eye,
strong of voice, steady of hand. His
self-assurance may be justified, for
Dean is the only major Watergate wit-
ness who is both able and willing to
tell a lot. He has been using that po-
sition to bargain for his own safety
from prosecution, an effort in which
he has earned at least some support.
Senator Sam Ervin's committee has re-
quested limited immunity for Dean so
that he can testify. But the Justice De-
partment so far has refused to go along,
on the grounds that it may want to pros-
ecute him later. Last week in an in-
terview, Dean made a persuasive case
for being heard without fear of pros-
ecution. While avoiding specific details
Dean told TIME Correspondent Hays
Gorey that he had information that
STEVE NORTHUP
? ?
9Pinggri PAW to the President's
/most recent statement on Watergate?
The President had to position him-
self. The information in his statement
[about efforts to set up a special secu-
rity unitl was about to be disclosed any-
way. This whole thing is still coming
out inch by inch?with a mile to go. It
may be impossible to travel that full
mile. The White House public relations
mechanism was obviously at work. I
know enough about how that White
House mechanism operates, and it was
all so evident in that last statement. The
eternal hope prevails that somehow
they won't have to travel that full mile.
Does the President's statement accord fac-
tually with your knowledge of the se-
curity unit and the other matters it dealt
with?
That statement was a public rela-
DEAN & WIFE WATCHING WATERGATE HEARINGS IN THEIR HOME
Willing to talk but bargaining for safety.
could further broaden the spreading
scandal.
How much do you know that has not al-
ready been revealed?
When all the facts are known, there
will be several additional federal grand
juries in this country, besides the ones
now at work.
Why did you go to the prosecutors in the
Watergate case when you did?
I wanted to be a vehicle to get the
truth out. I realized this situation will
never end otherwise. I did not go to the
prosecutors seeking immunity. There
tion, but Stans lw.1 beat hIrl tg it. "1 have were thipgs going on that just had to it as paranoia, exactly, but there was ex-
already talkedWRAWYW sflRfliiiitPsEt241/11,109iO4nreitORI:DRI8*-00499R00012000143002112was al! out of pro-
"and told them that you resigned." going on that I find distressing. portion. It focused on two subjects:
TIME. JUNE 4, 1913
tions statement. Some of it was not quite
accurate. Some of it was not accurate
at all.
What do you know about the special se-
curity unit the President was trying to
set up?
I came to the White House at the
tail end of the effort to establish the spe-
cial security unit fin July 19701. They
were fighting with [FBI Director J. Ed-
gar] Hoover.
What was the general mood?
There was extreme concern in the
White House. I wouldn't characterize
HS/HC- I
Approved For Reletwo 2001/09/04: CIA-RDF'84-00499R00040010002-42
THE NEW YORK TIMES, TUESDAY, JUNE 26, 1973 ??''
36 L.
Dean Says White House
Put a 'Friend' in C.I.
By MARJORIE HUNTER
Specisl to The New York Times
, WASHINGTON, June 25 ? in the Deputy Director position
John W. Dean 3d testified to- so they could have some in-
day that he had been told by a fluence over the agency," Mr.
top. Nixon aide that the ,White Dean testified.
House had put its own "good Assurance for Ehrlichman
friend" into the Central Intelli- Mr. Dean said he later in-
! gence Agency in order to "have formed Mr. Ehrlichman that Ge
some - influence over the eral Walters had assured him
agency." that agency involvement in the
That "good friend," Mr. Watergate was impossible.
Dean told the Senate Watergate Mr. Dean said that Mr.
committee, is Lieut. Gen. Ver- Ehrlichman responded by say-
non A. Walters, Deputy Dir-ec ing "something to the effect
tor of the C.I.A. and frequent that General Walters seems to
t.
interpreter for President Nixon have forgotten how he got
on foreign trips, where he is today."
This latest disclosure of A spokesman for the C.I.A. Gen. Vernon A.
. alleged White House efforts to sa.id that General Walters
involve the C.I.A. in domestic would have no comment on the
Dean testimony. such other functions and duties
activities came amid increas-
ing demands by Congress for
tighter control over the top
secret agency.
Within the last few weeks,
former and present officials? of
the C.I.A. have trooped to
Capitol Hill in unprecedented
numbers to be questioned for
hours at a time upon the
,agenc5es role in the Watergate
affair.
Out of these harings by both
Senate and House committees
and subcommittees have come
atartling revelations of C.I.A.
cooperation with the White
House on strictly domestic ope-
rations?a field that its own
charter would seemingly rule
out of bounds.
And out of these hearings
have come equally stunning ac-
counts of White House efforts
to enlist C.I.A. aid in covering
'up the Watergate scandals.
Shoulder the Blame
Mr. Dean's testimony today
supported earlier accounts by
General Walters and other
C.I.A. officials of White House
efforts to get the agency to
shoulder the blame for the
, break-in at the Democratic Na-
tional Committee headquarters
in the Watergate complex last
June 17.
At the same time, the Dean
testimony appeared to shed
light on what had been a pub-
licly unanswered question: Why
had the White House passed
over Richard M. Helms, at that
time Director of Central In-
? telligence, to negotiate almoqst
? solely with his deputy on the
Watergate matter?
' Mr. Dean testified that, a
few days after the Watergate
break-in, L. Patrick Gray, then
acting Director of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, sug-
gested to him that it might
have been a C.I.A. operation
because of the number of for-
mer agency people involved.
Mr. Dean said that he later
told John D: Ehrlichmann, the
President's domestic affairs ad-
viser, of Mr. Gray's suggestion
and hat Mr. Ehrlichmann told
him to call the agency and ex-
plore the matter. ,
"He then told me that I
should deal with General Wal-
ters because he was a good
friend of the White House and
the White House had put him
Shocked by these and other
disclosures, Congressional crit-
ics and supporters alike are
now calling for stern measures
to assert firmer , control over
the agency.
Won House Approval
Just last week, the first move
to curb C.I.A. activities came
with House approval of a ban
on agency assistance to do-
mestic law enforcement agen-
cies. The Senate has not acted.
The provision, sponsored by
Representative Elizabeth Holtz-
man, Democrat of Brooklyn,
was promoted by disclosures
that agency employes had been
training police officers in New
York City and other cities in
clandestine activities.
Mike Mansfield, Democrat of
Montana, the_ Senate majority
leader, plans to renew his un-
successful drive of many years
ago to establish a joint Senate-
House committee / to oversee
operations of the and
other Government intelligence
agencies.
Senator Stuart Symington,
Democrat of Missouri, the act-
ing chairman of the Senate
Armed Services Committee, has
said that he will conduct a full-
scale investigation of the evolv-
ing "secret charter" under
which the agency has operated
since its establishment 25 years
ago.
There are also proposals to
revise the agency's basic law
either to outlaw domestic
operations specifically or to re-
quire that any such domestic
involvement be permitted only
upon the personal request of
the President.
Domestic Activities Barred
The National Security Act of
1947, under which the intelli-
gence agency was created, was
designed to prohibit it from
conducting domestic operations
by stating that it "shall have
no police, subpoena, law-en-
forcement or internal security
functions."
But the act also contains two
major loopholes:
First, it gives the Director of
Central Intelligence the respon-
sibility of "protecting intelli-
gence sources and methods
from unauthorized disclosure."
relating to intelligence" as the
National Security Council, an
arm of the Presidency, "may
from time to time direct."
Furthermore, secret execu-
tive orders, interpreting the Na-
tional Security Act, have been
issued through the years, cre-
ating what some call the
C.I.A.'s "secret charter," now
the target of Senator Syming-
ton's planned investigation.
While earlier efforts to assert
greater Congressional control
over the C.I.A. were success-
fully blocked by successive Ad-
ministrations, the recent dis-
closures in the Watergate affair
have stunned Congress.
Cushman Agreed
Among the disclosures were
the following:
ifiIn the summer of 1971 Gen.
Robert A. Cushman, at that
time deputy director of the
agency and now commandant of
the Marine Corps, agreed to a
White House request to supply
E. Howard Hunt Jr. with a wig,
false identification papers and
other items later used in burg-
larizinab the California office of
Dr. Daniel Ellsberg's former
psychiatrist.
CIScarcely weeks later, Mr.
Helms, then director of the
agency and now Ambassador to
Iran, agreed to another White
House request for preparation
of a psychological profile of Dr.
Ellsberg, who was later indicted
for leaking the secret Pentagon
papers on American involve-
ment in Southeast Asia.
Helms and General
Walters, the deputy director
of the agency, have told of
Mr. Ehrlichman, two of Presi-
dent Nixon's top aides, to per-
suade the agency to halt an
inquiry by the Federal Bureau
of Investigation into Nixon re-
election campaign funds that
were channeled through a Mex-
ico City hank to hide thei
source. Some of these funds
were found on the persons of
the men caught breaking into
the Democratic National Com-
mittee headquarters.
General Walters also has
told of efforts by Mr. Dean to
get the C.I.A. involved in a
futher cover-up of the Water-
gate affair by asking the
Second, the act gives the agency to pay ball and salaries
agency authority "to perform for thhe jailed burglars.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
AREA OR COUNTRY(S)
App
roved For R lease 2gATOVCIAi
ORGANIZAr11164
lkif3Pt21 00499
,,Rono7nnn1 n002-2
FUNCTIONS 6 TOPICS ""mw PERSONALITIES
DOCUMENT
HQ
CIA
Security
White House
Press
McnoRD,
james W.
"Watergate"
HUNT,
Audio Operations
E. Howard
IDENTIFICATION OF DOCUMENT (author, form, addresseee, title 11, length)
- File of press clippings concerning the "Watergate" incident
of 17 June 1972.
DATE1
18 Jun
1972
CLASS.. None
NO t
Locarloti,
US/ITC-858
ABSTRACT
Public knowledge concerning the arrest of five individuals for
trespassing in the Democratic National Committee Headquarters.
Two of .the individuals associated with the affair are retired
CIA staff employees.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
ennu naanievt pervinut
SATAI,..1111 o,Y,t111Aft, INP.ASILT
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
it Nework,Zimeo Ma9aiine
Chief Newman, my coach, an American
Indian, produced some very fine teams at
that small, little college at Whittier. . . .
There were no excuses for failure. He
didn't feel sorry for you when you got
knocked down. He had a different defini-
tion of being a good loser. He said: "You
know what a good loser is? It's somebody
who hates to lose...."
?Richard M. Nixon,
ta Pro Football Hall of Fame dinner,
July .3(l, 1971.
IN the raw winter of 1970,
Richard Nixon looked like a
loser. From balmy San Cle-
mente and Key Biscayne:
White House aides strove earnestly
lo put the best possible face on the
returns in that November's midterm
elections. But back in Washington
a consensus was hardening, like ice
on the Mall's reflecting pool, that
the election constituted a serious set-
back for the President and an omi-
nous portent for 1972.
The G.O.P. did gain two seats in
the Senate and lost only 12 in the
41 louse---less than the party in power
generally does at midterm. But it
also lost 11 governorships and some
key state legislatures. Except for
Tennessee, the ballyhooed Southern
strategy failed to gain the Republicans any ground below the
Mason-Dixon line. And they did badly in many of the largest
states --- notably California, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Michigan,
Texas and Florida ? where the 1972 election would almost cer-
tainly be decided. When 28 Republican Governors and Gov-
ernors-elect gathered that December among the snowy peaks
of Sun Valley, Idaho, their standing joke was that they should
have met at Death Valley. Gov. Edgar D. Whitcomb of Indiana,
which gave Mr. Nixon his biggest majority in 1968, said the
President was in trouble even there. Columnists Rowland Evans
and Robert Novak wrote later: "In November, 1970, the Presi-
The Story
So Far
By J. Anthony Lukas
dency of Richard Nixon had hit
bottom."
The gloomy post-mortems that
winter often focused on the Presi-
dent's strident "law and order" cam-
paigning, particularly his harsh
Phoenix speech ("No band of vio-
lent thugs is going to keep me from
going out and speaking with the
American people") rebroadcast on
election eve -- only to be followed
immediately by Senator Edmund
Muskie, measured and calm in a
Maine living room, asking the voters
to repudiate the Republicans' "poli-
tics of fear." Now, many Republi-
cans felt the voters had done just
that. Gov. David Cargo of New
Mexico warned that his party had
"lost the election because the strat-
egy was completely negative."
Publicly, the Southern White
House stuck with its upbeat ap-
praisal, but behind the palm fronds
it began reassessing its strategy. A
few days after the election, the Presi-
dent met with his senior aides at
Key Biscayne to?in one aide's words
?"go over the game films." Later
that month, a smaller group, headed by Attorney General John
Mitchell, closeted with him again. From this session emerged
a unanimous conclusion: Nixon must drop his partisan image
and henceforth be The President. Four days into the new year,
Mr. Nixon publicly proclaimed his new persona in a televised
interview with four network correspondents. -This is a non-
campaign year," he told his interlocutors, "and now I am going
to wear my hat as President of the United States."
But if the President was to assume an air of statesmanlike
high-mindedness for the next two years, then others would have to
carry on the tough partisan brawl build- (Continued on Page 8)
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Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
The story so far (cont.)
log for '72. The two-tiered game plan called for a
posture of unusual conciliation by the President and
a stance of extra combativeness by his political
operatives.
In January, the President handed the chairman-
ship of the Republican National Committee to
Senator Robert Dole of Kansas, known for his
hard-nosed partisanship. But nobody expected the
real reins of the campaign to be held at the Na-
tional Committee. "We knew we had a damn tough
fight," one former Presidential aide recalls, "and
we weren't going to entrust it to the bunch of
cautious old hacks down at the committee." It was
entrusted instead to the Committee for the Re-elec-
tion of the President (CREEP), which in March,1971,
opened its offices in a glass and steel tower at 1701
Pennsylvania Avenue.
The CREEP offices?replete with deep orange
pile carpeting, color-coordinated decor and new
electric typewriters?were nothing if not conven-
ient, barely 150 yards from the White House gates.
It was an easy stroll for the brisk young men in
double-knit suits who began shuttling back and
forth across Lafayette Park that spring. A floor up
- were the law offices of Murray Chotiner, one of merchandising?selling cosmetics to work his way
the President's key political operatives, and right
down the fourth-floor hallway from CREEP were
the Washington offices of Mudge Rose Guthrie
& Alexander, the Wall Street law firm which was
alma mater to Richard Nixon and John Mitchell.
Mitchell, who headed one faction jockeying for
supremacy in the President's inner circle, initially
placed one of his proteges, Harry S. Flemming, in
charge of CREEP. But, in May, 1971, H. R. (Bob)
Haldeman, the President's chief of staff, who
headed the rival faction, countered by sending m er
one of his own lieutenants, Jeb Stuart Magruder
Soon he was running the committee.
Named by his father, a
Civil War buff, after the
dashing Confederate cav-
alry general, Magruder
hardly cut a dashing fig-
ure as a merchandiser of
cosmetics, facial tissues
and women's hosiery. The
Magruder family had lived
in Maryland since the
17th century, but young
Jeb grew up in Staten Is-
an early age, he was fascinated by
land. From
through Williams College and promoting Vicks
cough medicines during the summer. With a busi-
ness degree from the University of Chicago, he
started with the Jewel Tea Company and eventually
became president of two small companies in Califor-
nia. Meanwhile, he faithfully put in his time as a I
Republican worker, "coordinated Southern Califor-
nia" for Nixon in 1968 and moved with him to
Washington the next year?first as deputy director
of communications, then as a special assistant. A
self-styled "Nixonian Republican" who found him-
self "in complete agreement with the President,'
Magruder developed a reputation for loyalty. "He'll
do what he's told to, maybe even to the point of
sublimating his own judgment," says a former as-
sociate. And he had an open, easy-going manner
(riding his 10-speed bicycle to work, even showing
up on Saturdays in a sport shirt) which helped him
earn others' loyalty. One colleague recalls: "I per-
formed things for Jeb I wouldn't have done for any-
one else."
There was a lot to do. As the spring wore on,
it looked increasingly as though Nixon might indeed
be a one-term President. In February, 197I., the
Harris Poll showed Muskie leading Nixon 4:3
to 40. In March, it was 44 to 39. In May, 47 to 39.
State of Siege
All these things going on and we were
powerless.
--Justice Department official on radical unrest of 1969-71.
Blf AY, 1971, was a time of tor-
ment in Washington. After
weeks of more orderly antiwar
protests, the Mayday Tribe de-
scended on the city determined
to "stop the Government"
with an unprecedented wave of civil disobedience
and disruption. For days, the motley legion of
young demonstrators blocked streets and bridges
with automobiles, trash cans, lumber and their own
bodies. The Government responded with new "get
tough" tactics, flying in the National Guard and
Marines to augment police, arresting some 13,500
demonstrators and holding them for hours in large
outdoor stockades. As tear gas swirled around
some of the nation's most revered shrines and
demonstrators blocked entrances to major Govern-
ment buildings, the capital was in a virtual state
of siege.
The events of that May fulfilled the worst fears
of the men in the White House, fears that had
been building for two years. As the Vietnam war
dragged on and racial tensions persisted, the late
sixties and early seventies were a period of nearly
perpetual protest in America. Campus unrest,
building through the decade, reached a peak in
1969-70 with nearly 1,800 demonstrations, many
of them accompanied by bombings and other
violence. The disorders reached a crescendo after
the Cambodian invasion and the killing of six
students at Kent State and Jackson State in May,
1970, with more than 440 colleges closed down
Or otherwise disrupted. Meanwhile, sporadic gun
battles were continuing in communities across
the country between militant blacks and poli--e
The President did his best to project an air of
lofty disdain for such activities, letting word leak
out that he had been watching football on TV
during one march. But it now appears that he and
the men around him were far more concerned, even
desperate, than they let on. John Dean, former coun-
sel to the President, says advance men for Presiden
tial trips were instructed to insure that demonstra-
tors remained "unseen and unheard" by the President
and for that purpose Haldeman authorized "any
means?legal or illegal."
One day, the President looked out his window
and saw a man (later identified as Monroe Cornish,
a Maryland schoolteacher) with a 10-foot banner
stretched out in front of Lafayette Park. Dean say,-;
one of Haldeman's assistants told him of the Presi-
dent's "displeasure" and Haldeman's decision that
"the sign had to come down." Dean says he then
ran into Dwight Chapin, the President's appoint
ments secretary, who said he was going to get
some "thugs" to remove the man. Instead, Dean
called the Secret Service, who got the Park Police
to convince the man that he should move across
the park, where the sign would be out of the
President's sight.
The President's suspicion of critics and demon-
strators was reinforced among his advisers. One
official recalls a feeling at the White House then
that "we were faced with one of the most serious
domestic crises we've had." There is little doubt
that in the superheated atmosphere of 1969-70,
the President and the men around him perceived
the unrest as a genuine threat to "national secu-
rity." But, apparently, they felt another kind of
security was at stake, too?the President's political
security.
During the October, 1969, antiwar moratorium,
David Broder wrote a column in The Washington
Post which said: "It is becoming more obvious
with every passing day that the men and the move-
ment that broke Lyndon B. Johnson's authority in
1968 are out to break Richard M. Nixon in 1969.
The likelihood is great that they will succeed
again. . ." According to a former White House
aide, Broder's column was "read and discussed
very thoroughly in the circles around the Presidenr,
and had quite an impact. We took the warning
very seriously." A Justice Department memo rein-
forced this fear by contending that antiwar leaders
had devised "a three-phase program designed to
defeat President Nixon in the 1972 Presidential
election."
By 1969-70, the White House was increasingly
pervaded by what one former Presidential aide
calls the "us vs. them" outlook. "It didn't matter
who you were or what ideological positions you
took," the aide recalls. "You were either for us
or against us, and if you were against us we were
against you. It was real confrontational politics
and there were a number of men around the White
House who clearly relished that sort of thing.' One
of those men was Charles (Chuck) Colson, the
special counsel to the President.
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"If you've got 'ern by
the ?, their hearts arid
minds will follow," reads
the Green Beret slogan
over the bar in Chuck
Colson's den. Colson is a
"tough guy," who once
served as the youngest
company commander in
the Marines and kept
Marine poster in his of
fice. A friend calls hi
mm0010002-2
My father has never
gotten over that," he
says of the 1958 Meritor-
ious Police Award he won
for his seizure of contra-
band weapons destined
for Ireland. John Caul-
field is an Irish cop. He
comes, in his own words,
"from a humble back-
ground" in the Bronx.
His basketball exploits at
Rice High School won him a partial athletic schol-
arship at Wake Forest, but he had to leave after
two years for lack of money. Walking a patrol-
man's beat in the early fifties, he helped uncover a
robbery ring and won promotion to detective, serv-
ing from 1955 to 1966 in the city's Bureau of Spe-
cial Services and Investigations "monitoring the
activities of terrorist organizations." Caulfield
proudly tells of his role in arresting "the prime
Castro agent" in the U.S.; the "bazooka attackers"
at the United Nations, and the French Canadians
who plotted to destroy the Washington Monument
and the Statue of Liberty. During the 1960 Presi-
dential campaign, he helped guard both candidates
and got to know the Secret Service agent in charge
of Nixon's detail. That led to a temporary job with
Nixon's 1968 campaign and eventually to Ehrlich-
man's call.
Repository for secrets: A paper shredder in Washington, D.C.
"a technician who enjoys combat" and combat has
been his specialty in or outside the White House.
1,ong before he formed his "attack group" to besiege
oemocratic candidates, he was on the attack:
feeding damaging information on Senator Joseph
rydings of Maryland to a Life reporter or orches-
rating an attack on A.F.L.-C.I.O. president George
meany as "sadly out of step" with the working
Han. Colson prides himself on being in touch with
.'ne working man, particularly the "hard hat"
Ahnics whom he saw as the potential heart of the
)resident's "new majority." Growing up in Massa-
?frusetts as an upwardly mobile middle-class
-iankee, he deeply resented the Brahmin aristocracy
Nhich ruled the Commonwealth. Granted a scholar-
;hip to Harvard and told by the dean of admissions
I hat nobody had ever turned one down, he did
:cist that and stamped off to Brown. Although he
ince worked for Senator Leverett Saltonstall, a
irahmin if ever there was one, his three heroes
ire cut from a different mold: Lieut. (len. Lewis B.
. c hesty) Puller ("the greatest blood and guts ma-
ne ever walked"), John Wayne and Richard
txon.
John Dean says Colson played a major role in
developing the Administration's "enemies list"
(Colson says it was his former assistant, George
Bell, now dead). This list, continually updated in
a series of memoranda called "Opponents List, Po-
litical Enemies Project," included several hundred
persons, among them the presidents of Harvard,
Yale and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology;
Thomas J. Watson, board chairman of IBM; Julian
Goodman, chief executive officer of the National
Broadcasting Company; Robert McNamara, presi-
dent of the World Bank; James Reston; Barbra
Streisand; Steve McQueen and Joe Namath.
To deal with such enemies, the White House
needed some undercover operatives. So, in March,
1969, barely two months after the inauguration,
John Ehrlichman, then counsel to the President,
called John Caulfield, a New York City policeman,
and asked him?according to Caulfield?whether
he would set up "a private security entity in
Washington for purposes of providing investigative
support for the White House." Caulfield proposed
instead that he join Ehrlichman's staff, and on
April 8, 1969, he entered the White House.
Caulfield brought with him another member of
the New York Bureau of Special Services, Anthony
T. Ulasewicz. Hired by Ehrlichman after a clandes-
tine meeting at La Guardia Airport, Ulasewicz was
not on the White House payroll but instead was
paid $22,000 a year by Herbert Kalmbach, the
President's private lawyer. But he worked for Caul-
field and during the next few years the two ex-New
York City cops kept busy on a variety of assign-
ments. first from Ehrlichman and then, after July,
1970, from John Dean.
If "as vs. them" was the White House battle plan,
the first of the "them" may have been Senator Ed-
ward Kennedy, then a favorite for the 1972 Demo-
cratic nomination. According to Dean, Ulasewicz sped
to Chappaquiddick within six hours after the body
of Mary Jo Kopechne was pulled from the car
driven by Senator Kennedy on July 18, 1969. Dean
says Caulfield "posed as a newspaper reporter and
always asked the most embarrassing questions at
any press gathering." Senate sources say that soon
afterward Caulfield and Ulasewicz had a wiretap
installed on the phone in the Washington house
Miss Kopechne had shared with three other girls.
Dean says Caulfield was instructed to follow Ken-
nedy during the Senator's 24-hour stopover in
Hawaii in August, 1969 (his report uncovered a
press conference and a tennis match, but no bar
hopping). That fall, Dean says, Haldeman ordered
"24-hour surveillance of Kennedy," but Dean talked
him out of it.
Another "enemy" investlgated was Dan Schorr,
the C.B.S. newsman who had done some reporting
the Administration resented. According to Dean,
Haldeman ordered an F.B.I. investigation of Schorr.
Later, when that was discovered, the Government
said Schorr was being investigated as part of his
consideration for a Presidential appointment.
Schorr ("a real media enemy") was on a special
20-name version of the "enemies list" apparently
selected for specific and immediate reprisals.
Others on this short list included Edwin 0. Guth-
man, national editor of The Los Angeles Times ("it
is time to give him the message") and Maxwell
Dane of Doyle Dane Bernbach ("they should be hit
hard, starting with Dane"). What the White House
had in mind is suggested in a memo from John
Dean in which he shows "how we can use the
available Federal machinery to screw our political
enemies." Dean said that the "project coordinator"
should "determine what sorts of dealings these in-
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Siege (cont.)
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dividuals have with the Federal Government and
how we can best screw them (e.g., grant-avail-
ability, Federal contracts, litigation, prosecution,
etc.)." Finally, the coordinator should have "the full
support of the top officials of the agency or de-
partment in proceeding to deal with the individual."
One agency from which the White House particu-
larly wanted such cooperation was the Internal
Revenue Service. Dean says the President specifi-
cally urged "the use of the Internal Revenue Service
to attack our enemies." As early as July, 1969, the
White House began pressuring the I.R.S. Ultimately,
the agency did set up a Special Service Group to
move against left-wing organizations, but it was
not moving fast enough for the White House. At
ieast two audits were later made of the Admini-
stration's "enemies": one of Harold J. Gibbons, a
Teamsters Union vice president who, Colson com-
plained, was "an all-out enemy," and the other of
Robert W. Greene, a Newsday reporter, after Dean
was told he should have "some tax problems" as a
result of a series he wrote on Charles (Bebe) Re-
bozo, one of the President's closest friends.
If harassment of "enemies" was half of the
White House strategy, then the other half was suc-
cor for "friends." So Caulfield looked into I.R.S.
tax audits on Billy Graham and Jahn Wayne?two
Presidential friends ? and recommended that
Wayne's be dropped; Colson and Rebozo sought to
influence a U.S. Parole Board decision on a Jewish
co-defendant of Jimmy Hoffa's in hopes of winning
some Jewish votes.
All the while, the White House kept talking in
lofty terms of "national security." By early 1970,
the President and the men around him seemed con-
vinced that much of the domestic disorder was be-
ing financed or fomented from abroad. Specifically,
the White House held that Black Panther leaders
were being covertly supported by Caribbean and
North African countries; that blacks were getting
insurgency training in North Korea; that the Weath-
ermen and other radicals were being aided by
various Communist regimes.
The C.I.A. carefully examined these contentions
and in two lengthy reports?submitted in 1969 and
1970?failed to find any supporting evidence. "We
said the radicals were clean and that we couldn't
find anything," recalls one official who worked on
the studies. "We tried to show that the radical
movements were homegrown, indigenous responses
to perceived grievances and problems that had been
growing for years." But the White House dis-
counted these reports.
In April, 1970, 29-year-old Tom Huston, then a
White House staff assistant, started preparing
studies looking toward a new domestic security
program.
Indiana is a stronghold
of "libertarianism," that
brand of intense individ-
ualism which can serve
as an ideological under-
pinning for everything
from freewheeling radi-
calism to rigid conserva-
tism. Tom Charles Huston
of Logansport, hid.,
began as a Stevensonian
Democrat, but in high
school became a "Jeffersonian Republican" who
admired Cato and John C. Calhoun and wished
he had lived in the 18th century. At Indiana Uni-
versity, where he gained bachelor's and law de-
grees, he became national chairman of Young
Americans for Freedom. In 1966, he endorsed Nix-
on for President?a maverick move when many
young conservatives preferred Ronald Reagan?
thus earning himself a White House speechwriter's
job in 1968. Beyond two years in Army intelligence,
the tall, bespectacled Huston brought little experi-
ence to his security jab. But he justified his role in
terms of "libertarian" doctrines. "The real threat
to internal security is repression. But repression
is an inevitable result of disorder. Forced to choose
between order and freedom, people will take
order."
Watergate door: Security guard Frank Wills noticed the tape and called the
10
Metropolitan Police.
Huston confronted several obstacles which the
White House believed were severely hampering do-
mestic security and intelligence-gathering opera-
tions. One was the F.B.I.'s discontinuance of its
domestic espionage programs carried out against
suspected foreign agents and some domestic radi-
cals since the start of World War II. With the
formal or tacit approval of successive Administra-
tions, the bureau had burglarized suspects' homes
and headquarters, tapped phones, bugged roams,
read mail, infiltrated organizations and even black -
mailed foreign diplomats. "The boys would do what
they had to," recalls one F.B.I. man. "Arid if they
got caught, Hoover would disavow them." But in
1966, according to President Nixon, J. Edgar Hoover,
the F.B.I. director, had given orders to discontinue
these "special programs." Then, in May, 1970,
Hoover compounded the bureaucratic paralysis by
cutting off all F.B.I. liaison with the C.I.A. The
White House felt its defenses gravely weakened.
"My God, we've got to do something about this,"
said one official.
So, on June 5, 1970, the President called a meet-
ing in his Oval Office attended by Hoover, Richard
Helms, director of the C.I.A., Lieut. Gen. Donald V.
Bennett, director of the Defense Intelligence Agency,
and Adm. Noel Gayler, director of the National
Security Agency. This committee, with Hoover as
chairman, was instructed to come up with a plan
to strengthen the Government's domestic intelli-
gence gathering.
A working group, with Tom Huston sitting in,
deliberated for less than three weeks and on June
25 submitted a 43-page report. It called for
(I) intensified electronic surveillance of both do-
mestic security threats and foreign diplomats; (2)
monitoring of American citizens using international
communications facilities; (3) increased legal "mail
coverage" (exterior examination to determine send-
er, postmark, etc.) and relaxation of restrictions on
illegal mail coverage (opening and reading); (4)
more informants on college campuses; (5) lifting of
restrictions on "surreptitious entry"; (6) establish-
ment of an Interagency Group on Domestic Intelli-
gence and Internal Security, with representatives
from the White House, the F.B.I., the C.I.A.. the
N.S.A., the D.I.A. and the three military counter-
intelligence agencies.
The report noted that some of the proposed steps
were hazardous. Some risks it dismissed out of
hand. The only argument against legal mail covers,
for example, was said to be "Mr. Hoover's concern
that the civil liberties people may become upse
[and] this risk is surely an acceptable one." Of
"surreptitious entry" it warned: "Use of this tech-
nique is clearly illegal; it amounts to burglary. It is
also highly risky and could result in great em-
barrassment if exposed. However, it is also the most
fruitful tool and can produce the type of intelli-
gence which cannot be obtained in any other
fashion."
The President approved the committee's recom-
mendations and on July 23 a "decision memo-
randum" outlining the approved steps went to the
agencies. The President has said the plan was "op-
erational" for only five days. Huston says that on
July 28 Haldeman told him to have the agencies
return their copies of the memorandum, but that: it
was never formally rescinded. According to the
President. the obstacle again proved to be J. Edgar
Hoover. Hoover had opposed many of the steps
within the committee and recorded his objections
in footnotes to the report. When the President
overrode him, Hoover is said to have gone directly
to John Mitchell, who got the memorandum with-
drawn later that month. According to one official
Hoover refused to go along with the plan unless
the President gave him specific written approval tc.
violate the law?which the President refused to do
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Approved
Huston says Hoover's real objection was to any
hoard overseeing or evaluating the way he ran the
(and, indeed, that very month, he cut off
remaining liaison with all other Federal agencies
except the White House). Others say Hoover was
afraid an F.B.I. agent would get caught in a grossly
llegal act and thus blot the director's carefully
guarded image.
For a time after the intelligence plan was with-
drawn, Huston lobbied vigorously for his baby. In
an Aug. 5 memo to Haldeman, he wrote, "All of
us are going to look damn silly in the eyes of
Ims, Gayler, Bennett and the military chiefs if
roover can unilaterally reverse a Presidential de-
cision. ." But Hoover could and did. All Huston's
af forts led only to the loss of his intelligence as-
signment (his duties were transferred to John
Dean) and his eventual resignation.
Hoover's intransigence blocked efforts to gear up
the domestic intelligence program for about six
months. Then, in December, 1970, the White House
tried again. It established an Intelligence Evaluation
Committee composed of representatives of the
White House, F.B.I., C.I.A., N.S.A., the Secret
Service, and the Departments of Justice, Treasury
and Defense. The group was supersecret and.
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reporting directly to the White House, was
lodged under strict security precautions in the
Justice Department's Internal Security Division.
According to the President, the committee was
"instructed to improve coordination among the in-
telligence community and to prepare evaluations
and estimates of domestic intelligence." Among
other things, it sought to predict the size of demon-
strations and their potential for violence. "We were
paper shufflers," says one Justice Department of-
ficial who worked on the committee. "We didn't
get into the operational side."
But someone seems to have been operational out
there. There have been repeated reports of burg-
laries which fit the "surreptitious entry" section of
the intelligence plan. Two defense lawyers and one
defendant in the "Seattle 7" case have reported
break-ins just before, during and after the Decem-
ber, 1970, trial. Senate investigators have been told
that Government agents were involved in other
burglaries at defense offices during the trials of
Philip Berrigan, the Chicago Weatherpeople and
the "Detroit 13." An attorney for Scott Camil, an
indicted member of Vietnam Veterans Against the
War, says Camil's papers were stolen from her office
on July 8, 1972. Gerald Lercourt, an attorney for
many protesters, says his New York office was
burned and burglarized several times between 1970
and 1972. These reports remain unverified and the
perpetrators unidentified.
Jeb Magruder, who was at the White House dur-
ing this period, has suggested that the Administra-
tion's willingness to engage in illegal acts was
related directly to the illegality on the part of the
radicals and antiwar demonstrators. For Magruder,
the most telling exemplar was William Sloane Cof-
fin, under whom he had studied ethics at Williams
College "We saw continuing violations of the law
by men like William Sloane Coffin. He tells me my
ethics are bad. Yet he was indicted for criminal
charges. He recommended on the Washington
Monument grounds that students burn their draft
cards and that we have mass demonstrations, shut
down the city of Washington . . . we had become
somewhat inured to using some activities that
would help us in accomplishing what we thought
was a cause, a legitimate cause."
And thus, in May of 1971, as the Mayday Tribe
was laying siege to the city, inside the White House
men were preparing their own direct-action plans.
Within a month, the President would feel impelled
to set them in motion.
Leaks, Leaks, Leaks
I don't find wiretapping a particularly
attractive procedure. I similarly don't find
he leakage of documents a particularly attrac-
live procedure.
?Henry Kissinger, news conference, May 23, 1973.
0 N the morning of June 13, 1971,
the Sunday edition of The New
York Times plunked down on door-
steps along the East Coast bearing
a laconic headline at the top of
Page 1: "Vietnam Archive: Penta-
gon Study Traces 3 Decades of Growing U.S.
involvement." Inside were three more pages of
-aeries and three pages of documents?the first
installment of what were to become known as
The Pentagon Papers."
The President's early reaction to the Papers'
publication was remarkably relaxed. He told Re-
publican Congressional leaders at the White House
he next Tuesday that since the massive Defense
.1cpartment study of policymaking on Vietnam
eovered a period ending in early 1968, it was far
nore likely to embarrass former President John-
ion and his aides than anybody in the Nixon
Administration. But Sanford Ungar, in his book
on the Papers dispute, reports: "A contrary at-
itude was developing among key White House
tdvisers, especially in the office of Henry Kis-
i inger."
According to Ungar, Kissinger argued that un-
iindered publication of the papers could damage
.wo sets of secret negotiations then under way:
he highly sensitive feelers through Pakistan to
irrange Kissinger's trip to Peking (which, in turn,
was to pave the way for the President's visit and
he historic rapprochement with China); and, sec-
end, the secret negotiations which had then been
going on for nearly two years with North Viet-
namese officials in Paris seeking an end to the
Vietnam war. Kissinger argued that the Chinese
and the North Vietnamese might back out of these
negotiations because they feared the United States
could not be counted on to negotiate secretly and
keep confidences with other nations.
If these were the arguments being made to the
President that week, it is unlikely that he needed
much persuasion. For he had long been preoccu-
pied with the need for Government secrecy, par-
ticularly in the development and execution of
foreign policy. And his deep distaste for news
leaks had been aggravated less than four months
after his inauguration. On May 9, 1969, The New
York Times carried a front-page story by William
Beecher, then its Pentagon correspondent, which
began: "American B-52 bombers in recent weeks
have raided several Vietcong and North Vietnamese
supply dumps and base camps in Cambodia for
the first time, according to Nixon Administration
sources, but Cambodia has not made any protest."
This story is said to have caused "dismay and
outrage" at the White House. It was regarded, one
official recalls, as "a serious security breach." Of
course, the bombing was no secret to the Com-
munist forces in Cambodia, or to the villagers
on whom some of those bombs were falling. But
the story was a severe embarrassment to the White
House because it emphasized that Cambodian au-
thorities were acquiescing in this expansion of the
war, indeed "cooperating with American and South
Vietnamese military men at the border, often giv-
ing them information on Vietcong and North Viet-
namese movements into South Vietnam." Officials
feared that the story's publication would force the
Sihanouk Government to curtail or even halt such
cooperation.
Suspicion for the Cambodian leak fell at least
partly on Morton Halperin, a senior member of the
Kissinger staff. Halperin fell under almost auto-
matic suspicion as a Johnson "holdover" ?he had
served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense
in the Johnson Administration. Moreover, from the
start he and some of the other young "liberals"
on the Kissinger staff had been regarded with
open hostility by ideological conservatives in Nix-
on's inner circle. Finally, Kissinger recalls, there
were other reasons to suspect a leak on the Na-
tional Security Council staff. The Cambodia story,
he says, "was not an isolated event: It capped a
whole series of leaks, including those of detailed
discussions of N.S.C. meetings on the Middle East
and of other internal discussions."
Kissinger told Halperin he was believed to be
the source of the leak. "I told him I was not,"
Halperin recalls. But shortly thereafter a tap was
placed on Halperin's phone at his home in the
Maryland suburb of Bethesda. It remained there
for more than a year, even after Halperin resigned
from I hiv Security Council staff that September
and became a relatively inactive consultant to
Kissinger. The tap never produced any evidence
againsT Halperin, although it did pick up several
phone calls made by Daniel Ellsberg in late 1969
and early 1970, while he was a guest of the Hal-
perins. (Later, Halperin and his wife, Ina, were to
wonder just what had been overheard: their young
sons?David, Mark and Gary?asking their friends
out to play; anxious calls to New York about a
relative's surgery; or perhaps those obscenities
whispered by an unknown voice in the middle of
the night.)
Halperin was one of 13 Government officials
whose phones were tapped beginning in May, 1969,
the month of Beechees story. Most or all of the
others were also members of Kissinger's National
Security Council staff. Meanwhile, taps were
placed on the phones of four newsmen suspected
of receiving leaked material: Beecher; Hedrick
Smith, a diplomatic correspondent of The New
York Times; Henry Brandon of The (London) Sun-
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day Times, and Marvin Kalb of C.B.S. The taps
on both officials and newsmen were maintained
for varying periods: two for less than 30 days, one
for as long as 21 months.
Precise responsibility for the tapping is difficult
to assess. Kissinger concedes that around the time
of Beecher's Cambodian story he met several times
with J. Edgar Hoover to express his "very great
concern" that national-security information be
fully safeguarded. He also concedes that his office
supplied the names of White House staff members
with access to classified information. He says he
took no further part in initiating the taps. But
Justice Department officials say Kissinger gave
the F.B.I. the names of several staff members
whom he wanted tapped. "The request came from
Kissinger," said one official. "Henry wanted some
of those guys bugged."
Whoever initiated the request, the White House
says that President Nixon personally authorized
the 17 taps to protect "national security." Whether
he was legally justified in doing so is still in dis-
pute, and the answer will depend on a judicial
determination of what "national security" means
in these matters. The Federal Government has
wiretapped for decades?beginning with Prohibi-
tion bootleggers?but the first taps for "national-
security" purposes came in 1940 when President
Roosevelt ordered the F.B.I. to use them against
the "Fifth Column," limiting its targets "insofar
as possible to aliens." In 1946, Attorney General
Tom Clark persuaded President Truman to broaden
this category to include domestic subversives.
Efforts to curb taps began in 1967, when the
Supreme Court held that the practice came under
the Fourth Amendment's stricture against unrea-
sonable search and seizure, and thus required a
court-ordered warrant. In 1968, Congress specifi-
cally authorized law-enforcement officers to seek
warrants in the fight against crime, notably gam-
bling and the narcotics trade. But neither Court nor
Congress limited the President's constitutional
power "to protect national-security information
against foreign intelligence activities." Then, in
June, 1969, Attorney General Mitchell proclaimed
an audacious doctrine. He claimed that these Pres-
idential powers permitted wiretapping of any
domestic group "which seeks to attack and sub-
vert the Government by unlawful means."
"This Attorney General
may be as close to the
President as Robert Ken-
nedy was to Jack Ken-
nedy," John Dean was
told in 1969. The relations
between John Mitchell
and Richard Nixon may
not have been quite fra-
ternal, but the two men
were as close as law part-
ners ever get. Richard
Whalen, a former Nixon aide, writes: "Mitchell
was Number 1, tied to the White House by a di-
rect telephone line, the uniquely intimate counse-
lor to whom Nixon turned on every subject from
minor political matters to Supreme Court appoint-
ments." They first met in 1963, when Nixon began
practicing law in New York with the firm of Nixon
Mudge Rose Guthrie & Alexander. Mitchell was
already one of Wall Street's most renowned band
lawyers. In 1967, Nixon Mudge Rose absorbed
Mitchell's firm and the two men practiced law and
politics together until Nixon asked Mitchell to
manage his 1968 Presidential campaign. As At-
torney General, Mitchell took a tough line, calling
for wiretaps, preventive detention, no-knock and
stop-and-frisk laws. Some found him cold, even
12
ruthless, but his ebullient wife, Martha, called him j
"a cute, cuddly, adorable fellow."
In June, 1972, the Supreme Court rejected the
Mitchell wiretap doctrine, holding that no such
domestic group or individual could be tapped with-
out a warrant. But the Court still did not touch the
President's right to tap, without warrants, when the
case involved foreign intelligence. Some officials
therefore contend that the 1969 taps were legal
because they were designed to prevent "national-
security" information from falling into the hands of
the press and then of foreign agents. Others are
convinced that the Court would never construe
the President's power that broadly, and thus argue
that the 1969 taps were illegal from the start.
The last of the 17 F.B.I. taps installed on news-
men and N.S.C. staff members in 1969 were re-
moved in February, 1971. "We found what we
wanted to find out," one official says. "We found
the people who were the weak links." At least
three "blabbermouths" were eased out of their
jabs. "There were a couple of guys who could have
been prosecuted," the official says. "But we just
let them go out of the Government."
To have prosecuted them would have required
the Government to reveal the existence of the taps.
But these taps were so "sensitive" that some
officials didn't want them even in the regular
F.B.I. files. Eventually they were passed on to
Robert Mardian, the Assistant Attorney General
in charge of the Internal Security Division. Mardian
says the President ordered him to deliver them
to the White House, where they turned up eventu-
ally in Ehrlichman's safe.
The White House tapped at least one news-
man's phone: that of the syndicated columnist
Joseph Kraft. Dean says Caulfield told him the tap
was ordered by Ehrlichman. According to another
source, Caulfield asked Ehrlichman why he didn't
get the F.B.I. to do it and Ehrlichman said, "The
F.B.I.'s a sieve. Things get out that way."
According to Dean, Caulfield said he plaeed the
Kraft tap aided by Ulasewicz and John Ragan, a
security consultant to the Republican National
Committee, and recalled it as "a rather harrowing
experience when he was holding the ladder in a
back alley of Georgetown while also trying to If eep
a lookout as another member of the group was
working at the top of the ladder." The tap was
apparently taken off several weeks later. "They
had it another way," Ehrlichman is said to have
commented.
According to Evans and
Novak, John Ehrlichman
began his political career
as an "espionage agent"
for Richard Nixon. In
1960, he followed Nel-
son Rockefeller's abortive
campaign for the Repub-
lican nomination, feeding
reports back to the Nixon
camp. He told a Seattle
Times reporter of driving
a Rockefeller car in the Governor's caravan through
I North Dakota: "The Rockefeller people thought
was from North Dakota and the North Dakota
people thought I was from Rockefeller." Later,
Evans and Novak say, Ehrlichman was sent as a
[secret observer to the Democratic National Con-
Disguise
for a Plumber: "He was very eerie,' said Mrs. Beard's son, "with this huge red
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wig on cockeyed."
Approved
'rention, where he prepared a dossier on the Ken-
T,etty campaign apparatus. Ehrlichman was brought
..ato the Nixon campaign that year by his class-
mate and old friend from U.C.L.A., Bob Haldeman.
After the 1960 loss, he went back to practicing
land-use law in Seattle, worked briefly in the 1962
ampaign, then was the "tour director" of the 1968
campaign. His reputation for hard-nosed efficiency
legendary. At the White House, Ehrlichman
rved first as counsel to the President, then as the ;
President's chief assistant for domestic affairs. A
christian Scientist who neither smokes nor drinks,
he became known as a cool executor of Presidential
wishes. One colleague says: "He leaves no more
lOood on the floor than he has to."
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Meanwhile, the publication of the Pentagon
Papers was setting off another security crackdown,
this one even more stringent and wide-ranging
than the hunt for the Cambodia leak. Colson re-
calls that following the Papers' publication White
House staffers held a series of "panic sessions."
Several factors caused particular panic. One
was the officials' fear that 31 of the 45 documents
appearing in The Times had come not from the
Pentagon Papers but from other secret Govern-
ment sources. (They were wrong.) Another factor
which contributed to the agitation at the White
House that month was the knowledge that a copy
of the Pentagon Papers had found its way into the
hands of the Soviet Embassy only a few days after
The Times began publication of the documents.
According to Government sources, the papers were
delivered to the embassy on June 16 by a man
who handed over a letter signed with an alias.
Within a few days, the White House be-
came convinced?as the President recently put it
?that it was dealing with "a security leak of
unprecedented proportions ... a threat so grave as
to require extraordinary actions." In the first such
action, the Justice Department went to court seek-
ing "prior restraint" on continued publication of the
Papers (on June 15 and 19, it got temporary re-
straintng orders against The Times and The Post,
but the Supreme Court permitted the newspapers
to resume publication of the Papers on June 30).
The Plumbers
Anyone who opposes us, we'll destroy.
its a matter of fact, anyone who doesn't sup-
port us, we'll destroy.
?Egil Krogh Jr.
in a 1969 conversation with Daniel X. Freedman,
chairman of the psychiatry department,
University of Chicago.
SOMETIME in the spring of 1971, John
Caulfield noticed that he and Tony
Ulasewicz were getting fewer assign-
ments. "For some reason," a former
White House aide recalls, "it was
decided that Caulfield couldn't handle
the really heavy stuff." Within a week of the
ventagon Papers' publication, the President author-
1,:ed another "extraordinary action": establishment
vitt hin the White House of a Special Investigations
t. nit whose task, as the President later put it, was
"stop security leaks and to investigate other
sonsitive security matters." In other words, "the
heavy stuff."
the President asked John Ehrlichman to super-
vise the project, and in early July Ehrlichman
a';signed 31-year-old Egil Krogh Jr., one of his
:usistants, to head the unit.
Many a noon these past
few years, a lone figure
in a gray sweatsuit might
have been seen jogging
around the Ellipse behind
the White House. The
runner was Egil (Bud)
Krogh, who jogged five
miles a day to keep in
shape. Krogh maintains a
similar regimen in the
rest of his life. One ac-
quaintance describes him as "a brisk, polite, dy-
fuanic young executive?he had all the facts, he'd
done his homework. Never mussed, never damp,
absolutely spic and span." Others called him
"straight as an arrow" and "a very spiritual guy"
(like Ehrlichman and Haldeman, he is a Christian
Scientist), and some liked to call him "evil Krogh,"
because he was so patently the opposite. Brought
to the White House by Ehrlichman, with whom
he served in a Seattle law firm, Krogh was as-
signed to the staff of the President's Domestic
Council, specializing in transportation and crime
prevention. He was also the White House liaison
man with the District of Columbia, seeking to
create "a new psychological climate." Partly, that
meant law and order, he said, "but it doesn't mean
repression. We're trying to create a respect for
authority, not necessarily for power."
The Special Investigations Unit opened offices
in Room 16 in the basement of the Executive
Office Building next door to the White House.
Krogh was assigned an associate?David Young,
a 32-year-old lawyer from Kissinger's National
Security Council staff?and a secretary, 23-year-
old Kathleen Chenow. To insiders, the outfit was
often known simply as "the Room 16 Project," but
soon it acquired another nickname. Miss Chenow
recalls: "David Young's mother-in-law or grand-
mother or somebody saw in The New York Times
that Krogh and Young were working on leaks.
She called the story to his attention, saying, 'Your
grandfather would be proud of you, working on
leaks at the White House. He was a plumber.' So
David put up a sign on the door which said, `Mr.
Young?Plumber." '
New urgency was attached to the Plumbers'
work as a result of several other developments
that summer. One, Krogh recalls, was a report
from the C.I.A. that a news story had "put in
jeopardy the life of an intelligence agent." But
by far the most important came on July 23 when
William Beecher produced another of his annoy-
ing scoops. This one began; "American negotiators
have proposed to the Soviet Union an arms-con-
trol agreement that would halt construction of
both land-based missiles and missile submarines,"
and went on to spell out the American proposals
at the U.S.-Soviet strategic arms limitation (SALT)
talks under way in Helsinki. Author John New-
house says the Beecher story stirred "rage" in
the White House. The U.S. and the Russians had
a firm agreement not to release details of their
proposals to the press. Not only was Beecher's
article full of such details, but it came out the
morning before the U.S. delegation was to make
its first presentation of the proposal to the Rus-
sians in Helsinki. And, worse yet, it disclosed one
of the American fallback positions. Nevertheless,
some observers believe the Administration was
more concerned about domestic considerations,
fearing that the proposal would now become the
subject of political pulls and counterpulls at home.
In subsequent statements, White House officials
have given the impression that this and other leaks
were part of a plot orchestrated by the radical left
and abetted by its allies in Government. But the
known facts on the SALT leak do not support that
premis. the precise identity of Beecher's source
has never been revealed. But six Pentagon offi-
cials were shifted out of their positions sup-
posedly as a result of the leak. And the State
Department asked three of its officials known to
have talked to Beecher during this period to take
lie-detector tests, administered by the C.I.A. in
apparent violation of the statute that bars that
agency from domestic operations. A State Depart-
ment spokesman says the officials still occupy
"positions of responsibility" at the department.
Some believe Beecher's story came from Pentagon
officials who sought to sabotage the SALT talks
because they disapproved of any rapprochement
with. the Soviets; others think it came from those
who wanted to "freeze" the United States negoti-
ating position. But it almost certainly came from
Government officials with no current ties to Dan
Ellsberg or the Weathermen.
By then, it hardly mattered where It came from.
That summer of '71, many men in the White House
apparently felt events closing in on them, as if
somehow all the people on their "enemies list"
had joined hands to destroy them. In part, their
fears involved national-security considerations. But
plainly there were political considerations, too. By
that summer, the President knew that he was going
to be campaigning for re-election largely in Peking
and Moscow. Any obstacles on his road to those
two capitals also blocked his parallel campaign
trail. Pori of the problem in succeeding months
may ha ve been the inability of the President and
the men around him adequately to distinguish be-
tween those two thoroughfares.
Egil Krogh recalls that, following the SALT leak,
he and John Ehrlichman met with the President.
Mr. Nixon instructed Krogh to move ahead with
"the greatest urgency" to determine the source
of those leaks.
To meet the Pentagon Papers "crisis," the White
House needed more operatives trained in security
and intelligence. Chuck Colson, who was then
working part-time on the problem, thought of a
man whom he had first met five years before at a
Brown University party and whom he had since
come to know well.
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Plumbers (cont.)
"We became lawless in
a struggle for the rule
of law ? semi-outlaws
who risk their lives to put
down the savagery of
others," says Peter Ward,
a C.I.A. agent in a hook
called "Hazardous Duty"
by David St. John?also
known as John Baxter,
Gordon Davis, Robert
Dietrich and Howard
Hunt. The 46 published novels Hunt has written
under these names reflect the curious amalgam of
luxuriant fantasy and actual skulduggery in the life
of Everette Howard Hunt Jr. In part, his books are
based on his own 20 years as a C.I.A. agent in
Paris, Vienna, Mexico City, Madrid and Montevideo.
As a specialist in "dirty tricks," he played an active
role in the 1954 overthrow of the left-wing Guate-
malan Government. In the early sixties, operating
under the code name "Eduardo," he was the C.I.A.'s
representative to the Cuban Revolutionary Council,
in whose name the Bay of Pigs invasion was
launched. Blocked from further promotions,
Hunt retired from the agency In 1970 and joined
Robert R. Mullen & Company, a Washington pub-
lic-relations firm with strong ties to the conserva-
tive wing of the Republican party. But he missed
the C.I.A. desperately. "You see, our Government
trains people like myself to do these things and do
them successfully," he explained later. "It becomes
a way of life for a person like me." So, in retire-
ment, he lived out the riper reveries from his own
books: French food, wine and the elegant life ("the
service plates were Revere gadroon, the crystal
was an opaline much favored by the Sun King's
sycophants..."), exciting women ("Oh Jake,"
breathes the Senator's wife in "The Coven." "Oh,
you bastard. You brutal goddamn woman killer"),
and truly uninhibited espionage (the former C.I.A.
agent in "The Berlin Ending" thinks the agency has
"grown old and cautious. Prim. Reliant on tech-
nology far more than human beings").
Colson says he passed Hunt's name along with
several others to Ehrlichman, who interviewed him
and ordered him hired. Ehrlichman says he met
Hunt only once, on July 7, "the day after Charles
Colson hired him." In any case, Hunt was hired
July 6 as a $100-a-day White House consultant and
given an office on the third floor of the Executive
Office Building (although he retained his job at
the Mullen company where he worked, among
other things, on a television spot on disturbed
children featuring Julie Nixon Eisenhower). Colson
says Hunt was assigned to his staff for "internal
budget" reasons only. But Hunt says he worked
under Colson's direction for the next year on a
wide variety of matters, most of which had nothing
to do with the Pentagon Papers.
First, he asked Colson to arrange cooperation
from Hunt's old colleagues at the C.I.A. Colson
concedes that he called Ehrlichman on July 7 and
told him that Hunt wanted "to establish liaison
with the C.I.A. as well as with other Government
agencies." Marine Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr.,
then the C.I.A.'s Deputy Director, says Ehrlichman
called him that same day and said, in effect,
"Here's Mr. Hunt; he works for us. He'll be around
to see you." Cushman has said he assumed that
Ehrlichman "spoke with the authority of the
President." Ehrlichman says he doesn't have "the
faintest recollection" of such a call.
On July 22, Hunt visited Cushman in his office
at the C.I.A.'s secluded Langley, Va., headquarters.
The two men had known each other for years
and once shared an office when Cushman had
served previously with the agency. So when Hunt
14
came to see him, Cushman says, he knew him to
be "a highly respected and honorably retired C.I.A.
employe." According to Cushman, Hunt said he
had "a very sensitive one-time interview that the
White House wanted him to hold with a person
whose ideology he was not sure of, and that he
dare not reveal his [Hunt's] true identity.' There-
fore, he would need a physical disguise and some
false identification.
The next day, a representative of the C.I.A.'s
Technical Services Division called Hunt and in-
structed him to come to a "safe house"? a clan-
destine C.I.A. meeting place--on Massachusetts
Avenue near the National Cathedral. There he was
furnished with a wig, glasses and a speech-alter-
ation device (a plate which fits into the mouth and
alters the tone of the speaker's voice) as well as
a Social Security card, a driver's license and sev-
eral association membership cards in the name of
Edward Joseph Warren.
Those early summer months were a boom time
for Senator Ted Kennedy. A Gallup Poll released on
May 16 showed that 29 per cent of registered
Democrats favored him for the 1972 nomination,
with only 21 per cent for Edmund Muskie, the
previous front runner. Rumors circulated in Wash-
ington that the Kennedy clan was already gather-
ing at Hyannis Port to chart campaign strategy. So
the White House?which had earlier assigned Caul-
field to dog his steps?once again began a Kennedy
watch. But this time with a special intensity.
Chuck Colson harbored an intense dislike of
Kennedy (he has said that had he seen Kennedy
after the Senator's 1970 denunciations of Nixon,
"I might have attacked him physically"). And
Hunt, who says Colson assigned him to follow the
Kennedy trail, seems to have felt just as strongly.
Hunt's latest book, "The Coven," features a Senator
?Newbold Vane?who is almost certainly patterned
after one or all of the Kennedys. ("The Vanes were
nonserious people who demanded to be taken
seriously.... Their whole imperious life-style was
preposterous. Vane was about as qualified to be
President as I was to practice open heart surgery.")
Later in the month, using the disguise furnished
him by the C.I.A., he traveled to Providence, RI.,
where he met for two hours in a motel room with
Clifton DeMotte, a General Services Administration
employe who was also known to be a Kennedy
watcher by avocation, having followed the family's
activities closely ever since he worked in a Hyan-
nis Port hotel in 1960. Hunt asked him about
Chappaquiddick, about "any woman-chasing by the
Kennedy boys; if I'd heard of any scandal-type
material." DeMotte passed along some hearsay on
"real swinging parties" and "booze" and some
harder information on "hell-raising" by Kennedy
staffers. But when Hunt asked him to do some
research on Chappaquiddick, DeMotte turned him
down, partly because Hunt refused to say whom
he was working for.
Hunt then turned his attention to the Pentagon
Papers. But he was soon back to Kennedy. During
much of July, he and others combed through the
Papers, comparing them with the press accounts
to see if the stories were accurate. Then, abruptly,
he began to zero in on one phase of the vast
history: late 1963, when the South Vietnamese
generals were hatching a coup against President
Ngo Dinh Diem which, the Papers showed, Presi-
dent Kennedy knew of and approved.
In August, the White House asked the State
Department to provide classified cables exchanged
between Washington and Saigon from April to
November, 1963. At a news conference on Sept.
16, President Nixon said in answer to a question,
"I would remind all concerned that the way we
got into Vietnam was through overthrowing Diem
and the complicity in the murder of Diem." A week
later, Hunt went to the department's file record
room and copied 240 cables from 1963. He says
that Colson, who was "directing" his research on
this matter, asked him soon afterward, "Well,
what kind of material have you dug up in the
files that would indicate Kennedy complicity?"
Hunt says he showed Colson three or four legit
mate cables "that indicated that they had prett!
close to pulled the trigger against Premier Diem':
head, hut it didn't say so in so many words.'"
According to Hunt, Colson then said, "Do yo,
think you could improve on -them?" Not without
technical assistance, Hunt said. "Well, we won I
be able to give you any technical help," Hurt
recalls Colson saying. "This is too hot. See whit
you can do on your own."
Using a razor blade and a White House Xerox
machine, Hunt pieced together two fakes. One,
dated Oct. 29, 1963?three days before Diem's
death?purported to be a State Department
sage to the U.S. Embassy in Saigon. It began:
"At highest level meeting today, decision reluc-
tantly made that neither you or Harkins [Gen. Paul
D. Harkins, then commander of United States
forces in Vietnam] should intervene in behalf of
Diem or Nhu [Ngo Dinh Nhu, President Diem s
brother] in event they seek asylum."
Several weeks later, Colson suggested to a
friend?William Lambert, an investigative report( r
for Life magazine?that he reread Nixon's Sep:.
16 news conference; then he sent him over to see
Hunt's cable. "Mr. Lambert was quite exultant ove r
the find," recalls Hunt, who let the reporter copy
the cable. For many months, before Life magazir e
folded in late 1972, Lambert was unable to satisfy
himself about the cable's authenticity. Only in
May, 1973, did Colson tell Lambert that the cab:e
was a fake, although he said he had learned c'
the fabrication in February, 1972. Colson emphai.-
ically denies ordering Hunt to fabricate the cable,
although he concedes that "it is entirely possible
that Hunt misunderstood something I said to him
at the time he was reviewing Pentagon Papers
cables with me."
By mid-August, Hunt had shifted over to the
Plumbers squad (though still, he says? reporting
to Colson). Meanwhile, another investigator hail
been added to the squad--a man who had been
fort.ed out of the Treasury Department only weeks.
before, after he had vigorously lobbied agains t
the Administration's gun-control legislation and
had even delivered a rousing speech against such
controls before the 100th-anniversary convention
of the National Rifle Association. But all that wa s
no disqualification for work with the Plumber:,.
He was recommended by Egil Krogh and hired by
Ehrlichman on July 19.
G. Gordon Liddy loves
guns. An F.B.I. man in
the early sixties, he re-
calls he once "bailed out
of a moving car and OU :-
drew" a most-wanted
fugitive. As an assistant
district attorney in Dutcli?
ess County, N.Y., in tic
mid - sixties, he rode
around with a gun
strapped to his shoulde
and once, while summing up a robbery case la-
the jury, he pulled a pistol out of his pocket and
fired it at the ceiling. "Gordon's a cowboy," say s
a former political rival. "He wanted to go back tn.
the days when men were men and life wa s
simpler." A former colleague in the District A:-
torney's office says: "He could turn the mo:iti
routine case into an earth-shattering event when,
it bit the papers." (In 1966, Liddy took public credit.
for a drug raid on Timothy Leary, which, according
to a Poughkeepsie lawyer, "he had very little to do
with.") In 1968, Liddy ran in a Republican primary
against incumbent Congressman Hamilton Fish Jr
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His campaign literature ("He knows the answer is
law and order, not weak-kneed sociology. Gordon
Liddy doesn't bail them out?he puts them in")
featured a picture of him wielding a police spotlight
at a crowd of angry blacks. Although he lost the
primary, Liddy had the Conservative party nomina-
eon. But he declined to run in the general election,
and a few months later Congressman Fish recom-
mended him for his job at Treasury.
If Ted Kennedy was the first of the "them,"
by June, 1971, Daniel Ellsberg was a very close
second. "Because of the extreme gravity of the
situation, and not then knowing what additional
secrets Mr. Ellsberg might disclose," the President
recalls, he told Egil Krogh that "as a matter of
first priority the [Special Investigations] unit
should find out all it could about Mr. Ellsberg's
associates and his motives."
This separate investigation of Ellsberg?outside
normal F.B.I. channels?was necessary, Krogh was
informed, because Hoover was a close personal
friend of Louis Marx, father of Ellsberg's second
wife, Patricia. Marx and Hoover were indeed close
friends, but the ultraconservative millionaire had
little sympathy for his son-in-law's current activi-
ties and refused to contribute money to his defense.
In the early stages of the Plumbers' investiga-
tion, Krogh recalls, he received "information sug-
gesting that Dr. Ellsberg did not act alone." So
the unit concentrated for a while on discovering
whether the Papers' diselosure was "an individual
act, the act of a small group, or the result of a
wider conspiracy to engage in espionage," As part
A this effort, the Plumbers were reportedly getting
transcripts from a phone tap placed on Ellsberg's
lome phone sometime in the spring of that year
(the F.B.I. is said to have been investigating Ells-
herg even before publication of the Pentagon
Papers). But the Plumbers themselves apparently
:nitiated wiretaps on two New York Times re-
porters: Neil Sheehan, the reporter responsible for
obtaining the Pentagon Papers, and Tad Szulc, who
eovered the State Department.
Another suspected conspirator was Mort Hal-
oerin, the target of earlier F.B.I. taps. By about
his time he had been elevated to the "top 20" of
he enemies list with the notation "a scandal would
he most helpful." Halperin, who had been in over-
ell charge of the Pentagon Papers project, was then
at the Brookings Institution, a private research
institute staffed by many former Kennedy and
Johnson Administration officials. According to
John Dean, Caulfield told him that Chuck Colson
had instructed him in June or July to burglarize
an office at Brookings (said to be Halperin's) and
seize any "leaked documents." Caulfield said Ula-
--;ewicz had "cased" the institution and made
friendly contact" with a security guard there.
According to Dean, Caulfield told Colson that
security at Brookings was "extremely tight," but
Colson said that "if necessary he should plant a
firebomb in the building and retrieve the docu-
ments during the commotion that would ensue."
Dean says he flew to California and persuaded
Ehrlichman that the Brookings burglary was "in-
sane." He says Ehrlichman phoned Colson to "call
it off." Colson denies the whole story, although
an associate says he may have suggested the
bombing as a joke.
Gradually, the Plumbers began zeroing in on
Ellsberg himself. Hunt explains that there was
"concern" in the White House about prosecuting
Ellsberg for fear that he would become a martyr.
Some officials pressed for information which would
allow them to determine Ellsberg's "prosecuta-
hility"?presumably not merely his role in pub-
lishing the Papers but aspects of his background
which would make him vulnerable. Ellsberg had
been in psychoanalysis in Los Angeles, and Hunt
iays the unit soon concluded that the best
"instant source" would be the psychiatrist's files.
Two F.B.I. agents visited the psychiatrist, Dr.
Lewis J. Fielding, on July 20 in his office at 450
North Bedford Drive in Beverly Hills. Dr. Fielding,
a slender man in his mid-50's with a shaved Yul
Brynner-style head, recalls that the agents wanted
to discuss Dr. Ellsberg. He said he would consult
his attorney, and the next day the attorney called
the F.B.I. and said his client would not violate the
confidentiality of the doctor-patient relationship.
Krogh recalls that when Dr. Fielding refused to
cooperate, Ehrlichman gave the unit "a general
authorization to engage in covert activity to ob-
tain a psychological history" of Ellsberg. Hunt re-
calls that about this time the idea of a burglary
?a "bag job"?on the psychiatrist's office became
the topic of "low-key conversation around the
office." Hunt says that at one point he inquired
why the F.B.I. couldn't do the burglary and Liddy
told him that in recent years the bureau had
ceased training agents for that type of operation.
"The agents had been reassigned or lost their
skills." He said he then asked why the Secret
Service couldn't do it and Liddy said the White
House didn't trust them for that kind of job.
Prosecutors are said to have a copy of a memo
from Krogh and Young to Ehrlichman, dated some
time before Sept. 3, which outlines in detail plans
to burglarize Dr. Fielding's office. Young has testi-
fied that Ehrlichman saw the memo and approved
the burglary. Ehrlichman has refused to confirm
or deny this. And John Dean says Krogh told him
that orders for the burglary came "directly from
the Oval Office." Hunt says those who approved the
burglary made clear that "no one with any associa-
tion with the White House could be involved in any
way directly with such an operation. . . So I was
asked whether or not, as a result of my old C.I.A.
contacts, I could come up with a team capable of
making such an entry."
He immediately thought of an old friend, Ber-
nard Barker, who?under the code name "Macho"
?had been his principal assistant in the Bay of
Pigs operation. For the past decade, they had kept
in touch only through an occasional letter. Then,
on April 16, 1971, Hunt and his wife were in Miami
for a reunion the next day of the Bay of Pigs
veterans. Hunt stopped by Barker's house and
pinned a note to his door, saying "if you are the
sante Barker I once knew," he should contact Hunt
at a Miami Beach hotel. A few hours later, Barker
called and the two "freedom fighters" and their
wives had lunch together in a Cuban restaurant and
talUed about "old times."
"I was not there to
think. I was there to fol-
low orders," Bernard
Barker was to say later
in describing his relation-
ship with Hunt. For most
of his life, Bernard Bar-
ker has been following
orders. Born of Ameri-
can parents in Havana,
he spent his youth alter-
nating between schools
in Cuba and the United States. As with so many
sons of uncertain heritage, he became a fierce
patriot. The day after Pearl Harbor, he went to the
American Embassy and enlisted in the Army Air
Corps?"the first volunteer in the Second World
War from Cuba," he proudly proclaims. When his
plane went down over Germany, Captain Barker
spent 16 months as a prisoner of war. His sense
of d scipline was reinforced by postwar service in
the Cuban police force?during which he once
served as a bodyguard for Mrs. Truman and her
daughter, Margaret. Castro's seizure of power
sent Barker into exile and several years of deter-
mined resistance work?in the Bay of Pigs and
other clandestine operations. Gradually he settled
Watergate cash: Some of the' bills found on the men arrested in the burglary of D.N.C. headquarters.
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Plumbers (cont.)
i
down to make money in Miaml, working as an
assistant store manager, studying at night to get ,
a real-estate license, finally opening his own real-
tor's office?Barker Associates?with a staff of
10 salesmen. ,
Four months after their Bay of Pigs reunion,
Hunt flew to Miami again and spoke with his old
comrade in arms. He asked, Barker recalls, "would
I be willing to help him in a matter of national
security?" Barker says Hunt contended that the
"national-security organization" to which he then
belonged was "above both the C.I.A. and the
F.B.I." He was vague about the specific mission,
saying only that it involved "a traitor to this coun-
try who had given information to a foreign em-
bassy." Barker eagerly signed on, believing that
"Mr. Hunt's position in the White House would be
a decisive factor at a later date for obtaining
help in the liberation of Cuba."
Hunt then asked him to recruit two others.
Barker chose two of his own real-estate salesmen:
Felipe DeDiego, 43, who Barker said had taken
part in a successful raid to capture Castro Gov-
ernment documents; and Eugenio R. Martinez, 48,
whom Barker credits with "over 300 infiltrations
into Castro Cuba."
Late in August, Hunt got a Tessina camera
concealed in a tobacco pouch from his C.I.A. con-
tact and also arranged for Liddy to be outfitted
with false identification and a disguise. On Aug.
25, Liddy and Hunt flew to Los Angeles for what
Hunt called "a preliminary vulnerability and feasi-
bility study." Wearing dark glasses, Liddy posed
by some bright flowering bushes outside Dr. Field-
ing's office building, while Hunt, using his photo-
graphic tobacco pouch, snapped some pictures
of the building, a nondescript three-story structure
decorated with blue panels around the windows.
Then they walked through the wood-paneled hall-
ways to Fielding's office in Room 212, brushed
through the open door and began snapping more
pictures. Suddenly, Maria Martinez, the cleaning
man's mother, entered the office. Hunt said calmly in
Spanish, "I am a doctor." Mrs. Martinez seemed
satisfied and left. That evening, Hunt called the
C.I.A. and asked to be met when he and Liddy ar-
rived the next day at Dulles Airport. There they
handed a roll of film to an agent who got it de-
veloped and returned it to Hunt that same evenir g
On "D minus two" (Sept. 2), the two branches
of the burglary team converged on Beverly Hil's
Barker, Martinez and DeDiego flying directly frcm
Miami to Los Angeles; Liddy and Hunt stopping off
in Chicago to pick up several walkie-talkies and
other equipment. On the morning of Sept. 3, the
Miami men were briefed by Hunt and then made a
"visual reconnaissance" of the target. At 9 P.M.
that evening, two of them returned dressed in
delivery men's uniforms and carrying a large
green suitcase addressed to Dr. Fielding and
marked with "Air-Express" and "Rush" stickers
Efrain Martinez, the cleaning man, let them into
Fielding's office where they placed the suitcase on
the floor.
A few minutes past midnight the team swung
into action. Hunt stationed himself at Dr. Field-
ing's residence to make sure the psychiatrist re-
mained at home. Liddy cruised the area in a rented
car looking for police, keeping in touch with the
others over a walkie-talkie. Meanwhile, the three
Miami men returned to the building. Using mask-
ing tape and a glass cutter, they broke through
a window on the ground floor and forced the door
to Fielding's office. There they opened the green
suitcase, which contained a 35-mm. camera, a spot-
light and film. Barker pried open a wooden cabinet
and a steel filing cabinet, strewing their contents
around the office as he looked for information on
Filsberg. Here the participants' testimony differs.
Barker says they found nothing on Ellsberg except
his name in one of the doctor's address books, but
DeDiego says they did find Ellsberg's file, and that
he held the contents while Martinez photographed
them. In any case, by 4 A.M. all five men had re-
turned to the Beverly Hilton.
After their return to Washington, Hunt and
Liddy showed Krogh pictures they had taken of
Dr. Fielding's apartment and, apparently believing
that the psychiatrist might be keeping some of Ells-
bergs' records at home, recommended a burglary
attempt there. Krogh says that Ehrlichman rejected
the proposal. Ehrlichman says that as soon as he
heard of the project he told Krogh and Young he
"did not agree with this method of investigation"
and they should "not do this again."
Following the burglary, the White House appar-
ently renewed a request to the C.I.A. for a "psycho-
logical profile" of Ellsberg. Hunt says he knew the
agency had a division that did behavioral profiles
on world leaders?the most celebrated being the
one of Nikita Khrushchev just before President
Kennedy met him in Vienna in 1961. The agency
had done only one such profile on an American?
Capt. Lloyd Bucher of the Pueblo, after he and his
crew were captured by the North Koreans in 1968.
This, at least, had some direct relation to the C.I.A.
mission abroad; but the request for an Ellsberg
profile made the agency's two top medical men?
Dr. John Tietjen and Dr. Bernard Malloy --"appre-
hensive." They were overruled by their superiors,
among them Director Richard Helms and General
Cushman. A final profile on Ellsberg, incorporating
classified information from the Justice and State
Departments, was delivered to the White House on
Nov. 12. Meanwhile, Hunt drew up his own report
?a 28-page chronology of Ellsberg's life, later
found in Hunt's safe.
The President has said that by the end of 1971
the Plumbers' work had "tapered off" and the unit
had begun to disperse. Some of its members were
"recalled" to action in January, 1972, when Jack
Anderson began printing minutes of secret National
Security Council discussions on the India-Pakistan
war (later, Krogh sheepishly admitted to Ehrlich-
man that they had "failed" to find Anderson's
source). Hunt maintained a clandestine telephone in
the Plumbers' office until March, 1972, for which
bills were sent to Kathy Chenow's home and ap-
proved by an aide to John Ehrlichman (the phone
was used chiefly for calls to Bernard Barker in
Miami, Miss Chenow says). But with the approach
of the election year, most of the Plumbers were
moving on to more overtly political activities.
Dirty Money
I have often thought we had too much
money.
?Herbert Porter, testimony to
Ervin Committee, June 7, 1973.
FROM the top floor of Irvine Towers,
where Herbert Kalmbach has his
office, one can watch the sparkling
white yachts bobbing in the Pacific
along "Millionaire's Row" in New-
port Beach, Calif. Within a sil-
ver dollar's throw of the twin office towers, some
10 or 12 millionaires live in walled, well-guarded
beachfront compounds, And many of those men
belong to the Lincoln Club, an exclusive group of
California businessmen that over the years has
given vast sums of money to Richard Nixon?
much of it funneled through the President's long-
time personal lawyer, Herb Kalmbach.
16
By Jan. 28, 1971, Mr. Kalmbach had opened an
account in the Newport Beach branch of the Bank
of America, which has offices in Irvine Towers
East. Over the next year or so, according to Gov-
ernment sources, he maintained up to $500,000
in that account?many of the deposits coming in
cashier's checks which he purchased with cash at
a branch of the Security Pacific National Bank,
whose office is in Irvine Towers West. Money was
transferred back and forth between Irvine Towers
East and Irvine Towers West in an apparent effort
to blur its trail.
Kalmbach was the chief fund raiser for the Nixon
campaign until February, 1972, and thereafter sec-
ond only to Maurice Stans. His secret fund, estab-
lished at least two years before the election, set the
tone for the financial side of the White House effort.
Since Nixon en lered
the White House in 1969,
a remarkable change has
come over the Los Ange-
les law firm of Kalmbach.
De Marco, Knapp &
Chillingworth. It began to
rise: from the eighth
floor of Century City to
the 19th floor of a down-
town Los Angeles busi-
ness center to the 44th
floor of the city's newest skyscraper (Kalmbach
keeps a separate office in Newport Beach). A
similar change has come over the firm's clientele,
which in 1968 included the likes of the local
Newport National Bank and Pacific Lighting--and
today includes such companies as United Air Lines,
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Approved For Rele s
Marriott Corporation, Travelers Insurance and
Music Corporation of America. The main attrac-
tion dots not appear to be Kalmbach's legal wiz-
ardry. William King, a former Nixon finance chair-
man, says: "He [Kalmbach] isn't especially
known for his practice of law." A Newport busi-
nessman says, "If you have business with Wash-
aigton and you want a lawyer, you can go to Herb,
but you can't talk with him for less than $10,000."
For years Kalmbach's career has benefited from
political friendships. He was a college friend
of Robert Finch, Nixon's longtime adviser. After
heading the Orange County campaign in Finch's
successful race for Lieutenant Governor in
1966, he served under Maurice Stans as associate
finance chairman of the 1968 Nixon campaign.
And he can often be seen at lunch with F. Donald
Nixon, the President's brother, at a Newport Beach
restaurant called The Quiet Woman.
The precise source of Kalmbach's secret fund is
unclear. Some of it may have been money left over
from the 1968 campaign. Some of it may have been
part of an estimated $3-million in covert money
which?according to The Washington Star?Kalm-
bach raised for Republican Senate candidates in
1970 and had distributed from the basement of a
Washington town house.
One thing is clear: Starting early in 1971, Kalm-
bach was hard at work raising money from wealthy
individuals and groups for the 1972 campaign.
One of his first efforts focused on the dairy in-
dustry, which early in the spring of 1971 had
reason to be grateful to the Nixon Administration.
In the first weeks of March, "after careful
review of the situation and the provisions
of law," Secretary of Agriculture Clifford
Hardin pegged price supports for "manu-
facturing milk" ? a basic grade used to
make butter and cheese?at $4.66 a hundred
pounds, the same as the previous year. The Secre-
tary said raising supports might prompt overpro-
duction, which would glut the market and pile up
surpluses in Government warehouses. "This we
must avoid," he said.
On March 22, the Trust for Agricultural Political
Education (TAPE), a dairy-industry political fund,
donated a total of $10,000 to Republican
committees. On March 23, President Nixon and
Secretary Hardin met in the White House Cabinet
Room with 16 dairy-industry leaders who urged
them to reconsider the supports decision. On
March 24, the Trust for Special Political Agricul-
tural Community Education (SPACE), another
dairy-industry fund, put $25,000 more into Re-
publican committees. On March 25, Hardin an-
nounced that the milk price supports would go
up, after all, to $4.93 per 100 pounds.
The dairymen proved very grateful indeed. TAPE,
SPACE and other dairy groups contributed an
estimated total of $422,500 to the Nixon re-election
effort. (There may have been much more of this
kind of thing. Senate investigators are looking into
allegations that the Nixon campaign drew up a
list of corporations "who had problems with the
Government" in order to solicit funds from them.
American Airlines has admitted it contributed $55,-
000 in company funds?a violation of election law?
after the funds were solicited by Kalmbach. At the
time, the Civil Aeronautics Board was considering
American's proposed merger with Western Airlines,
which it later rejected. Eastern Airlines and the
Chrysler Corporation say they spurned similar
solicitations.)
By and large, the milk money did not go to
the regular fund-raising committees, which were
required by law to report their financial trans-
actions. Instead, it went to some 100 com-
mittees set up in the District of Columbia spe-
cifically to receive the milk money without dis-
closing its source. This took advantage of a loop-
hole in the law, which required fund-raising cora-
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'ME NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973 17
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
Money (cont.)
mittees to register and report only if they were
"organized for the purpose of influencing the out-
come of the general election in two or more states."
The committees, the Republican fund raisers rea-
soned, operated only in the District and worked
for the renomination, not the re-election, of the
President. (Common Cause has since brought a
legal challenge to this rationale, arguing that the
law speaks not of operating but of influencing
the outcome in two or more states, which the
money would certainly do, and that the President
was under no serious challenge from his opponents
in the primaries?Representatives Paul McCloskey
and John Ashbrook?so that, from the start, the
money was raised for his re-election campaign.)
The multiple committees had another purpose:
to take advantage of a ruling by the Internal Rev-
enue Service which provided that if a single donor
distributed his contributions in increments of
$3,000 or less,, the donor did not have to pay a
gift tax. Such committees were hardly a Republican
invention; they had become the common device of
both parties to accommodate large contributors.
The Republican committees were established in a
great hurry during the spring and summer of 1971.
One Republican recalls a man staying up late into
the night just to think of names, some of which
indeed show great ingenuity: Organization of Sen-
sible Citizens, Americans United for Objective Re-
porting, Supporters of the American Dream, Com-
mittee for Political Integrity.
The groups were purely paper organizations. The
people listed as "chairmen" often knew little or
nothing about them. The Organization of Involved
Americans, for example, listed its address at the
office of John Y. Merrell, a Washington attorney.
Americans United for Political Awareness was
listed at Merrell's home in Arlington, Va. He was
chairman of one, his wife of the other, but Merrell
couldn't remember which was which. The Merrells
recall that they were asked to lend their names
and addresses to the cause by Robert F. Bennett,
president of Robert R. Mullen & Co., the public-
relations firm which employed Howard Hunt.
If the chairmen were sometimes unwitting in-
nocents, the treasurers knew just what they were
doing. In many cases, they were employes of the
Union Trust Company of Washington?a bank
with several leading Republicans on its board?
where many of the committees deposited the funds
that flowed in during 1971.
But the dairymen's groups disrupted the Re-
publican plans in one respect. Most of them re-
ported their contributions to the Congress,
as required. George L. Mehren, TAPE's treas-
urer, recalls that Kalmbach "quite unequi-
vocally" solicited such a contribution and
then withdrew the request when he was told
TAPE would report it. After newsmen uncovered
the committees through such reports, the Repub-
licans set up a whole series of new committees to
accept other donations. And they continued to roll
over the committee structure periodically until
more than 450 had been formed.
Meanwhile, the fund raisers were frantically try-
ing to get contributions In before Congress passed
a new campaign-finance law with more stringent
reporting requirements. There had long been recog-
nition of the need for a new law to replace the
Federal Corrupt Practices Act of 1925, which Lyn-
don Johnson once called "more loophole than law."
But as the new bill moved through Congressional
committees in the fall of 1971, Republican leaders
(and some Democrats, too) were in no rush to
get it passed. Clark MacGregor, then in charge of
Congressional liaison for the White House, recalls
a high-level meeting that fall at which Secretary
of Commerce Maurice Stens argued that the bill
18
had to be "slowed down" to give Republican fund
raisers "more time to raise money anonymously."
MacGregor says Stans's position was supported at
the meeting by Mitchell, Haldeman and Ehrlichman.
The message, in turn, was relayed to the White
House's friends in Congress.
Although Congress sent the bill to the White
House on Jan. 26, Nixon waited the full limit of 10
working days before he signed it on Feb. 7. In his
statement that day, the President said the bill
would "work to build public confidence in the in-
tegrity of the electoral process." Since the bill did
not take effect until 60 days after signing, the
White House delay meant that the old loopholes
would remain wide open until April 7.
With this transition period artfully maneuvered
into the very heart of the political giving season,
the Republican fund raisers went all out to exploit
it. On Jan. 12, 1972, Gordon Liddy, then general
counsel to CREEP, sent a memo to John Dean which
made the strategy clear: Seek maximum giving be-
tween the last reporting date under the old law
(March 10) and the effective date of the new one
(April 7). Donors giving during this "gap" would
not have to be identified, and they would be doubly
protected if they gave to committees that went
out of existence after the new law.
To handle this tricky operation, the Republicans
brought in their "first team." On March 1, John
Mitchell resigned as Attorney General to officially
take charge of CREEP. Stans had resigned his Com-
merce post as of Feb. 15 and replaced Kalmbach as
chairman of CREEP'S sister organization, the Fi-
nance Committee to Re-elect the President. In that
position, he crisscrossed the country beating the
corporate-financial thickets for "pre-April 7" funds.
On Feb. 28, he met 35 wealthy contributors at the
Casino Restaurant in Chicago. On March 31, he
met with Midwestern executives at the Olin Corpo-
ration hunting and game preserve near Brighton, Ill.
Maury' Stans undoubt-
edly felt at home at the
preserve, for he is an avid
big-game hunter known
as "the first American to
bag a bongo in the
Congo." To get his bongo
?a red-and-white-striped
antelope?Stans, a Belgian
plantation owner and 30
Congolese porters stalked
through the bush for 10
days. When Stans's gunbearer fired too soon, the
bongo charged, but Stans felled it with one shot.
A later African safari caused him more trouble In
1966, while hunting in Chad, he shot a film of his
experience which was later shown publicly. Its
script, approved by Stans, referred to "boys" and
"natives," and the film showed the white hunters
giving an African his first cigarette and guffawing
when he chewed it rather than smoked it. When a
U.S.I.A. official denounced it as "an Amos 'n' Andy
show," Stans took the film off the exhibition
circuit. The future big-game hunter began life as
the son of a Belgian immigrant housepainter in
Shakopee, Minn. "We had very rough times." he
recalls, "living on the credit of the corner store,
v,hich my father worked off by painting the store."
Starting as a stenographer in a sausage factory,
young Stans Worked his way up through the ac-
counting world to become a partner in a New York
investment banking firm. (In 1960, he was elected
to the Accounting Hall of Fame.) A fervent believer
in the "Horatio Alger road to success," he lives
with his wife in a luxury apartment building
known as the Watergate.
Stans's thicket-beating produced an enormous
outpouring of anonymous contributions those last
weeks. In one two-day period, Hugh Sloan, the Fi-
nance Committee's treasurer, personally handled
Plumbing tools: Tessina camera, tobacco pouch.
about $6-million. Much of this last-minute money
was in cash, the least traceable medium. The com-
mittee had a squad of four to six "pickup men"
roving around the country collecting the cash. But
the flow was greater than they could handle. In
one city, Sloan recalls, "we couldn't even pick up
a $50,000 contribution." Sally Harmony, Gordon
Liddy's secretary, recalls that the torrent of cash
and checks those last few hours turned the com-
mittee's office into a "madhouse."
Some of the money didn't make the deadline at
all. On April 10, Harry L. Sears, a former Republi-
can majority leader of the New Jersey Senate, met
Stans at his office and presented him with a worn
brown attache case loosely packed with $200,000 in
$100 bills. Stans put the money in the wall safe in
his secretary's office. Later, he indicated to Hugh
Sloan that the money was to be regarded as "pre-
April 7 funds" because it had been "committed to
us before that date."
It evidently had been?in a series of conversa-
tions between the donor, New Jersey financier
Robert L. Vesco, and Republican officials, stretching
back into the previous year. An indictment handed
down later by a Federal grand jury charges that the
$200,000 (plus a subsequent check for $50,000) was
Vesco's attempt to buy his way out of a Securities
and Exchange Commission Investigation into his
"looting" of a mutual-fund complex.
The indictment tells the following story: In mid-
1971, Sears, on Vesco's behalf, had asked Mitchell to
speak with William J. Casey, then chairman of the
S. E. C., about the investigation. On March 8, 1972,
Vesco met with Stans and offered to contribute
up to $500,000 to the Nixon campaign if Stans and
Mitchell would help restrain the commission. Stans
said $250,000 would suffice and later specified that
it should be in cash. Four hours later, Sears finally
got his meeting with Casey and G. Bradford Cook,
then the S. E. C. counsel. Mitchell, Starts and Sears
deny these charges.
Some donors funneled their money through most
circuitous channels. One was Robert H. Allen, a
major Republican fund raiser in Texas and president
of Gulf Resources and Chemical Corporation in
Houston. At the time, a Gulf Resources mining sub-
sidiary was under pressure from the Federal En-
vironmental Protection Agency to correct water
and air pollution in Idaho. A report of investiga-
tofS, for the House Banking and Currency Com-
mittee tells the following story: On April 3,
$100,000 was withdrawn by telephone from
the corporate account of Gulf Resources in the
First National City Bank of Houston. (Allen insists
this was his money, not the corporation's. Political
contributions by corporations are illegal.) The
money was transferred to the account of Compania
de Asufre Veracruz (an "inactive" Gulf Resources
subsidiary) in the Banco Internacional of Mexico
City. The subsidiary turned the money over to
Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre, the Mexican attorney for
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Approved For Relea
Gulf Resources, who is said to be dying of
cancer. Ogarrio, or an associate, then converted
$89,000 of the money into four cashier's checks for
$15,000, $18,000, $24,000 and $32,000.
On April 5, a young man with "a Mexican sur-
name" arrived at the offices of the Pennzoil Cor-
poration in the Houston Southwest Tower, which
was then serving as a major collection point for
Republican contributions in Texas and the South-
west. The courier was ushered into the office of
William Liedtke, president of Pennzoil and head of
an ad hoc group of Texas fund raisers for the Presi-
dent's re-election campaign. Also present was Roy
Winchester, Pennzoil's vice president for public
affairs and a member of the fund-raising group.
The courier opened a large pouch and took out the
four checks plus $11,000 in $100 bills. The agent
asked for a receipt, but Winchester and Liedtke re-
fused, explaining later to Investigators that "in the
fund-raising business you don't deal in receipts."
The $100,000 was placed in a suitcase along with
$140,000 more in cash and $460,000 in checks and
stock certificates. Winchester and Peter Mark, a
"young and strong" Pennzoil employe designated
to ride shotgun on the money, took the suitcase
to the Houston airport where they boarded a wait-
ing Pennzoil company plane (which, according to
Congressional sources, may be the executive jet
used in the James Bond movie "Goldfinger"). The
plane flew to Washington's National Airport, where
it landed about 9 P.M. Winchester and Mark took
the suitcase immediately to the finance committee's
office and handed it to Hugh Sloan.
Four days later, another $25,000 trickled in. It
(ame from Dwayne Andreas, a Minnesota soybean
tycoon and long a Hubert Humphrey backer. Like
many businessmen, Andreas seeks to maintain
good relations with both parties. According to
Stans, in January Andreas told his friend Kenneth
Dahlberg, chairman of the Minnesota Committee
to Re-elect the President, that he wanted to con-
tribute to the Nixon campatgn. But Andreas did
not hand the cash to Dahlberg until April 9. Two
days later, Dahlberg gave a cashier's check to
Stans, who gave it to Sloan. (On Aug. 22, Andreas,
Dahlberg and three associates were granted a
Federal bank charter. Of 424 charters granted in
the previous five years, only 13 had been approved
more quickly.)
Hugh Sloan recalls that be and Stans talked
about how to deal with the Mexican and Dahlberg
checks. According to Sloan, Stans asked, "Do we
have any problem in handling these?" and he
replied, "1 don't know. I'll check with counsel."
Counsel was Gordon Liddy, who, as Sloan recalls,
recommended "a diversion to cash" and offered
to "handle the transaction for me." On or around
April 12, Sloan gave Liddy the five checks total-
ling $114,000.
On April 19, Bernard Barker walked into the
Republic National Bank in Miami's "Little Havana"
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Aoney (cont.)
Approved For Rel
,lection with the five checks
')ver the next three weeks,
e converted them all to cash.
a mid-May, Liddy gave Sloan
money?minus $2,500 in
explained "expenses."
-Nhen the first phase of the
3.1-td-raising effort was corn-
paged on April 7, the finance
committee later reported, it
had $10.2-million on hand. Ac-
tually by that date, it had
raised about $20-million. But
it spent $5-million and "pre-
spent" another $5-million
(that is, paid out money for
future campaign services so
that it would not have to re-
port the money). A few days
before the April 7 deadline,
for example, the committee
gave $1-million to the Novem-
ber Group, the advertising
agency set up in New York to
handle media work for the
campaign. One reason for
such prepayments, a Republi-
can official says, was "to
avoid looking like we had a
lot of money, which would
make further fund-raising dif-
ficult."
But the Republicans didn't
have much difficulty raising
more money. To the $20-mil-
lion raised before April 7,
they added about $35-million
-- producing a total of about
$55-million (including about
$2-million carried over from
1968). It was, as Maurice Stans
later proudly proclaimed, "the
largest amount of money ever
spent in a political campaign."'
But all that money made
some Republicans nervous.
Even Stans, the master fund
raiser, says now that he orig-
inally thought the President
could be re-elected for $25-
or $30-million. He says he ob-
jected to budgetary "over-
kill" and once urged Halde-
man, "Let's just run this cam-
paign with less money."
Those who worried about
the money worried particular-
ly about all the cash that
flowed through the commit-
tee's offices that spring.
According to Hugh Sloan,
about $1.7-million in cash
came in up to April 7. Of
that, he says, about $700,000
ultimately found its way into
bank deposits. But for weeks
and months, $1-million or so
in crisp, freshly-minted $100
bills piled up in safes and
deposit boxes. At first, much
of it lay in a safe in the office
of 31-year-old Hugh Sloan.
When "Duke" Sloan was
a student at the Hotchkiss
School, the student elections
were rigged by a clique of up-
perclassrnen. Sloan told a
teacher about it, and some of
the conspirators were pun-
ished. "That's the way he al-
ways was," a Princeton class-
mate says, "he stood for hon-
esty and integrity and doing
the right thing, no matter
what." After dallying briefly
with a diplomatic career,
Sloan went to work for the
Republican Congressional
Campaign Committee. His
earnest dedication brought
steady promotions: assistant
finance director for the 1968
campaign, personal aide to
the President, assistant to
Appointments Secretary
Dwight Chapin. "It was
great," he recalls. Sloan met
his wife while she was work-
ing as a White House assist-
ant social secretary; they
have a photograph showing
them with the President on
the day they were engaged.
In May, 1970, during the Co-
lumbia University disorders,
the President sent Sloan to
find out why he had a "prob-
lem" with the academic com-
munity. After talking with
students holding Low Library,
he emerged to say, "The depth
of feeling is considerably
stronger than I personally
imagined,"
? Although he was the fi-
nance committee's second-
ranking official, Hugh Sloan
could be instructed to hand
out cash by a whole panoply
of Republicans: Kalmbach,
Mitchell, Stans, Magruder,
even Liddy and Porter, to
whom Magruder had given
blanket "drawing authority."
And soon the demands for
cash began.
The first was in April, 1971,
when he was told to give
$25,000 in cash to Bob
Hitt, executive assistant to
Interior Secretary Rogers Mor-
ton. He heard rumors that the
money was to finance the Re-
publican candidate in a special
election for the Maryland Con-
gressional seat vacated by
Morton.
In February, 1972, Ma-
gruder himself asked for
$20,000. Sloan went to his
safe, and gavA015tdOttprisif R
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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973 21
At these stores & branches: Bloomingdale's, New York; Bamberger's,
Newark; R. H. Stearns, Boston; The Hecht Co., Washington, D.C.;
Higbee Co., Cleveland and other fine stores.
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22
001/Clialikrettailitit00499R0i ? halciaanfirmed what
.o Ad instructed
without asking why he needed
it. Magruder didn't volunteer
the information.
Between March, 1971, and
April 7, 1972, Sloan gave
Kalmbach cash adding up to
$250,000.
Starting in early 1972,
Liddy drew $199,000 in cash
from Sloan. At first he took
it in relatively small batches,
$10,000 or $15,000 at a time.
Then around April 7, Sloan re-
calls, Liddy came to him with
a budget of $250,000. "He did
not release it from his hand.
He merely showed me the
figure and said, 'I will be
coming to you for substantial
cash payments. The first will
be for $83,000, and I would
like to pick that up in a day
or two.'" Sloan called Ma-
him to way out the $83,000.
Still disconcerted, Sloan went
to S tans and said the single
payment of $83,000 was
"totally out of line with any-
thing we had done before."
Stans said he would check
with Mitchell. A few days
later, Sloan says, Stans told
him he had talked with
Mitchell who had said Sloan
should take his orders from
Magruder. With regard to the
funds' purpose, Sloan recalls
that Stans told him, "I do not
want to know and you do
not want to know."
Late in March, Sloan
recalls, Kalmbach told him
that Haldeman wanted $350,-
0(10 in cash. He said Gordon
Strachan, an assistant to
Haldeman, would arrange
to have the money picked up.
Sloan says he put the
000 in a briefcase, whi?::11
left with his secretary. Ove?
the lunch hour somebody?
he presumes Strachan ?
picked it up. The money
is reported to have ended up
in Haldeman's safe.
Starting in December, 197'
Herbert Porter drew ha tarts
of cash that he ro-4:ii !s
added up to $69,000 arid
Sloan thinks totaled $P)0?000.
In January, 1972, Sloaa re-
calls he asked Porter 'chat
one $15,000 withdrawa cas
for. He says Porter r
"I can't tell you. V-, are
going to have to go r, my
head if you want to fin,g1 out."
Porter says he real iy vhdn't
know much about Ar, i? the
money 'was used for, ,cept
that he'd been told
finance "Dick it ?--type
pranks and dlirty tric
Dirty Tricks
Haldeman: "You S.O.B.,
you started thls."
Tuck: "Yeah, Bob, but
you guys ran It Into the
ground,"
?Dick Tuck's report of
an exchange between
him and H. R. Haldeman in
the Dirksen Senate Office
Building, May 5, 1973.
URING the 1962
California guber-
natorial race, a
beaming Richard
Nixon posed in San
Francisco's Chinatown with
children holding campaign
posters. Not until later did he
learn that the Chinese charac-
ters on the posters spelled out,
"What about the Hughes
loan?"?a reference to a dis-
puted loan from multimillion-
aire Howard Hughes. The
Chinatown caper was the
work of Dick Tuck, a Demo-
crat whose name has since be-
come something of a trade-
mark for political mischief.
Though wittier than many
of his imitators, Tuck is by no
means unique. In that very
1962 campaign, 500,000 Demo-
crats throughout the state
received postcards from a
group called "The Committee
for the Preservation of the
Democratic Party." In the
guise of an opinion poll, the
cards asked whether Demo-
crats were aware how their
party?and their candidate,
Gov. Pat Brown ? had fallen
Ander the domination of the
'aiifornia Democratic Council,
which the cards pictured as
rirtually a Communist front.
Iwo years later, Judge Byron
Arnold found that the Com-
mittee for the Preservation of
the Democratic Party was act-
ually a committee to enhance
the political future of Richard
Nixon and that the postcard
poll, purporting to be a com-
munication among concerned
Democrats, was prepared
under the supervision of H. R.
Haldeman, Nixon's campaign
manager, and "approved by
Mr. Nixon personally."
Even betore the 1970 re-
turns upset the President's
advisers, steps were appar-
ently under way once again to
insure Richard Nixon's politi-
cal future. Convinced that a
third-party candidacy by
George Wallace would draw
more votes from Nixon than
from any potential Democratic
opponent, the Nixon camp
apparently set out to prevent
Wallace from running. The
Atlanta Constitution has re-
ported that James D. Martin,
the national Republican com-
mitteeman from Alabama,
calling himself the President's
personal emissary, demanded
that Wallace sign an agree-
ment not to run in 1972 (Mar-
tin has denied this). When
Wallace insisted upon run-
ning, Republicans reportedly
poured $200,000 to $400,000
9I04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
of leftover 1968 funds int(
Alabama to defeat Wallace in
the closely contested 197(1
gubernatorial primary. Ac ?
cording to John Dean, the
expenditure was ;authorized
by Herbert Kalmbach.
But Wallace was renomi-
nated and re-elected and scia 1
began touring the country ii
preparation for another Presi-
dential race under the banner
of his American Independer t.
Party. In early 1971, Robert .1,
Walters, a Los Angeles adver-
tising man, approached Jeb
Magruder with a plan for re-
ducing the A.I.P.'s registration
enough to remove it from the
California ballot. One of Wal-
ters's former aides told The
Washington Post that tie
effort was approved by Jot n
Mitchell. With $10?000 au
plied by Hugh Sloan, Walten's
canvassers?some of them
from the American Nazi Par .y
?urged A.I.P. members to
change their registration.
(As late as May 15, 1912,
when Arthur Bremer shot
Wallace in Maryland, the
White House was still seeki ag
to siphon off Wallace vot??s.
According to accounts of
Howard Hunt's secret teqi-
mony, within an hour of the
shooting, Chuck Colson ast ed
him to fly to MilwaukET,
break into Bremer's apartmont
and find evidence linking :he
assassination attempt to kit-
wing causes. Hunt says he
persuaded Colson the break-in
would be too risky. Colson
denies the whole thing.)
But Wallace was not the
real enemy. Already in the
of 1971, a formidable
array of Democratic chal-
;engers had pitched tents on
the 1972 battlefield: Kennedy,
Muskie, Humphrey, McGovern,
Somebody was needed to sow
dissension within and among
t lose camps. One of the men
worrying about that was
Dwight Chapin, the President's
ppointmen ts secretary.
hou En-lai was impressed.
he 30-year-old advance man
for the President's trip to
China had handled all the
details so efficiently that the
Premier went out of his way
congratulate him. Dwight
chapin was the master detail
man for Richard Nixon even
before he reached the White
House. In 1966 and 1968, he
was "responsible for getting
Nixon up in the morning, put-
t.ng him to bed at night and
!poking after his wardrobe,
ineals and schedule." No
ask was too small for Chap-
the "superloyalist," who
was proud to work for the
rnan he was sure would be-
come "the greatest President
in history." (In 1968, author
Joe McGinnis watched Chapin
I clapping after Nixon answered
each question during his
taped commercials.) He be-
Fan working for Nixon in 1962
; while still an undergraduate
? at the University of Southern
California. After that cam-
paign, he went to work for
U. R. Haldeman at the J. Wal-
t..!r Thompson advertising
agency and ever since he has
been as loyal to Haldeman as
tie is to Nixon. He is also
close to another old Califor-
ria friend, Ron Ziegler, the
rresidential press secretary,
, who says, "When we were
young marrieds in California,
they [Chapin and his wife
Suziel were a lot of fun to
po out with; he's a very hu-
morous guy."
They were all humorous
lack in those days. U.S.C. in
ihe early sixties was a light-
I carted place devoted to
ports, fraternity life, practi-
al jokes and campus politics.
Chapin andApoSid tbr Re
friends belong to t e
Squires and the Knights, hon-
orary societies which guarded
the U.S.C. Trojan Sword and
otherwise upheld "Troy Tradi-
tions." They also belonged to
Trojans for a Representative
Government, a group from the
large fraternities that tried to
oust a small fraternity clique
from control of campus gov-
ernment. U.S.C.'s relentlessly
Republican politics produced
a whole pep squad of Nixon
aides including Chapin, Zieg-
ler, Herbert Porter, Strachan,
Tim Elbourne, one of Zieg-
ler's assistants, and Mike
Guhin, a member of Kissin-
ger's staff?not to mention an
older generation of Trojans:
Herb Klein, Robert Finch and
Herbert Kalmbach. And the
politics could get rough. An
alumnus recalls: "There were
secret organizations that en-
gaged in all kinds of espio-
nage . . . one guy infiltrated
another person's campaign for
class president to the extent
that he became the opposition
guy's campaign manager.
Needless to say, nothing ever
quite went right." Newsweek
says the Trojans for a Repre-
sentative Government also
ripped down opposition cam-
paign posters, stole leaflets,
stuffed ballot boxes and
packed the student court in
order to quash any complaints
brought against them. So
when Chapin began thinking
of someone to head up the
White House's "dirty tricks"
squad for 1972 he naturally
thought of a former Squire,
Knight and Trojan for a Rep-
resentative Government.
In June, he got in touch
with his old friend, Donald
Segretti, a lawyer then serv-
ing as a captain in the Judge
Advocate General Corps at
Fort Ord, near San Francisco.
Earlier that month, Segretti
had been in touch with Gor-
don Strachan to ask about
the possibility of a job in the
executive branch. Chapin and
Strachan discussed their old
college chum and decided he
would be perfect for what
they called the "black ad-
vance" program of spying and
sabotage. In late June, they
met with Segretti in Washing-
ton, and told him they wanted
a "Republican Dick Tuck" who
would harass and confuse
the Democrats without doing
anything outright illegal. Ac-
cording to Dean, Strachan
then cleared all this with
Haldeman and discussed sal-
ary with Kalmbach. Segretti
then met with Kalmbach at
his Newport Beach office and
agreed on $16,000 a year plus
expenses. (Ia all, he received
between $30,000 and $40,000
from Kalmbach, Dean says,)
Within days, Segretti began
Approved For Rel
ea
Pe9
mer
Clearance
? 1.1.1
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Simmons Ultra Pedie
Orig. $99.99 now s 66.66 ea.
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Sale prices 42.00 ea.
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Twin size mattress or box spring.
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Convertibles and Hide-A-Beds
Any Simmons Hide-A-Berfeither on
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Yonkers: 2357 Central Ave., opp. Gr. Eastern, Dly. 10 to 9, Sat. 10 to 6, [phone] in
Norwalk, Conn. : Rte. 7, 'A mi. N. of Pkv. Exit 40, Daily 10 to 9. Sat. 10 to 6, [phone]
Bergen- Rockland, Ramsey: Interstate Shopping Center, Rte. 17, Daily 10 to 9, Sot. 10 to 6, [phone]
Immediate Local Free Delivery.Set Up in Your Home.Saturday Deliveries Arranged.All bank credit cards welcome.
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rifE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973 23
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using his accumulated leave
time for mysterious trips
around the country. On June
27, he came to Washington
amt asked Alex B. Shipley, a
Judge Advocate officer based
there, if he wanted to engage
in 'a little political espio-
nage." According to Shipley,
Segretti explained: "The
Democrats have an ability to
get back together after a
knockdown, dragout cam-
paign. What we want to do is
wreak enough havoc so they
can't" Segretti reportedly
told Shipley that everything
would have to be carried out
in great secrecy and under
assumed names but that
"Nixon knows that something
is .ieing done. It's a typical
deal: Don't-tell-me-anything-
and -1 - won't-know." Finally,
Shioley says, Segretti
"stressed what fun we could
have," For example, he said
later, they might set up a
"Massachusetts Safe Driving
Committee" and award a gold
medal to Ted Kennedy. Ship-
ley says he turned Segretti
down then and on several
other approaches.
Segretti was discharged
from the Army on Sept. 1. On
Sept, 24, he flew to Portland,
Ore , and checked into the
Benson Hotel the night before
President Nixon's party ar-
rived there on the way to
meet Emperor Hirohito in
Alaska, Dean says Segretti
met with Chapin there. Then
in October, Segretti settled
down in an adults-only apart-
ment complex in Marina del
Rey, a Los Angeles suburb
that attracts mainly "swing-
ing singles."
In late 1971, a $6,000 white
I Mercedes sports car replaced
the aging Mustang in Segret-
ti's reserved parking space.
The tanned young veteran,
whose neighbors thought he
worked for a Los Angeles law
firm, led the Southern Cal-
ifornia version of the good
life: bicycling around the
marina, sailing, swimming,
Sunday "open houses" with
California red wile and hav-
ing dates with several attrac-
tive women. Segretti (whose
name means "secrets" in
9 000200010002-2
Italian) projected an air
of brisk confidence, but
friends say he was sensitive
about his size (5 feet 4 inches;
135 pounds). He was bright:
After graduation from U.S.C.
in 1963, he attended one of
the nation's best law schools
? Boalt Hall at Berkeley ?
then worked briefly for the
Treasury Department in Wash-
ington. And he was ambitious:
A former girl friend says he
was aiming for a job in the
White House. "He would hate
most being stowed away do-
ing some monotonous, un- '
glamorous job," she says. "He
was looking for excitement, '
challenge, big stakes."
Having failed to sign up
Shipley and other Army iaw-
yers, Segretti turned his at-
tention in late 1971 and early
1972 to young Republicans.
Among those he contacted
through the national "old
boy" network of former col-
lege Republicans were Thomas
J. Visny, a 24-year-old aide to
then-Governor Richard Ogilvie
of Illinois, and Charles Svihlik,
also 24, who had worked as
an aide to several major
Indiana Republicans. Accord-
ing to Newsweek, Svihlik
agreed "for the fun of it."
Segretti told Svihlik that his
objective was "to swing the
convention to McGovern
to literally destroy strong can-
didates like Muskie." This may
indeed have been the plan, but
in the spring of 1971, when
Chapin first approached Se-
gretti, it was by no means
clear that McGovern would
run such a poor campaign.
The "dirty tricks" effort may
also be described as an at-
tempt to knock off the front
runner at any given time.
In the summer arid fail of
1971, a series of strange in-
cidents bedeviled the Muskie
camp. A poll of New jersey
voters disappeared during the
night from the desk of Anna
Navarro, the Senator's polling
expert. A Harris Poll denigrat-
ing Senator Kennedy was
sent out to other members of
Congress in Muskie envelopes.
On Dec? 12, Evans and
Novak published portions of a
confidential Muskie campaign
memo. Herbert Porter has
testified that 35-mm. film
strips containing this and
other documents were turned
over to him by Jeb Magruder
and that Magruder later in-
structed him to send typed
copies to Evans and Novak.
Porter said he does riot know
the source of the documents,
but Senate investigators have
focused their attention on a
retired Maryland cab driver
who shuttled documents back
and forth between Muskie's
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BEGRUDGINGLY
NUNCES
A LAMP SALE.
We had to.
Our warehouse was
popping at the rivets
with recently and re-
luctantly discontinued
as well as slightly,
slightly bruised lamps.
They're ready for you
bargain warriors at our
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Right next to the 69th
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Senate office and his down-
town campaign headquarters
during a five-month period in
late 1971 and early 1972.
In February, 1972, New
Hampshire voters received
phone calls at night, often
after midnight, from repre-
sentatives of the "Harlem for
Muskie Committee" who, in
plainly "black" accents, prom-
ised Muskie would deliver
"full justice for black people."
Then on Feb. 24---less than
two weeks before the New
Hampshire primary ? came
the clincher. On that day,
The Manchester Union-Leader
published a letter from a
"Paul Morrison" of Deerfield
Beach, Fla., which said that
Muskie, campaigning in Flor-
ida, had been asked what he
knew about blacks. "He didn't
have any in Maine a man with
the Senator said. No blacks,
but we have Cannocks [sic].
What did he mean? We asked
?Mr. Muskie laughed and
said come to New England
and see." Inspired by the let-
ter, the paper ran a front-
page editorial headlined "Sen.
Muskie Insults Franco-Ameri-
cans." Two days later, Muskie
wept while speaking in front
of the Union-Leader office.
(Paul Morrison has never been
found. Months later, Marilyn
Berger of The Washington
Post wrote that Kenneth
Clawson, deputy director of
communications at the White
House, told her, "I wrote the
letter." Clawson says, "I
know nothing about it.")
Although Segretti was in
Manchester at least once?on
Nov. 18, 1971?the has not
been linked directly to any of
these incidents. But he had
been busy elsewhere. On Dec.
15, Robert Benz of Tampa,
Fla., a 24-year-old former
president of the Hillsborough
County Young Republicans,
received a phone call from a
"Donald Simmons" who said
3 oz only he wanted someone to work
$3.75 on a "voter research pro-
ject." Later that day, over
draft beer at a local Motel,
Simmons [Segretti] told Benz
he wanted to place people in
the headquarters of several
Democratic candidates, start-
ing with the "front runner,"
Muskie, but including Jackson
and Humphrey. He wanted in-
formation which would allow
them to "screw up" the Demo-
crats' campaigns.
As coordinator of these ac-
tivities, Segretti said, Benz
would get $150 a week and
could hire others at $75. In
the weeks that followed, Benz
hired at least seven assistants.
He
One got a job in Muskie 's Howard
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Then Benz himself swung into
action, sending out fake
Muskie press releases; picket-
ing Jackson headquarters with
signs reading "Believe in
Muskie"; picketing Muskie
headquarters with blacks in-
structed to say they were
working far Jackson or Hum-
phrey; passing out cards at a
Wallace rally reading, "If you
liked you'll just love
Wallace," On one side and
"Cast your ballot for Sen.
Edmund Muskie" on the other;
stapling signs to trees and
telephone poles reading some-
thing like "Help Muskie Sup-
port Busing Our Children."
These incidents began at-
tracting attention. Sometime
in February, Gordon Strachan
got a phone call from Gordon
Liddy, who by that time had
transferred to CREEP as gen-
eral counsel and intelligence
operator. Liddy said, in effect,
"Something screwy is going
on out in the field," and
Strachan said, "We've got a
guy out there." When Liddy
demanded some coordination,
Strachan gave Liddy Segretti's
phone number, then called
Segretti and told him that
Liddy would get in touch with
him.
Instead Liddy turned the
matter over to his fellow
"plumber" Howard Hunt, who
by then was working with
CREEP. A week or so before,
Jeb Magruder recalls, he got
a phone call from an assistant
to Chuck Colson. "He indi-
cated that Mr. Hunt had com-
pleted his assignments at the
White House and since we
were now involved in intelli-
gence actiN ities, he thought
I would find Mr. Hunt was
very valuable," Magruder
says, "I had only met Mr.
Hunt once, so I was not really
quite sure ,n what terms he
would be valuable. So I indi-
cated . . . that he should refer
Mr. Hunt to Mr. Liddy." Over
the next, few months, Hunt
called Segretti from time to
A yacht cruise becomes
&floating nightmare in
Bimi? ?
Run
time?in what a friend de
scribes as "a whispery, con-
spiratorial voice" ? to give
him ideas or instructions.
Meanwhile, Hunt was re-
cruiting other operatives. In
early February, he spoke with
Robert Bennett Fletcher, a
nephew of the man who ran
the Mullen company. Accord-
ing to Fletcher? Hunt asked
him if he had any Repubhcan
friends who might be inter-
ested in infiltrating Demo-
cratic campaigns. Fletcher
recommended Tom Gregory,
a friend from New Jersey then
studying at Brigham Young
University in Provo, Utah.
On Hunt's instructions,
Gregory went to the Muskie
headquarters at 1910 K Street,
volunteered his services and
was assigned to the Foreign
Policy Section where he began
work on March 1. During the
next several weeks, Gregory
fed Hunt information on
Muskie's scheduling, the cam-
paign organization, dissension
in the ranks and?when he
could get them ? advance
texts of Muskie speeches. He
and Hunt would meet every
Friday at a Drug Fair at 17th
and K Streets, where Gregory
would hand over an envelope
containing the information he
had typed up and Hunt would
give him an envelope contain-
ing his weekly salary ? $175
in cash. (At Liddy's in-
structions, an office was
leased adjacent to Muskie
headquarters, as a monitoring
post for bugs to be placed next
door. But the bugs were never
installed.)
Still another "dirty tricks"
operation was under way at
this time?under the super-
vision of Jeb Magruder, with
funds paid out by Bart
Porter, frequently carried out
through the CREEP Youth
Division, with ideas reportedly
conceived by Chuck Colson.
According to one CREEP of
cial, Colson's role aroused
some friction. The official re-
calls Magruder saying, "That
goddamn Colson, he just sits
there and dreams up this
crap!"
The projects carried out
were varied and imaginative.
Porter dispatched Roger Stone,
the head of the District of
Columbia Young Republicans,
to New Hampshire to make a
contribution to the McCloskey
campaign on behalf of the Gay
Liberation Front. (At the last
moment, he balked at identi-
fying himself as a homosexual
and made the contribution in-
stead in the name of the
Young Socialist Alliance.) Ted
Brill, the 20-year-old chair-
man of the College Republi-
cans at George Washington
University, was paid $750 for
six weeks in May and June,
1972, to join a group of
Quakers carrying on a peace
vigil in front of the White
House. He was told to pass
himself off as a member of
the peace movement and find
out "what the radicals were
up to."
At Magruder's instigation,
Porter also recruited under-
cover agents under the code
name "Sedan Chair," a name
Porter remembered from a
Marine Corps exercise in
which he once took part.
"Sedan Chair I" was a young
Californian named Roger
Greaves. Over several months,
Greaves was paid some $3,800
to recruit hostile pickets
against Democratic candidates
in California and perform vari-
ous other "dirty tricks" in
New Hampshire and Florida.
EANWHILE
Segretti was still hard at work.
In early March, he met Benz
at a Tampa shopping center
and showed him an olive green
Army ammunition cannister
containing two or three small
vials.. In the vials were a clear
liquid with an evil smell. Benz
gave the vials to George Hear-
ing, a 40-year-old accountant
whom he had hired earlier.
According to Benz, Hearing
scattered the liquid on the
grounds around the Mary Help
of Christians Church where a
Muskie picnic was scheduled
and tossed some more through
a broken window at Muskie
headquarters in Tampa.
In early March, the Gov-
ernment says, Benz received
a packet from Segretti con-
taining about 200 pieces of
"Citizens for Muskie' station-
ery and envelopes plus a
typewritten letter. Benz says
he gave the letter and sta-
tionery to Hearing and told
him to mail the letter to
a list of Jackson supporters.
On March 11?three days be-
fore the Florida primary?the
letters were mailed out. They
alleged that Senator Jackson,
while a high sdhool senior in
Everett, Washington, in 1929,
had become involved with a
17-year-old girl and fathered
an illegitimate child,. It also
charged that the had been
arrested twice on homosexual
charges in Washington?on
May 5, 1955, and Oct. 17, 1957.
The letter also said that
Sena tor Humphrey had been
arrested for drunk driving in
Washington, D.C., on Dec. 3,
1967, after hitting two cars
and a mailbox and that in the
car was a "well-known call-
girl" who had been paid by
a lumber lobbyist to entertain
the Senator. (Senators Jack-
son and Humphrey have
denied these allegations and
there is nothing to substan-
tiate At* rdweef cin Re:Pause
files.)
In late March, Benz t.nd
Segretti went to Milwaukee,
where the Wisconsin primary
was scheduled for April 4.
There they printed up a fake
Humphrey press release an-
nouncing free food and drink,
"balloons for the kiddies"
and speeches by Mrs. Martin
Luther King and Lorne
Greene, and passed them out
in the black neighborhoods
of Milwaukee. They also
ordered several dozen flowers,
50 pizzas, 50 buckets of fried
chicken and two limousines
in the name of George Mitch-
ell, Muskie's advance man,
and had them sent to Mus-
kie's hotel.
Three weeks later in
Washington, some strikingly
similar tactics pestered the
Muskie forces. On April 17,
Muskie threw a fund-raising
dinner for 1,300 people at the
Washington Hilton. That day,
a $300 supply of liquor, a $50
floral arrangement, 200 piz-
zas, some pastries and even
two magicians from the Vir-
gin Islands arrived unordered.
Then, the Embassy of Niger
called to say that the charg?
d'affaires was coming and
asking when the limousine
would pick him up. "We
hadn't invited anybody from
foreign embassies," Madalyn
Albright, the dinner's organiz-
er, told The Washington Star-
News. "This was an internal
thing for Democrats, but you
can't offend foreign dignitar-
ies, so we said come ahead,
but that there would be no
limousine. . . . The evening
started out with a small V.I.P.
cocktail party. I was there
when I saw a couple arriving.
They were dressed in batik,
so I went up and said, 'You
must be the charg?rom
Niger.' But it wasn't. He said
he was the Ambassador from
Kenya. Upstairs, we got a call
that the Ambassador from
Afghanistan was arriving. Fi-
nally, 16 ambassadors showed
up, all from African and
Middle Eastern countries.
Since this was a seated din-
ner, it caused us a little bit
of pain trying to seat them
without causing embarrass-
ment. . . . Later on we dis-
covered that they had all
come in rented limousines.
We were presented with the
bill for the limousines."
Several weeks later, the
White House proved it could
create "support" for the
President, as skillfully as it
could create trouble for the
Democrats. On May 8, the
President announced that he
had ordered the mining of
Haiphong and other North
Vietnamese harbors to halt
war materiel coming in from
the Soviet Union The move
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Tricks (cont.)
aroused widespread protest
around the nation. The White
House was alarmed. "We felt
the Haiphong decision could
make or break the President,"
a former Nixon campaign offi-
cial explained later. So White
House and CREEP staffers
swung into action.
On May 10, less than two
days after the President's an-
nouncement, Ziegler an-
nounced that telegrams and
phone calls were running five
or six to one in favor of the
President's action. Many, if
not most, of these messages
were the result of hurried
phone calls by Nixon aides to
offices of such organizations
as the American Legion and
the Veterans of Foreign Wars,
which in turn relayed the re-
quest to rank and file mem-
bers. At the same time,
CREEP sent 2,000 to 4,000
phony ballots in to a poll
conducted by television sta-
tion WTTG in Washington
(the station final count
showed 5,157 for the Presi-
dent's action and 1,158
against). James Dooly, the
former head of CREEP'S mail
room, recalls that "work
ground to a halt in the press
office while everybody filled
out 15 postcards. Ten people
worked for several days buy-
ing different kinds of stamps
and postcards and getting
different handwriting to fake
the responses."
One of the protests against
the President's action was an
editorial in The New York
Times of May 10 which said
the mining was "counter to
the will and conscience of a
large segment of the Ameri-
can people." A week later, an
ad appeared in The Times en-
titled, "The People vs. The
New York Times," It cited
polls showing that anywhere
from 59 per cent to 76 per
cent of the people supported
the President. The ad was
signed by 14 people and ap-
peared tc represent citizen
support for the President. But,
according to The Washing-
ton Post, officials of the No-
vember Group, the special
New York organization which
handled ad vertising for Nixon,
conceded that the ad was
originated and written by
Chuck Colson, It was placed
by the November Group and
paid for with 44 $100 bills
sent up by Bart Porter.
After TV! uskie's defeat in
several spring primaries, at-
tention began to turn to the
two remaining favorites?Mc-
Govern and Humphrey. In
mid-April, Hunt told Tom
Gregory to switch his volun-
teer duties over to McGovern
headquarters at 410 First
Street, S.E. In addition to the
kinds of information he had
wanted on Muskie, Hunt
asked Gregory to provide de-
tailed layouts of the offices
of Gary Hart and Frank Man-
kiewicz, McGovern's two cam-
paign managers. And some-
time in late spring, Roger
Stone reportedly hired Mi-
chael Mc:Minoway, a Louis-
ville, Ky., private detective,
and dubbed him "Sedan Chair
II." Soon, the exotically named
informant had obtained a job
in the Humphrey campaign
and was ;ending reports
through Stone to CREEP.
In May, activities began to
center on California where
a showdown was developing
between McGovern and Hum-
phrey. On oi about May 19,
a letter went out on the sta-
tionery of Eugene McCarthy's
campaign asking McCarthy
delegates to support Hum-
phrey in the primary. The
letter was signed with the
name of Barbara Barron, a
member of the California
Committee for McCarthy. Ms.
Barron charges that the letter
was a forgery sent out by Seg-
retti. Meanwhile, in Los
Angeles, Donald Segretti sign-
ed up to work for McGovern,
even volunteering to join a
bicycle parade.
And in early June, the focus
turned to the Democratic
National Convention in Miami.
Michael McMinoway got a job
as a security guard in the
Doral Hotel where McGovern
was staying. According to
Time magazine, Chuck Col-
son began recruiting young
men to pose as Gay Libera-
tionists and wear large George
McGovern buttons at the con-
vention (Colson denies this).
Pablo Fernandez, a former
C.I.A. operative in South
America, says Eugenio Mar-
tinez asked him to recruit 10
persons to masquerade as
"hippies" and descend on Mc-
Govern's headquarters during
the convention. There, Fer-
nandez said, Martinez wanted
the hippies to throw rocks,
break glass, defecate and
urinate in public "and all that
sort of thing, to give the
voters a bad impression of
people supporting McGovern."
The plan fell through. And
one day, Robert Reisner
recalls, Gordon Liddy burst
into his office saying, "I have
this great idea!" The great
idea, Reisner says, was to
have "a woman who would
have disrobed at the Democrat-
ic National Convention."
Gordon Liddy had some
other great ideas, too.
recitk-In
Any old retired man
in the New York City Police
Department who would
have become involved in
a thing like that . . he
would not have walked in
with an army, that is for
sure.
?Anthony Ulasewicz,
testimony to Ervin Committee,
May 23, 1973.
ETiRED New York
City policeman
John Caulfield had
a plan. He called
it "Sand Wedge,"
Through the summer of 1971,
he lobbied for it with John
Dean and other White House
officials: a private investigat-
ing firm that would be funded
by corporations and would
work for the NI xon campaign.
For Release 2001/09/04 CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
To be called Security Consult-
ing Group, Inc., it would have
"overt" offices in Washington
and Chicago and a "covert"
operation based in New York.
But Sand Wedge died a-born-
ing. Dean says John Mitchell
decided instead to centralize
the intelligence - gathering
function Linder a general
counsel at CREEP and, at Egil
Krogh's suggestion, selected
Itreak-in front.)
Gordon Liddy for the post. On
Nov. 24, Dean says, Mitchell
saw Caulfield, putting him off
with a temporary assignment
to follow Representative Paul
McCloskey, then met with
Liddy. On Dec. 12, Magruder
says, he met for the first time
vvith Liddy, who told him that
White House officials had
talked with him about "a
broad - gauged intelligence
plan." He also said he had
been promised $1-million to
carry it out. Magruder told
him that "a million-dollar
budget was a sizable budget
and that he should prepare
the background documents
necessary to justify this bud-
get and that he would then
have an opportunity to pre-
sent the budget to the At-
torney General."
Shortly afterwards, Liddy
met another man who had
been brought into CREEP that .
same fall by Caulfield. He was
James W. McCord Jr., who
bAlifilE0YElfilifilrnPetWasfq??sVcCA134pioWiFir 8i-00499 RQ00200010002-2
s a emo-1 N:ion atter they both joined
coordinator" for the commit-
tee on Oct. 1 and full-time
on Jan. 1. At the same time,
his firm ? McCord Associates
Inc.?was given a
to provide "security
for the Republican
Committee.
contract
services"
National
In the spring of 1971, Mont-
gomery College in Rockville,
Md., offered a course called
Criminal Justice 234, Indus-
trial and Retail Security, de-
scribed in the catalogue as
"introduction to historical,
philosophical and legal basis
of government and industrial
cratic society." (Before taking:
the course, students were re-
quired to take C.J. 102, Ad-
ministration of Justice). The
instructor in Criminal Justice
234 was James McCord, who
became a teacher and "securi-
ty consultant" in 1970 after'
26 years in Government serv-
ice, seven with the F.B.I., 19
with the C.I.A. After joining
the C.I.A. in 1951, he is re-
ported to have played a role
in the Bay of Pigs operation.
'Men he became "chief of
security," with responsibility
for guarding the agency's
headquarters and other facili-
ties. L. Fletcher Prouty,
author of a book on the
agency, recalls being intro-
duced to McCord by Allen
Dulles, then the C.I.A. Direc-
tor, as "my top man." On re-
tirement, he was given the
Distinguished Service Award
for "outstanding perform-
ance." Since then he had spent
half a day each week at the
Rockville United Methodist
Church running a "social fel-
lowship" for older members. .J..
CREEL, Liddy and McCord
began meeting in the halls
and around the water cooler.
At first they chatted about
the dangers posed by demon-
strations at the Republican
National Convention in San
Diego. "Well, what is the lat-
est estimate?" "What is the
latest you read in the papers
about it?" Once Liddy said he
expected 250,000 demonstra-
tors. Later, he upped that to
500,000, He seemed very
worried.
Soon Liddy began question-
ing McCord about "listening
devices." McCord regarded
this as 'a normal professional
interest . . to find out what
was the state of the art." But
gradually, as he began ques-
tioning McCord about the ca-
pacity and cost of specific
bugging devices, "it became
apparent that Liddy had an
interest in several areas of in.
telligenr e -gathering pertain-
ing to the Democratic party
and the Democratic conven-
tion." In mid-January, Liddy
distinctive and unusual
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showed McCord several large
charts wrapped in brown
paper in his office. He said he
was going to use them for a
"presentation" to the Attor-
ney General.
At 4 P.M. on Jan. 27, Liddy
carried his brown paper pack-
ages into the Justice Depart-
ment building on Pennsylva-
nia Avenue, past a mural
showing a stern black-robed
figure facing an aroused mob,
and into the Attorney Gen
eral's big corner office on the
fifth floor. He stripped off the
paper and set the six profes-
sionally drawn color charts
up on an easel. Each chart
dealt with a different activity,
with its own budget and its
own code word, among them
"Gemstone" and "Target."
There Was a summary chart
totaling up all the activities
and the budget, which came
to $1-million.
Jeb Magruder recalls 0112
meeting vividly. With Mitchell,
Magruder and Dean gathered
in chairs before him, Liddy
launched into a well-prepared,
30-minute "show and tell"
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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973 29
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Immo& fitojw84-oo4p4ofizoorptimcdr-12,
t oug Mitchell does not, a dis-
cussion of several specific
targets. One was the office
of Hank Greenspun, publisher
of The Las Vegas Sun. Ac-
cording to Magruder, Mitchell
or Dean said there was in-
formation on Senator Muskie
in Mr. Greenspun's office.
McCord has said that it in-
volved "blackmail type infor-
mation involving a Demo-
cratic candidate for Presi-
dent." But Greenspun says
the only thing in his files
remotely resembling this is
data on a 1965 conviction of
Senator Muskie and then-
Senator Eugene McCarthy for
hunting ducks on a Federal
reservation. Greenspun thinks
the real target was a batch
of hand - scrawled memos
from Howard Hughes to his
former assistant, Robert
Maheu, that had come into
Green spun' s possession. Jack
Anderson reports they in-
clude one of March 14, 1968,
instructing Maheu to go to
Nixon and help him win the
Presidency "under our spon-
sorship and supervision."
McCord says the burglary
plan provided that "the entry
team would go directly to an
airport near Las Vegas where
a Howard Hughes plane
would be etanding by to fly
the team chrectly into a Cen-
tral American country." Ap-
parently tic burglary never
took place.
Magruder says (and Mitchell
denies) that the Feb. 4 meet-
ing also discussed bugging
the Democratic headquarters
to be established during the
Miami convention at the
Fontainebleau Hotel, as well
as the headquarters of the
Democratic Presidential can-
didate after his selection.
But the main target was the
Democratic National Commit-
tee's headquarters in Wash-
ington, and particularly the
office of the committee's
chairman, Larry O'Brien. Ma-
gruder says the White House
regarded O'Brien as the Dem-
ocrats' "most professional
political operator" and feared
that if he remained chairman
he could be "very difficult in
the coming campaign." Thus,
he says, they were looking for
"information that might dis-
credit him."
presentation. Pointing to vari-
ous charts as he went along,
he outlined plans for elec-
tronic surveillance and pho-
tography of documents. He
discussed plans for abducting
leaders of radical groups
scheduled to demonstrate at
the Republican convention,
"detaining them in a place
like Mexico and then return-
ing them to this country at
the end of the convention."
And he talked of another plan
for a yacht off Miami Beach,
"set up for sound and photo-
graphs," in which call girls
would try to extract informa-
tion from Democratic offi-
cials. Liddy said the girls
would be "high class, the best
in the business," Dean recalls.
Dean also says Liddy pro-
posed "mugging squads" that
would "rough up" demonstra-
tors.
During the presentation,
Dean recalls, John Mitchell
gave him a wink. When Liddy
concluded, Magruder says,
"we were all appalled. The
scope and size of the project
was something that at least
in my mind was not envi-
sioned. Mr. Mitchell, in an
understated way, indicated
this was not an acceptable
project. He indicated that
Liddy should go back to the
drawing boards and come up
with a more realistic plan."
Mitchell has since described
the plan as "beyond the pale."
As Dean and Magruder left
the building with him, Liddy
seemed "discouraged." But he
apparently regained his con-
fidence quickly. A few days
later, Liddy told McCord that
he had talked with John Dean
and that Dean said that things
"looked good" for the plan,
but that "some means would
have to be found for denia-
bility for Mr. Mitchell" and
that "a method of funding
should be arranged so that
the funds would not come
through the regular commit-
tee." About this time, Liddy
asked McCord whether he
would be willing to join an
operation to bug Democratic
headquarters if it was ap-
proved, and McCord, im-
pressed by the high-level
names being bandied about,
readily agreed.
During the next few days,
Liddy revised his plan, dis-
carding the abduction scheme
and the call girls. Instead,
he focused on wiretapping
and photography. He pre-
pared a new budget that this
time totaled $500,000. All
this, Magruder says, was pre-
sented to Mitchell, Dean and
himself, at a second meeting
in the Attorney General's of-
Specifically, Magruder re-
calls, he got a call early that
year from Kevin Phillips, the
syndicated columnist who had
been a special assistant to
John Mitchell in 1969-70.
Phillips told him that O'Brien
might be implicated in a
"kickback" scheme involving
a commercial exposition at
the convention. The plan was
offered to both the Republi-
cans and the Democrats by
aSPIOth )6 FdAIRD P 84-0 ovatehik6tRtCRJOsioV11262t he
Columbia Exposition Compa-
ny of New York. It called for
an Exposition of the American
Economy to be held simul-
taneously with each conven-
tion. Participating companies
would purchase booths and
the proceeds would be divid-
ed, 80 per cent for the party
and 20 per cent for Columbia
?an arrangement that Scott
describes as quite standard
for such expositions. The plan
was turned down by both
parties.
But Phillips's report greatly
interested CREEP. Liddy was
dispatched to Miami to "take
a look at the situation." Ma-
gruder says Liddy persuaded
a businessman friend to call
Richard Murphy, the Demo-
crats' convention manager, to
confirm the exposition plan.
The Feb. 4 meeting ended
equivocally. Although some
progress had been made, the
Liddy plan still did not have
Mitchell's approval. Accord-
ing to Magruder, Mitchell
"didn't feel comfortable" with
it even at the $500,000 level
and indicated he wanted Lid-
dy to cut it still further.
Mitchell says he rejected
the plan altogether. Dean
says that after that meeting,
he sought out Haldeman and
told him what Liddy had pro-
posed, calling it "incredible,
unnecessary and unwise."
Dean says Haldeman agreed
and told him to have no more
to do with it. Haldeman does
not recall this conversation.
Magruder says part of the
impetus to "discredit" Larry
O'Brien was his "effective"
exploitation of "the I.T.T. situ-
ation"?an apparent reference
to the developing scandal over
the Justice Department's
favorable settlement of anti-
trust actions against the In-
ternational Telephone & Tele-
graph Corporation. Very little
had surfaced publicly about
this at the time, although
O'Brien had sent a letter to
Mitchell on Dec. 9 asking
some embarrassing questions
about it.
But three weeks later, the
scandal blew wide open when
Jack Anderson published a
memorandum, allegedly writ-
ten by Dita Beard, a Washing-
ton lobbyist for I.T.T.,-indicat-
ing that the Justice Depart-
ment had settled the suit after
I.T.T. pledged $400,000 for
the Republican convention in
San Diego. O'Brien promptly
turned the disclosure against
Richard Kleindienst, whom
the President had appointed
Attorney General to replace
John Mitchell, and the Senate
Judiciary Committee reopened
hearings on Kleindienst's
nomination.
Early in March, Mrs. Beard
disappeared for several days
and turned up in the Rocky
Break-in front.)
Mountain Osteopathic Hospi-
tal in Denver, allegedly suffer-
ing from a heart condition.
Newsweek has reported that
Gordon Liddy "spirited" her
out of Washington and took
her to Denver. Chuck Colson
concedes that several days
later he sent Howard Hunt
off to Denver to "inter-
view" Mrs. Beard about the
authenticity of her memo.
Others suggest that Hunt's
mission was to persuade her
to deny writing it. On March
17, several days after Hunt's
\resit, Mrs. Beard's lawyer did
issue a statement in her name
branding the memo a "for-
gery," But what struck Mrs.
Beard's son, Robert, about the
Hunt visit was the outlandish
disguise the White House
agent wore. "He was very
eerie," Robert recalls, "with
this huge red wig on cockeyed,
like he put it on in a dark
car."
Hunt was champing at the
hit, eager to get into some
real espionage. He began
making more frequent trips
to see Barker in Miami. On
one trip, Hunt told Barker he
would soon have a mission
for him. "Get your men in
training going up and down
104. "T.laey must2oZlicrielv(P4OP Piore tainebleau and the nominee's
be giga9A-?trcgeMP" Y66 e. x0Paggleit9gAiNagialQ1tnyi21get was
But by then something-
probably the Kleindienst hear-
ings-was stalling the opera-
tion. Magruder recalls that
one evening he got a phone
call from Colson asking him
to "get off the stick and get
the budget approved for Lid-
dy's plans; that we needed in-
formation, particularly on Mr.
O'Brien." Colson, who has
denied advance knowledge of
the operation, says he remem-
bers only an evening when his
secretary came in and said,
"Howard Hunt has got to see
you; for just two minutes, but
he's got to see you." Hunt
strode in with Liddy and
urged Colson to intervene on
their behalf, Colson recalls
calling Magruder and saying,
"Gordon Liddy's upset. He's
trying to get started on an
intelligence operation and he
can't seem to see anybody."
According to Colson, Magru-
der replied: "I know all about
it, but send him over."
One of the problems was
deteriorating relations be-
tween Magruder and Liddy.
Liddy, 42, objected to work-
ing for a man four years his
junior. Magruder says Liddy
was not getting his work
done on time. One day, they
met in the corridor and Ma-
"some annoyance," and Ma-
gruder asked him to come into
his office. Soon they agreed
that Liddy should leave the
committee. But Fred LaRue,
Mitchell's special assistant at
CREEP, who sat in on the
meeting, warned that Liddy's
departure would destroy the
intelligence - gathering net-
work. After the meeting, Ma-
gruder says, Liddy went to
see John Dean at the White
House and in the days to
come Dean, Strachan and
Krogh all urged Magruder
to keep Liddy on. Ultimately
it was decided that Liddy
should move his base of opera-
tions two floors down and
become counsel to the Finance
Committee.
Finally, on March 30, Mit-
chell, Magruder and LaRue
met at Key Biscayne to dis-
cuss-among other things-.
Liddy's latest proposal. Liddy
was not there, but they had
his typed plan itemizing the
number of people and the
equipment he would need.
The plan now called for an
entry, bugging and photo-
graphing documents at the
Democratic National Commit-
tee in Washington and, only
"if the funds were available,"
similar operations at the Fon-
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"We discussed it, brought
up again the pros and eons,"
Magruder says. "No one was
particularly overwhelmed with
the project ... but after start-
ing at this grandiose sum of a
million dollars we thought
that probably $250,000 would
be an acceptable figure . it
was a reluctant decision . .
but finally Mitchell signed off
on it in the sense of saying,
'O.K., let's give him a quarter
of a million dollars and let's
see what he can come up
with.' ' Mitchell emphatically
denies Magruder's version of
this meeting. He says that he
again rejected Liddy's plan
with words like, "We don't
need this. I am tired of hear-
ing it. Out."
After they got back to
Washington, Magruder says,
he called Strachan to tell him
the plan had been approved.
(As was his custom, Magruder
says, he had also sent Strach-
an a copy of Liddy's proposal
in advance intended "for Hal-
deman." Haldeman says he
did net see it.) Magruder told
Hugh Sloan that Liddy was
authoi ized to draw $250,000.
And Robert Reisner, Magru-
der's assistant, recalls that one
day early in April Magruder
appeared at the door and said,
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approved. Tell him to gel;
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Liddy didn't wait that long.
McCord, Hunt and he began
meeting regularly at Hunt's
office at the Mullen company.
At one session, McCord re-
calls, Hunt had a "step-by-
step operation plan" for the
break-in. McCord was im-
pressed with his former C.I.A.
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Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
among those taking part, and
one of the Cubans had said
they were instructed to attack
Ellsberg -- "to call him a
traitor and punch him in the
nose, hit him and run." In-
stead, Barker began arguing
heatedly with a long-haired
young man and ultimately
Pico knocked the young man
down. Sturgis also hit one of
the demonstrators. Pico and
Sturgis were immediately
seized by Capitol police but,
Pico reca(ls, they were quickly
released when a mysterious
"man in a gray suit" explained
that they were "good men"
and "anti-Communists."
Within the next three weeks,
two events took place in
Washington that have been
linked to the Barker group.
One was a break-in at the
Chilean Embassy on the night
of May 13 during which the
political files of the Ambas-
Break-in front.)
a swarm of judges and other
high-ranking officials, and a
leading Republican hostess,
Mrs Anna Chennault. Al-
though it is only two blocks
from the State Department
and eight from the White
House, Watergate is a re-
doubt for those who shun the
city. A tenant who never
'wished to leave its saw-
toothed facade could live for-
ever among its four swimming
pools, two restaurants, health
club, supermarket, bank, post
office, travel agency, limou-
sine service, liquor store, flo-
rist and hairdresser. And
there, on the sixth floor of the
office building, was the Demo-
cratic National Committee.
On their first reconnaissance,
Hunt and McCord took the
elevator to the sixth floor,
looked at the glass doors to
the committee, then walked
down a stairwell to the base-
ment. (McCord also made sev-
eral reconnaissance missions
to McGovern headquarters.
Once, while Gregory engaged
the attention of other volun-
teers, McCord even considered
placing a bug in Mankiewicz's
office. But he didn't quite
have time).
Liddy had assigned McCord
specific responsibility for the
electronic surveillance, and on
April 12 he gave him $65,000
in $100 bills out of the $83,000
he had received from Sloan a
few days earlier. During the
next six weeks, McCord paid
out $51,000 of that money to
electronic stores in Washing-
ton, New York and Chicago,
purchasing tape recorders,
transmitters, antennas and
eight walkie-talkies. He stored
the equipment in a wooden
box off the laundry room in
his Rockville house.
And On May 1, McCord re-
cruited an assistant. From the
Society of Former Special
Agents of the F.B.I. in New
York, he obtained the name of
Alfred C. Baldwin 3d, a 36-
year-old former agent and
Marine captain, then a grad-
uate student at Southern Con-
necticut State College. That
evening he called Baldwin at
his home in Hamden, Conn.
and told him that he needed
to talk with him immediately,
that night if possible. Im-
pressed with the caller's ur-
gency, Baldwin caught a flight
that evening.
The job turned out to be
that of security guard for
Martha Mitchell, a responsi-
bility that CREEP had inherit-
ed from the F.B.I. when John
Mitchell resigned as Attorney
General. McCord said the job
was temporary but could be
"a steppingstone to a perma-
nent position" in government.
After Baldwin accepted, Mc-
Cord took him over to CREEP
where he was formally hired
by Fred LaRue. McCord then
handed Baldwin a snub-nosed
.38 revolver, saying, "You'll
need this while you are with
Mrs. Mitchell." That very af-
ternoon, Baldwin left on a six-
day trip with Martha Mitchell
to Detroit and Westchester
County, N.Y.
As Baldwin left town, Ber-
nard Barker and his associates
were preparing for their first
trip to Washington. That
very morning, J. Edgar Hoover
had been found dead in his
bed. Reisner recalls that Mag-
ruder received a call that day
from Chuck Colson saying
that demonstrations were
planned when Hoover lay in
state at the Capitol the next
day and asking for some
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mENORES DE ES OTOS QUA LO ACOMPAAAN._
, . .
On May 22, six ot the Bar-
ker group returned to Wash-
ington: Barker under the
alias "Frank Carter," Martinez
as ''Jene Valdes," Sturgis as
"Joseph D'Alberto," Pico as
"Joe Granada," DeDiego as
"Jose Piedra" and Gonzalez
as "Raul Goday." They checked
into the Manger Hamilton,
five blocks from the White
House. Pico says Barker told
him they were coming to con-
front antiwar demonstrators
again, and indeed, that was a
weekend of intense clashes
between Washington police
and demonstrators protesting
the mining of North Vietnam-
ese harbors. But there is no
record of any incident be-
tween Barker's men and the
protesters.
The real reason for the trip
appears to have been the final
planning session for the
Watergate break-in. McCord
BIADOS UNIDOS MEXICANOS
SECRETARIA OE GOBERNACION
DUPLICADO '
ESTE DOCUMENT? AUTORIZA A St) TITULA
ARSE EN LA REPUBLICA NEXLCk',A,.NTA rt
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DESOE LA fECNA DE (MTN
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Alias: A Mexican tourism card made up for Frank Sturgis, one of the Watergate burglars.
"counter demonstrators." Reis-
ner says Liddy was asked to
handle this, and he appar-
ently turned the matter over
to Hunt. For later that day,
acting on Hunt's instructions,
Barker called Reinaldo Pico,
a burly Bay of Pigs veteran,
to his office. According to
Pico, Barker told him that
"hippies" and "traitors" were
going to "perpetrate an out-
rage to Hoover." That eve-
ning, Barker, Pico, Sturgis,
Fernandez, DeDiego, Martinez,
Virgilio Gonzalez (a Miami
locksmith) and three other Cu-
bans flew to Washington,
checked into a downtown Hol-
iday Inn and awaited instruc-
tions.
The next evening at 6, they
were dispatched to the west
steps of the Capitol, where
antiwar demonstrators, in a
protest planned long before
Hoover's death, were reading
a list of servicemen killed in
Vietnam. Daniel Ellsberg was
sador and his First Secretary
were rifled. John Dean later
told Gen. Vernon Walters,
Deputy Director of the C.I.A.,
that he believed one of the
Barker group might be in-
volved in the break-in. Jack
Anderson reported that Frank
Sturgis and Eugenio Martinez
may have been involved. And
three days later, in the early
morning hours of May 16, the
doors of a prominent law firm
in the Watergate complex
were tampered with and per-
haps broken into. Nothing was
reported stolen, but political
espionage was later sus-
pected since the partners in
the firm included Patricia
Roberts Harris, chairman of
the credentials committee for
the Democratic convention;
Sargent Shriver, John Ken-
nedy's brother-in-law and for-
mer director of the Peace
Corps; and Max M. Kampel-
man, a leading adviser to
Hubert Humphrey.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
recalls that one night shortly
after the 22d, Liddy told him
to come to the Manger Hamil-
ton about 8. Present at the
meeting in Barker's cramped
bedroom were Liddy, Hunt,
McCord, Tom Gregory and the
six men from the Barker
group. Liddy explained their
"double mission" that coming
Memorial Day weekend: break-
ins at the D.N.C. and the Mc-
Govern headquarters. McCord
demonstrated the use of
walkie-talkies.
At 2:90 P.M. on May 26, the
six-man Barker group moved
from the Manger Hamilton to
the Watergate Hotel (Pico and
DeDiego say they went to the
hotel but deny taking part in
the subsequent burglary).
There they were joined by
Hunt, under his favorite alias,
"Edward Warren," and Liddy,
as "George Leonard." At al-
most exactly the same mo-
ment, Baldwin returned from a
trip to Connecticut to pick up
some clothes and checked
back into a room at Howard
Johnson's Motor Lodge direct-
ly across Virginia Avenue
from the Watergate.
Baldwin was no longer
guarding Mrs. Mitchell. On
their trip in early May, she
had become dissatisfied with
her new bodyguard. (In later
testimony, she called him
"the most gauche character
I have ever met" and said he
took off his shoes and socks
in a Waldorf Astoria suite
and "walked around in front
of everybody in New York
City barefoot.") On May 12,
McCord asked Baldwin to do
some undercover surveillance
of radical activity in Washing-
ton (promising that he would
be brought to Miami in Aug-
ust for similiar work). He was
assigned to watch some sit-
ins on Capitol Hill and to
mingle with the crowds out-
side the offices of certain
members of Congress to de-
termine which were giving
gallery passes to the demon-
strators (he recalls watching
the offices of Senators Ken-
nedy, Javits and Proxmire,
and Representatives Chisholm,
Abzug, Koch and McCloskey).
During that period, McCord
also asked him to move into
Room 419 at Howard John-
son's, already reserved in the
name of McCord Associates.
Baldwin lived there for nearly
two weeks without incident,
but when he returned from
Connecticut at 2 P.M. May 26,
a surprise awaited him in
Room 419.
When he opened the tur-
quoise door, he saw McCord
sitting by a Formica-topped
desk fiddling with the dials
on a large radio receiver.
Stacked along the desk, on
the couch and in the corners
was an array of other equip-
ment. McCord pointed across
the street to the great, gray
facade of the Watergate Of-
fice Building and said, "We're
going to put some units over
there tonight, and you'll be
monitoring them." He showed
Baldwin how to use the moni-
tors. Then he took the white
roorn telephone apart, inserted
a tap, and to test it, dialed a
local number for a recorded
message.
Later that afternoon, Mc-
Cord said, two of his colleagues
from CREEP would be com-
ing to inspect the room and,
"because we're all in security
work," everybody would go
under an alias. He said Bald-
win would be introduced as
"Bill Johnson," the name he
had used for his surveillance
operations. But Baldwin re-
calls that when Liddy and
Hunt arrived, McCord "got all
confused," used some aliases,
Approved For Release 2
forgot orthers ana fanaily just
introduced us under our per-
sonal names." Hunt and Liddy
inspected the equipment. Then
all four strolled across Vir-
ginia Avenue to Hunt's room
in the Watergate where they
conferred with Barker and his
group for a half hour. At 8
P.M., McCord and Baldwin
went back to Howard John-
son's; the other eight went
down to dinner.
And what a dinner it was!
Barker later described it as
"the banquet." Hunt had re-
served the Continental Room,
a large L-shaped conference
room on the first floor of the
Watergate Office Building.
The dinner was catered by
the Watergate Hotel and the
bill ran to $236?nearly $30
per man. For Hunt?who
fancied wine and food as
much as intrigue?it must
have been an exquisite eve-
ning. For the banquet was
only an elaborate facade for
the team's first assault on
the Watergate. Near midnight,
while the waiters were clear-
ing the last Camembert and
fruit from the table, Hunt and
the locksmith, Gonzalez, hid
in a corridor that ran behind
the Continental Room. Then,
when the waiters had locked
up, they went to work on a
door connecting the corridor
with the first floor of the of-
fice building. If they had
gotten through that door, they
could have simply strolled
down the corridor and climbed
the stairwell to the sixth floor
lobby and the D.N.C. But
Gonzalez couldn't open the
door. So after reporting their
embarrassment to Liddy via
walkie-talkie, the Cuban
locksmith and the epicure spy,
all that fine wine and cheese
still settling in their stomachs,
were unable to escape from
the Continental Room unt4
dawn.
Meanwhile, the rest of the
team was launching the sec-
ond part of its double mis-
sion. About midnight, Liddy
and some of the Cubans left
by car for Capitol Hill. A half
hour later, McCord and Bald-
win followed. On First Street,
S.W., about four blocks from
the Capitol, they passed Mc-
Govern headquarters and Mc-
Cord said, "That's what we're
interested in, right there."
Baldwin recalls that an up-
stairs light was on and a
man?perhaps a drunk?was
standing by the front door.
Baldwin says that when Liddy
joined them he was carrying
an attach?ase in which he
later saw a high-powered
pellet pistol wrapped in a
towel. Turning up an alley
near the McGovern head-
quarters, they paused under
Approved For Release
01/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499
68" Length Sale $594
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001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-0049
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a bright street light. "Shall I
take that out?" Liddy asked.
McCord said it wasn't neces-
sary. (Several nights earlier,
Liddy had shot out a light
near that spot and two days
before, while on his way to
lunch -with Hugh Sloan, he had
fired the same pellet gun into
a toilet at the prim Hay-Adams
Hotel.) About 5 A.M., with the
man still lingering around the
front door, they decided to
"abort the mission" and went
to bed.
The next night, they had
another go at the D.N.C.?
this time with a different
modus operandi: Sometime
that evening, Hunt went
across the lobby joining the
Watergate Hotel and the of-
fice building, down the stair-
well, and taped the latch of
the door on the B-2 level so
that anyone could enter from
the garage. He also taped sev-
eral doors leading from the
stairwell onto the sixth and
other floors. Then he rejoined
Liddy in their hotel room
Barker's team, wearing rub-
ber gloves and carrying cam-
eras and lights, followed and
within minutes were in the
Democratic headquarters.
From his balcony at Howard
Johnson's, McCord could see
the pinlights from their pen-
cil flashlights moving about
like fireflies in the darkened
offices. Barker called Hunt on
his walkie-talkie and Hunt,
in turn, telephoned McCord
to say, "My people are in; you
can go in now." About 1:30
A.M., McCord crossed the
street, went through the base-
ment door and up the stair-
well to the back door where
one of the Cubans let him in.
Getting quickly to work, Mc-
Cord put one tap on the
phone of Fay Abel, a secre-
tary who sat directly outside
Larry O'Brien's office and
shared several extensions
with him. He put another on
the phone of R. Spencer Oli-
ver, executive director of the
Organization of State Dem-
ocratic Chairmen. Then he
tested both taps with a small
pocket receiver. They worked.
Meanwhile, Barker says, he
was following Hunt's instruc-
tions to "look for documents
indicating contributions from
Cuba or from leftist organiza-
tions and those inclined to
violence." Quickly sampling
files from several cabinets, he
could find nothing of this
sort. So he took documents
"where names of persons
were involved," others where
there were "notations of
numbers," and one involving
security for the Democratic
National Convention. He gave
these to Martinez, who photo-
graphed them with a 35-mm.
? ? ?
?
?
vtrq 4212 Frni00499R000200010002-2
Sturgis and DeDiego stood
guard at the front and back
doors. By 3:30 A.M., the
mission was complete, and the
team returned to Hunt's room
at the Watergate to critique
it.
That evening they had an-
other crack at McGovern
headquarters. On Hunt's in-
structions, Gregory went in to
work about 3 P.M. and typed
labels or stuffed envelopes
most of the afternoon, Then
he hid in the furnace room
until nearly midnight. When
he emerged, a man sitting on
the first floor said, "What are
you doing here?" Gregory
mumbled that he had been
"in the back room" and quick-
ly left. He called Hunt at the
Watergate Hotel and told him
there was still somebody at
McGovern headquarters. That
was the last attempt on Mc-
Govern headquarters. Starting
the next day, a Burns guard
was stationed outside 24
hours a day.
Meanwhile McCord and
Baldwin had begun monitor-
ing the bugs in the Democratic
National Committee. They
picked up the bug on Spencer
Oliver's phone, coming in on
118 megacycles. But they
couldn't find the "O'Brien
bug" on 135 megacycles. Mc-
Cord tried switching the an-
tennas. Still nothing. McCord
then asked Baldwin to get
another room higher in the
motel in hopes that might
improve the reception. On
May 29, McCord moved up to
room 723. But still there was
nothing. McCord ultimately
concluded that either the
O'Brien bug was faulty or
there was too much shielding
in O'Brien's office.
So Baldwin settled down to
monitoring the one working
bug. "I would keep an eye on
the little TV-type screen on
the monitoring unit," he re-
calls. "A constant line ran
across the screen when the
tapped phone was not in use.
When someone started using
the phone, the line would
scatter and I would quickly
put on the earphones." Mc-
Cord brought him an electric
typewriter, and he would type
"almost verbatim" transcripts
in duplicate. When something
caught McCord's eye in the
transcript he would sit down
immediately and type up a
memo from information in
the logs, beginning the memo
"A confidential source re-
ports . . ."
But there was very little of
such importance. Of the 200
calls Baldwin estimates he
monitored over the next few
weeks, some dealt with
"political strategy" but many
covered "personal matters."
Lock picks: The set Gonzalez carried at the Watergate.
Baldwin says several secre-
taries used Oliver's phone be-
cause they thought it was the
most private one in the office:
They would say, "We can talk;
I'm on Spencer Oliver's
phone." Some of the conversa-
tions, Baldwin recalls, were
"explicitly intimate."
McCord gave the first copy
of Baldwin's typed transcripts
to Liddy, who had his secre-
tary, Sally Harmony, type
them on special stationery
headed with the code word
"Gemstone." Mrs. Harmony
recalls typing at least eight of
them, which referred to coded
sources 'Ruby 1," "Ruby 2"
and "Crystal." Barker gave
Liddy copies of the photo-
graphs his team had taken.
Mrs. Harmony recalls about
25 8- by 10-inch "glossies"
showing surgical-gloved fin-
gers at the bottom. One, she
recalls, was a letter signed by
Larry O'Brien.
Liddy, in turn, gave the
photographs and the Gem-
stone transcripts ? in two
batches ?to Magruder. The
first batch came in around
June 8, Magruder recalls, and
he took it the next morning to
his regular 830 meeting in
Mitchell's office. Magruder
says Mitchell reviewed the
materials and determined
"there was really no substance
to them." He then called Lid-
dy and "indicated that this
was not satisfactory and it
was worthless and not worth
the money that had been paid
for it." Magruder says Liddy
indicated there was a problem
with one tap '`not placed in a
proper place" and said "he
would correct these matters
and hopefully get the infor-
mation that was required."
Mitchell denies that these con-
versations even took place,
calling Magruder's story "a
palpable, damnable lie."
Because of the "sensitive
nature" of the materials, Ma-
gruder says, he did not send
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
them by messenger to Strach-
an at the White House as he
had with previous information
on Watergate. Instead, he
says, "I called Mr. Strachan
and asked would he come over
and look at them in my office.
As I recall, he did come over
and look over the documents
and indicate to me the lack of
substance to the documents."
Haldeman says he does not
recall getting any reports on
Watergate espionage from
Strachan.
On June 12, McCord came
to Baldwin's room? gave him
a crisp $100 bill and said, "You
are going to have a ball this
week." He asked Baldwin to
visit the Democratic Commit-
tee under an alias and make
sure where O'Brien's office
was. Familiar with Democrat-
ic officials in his home state,
Baldwin decided to masquer-
ade as the nephew of John
Bailey, the Connecticut State
Democratic Chairman and for-
mer Democratic National
Chairman. The Democrats were
very happy to show such a
dignitary around and assigned
him as guide one of the secre-
taries whose intimate phone
conversations he had been lis-
tening to with such inter-
est. She led him into
O'Brien's office and said, "This
used to be your uncle's of-
fice." Baldwin noted its loca-
tion overlooking the Potomac
River, then went back to the
motel and drew a diagram for
McCord.
At 4 P.M. on June 16, Bar-
ker, Martinez, Sturgis and
Gonzalez flew into Washing-
ton from Miami, rented an
Avis car at. the airport and
drove to the Watergate Hotel
where Barker and Martinez
checked into Room 214 and
Sturgis and Gonzalez into
Room 314. At $38 a night, the
rooms are the cheapest the lux-
ury hotel has to offer but are
elegantly turned out with gold
carpet, gold bedspreads and
red-trimmed gold drapes. There
they were joined by Hunt, Lid-
dy and McCord for a brief
meeting before all adjourned
for a lobster dinner in the ho-
tel's Terrace Restaurant over-
looking the broad sweep of the
Potomac.
Sometime that evening,
McCord retraced Hunt's path'
of May 27, down the stairwell
to the garage level where he
taped two doors. Then he
went back to Baldwin's room
in Howard Johnson's where
he tested a room bug disguised
as a "smoke detector." Later,
he went out and bought a
shopping bag full of screw-
drivers, wires, batteries and
soldering irons, and for sev-
eral hours he and Baldwin
AlgrirtAiettlFdlicRefitititNe2001YOW041:tit-AeRD15184e00499M02:00G46002144
cCord re-
guard at the Watergate Office treated to Baldwin's room. A
while eating chocolate sun-
daes. About 1 A.M., Hunt
called McCord from Room 214
and asked how the Democratic
Committee looked across the
way. McCord told him one
man was still working there.
But a few minutes later the
lights flickered off and McCord
called back to say the path
was clear. Hunt told him td
come over. McCord unhooked
a walkie-talkie from his belt
and told Baldwin, "Any activ-
ity you see across the street,
you just get on this unit and
let us know." McCord then
crossed the street, checked the
garage-level doors to make
sure they were still taped and
joined the others in Room 214.
A few minutes later, Frank
Building, was making his
rounds and found the two ga-
rage-level doors taped. Think-
ing that the tape had been
left by the maintenance men,
Wills removed it and went on
his way. Soon afterwards, he
strolled across the street to
get a cup of coffee at Howard
Johnson's.
McCord, Barker, Martinez,
Sturgis and Gonzalez left the
hotel and moved swiftly across
the darkened driveway to the
garage-level doors. To their
astonishment, they found the
doors locked and, after a brief
conference, Barker ordered
Gonzalez to jimmy them. To
avoid detection, Barker and
his other two men went back
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Approved For Release 200
half hour later, Gonzalez re-
ported by walkie-talkie that
the door was open. After a
little additional difficulty with
the glass doors on the sixth
floor, the team entered the
D.N.C. and began rifling the
files an the Youth Division.
Meanwhile, Frank Wills had
returned to the building.
Checking the B-2 level, he
found the doors taped again.
This time, he went upstairs
and called the police. At 1:52
AM., three men from the Sec-
ond District Casual Clothes
Squad?Sgt. Paul Leeper, of-
ficers Carl Shoffler and John
Barrett?were cruising in their
unmarked car along K Street.
On hearing the call, they sped
to the Watergate, talked with
Wills, looked at the tape on
the basement doors and then
began checking the floors
from the top down.
Standing on the balcony of
his room admiring the "beau-
tiful night," Baldwin saw the
three men dressed in casual
clothes enter the building
and thought nothing of it.
But when he saw the lights
go on on the eighth floor, he
grabbed the walkie-talkie and
said, "Base headquarters, base
one, to any unit, do you read
me?"
A voice Baldwin recognized
as Hunt's said, "I read you;
go on. What have you got?"
"The lights went on on th&
entire eighth floor."
"We know about that. That
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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973
35
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36
ase 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
victuals out here who are
dressed casually and have got
their guns out."
At that, Baldwin recalls,
Hunt went ".1 bit frantic."
Leeper and Shoffler re-
entered tin building and
moved down a corridor to-
ward an mfice where the
five-man team had crouched
behind a partition. As Bar-
rett approached, he saw part
of an arm. rob up against the
cloudy glass at the top of the
partition. Jumping back, he
shouted, "Hold it! Stop! Come
out!" As the five men
emerged with their rubber-
gloved hands up, Baldwin
across the street heard a
voice whisper. "They got
Break-in (cont.)
is the 2 o'clock guard
check. Let us know if any-
thing else happens."
Just then the lights flick-
ered on and off on the sixth
floor. Baldwin saw two fig-
ures in windbreakers and
slacks, one with a gun drawn,
emerge on the sixth floor bal-
cony.
"Base one, unit one, are
our people in suits or are
they dressed casually?"
"Our people are dressed in
suits," said Hunt from Room
214. "Why?"
"You have some trouble
because there are some indi-
us" and McCord's voice say-
ing, "Are you gentlemen Met-
ropolitan Police?"
"Are you still across the
street?" asked Hunt.
"Yes, I am," said Baldwin.
"Well, we will be right
over."
A minute later, Baldwin
saw Hunt and Liddy emerge
from the Watergate, get into
a car and drive off. And soon
afterwards, Hunt burst into
Baldwin's room. ( i.ouching
behind a table, he whispered
hoarsely, "What is going on,
what is going on?"
"C'mon see," said Baldwin.
"I have got to use the bath-
room," Hunt said as he scut-
tled toward the toilet.
Cover
and Uncover
The cover-up began that
Saturday when we realized
there was a break-in. I do
not think there was ever
any discussion that there
would not be a cover-up.
Magruder,
testimony to Ervin Committee,
June 14, 1973.
HEN Hunt came
out of the bath-
room, he grab-
bed the white
telephone and
called Michael Douglas Caddy,
a Washington attorney who
once worked out of the Mullen
company's offices. Then he
told Baldwin to pack up all
the equipment in the room and
take it to McCord's house in
Rockville. "Get it the hell out
of here! Get yourself out of
here! We will be in touch. You
will get further instructions."
As Hunt rushed down the hall
toward the elevator, Baldwin
cried after him:
"Does this mean I won't be
going to Miami?"
There was no answer.
Quickly packing up everything
in the room, Baldwin took it
down to McCord's Dodge panel
truck parked outside. After
calling Mrs. McCord to say
something had "gone wrong,"
he drove the truck to her
house. She and her two daugh-
ters then brought Baldwin
through the dawn to Connecti-
cut.
At 3:20 AM., Hunt went
to the Mullen company and
called Barker's home in
Miami. Then he drove to
Caddy's house at 2121 P
Street, where he arrived about
3:40. Caddy ;ays he and his
new client made several calls
trying to find another lawyer
with more "criminal law" ex-
perience, finally locating Jo-
seph Rafferty. another Wash-
ington attorney. At 5 A.M..
Hunt called Liddy and re-
ported that lie had obtained
lawyers.
Meanwhile, after booking
the five men at the Second
District station house, the
police searched them and
found $1,300 in $100 bills.
Later, in Rooms 214 and 314,
they found $3,200 more in
neat packets of $100 bills
with consecutive serial num-
bers, soon to be traced to
Barker's 'withdrawals from
the Republican National Bank
in Miami. l'n the rooms, they
also found Martinez's and
Barker's address books, both
containing Howard Hunt's
name and phone numbers,
and a check made out by
Hunt to the 1 akewood Coun-
try Club.
Within a few days, the police
and the F.B.I.- ?which entered
the case almost immediately?
pieced together a roughly ac-
back to his car and he drove curate picture of the events at
lease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
the Watergate that night: what
seemed to be a small-time
crime, with some admittedly
bizarre twists, easily dis-
missed in some quarters. Ron
Ziegler called it "a third-rate
burglary." But it set off a
frantic search for safety
among those in higher
echelons, raising the curtain'
on a new chapter of Water-
gate: the rush to destroy in-
criminating evidence, to ob..
struct the investigation, to
keep the break-in defendants
from making con nee tions
which might point to the very
top of the campaign team, in-
deed to Richard Nixon him-
self.
At first, their concern was
chiefly political?to prevent
the events from damaging
the President's re--election
chances. The campaign lead-
ership ? Mitchell, Magruder,
LaRue, Mardian and Porter?
first heard of the arrests that
morning of June 17 in Los
Angeles, where they had gone
for a series of campaign
meetings. Around 8:30 A.M.,
while at breakfast in the
Beverly Hills Hotel, Magruder
got a phone call front Liddy,
who told him McCord had
been arrested at the Water-
gate. Magruder hung up, tried
to find a "secure phone," then
called Liddy back on a pay
phone to get more detail. That
set off a flurry of hurried
meetings. Bart Porter recalls
one gathering of Mitchell,
LaRue, Mardian and Magruder
in a large empty banquet halt
during which he was in-
structed to stand guard 50
yards away.
And the circuits to Wash-
ington droned with appre-
hension. According to Ma-
gruder, Mitchell told Mardian
to call Liddy and have him
ask Attorney General Klein-
dienst to get McCord re-
leased. Liddy tracked Klein-
dienst down on the 17th hole
of the Burning Tree golf
course, but was rebuffed.
Magruder also called his as-
sistant. Robert Reisner, and
asked Reisner and Robert
Odle, CREEP's director of ad-
ministration, to take home his
files on advertising, budget,
strategy and "Gemstone."
Much of the discussion that
day focused on what Mitchell
should say about McCord's ar-
rest. Eventually, he issued a
statement evincing no knowl-
edge that McCord was
CREEP's full-time security co-
ordinator and dismissing him
as "the proprietor of a private
security agency who was em-
ployed by our committee
months ago to assist with the
installation of our security
system" and who also had "a
number of other business cli-
ents." But Martha Mitchell
knew very well whom McCord
worked for, and when Mitch-
ell left for Washington on
Monday, he persuaded her to
stay in California. She says
she was held "political prison-
er" there by her bodyguard,
Steve King, who jerked the
telephone wires out of the
wall as she was telling Helen
Thomas of U.P.I. that "they
don't want me to talk."
Three days later, she told Miss
Thomas that she would leave
her husband unless he left the
Government, saying: "I'm not
going to stand for all those
dirty things that go on."
Back in Washington, at 9:30
A.M. Monday, Hugh Sloan met
Gordon Liddy in the hallway
at the finance committee. Lid-
dy was in ?a hurry and told
Sloan, "My boys got caught
last night. I made a mistake.
I used somebody from here,
which I told them I would
never do. I am afraid I am go-
ing to lose my job." (Odle saw
him later that day carrying a
foot-thick pile of documents to
the paper shredder.) Then
Sloan met with Magruder, who
had hurried back from Cali-
fornia at Haldeman's orders.
Sloan says Magruder was very
worried about the money
found on the burglars and that,
knowing it could be traced to
Liddy, Magruder suggested
they ought to say Liddy had
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-004
received only about $75,000.
Sloan says he insisted it was
far more and that he would
not perjure himself, at which
Magruder said, "You may have
to." (Magruder tells a different
story. He says he only indi-
cated that Sloan had some
legal problems and "might
have to do something about
it," at which Sloan asked, "You
mean commit perjury?" and
Magruder said, "You might
have to do something like
that.")
Magruder and Dean both
met with Liddy, who con-
fessed to Magruder he had
"goofed" and assured Dean
that "he was a good soldier
and would never talk [and]
if anyone wished to shoot him
on the street he was ready."
That afternoon, Dean recalls,
Gordon Strachan came to his
office and told him he had
been instructed by Haldeman
to "go through all of Halde-
man's files over the weekend
and remove damaging mater-
ials . . . including such mat-
ters as memoranda from the
re-election committee, docu-
ments relating to wiretap in-
formation from the D.N.C.,
notes of meetings with Halde-
man and a document which
reflected that Haldeman had
instructed Magruder to trans-
fer his intelligence gathering
from Senator Muskie to Sen-
ator McGovern." Haldeman
says he never ordered any
such material destroyed. Later
that day, Dean says, he called
Liddy on Ehrlichman's in-
structions and told him to tell
Hunt to "get out of the
country."
Then, while Ron Ziegler
was publicly dismissing the
whole matter, Mitchell, La-
Rue, Dean, Mardian and Ma-
gruder reportedly met at
Mitchell's apartment at the
Watergate for a full-dress
strategy session. Magruder
says it was agreed that he
should destroy the "Gem-
stone" file, so he immediately
called Reisner and told him
to collect that file and "any
sensitive material that could
be embarrassing to us." Mitch-
ell denies they discussed de-
stroying materials.
OME very sensitive
material indeed was removed
that night from Howard Hunt's
safe in Room 552 of the
Executive Office Building. Ac-
cording. to Dean, the safe
contained, among other
things, a psychological anal-
ysis of Daniel Ellsberg,
materials "relating to Chap-
paquiddick," a "spliced to-
gether" cable on Diem's as-
sassination, other State De-
partment cables on Vietnam,
and a pistol with a clip in it.
The material was moved over
to the White House and
stored in a safe overnight.
The next morning, Dean and
an aide talked about "how
some of these things could
be potentially embarrassing."
Dean says he went to
Ehrlichman, who told him to
"shred the documents and
'deep six' the briefcase" (in
which the most sensitive ma-
terials had been placed). Dean
says he asked Ehrlichman
what he meant by "deep six"
and Ehrlichman said, "You
drive across the river on your
way home at night?don't
you? Well, when you cross
over the bridge, just toss the
briefcase in the river." Dean
says he told Ehrlichman that
he would bring the materials
to him, and he could take
care of it because he crossed
the river on his way home,
too, but Ehrlichman said, "No
thank you."
Instead. Dean says, he
turned the routine contents of
the safe over to two F.B.I.
agents on June 27. The next
day, he told Ehrlichman that
he still had the "sensitive
materials." Dean says Ehrlich-
man told him he was about
to meet with L. Patrick Gray,
the acting director of the
F.B.I., and to bring the ma-
terials over. Dean says he
took them to Ehrlichman's
office and placed them in two
file folders on the coffee
table. (Ehrlichman says he did
not know what was in the
folders.) Dean says he told
Gray that the materials did
not relate to Watergate but
could be "political dynamite"
if revealed. Gray took the
documents back to his Con-
necticut home where, he says,
he threw them in an incinera-
tor last Christmas without
examining them.
Meanwhile, another effort
was under way to throw the
protective shield of "national
security" over at least part of
the Watergate affair?and
thus to avoid a major political
embarrassment in the midst
of the campaign. The Presi-
dent later said that the
Watergate burglary had
come as a "complete surprise"
to him and that his im-
mediate reaction had been
that those guilty should be
"brought to justice." But
within a few days, he added,
"I was advised that there was
a possibility of C.I.A. involve-
ment in some way." (This ad-
vice apparently came from
Dean, who says Gray told him
on June 22 that he believed
the burglary might be "a
C.I.A. operation" because of
all the former C.I.A. men in-
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-004
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volved. Dean says he reported
this to Haldeman and Ehrlich-
man. According to Haldeman,
Dean also said that Gray had
"requested guidance on some
aspects of the Watergate inves-
tigation and of the possibility
of C.I.A. involvement." Halde-
man reported this to the
President.) The President said
he instructed Haldeman and
Ehrlichman to "ensure that
the investigation not expose
either an unrelated covert
operation of the C.I.A. or the
activities of the White House
investigations unit." The lat-
ter may be what the Presi-
dent was most worried about.
He said he feared that Hunt
might be linked to the
Plumbers and that highly sen-
sitive "national security mat-
ters" might thus be exposed.
"Every President needs an
S.O.B. ? and I'm Nixon's,"
said Harry Robbins Haldeman.
Just 100 feet down the gold
carpet from the Oval Office,
the President's chief of staff
was in a strategic position to
exercise his steely-eyed role.
Erecting a "Berlin Wall"
around the President, Halde-
man assured that "those who
had no legitimate claim" on
the President's attention ?
and perhaps some who did ?
were kept out. For 20 years,
Haldeman's life moved back
and forth between advertising
and Nixonian polities. In his
professional career, he was a
vice president of J. Walter
Thompson in Los Angeles, su-
pervising the Walt Disney, 7-
Up and Black Flag insect spray
accounts. But after 1956,
when he worked as an ad-
vance man in Nixon's senator-
ial campaign, he broke away
every couple of years to cam-
paign for his political mentor,
rising to "tour director" in
1968. With his flat-topped
crewcut and austere clothes,
he quickly became known as
"the Prussian." A determined
anti-Communist (his grand-
father founded the Better
America Foundation), Halde-
man was somewhat to the
right of Nixon. But his devo-
tion to his chief became legen-
dary. His chief form of relax-
On June 23, Richard Helms,
the C.I.A. director, and Gen.
Vernon Walters, the deputy
director, were summoned to
the White House for a meet-
ing with Haldeman and Ehr-
lichman (Dean says Ehrlich-
man told him that Walters
was "a good friend of the
White House" who had been
"installed so they could have
some influence over the agen-
cy"). According to a Walters
memo, Haldeman said the in-
vestigation was "leading to a
lot of important people and
this could get worse." He
asked Helms what connections
the C.I.A. had with Watergate
and Helms said "None." Then,
Walters says. "Haldeman said
the whole affair was getting
embarrassing and it was the
President's wish that Walters
call on Acting Director L. Pat-
rick Gray and suggest to him
that since the five suspects
had been arrested, this should
be sufficient and that it was
not advantageous to have the
inquiry pushed, especially in
Mexico."
At 2:30 that afternoon, Wal-
ters called on Gray, telling him
he had just talked to "the
White House." Walters said
that, while the investigation
had not yet touched any C.I.A.
activity, if it were pushed
"south of the border" it could
reach one of the agency's cov-
ert projects. According to Wal-
ters, Gray said "this was a
most awkward matter to come
up in an election year and he
would see what he could do."
At two meetings on June 26
and 28, John Dean asked Wal-
ters whether the C.I.A. could
pay the bail and salaries of the
five men, but Walters de-
murred, saying that any in-
volvement could damage the
agency's "apolitical" image.
And so it went through early
July, Gray telling Walters that
"the pressures on him to con-
tinue the investigation were
great" and he would do so un-
less the C LA. could provide
documents showing that the
investigation would damage
national security; Walters tell-
ing Gray that "I had a long
association with the President
and was as desirous as anyone
of protecting 'him" but didn't
believe a C.I.A. letter on "the
spurious grounds that it would
uncover covert operations
would serve the President:"
Gray replying he "did not see
why he or I [Walters] should
jeopardize the integrity of our
organizations to protect some
mid-level White House figures
who had acted imprudently."
Around this time, F.B.I. offi-
cials began telling Gray that a
"cover-up" was under way and
/614,0eeClegt5P00021?3gfaitilAdirob812-fresi-
dent, but one official recalls
that Gray "just didn't get the
message to the President be-
cause he was apparently afraid
to trtake it appear he didn't
know what he was doing."
The only warning was a veiled
one. On July 6, Gray called
Clark MacGregor (then cam-
paign manager, replacing
Mitchell, who had resigned
July 1, citing his wife's ulti-
matum). Gray told MacGregor
that he and Walters felt the
White House staff was "care-
less and indifferent" in its use
of the F.B.I. and Within
37 minutes, the President.
called Gray and congratulated
him on the F.B.I.'s handling of
an airline hijacking. Then,
Gray says, he told the Presi-
dent that he and Walters felt
that "people on your staff are
trying to mortally wound you
by using the C.I.A. and F.B.I.
and by confusing the question
of CIA. interest in, or not in,
people the F.B.I. wishes to in-
terview." Gray says the Presi-
dent replied only: "Pat, you
just continue to conduct your
aggressive and thorough inves-
tigation." (In his later account
of the conversation, the Presi-
dent made no mention of
Gray's worry. He recalled:
"Mr. Gray suggested that the
matter of Watergate might
lead higher. I told him to press
ahead with his investigation.")
UT some of the Pres-
ident's top campaign aides
were working hard to obstruct
the investigation. Magruder
says that through late June and
early July there was a series
of meetings in Mitchell's office
attended by Mitchell, Dean,
LaRue, Mardian and himself
(Dean says he was not there).
At one point, Magruder recalls,
he volunteered to "take the
heat" and "there were some
takers on that." But, he says,
most of those present felt that
wouldn't work, because Ma-
gruder was not in a position
to have authorized the $232,-
000 which Liddy had spent on
clandestine activities. That
trail would inevitably lead
higher?eventually to Mitchell
?and thus could seriously
damage the President's re-
election chances.
Therefore, Magruder says,
it was decided that the trail
must stop with Liddy who,
after all, had originated the
plan and carried it out (he was
already a major target of the
investigation and Mitchell had
fired him on June 28 for fail-
ing to cooperate with the
F.B.I.). Magruder says they
"took factual activity we had
asked Liddy to do and we ex-
aggerated to a great extent the
amount of money spent on
those activities," suggesting
that Liddy had taken that
money and gone off on his
own to commit illegal acts.
Magruder asked Bart Porter,
a CREEP aide, to back him up
by saying he had given Liddy
$100,000 to infiltrate radical
groups planning demonstra-
tions against Porter's "surro-
gate speakers" program?an
outright fabrication. Magruder
told Porter that his name had
been mentioned by Mitchell
and LaRue as "someone we
can count on" and "a team
player." Porter did not let
the team down.
But they still had a problem
with Hugh Sloan, treasurer of
the finance committee, who,
despite pressures from Magru-
der and LaRue, was unwilling
to underestimate his pay-
ments to Liddy. Sloan says he
went even further, approach-
ing several White House aides
on a Potomac boat cruise to
arrange appointments with
Chapin and Ehrlichman on
June 23. He says he told
Chapin that there was "a tre-
mendous problem [at CREEP]
and something had to be
done," to which, he says,
Chapin replied that "the im-
portant thing is that the Presi-
dent be protected" and urged
Sloan to go away on a long
overdue vacation. That after-
noon, Sloan says, he told Ehr-
lichman that "someone from
the outside should come in
and look at the whole thing."
Sloan says Ehrlichman appar-
ently interpreted his concern
as a personal one because he
offered to get Sloan a lawyer.
But Ehrlichman kept saying,
"Do not tell me any details. I
do not want to know."
Then two F.B.I. agents came
to see Sloan. LaRue told him
he should see Mitchell first.
Sloan recalls that he went
into Mitchell's office with La-
Rue and Mardian. "I was es-
sentially asking for guidance.
The campaign literally at this
point was falling apart before
your eyes. I had some very
strong concerns about where
all this money had gone."
Sloan says John Mitchell
looked at him and said:
"When the going gets tough,
the tough get going."
Meanwhile, Dean was /rov-
ing to restrain the official in-
vestigation. He was rebuffed
by Attorney General Klein-
dienst, but says he found more
understanding from Henry E.
Petersen, the Assistant Attor-
ney General in charge of the
Watergate inquiry, who left
him with "the impression that
he realized the problems of a
wide-open investigation of the
White House in an election
year." Dean arranged to sit
in on the F.B.I. interviews
with eight White House staf-
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-0
fers while obtaining from Ci ay
about 80 F.B.I. reports on the
investigation. He persuaded
Petersen not to call five Presi-
dential aides?Colson, Krogh,
Young, Chapin, and Strachan
?before a Federal grand jury
that had begun to take testi-
mony on the Watergate case
shortly after the burglary ar-
rests. They were interro-
gated by the prosecutors in a
separate room out of the ju-
rors' hearing?a most unusual
procedure. He asked Petersen
how Jeb Magruder had done
before the grand jury and says
Petersen replied that Magru-
der had "made it through by
the skin of his teeth." And he
says that when he explained
the embarrassment that could
be caused by linking Donald
Segretti to Chapin, Strachan
and Kalmbach, Petersen said
he did not believe the prose-
cutors would need to get into
those areas before the grand
jury. (The names did come out
at the grand jury, but Dean
says Petersen told him the
question had been asked by a
juror, not by Assistant U.S.
Attorney Earl Silbert, who
had "tried to avoid getting in-
to this area.") All this while,
Kleindienst was promising that
the Justice Department's in-
vestigation would be "the
most extensive, thorough and
comprehensive investigation
since the assassination of
President Kennedy."
Throughout the summer,
Dean says, he met repeatedly
with both Haldeman and Ehr-
lichman, filling them in on
what he was learning from
the F.B.I. and Justice Depart-
ment, carrying messages to
and from the Mitchell-Stans-
Mardian - LaRue grouping
"about how each quarter was
handling the cover-up." He
says he "checked with Halde-
man and Ehrlichman before I
did anything." But he says
that during this period he was
not instructed to carry out an
investigation or write a report.
The President's first public
words on Watergate came at
a news conference on Aug. 29
?and Dean says they left him
with a feeling of astonish-
ment. The President said Dean
"has conducted a complete
investigation of all leads
which might involve any pres-
ent members of the White
House staff or anybody in the
Government."
no one in this Administration
presently employed, was in-
volved in this very bizarre in-
cident. . ? . This kind of activ-
ity, as I have often indicated,
has no place whatsover in our
political process." It was two
months before the election.
And the President insisted he
wanted "the air cleared."
On Sept. 15, the Federal
grand jury handed down its
long - awaited indictments
against Hunt, Liddy, McCord,
Barker, Martinez, Gonzalez
and Sturgis. As Petersen had
predicted, Jeb Magruder had
escaped indictment, thus cut-
ting off the trail to the higher-
ups. Late that afternoon, Dean
recalls, he was summoned into
the Oval Office, where he
found Haldeman and the Pres-
ident. "The President then told
me that Bob?referring to Hal-
deman?had kept him posted
on my handling of the Water-
gate case. The President told
me I had done a good job and
he appreciated how difficult a
task it had been and the Pres-
ident was pleased that the
case had been stopped with
Liddy. . . . I told him that all
I had been able to do was to
contain the case and assist in
keeping it out of the White
House. I also told him that
there was a long way to go
before this matter would end."
Dean says the President
made several other remarks at
this meeting, among them:
that J. Edgar Hoover had told
him in 1969 that his campaign
had been bugged in 1968 and
that at some point "we should
get the facts out on this to
counter the problems that we
are encountering"; that he
hoped the Watergate trial
would not begin- before the
election; that he hoped Dean
would "keep a good list of the
press people giving us trouble,
because we will make life dif-
ficult for them after the elec-
tion."
Dean says he left the Sept.
15 meeting convinced that the
President was well aware of
the cover-up. Some others do
not interpret the President's
remarks that way.
The next problem the White
House faced was the hearings
on Watergate scheduled by
the House Banking and Cur-
rency Committee, chaired by
Representative Wright Pat-
man of Texas. Dean describes
a series of discussions on how
to stop the hearings with Hal-
deman, Stans, Mitchell and
John Connally. Ultimately,
N this initial Presiden- Dean got from Petersen a let-
tial comment on the affair, ter saying the hearings could
Nixon's stance was one of total damage the prosecution. With
innocence, with some expres- this letter, and heavy pressure
sions of outrage: "I can say from several quarters, the
categorically that his [Dean's] White House was able, Dean
investigation indicates that no says, to maneuver a 20-15
one in tbAppriteieidtEostRaleasee21104A09604nitGIAI?alEiRt84-0
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THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973 39
Cover (cont.)
issuing the necessary sub-
poenas, and Patman was re-
duced to lecturing empty wit-
ness chairs. Dean says "an-
other sigh of relief was made
at the White House that we
had leaped one more hurdle
in the continuing cover-up."
But not for long. On Oct. 10,
Bob Woodward and Carl Bern-
stein of The Washington Post,
who had been digging away
vigorously, came up with their
biggest story yet, beginning:
"F.B.I. agents have established
that the Watergate bugging in-
cident stemmed from a mas-
sive campaign of political spy-
ing and sabotage conducted on
behalf of President Nixon's
re-election and directed by of-
ficials of the White House and
the Committee for the Re-elec-
tion of the President." Quickly
they followed with stories re-
porting that Chapin had hired
Segretti and that Haldeman
was among five officials au-
thorized to approve payments
from the espionage funds.
These and other stories
brought a cascade of denials
and denunciations from the
President's camp: a "'collection
of absurdities" said CREEP;
"a senseless pack of lies," said
Maurice Stans; "the shoddiest
type of journalism," said Ron
Ziegler. The denials were
largely designed to neutralize
'Watergate as a campaign is-
sue ? which they did. On
Nov. 7, the President was re-
elected with an overwhelming
151 per cent of the popular
vote. But by then, the cover-
up was unraveling.
At 2:27 P.M., Dec. 8, United
Air Lines Flight 553 was near-
ing Chicago's Midway air-
port through drizzle and fog.
Instructed to make another
approach, the Boeing 737 sud-
denly nosedived into a neigh-
borhood of one-story bunga-
lows a mile and a half short
of Runway 31L. Forty of the
55 passengers on board were
killed, including Dorothy Hunt,
wife of Howard Hunt. The day
after the crash, a police in-
vestigator, shaking out Mrs.
Hunt's purse, found $10,000 in
$100 bills. A relative said the
money was intended as the
initial franchise fee for a Holi-
day Inn.
In fact, Mrs. Hunt had
served for months as a courier
of escalating payments to the
Watergate defendants. As early
as June 28, Dean says, he,
Mitchell, LaRue and Mardian
discussed "the need for sup-
port money in exchange for
the silence of the men in jail."
Dean says Mitchell, Haldeman
and Ehrlichman all instructed
40
Approved For Release
him to ask Kalmbach to raise
the money. Dean says he called
Kalmbach that same day and
Kalmbach took the next flight
and met Dean at a Washing-
ton hotel the next morning.
Dean says he told Kalmbach
"everything I knew about the
case at that time." A week
later, Dean says, the Presi-
dent's lawyer returned to
Washington with the money in
a briefcase and later went over
the exact payments with
LaRue. (The General Account-
ing Office says Kalmbach
raised between $210,000 and
$230,000 for the defendants in
the summer of 1972.)
BUT the Kalmbach
money was not enough. Even
before the election, Dean says,
Paul O'Brien, a CREEP lawyer
on the Watergate case, began
receiving messages from Wil-
liam Bittman, Hunt's lawyer,
saying that Hunt and the other
defendants expected more sup-
port money and attorneys'
fees. After the election the
pressures increased. When
Hunt called Colson directly, he
says, Haldeman and Mitchell
authorized payment of $70,000
of the $350,000 kept in Halde-
man's safe. The demands
reached "the crescendo point,"
Dean says, shortly before the
Watergate trial began Jan. 8.
He says Haldeman and Mitch-
ell then authorized Strachan
to give the remainder of the
$350,000 to LaRue. It is esti-
mated that between $423,000
and $548,000 was paid out to
the defendants.
Most of the money was said
to have passed through LaRue
to Mrs. Hunt and then to the
defendants. Dean does not
know who got what. But The
Washington Post has said that
Hunt, Liddy and McCord got
$3,000 a month in continued
salary and the other four
$1,000 a month. McCord con-
firms that he got $3,000 a
month from July, 1972,
through January, 1973, plus
$25,000 in legal fees ? all
on the condition that he re-
main silent about the White
House and CREEP involve-
ment. Barker says he received
$47,000 for bail, expenses and
legal fees?but without giving
any promise of silence.
The largest payments appar-
ently went to Hunt, who, ac-
cording to Government inves-
tigators, was "blackmailing
the White House" from June
on. Within days of the arrests,
the investigators say, Hunt
sent a message to Dean say-
ing, "The writer has a manu-
script of a play to sell." This
was recognized as a threat to
2001/09/04
talk and almost immediately
payments began flowing to
Hunt. Later, McCord says,
Hunt threatened to "blow the
White House out of the wa-
ter" and said he had "infor-
mation which could impeach
the President." By the start of
the trial, Hunt had allegedly
received $200,000 (and $72,-
000 more was provided in
mid-March). According to
Dean, Hunt also demanded and
received assurances of Presi-
dential clemency. Dean says
both Ehrlichman and Colson
talked with the President dur-
ing the first week of January
and that Colson then gave
Hunt a "general assurance" of
clemency through Hunt's at-
torney, Bittman. (Dean says
Ehrlichman told him that the
same assurance "applied to
all" the defendants.) On Jan.
11, Hunt pleaded guilty and
told reporters outside the
courthouse that he knew of
no involvement of "higher-
ups."
Meanwhile, McCord was
getting restless. Convinced
that the White House, through
the defense lawyers, was pre-
paring to paint Watergate as
a "C.I.A. operation," he warned
his lawyer that "even if it
meant my freedom I would
not turn on the organization
that had employed me for 19
years." Between July, 1972
and January, 1973, he wrote
seven letters to C.I.A. director
Helms warning him of the
plot, the first signed "Jim,"
the others unsigned. Then,
during Christmas week, he
wrote a letter to Caulfield
which read, in part: "If Helms
goes and the Watergate oper-
ation is laid at C.I.A.'s feet,
where it does not belong,
every tree in the forest vvill
fall. It will be a scorched
desert. . . ."
Dean says Mitchell told him
Caulfield should contact Mc-
Cord and assure him of execu-
tive clemency. (Mitchell de-
nies this.) Caulfield was
out of town, so Ulasewicz
called McCord at 12:30 A.M.,
Jan. 9, and told him to go to
a pay phone near the Blue
Fountain Inn on Route 355 in
Rockville and wait for an-
other call. McCorcPwent to the
phone in the parking lot of
the inn ("Specializing in Choice
Steaks?Live Entertainment")
and there Ulasewicz read him
a message from Caulfield:
"Plead guilty. You will get
executive clemency. Your fam-
ily will be taken care of and
when you get out you will be
rehabilitated and a job will be
found for you. . . ." On Jan. 12,
McCord and Caulfield met at
the second overlook on the
George Washington Parkway
above the Potomac and talked
: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
for a half hour, sitting in Caul-
field's car. Caulfield told Mc-
Cord he was carrying the
clemency message "from the
very highest levels of the
White House." (Caulfield says
Dean told him to use that
phrase. When he asked wheth-
er he should say that the of-
fer came "from the President,"
Caulfield says, Dean replied:
"No, don't do that; say that it
comes from way up at the
top.") But McCord told Caul-
field he had a plan for get-
ting his freedom. That fall, he
said, he had called the Chilean
and Israeli embassies, whose
phones he assumed were
tapped by the Government.
McCord suggested that, by
raising the issue of wiretap
evidence at his trial, he could
pose an awkward choice for
the Government: either let
the purported embassy taps
be exposed or drop the case
against him.
McCord and Caulfield met
twice more, but were unable
to resolve their differences.
McCord kept pressing for the
Government to use the alleged
tapping as a means of dismiss-
ing his case, while Caulfield
kept warning him: "Everybody
is on the track but you. You
are not following the game
plan. Keep silent."
Somebody else wasn't fol-
lowing the game plan. As the
Watergate trial droned on
through January, with five of
the defendants pleading guilty
and witnesses steadfastly
denying a Wider conspiracy,
Judge John J. Sirica grew in-
creasingly exasperated. He be-
gan questioning witnesses him-
self and urging the prosecu-
tion to call others. Finally, on
Feb. 2--after Liddy and Mc-
Cord had been convicted?
Sirica said bluntly: "I am still
not satisfied that all of the
pertinent facts that might be
available have been produced
before an American jury."
With the trial's end, Dean
says, the focus of White
House concern shifted to the
forthcoming Senate hearings.
On Feb 7, the Senate voted
to establish a seven-man select
committee under Senator Sam
Ervin of North Carolina. On
Feb. 9, Dean was summoned to
the La Costa Resort Hotel,
south of San Clemente, for two
days of meetings with Halde-
man and Ehrlichman, where,
Dean says, it was decided that
"the White House will take a
public posture of full coopera-
tion but privately will attempt
to restrain the investigation
and make it as difficult as
possible to get information
and witnesses." A chief instru-
ment of that obstruction would
be John Dean.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
"He was a pilot fish. You
know, the little fish who fol-
low beside the sharks," says
a former colleague. Many of
those who have worked with
John Wesley Dean 3d over the
years recall him as a young
man in a hurry?very eager to
"please the boss" but not very
scrupulous about stealing a
march on?or an idea from--a
colleague. He always, they say,
put his own advancement
ahead of any substantive inter-
est or belief. And he always
had good connections. While
at Staunton Military Academy,
he roomed with Barry Gold-
water Jr. He married Karla
Hennings, daughter of Senator
Thomas Hennings of Missouri.
When he was graduated from
Georgetown Law school, he
got a job with the Washington
firm of Welch and Morgan,
whose senior partner was a
friend of Senator Hennings (he
was dismissed six months later
for secretly aiding one com-
pany seeking a television li-
cense while his law firm was
representing another company
seeking the same license). The
old school tie helped him get a
job as minority counsel to the
House Judiciary Committee
(Representative William Mc-
Culloch of Ohio, like Dean, was
a graduate of Wooster Col-
lege). On the Hill, Dean got to
know Representative Richard
Poff of Virginia, who in turn
knew John Mitchell and helped
Dean became Associate Deputy
Attorney General. By the time
he moved to the White House
in 1970, Dean's first marriage
had been dissolved; last Octo-
ber, he remarried, financing
his honeymoon with $4,850
he "borrowed" from campaign
funds.
Dean and the White House
agree that between late Feb-
ruary and mid-April he and
the President had roughly 21
meetings (sometimes with
others present) and about 14
phone conversations. They
also agree that Dean and the
President discussed the prog-
ress of the hearings on Patrick
Gray's nomination as F.B.I. di-
rector, development of a White
House statement on executive
privilege and strategy for the
upcoming "Ervin hearings."
The doctrine of executive
privilege ? which holds that
communications within the
executive branch should be
protected from public expo-
sure?quickly became one of
the White House's front lines
of defense on Watergate. Dean
is said to feet that Nixon ini-
tiated the series of meetings
with him, after months in
which they rarely saw each
other, so that Dean would be
covered by executive privilege
or the attorney - client privi-
lege. The White House has al-
leged that "Dean helped in-
duce the views on attorney-
client privilege and on separa-
tion of powers that would
have immunized Dean him-
self from having to testify
under oath."
Dean presents a picture of
a President fully aware of the
cover-up and actively conspir-
ing with it. At the first of the
meetings, on Feb. 27, he says,
the President instructed him
to report directly to him on
Watergate because Haldeman
and Ehrlichman were "prin-
cipals in the matter." In
subsequent meetings, Dean
says, the President con-
ceded that Hunt had been
promised executive clemency
and he said it would be "no
problem" to raise the addi-
tional "million dollars or
more" required to keep Hunt
and the other defendants si-
lent. Dean reported that he
was personally involved in the
cover-up and described to the
President how the pay-off
money was "laundered" and
secretly delivered. And he
says that on March 21 he told
the President that "there was
a cancer growing on the Presi-
dency," described the perjury,
blackmail and extensive cov-
er-up, and detailed the com-
plicity of Haldeman, Ehrlich-
man, Colson, Mitchell, Magru-
der, Strachan and Kalmbach.
But, he says, "I realized that
I had not really made the
President understand" because
Mr. Nixon seemed "very im-
pressed with my knowledge
of the circumstances but he
did not seem particularly con-
cerned with their implica-
tions." In subsequent meet-
ings that day and the next,
Dean says, the President,
Haldeman and Ehrlichman
continued to plan the cover-
up, including a scheme to let
Mitchell take the blame.
The White House has pre--
sented a different version of
these meetings. It says Dean
was still actively pursuing the
cover-up, withholding vital in-
formation from the President
and insisting that "the White
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
House was in the clear" with
the possible exception of
Strachan. On March 21, it says,
he presented "a more com-
plete, but still laundered ver-
sion of the facts and so sur-
prised the President that, ac-
cording to press accounts of
what Dean is saying 'the Pres-
ident came out of his chair.'"
The White House contends
that the President began a
vigorous investigation of his
own on March 21.
Two days later Judge Sirica
read in court a letter from Mc-
Cord which, among other
things, said: "Others involved
in the Watergate operation
were not identified during the
trial"; "perjury occurred dur-
ing the trial" on vital matters;
"there was political pressure
applied to the defendants to
plead guilty and remain si-
lent." The judge agreed not to
sentence McCord until he
heard him out?a clear hint
that full cooperation could
lead to leniency. And he gave
five of the defendants reason
to talk by temporarily handing
them the maximum sentences
but promising to review those
sentences after three months.
(This meant 35 years for Hunt
and 40 years for Barker, Mar-
tinez, Sturgis and Gonzalez.
Liddy, who had remained
steadfastly silent, got a flat
sentence of up to 20 years.)
McCord's revelations blew
the cover-up wide open and
set off an avalanche of further
disclosures and Presidential
discomfitures. From then on it
was every man for himself as
the men involved scrambled
to protect themselves as best
they could. Some ? notably
John Dean?began leaking in-
triguing tidbits to the press in
hopes that the prosecutors
would grant them immunity
from prosecution in return for
vital testimony. On April 27,
alone, Gray resigned as acting
director of the F.B.I. after fail-
ing to receive Senate confir-
mation for the permanent
post, and Judge Matthew
Byrne, presiding in the Ells-
berg trial, revealed evidence of
the burglary at Dr. Fielding's
office.
Three days later President
Nixon made his first major
statement on Watergate in a
television speech to the na-
tion. He had moved a consid-
erable distance from the
stance of outraged innocence
at his August press confer-
ence. Yet some ambivalence
remained. He accepted official
"responsibility" for the Wa-
tergate events, but he denied
any advance knowledge of
them and any role in their
cover-up. He accepted the
resignations of Ehrlichman and
Haldeman, but he said he had
no evidence of any wrong-
doing on their part and de-
scribed them as "two of the
finest public servants it has
beer my privilege to know."
He also announced the resig-
nations of Kleindienst and
Dean, adding to a long parade
of earlier departures including
Mitchell, Chapin, Mardian,
Colson, Sloan, LaRue and
Magruder. Flanked by a bust
of Lincoln and a photograph
of his family, the President
took his case to the people
with such phrases as: "There
had been an effort to conceal
the facts both from the public
?from you?and from me."
On May 11, Judge Byrne
dismissed all charges against
Ellsberg and his co-defendant,
Anthony Russo, on grounds of
"improper Government con-
duct." He cited the burglary
of Dr. Fielding's office, the
wiretapping of Ellsberg, the
disappearance of records on
the tapped coversations, and
the failure to produce exculpa-
tory information on time. He
did not mention another de-
fense complaint: two conver-
sations Judge Byrne had with
John Ehrlichman during the
trial?April 5 and 7?about
the possibility of Byrne's be-
coming F.B.I. director.
On May 22, the President
made another major statement,
and once again it had some of
the elements of a correction.
For the first time, he acknowl-
edged deep White House in-
volvement in the Plumbers'
activities and in the subse-
quent cover-up. He conceded
that some "highly motivated
individuals" may have en-
gaged in "specific activities
that I would have disapproved
had they been brought to my
attention." And he admitted
that "there were apparently
wide-ranging efforts to limit
the investigation or to conceal
the possible involvement of
members of the Administra-
tion and the campaign com-
mittee." But he still denied his
own personal involvement or
knowledge in all areas except
in certain limited "national-
security" matters, which he
sought to distinguish sharply
from Watergate
By that time, the many-
pronged investigation was
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fully under way. On May 18,
Prof. Archibald Cox of Har-
vard was named special Wa-
tergate prosecutor. In the
same week, the long-awaited
Ervin Committee hearings be-
gan. In the weeks since, the
committee has heard a long
parade of witnesses, including
Barker, Sloan, Baldwin, Caul-
field, Ulasewicz, Porter, Mc-
Cord, Magruder, Stans, Dean
and Mitchell. It has also heard
a memorandum from J. Fred
Buzhardt, special counsel to
the President, alleging that
John Dean was "the principal
actor in the cover-up." In
the weeks to come, the com-
mittee will hear from several
major targets of the investiga-
tion ? among them, Colson,
Ehrlichman and Haldeman ?
who will undoubtedly present
testimony conflicting with or
mitigating allegations made
against them.
HE densest fog of un-
certainty still swirls around
the head of Richard Nixon,
who finds himself under in-
creasing pressure to speak out
more fully, release relevant
White House documents and
even submit to Congressional
questioning, Within a few
months, he had suffered an
epic fall from grace. He
had defused the Vietnam
War as a national issue, won
the plaudits of a grateful na-
tion for his historic "voyage
of peace" to Peking and Mos-
cow?and been returned to
office by one of the largest
margins of modern times.
Now, suddenly, the polls were
reflecting a startling loss of
public confidence, the once-
recumbent Congress was
challenging his authority ?
and he found himself on the
defensive, backing and filling
before the outpourings of
Watergate.
An insistent press and a
querulous Congress are ask-
ing just how much the Presi-
dent knew, how much he cov-
ered up. The answer to these
questions will largely deter-
mine not just the future of
Richard Nixon's Presidency
but the public attitude toward
poli tical campaigns, indeed
toward the entire political
process. There may be only a
touch of hyperbole in the
words which Jeb Magruder is
said to have addressed to Bart
Porter when he learned that
the CREEP aide was about to
tell all to the prosecutors:
My God, you are an ant!
You are nothing! Do you
realize the whole course
of history is going to be
changed? ?
THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE/JULY 22, 1973
11
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Former White House
counsel John W. Dean III
says he believes that the
Nixon administration is
Inveighing national securi-
ty to force him to give
"very limited testimony"
in Watergate investiga-
tions.
Associates of Dean, who
was fired by President
Nixon after becoming
deeply implicated in the
Watergate scandal, have
offered further details
behind his statement yes-
terday charging an
"ongoing effort" to see
that he does not tell all he
knows to a grand jury or
to the Senate.
His complaint inthat
statement that someone
was trying to put
"restrictions" on his testi-
mony was meant as a ref-
erence to restraints in the
name of national security
as Well as claims of privi-
leged communications
with the President, his
associates said.
These sources said that
the stationing of FBI and
Secret Service guards to
watch over Dean's files at
his White House office was
behind his complaint that
he was being kept from
"obtaining relevgnt infor-
mation and records."
DEAN'S.STATEMENT
yesterda y also said there
were attempts to influence
how federal prosecutors
handled his testimony ? a
reference, associates said,
to what Dean considers to
be pressure to deny him
immunit y from prosecu-
tion.
In discussing Dean's
suggestion that efforts
were being made to
"discredit me" or to "get
me," associates cited a
statement broadcast b y
CBS News that Dean did
not want to go to prison
principally because he
was fearful of being mo-
lested sexuall y.
That is "a lie spread by
his enemies," one asso-
ciate said.
The argument that
"national security" con-
siderations dictated that
data relating to the Water-
gate affair should not be
given to investigators was
used by Dean himself,
another former White
House aide, Charles W.
Colson, has declared.
In an interview with FBI
agents, made public yes.
terda y during the Penta.
gon Papers trial in Los
Angeles, Colson said that
the issue had come up at a
meeting with Dean when
the y were discussing what
he would say about FBI
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C, Friday, May 11, 1973
E-19
questioning of him on the
Watergate affiar.
COLSON SAID that he
asked what he would do if
the agents quizzed him
about a bunglary that was
related to government at-
tempts to probe the leak of
the Pentagon Papers to
the newspapers. That bur-
glary, of a psychiatrist's
office in Los Angeles in
1971, has been related to
the Watergate scandal
because it was carried out
by some of the same men
convicted of the Watergate
break-in.
Dean advised him "that
If asked, he was not to dis-
cuss the matter inasmOch
as it was a national securi-
ty matter of the highest
classification," Colson
said.
According to Colson's
testimony, he received the
same instructions from
Ehrlichman in March or
April of this year.
Meanwhile, there were
these other developments
in the Watergate affair:
? Former Nixon camipaign
treasurer Hugh W. Sloan
Jr., in sworn testimony
released yesterday, said
that a number of high Nix-
on campaign and adminis-
tration officials were
aware ? or had reason to
be aware ? last summer
that the scandal might
reach higher in the gov-
ernment than was being
publicly acknowledged.
? Gen. Robert E. Cush-
man, former top CIA aide,
who has been cited as the
source of authority for the
CIA to help equip the men
taking part in the
psychiatrist's office bur-
glary, was preparing an
affidavit on his role. Csh-
man was scheduled to
appear soon before two
Senate committees prob-
ing CIA involvement, per-
haps later today. Aides to
the general have been in-
dicating the general did
not know what the men in
the burglary were plan-
ning.
? A CIA psychiatrist told
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2nolity profile he
was or era to prepare on
;
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Daniel Ellsberg-, accused
of stealing the Pentagon
Papers, was the first of its
kind ever made on an
American citizen. The pro-
file was prepared as part
of the same Pentagon
Papers leak-plugging ef-
fort which involved the
burglary of the office of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Former CIA Director
Richard Helms is sched-
uled to appear early next
week to tell what, if any-
thing, he knows about the
CIA role in the buglary
episode.
Nixon campgian aide
Sloan, in his sworn testi-
mony made pblic yester-
day, indicated that Mau-
rice H. Stans, chief fund-
raider of the Nixon
cam pgian in 1972, had
some inkling of the bug-
ging scandal last summer.
Sloan recounted how he
became suspicious of the
large amount of money
being given Watergate
conspirator G. Gordon
Liddy, and asked Stans if
deputy campaign director
Jeb Stuart Magruder had
the authority to approve
such disuursemlents.
Stans checked with
campaign director John N.
Mitchell ? also indicted in
the New York case yester-
day ? who said Magruder
did have the authority,
Sloan said.
HE SAID, "I believe I
expressed concern gener-
ally (to Stans) about the
fact that the totals were
mounting up without any
knowledge on our part of
what, in fact, had hap-
pened to our money."
Stens replied, Sloan
said, "I don't want to
know, and you don't want
to know."
Sloan also said that fol-
lowing the June 17 arrests,
Magruder asked Sloan to
perjure himself at any
forthcoming trial regard-
ing how much money
Sloan had given Liddy.
Sloan said he refused to
perjure himself ? and did
not do so ? and said he
began attempting to alert
higher-ups in the Nixon
Administration about what
apparently was going on.
But Dwight Chapin, then
the President's appoint-
ments secretary, brushed
him off by saying:
" . . . (1) you are over-
wrought, and (2) the im-
portant thing is to protect-
the President, and (3) you
ought to take a vacation."
He then went to John D.
Ehrlichma, then head of
the President's domestic ,
counsel and one of the top
presidential advisors, he ?
said.
"I think I got as far as
saying there were funds
that I did not know where
they went, and there might j
be a connection with the km
situation. He told me to go ";
no further, that he didn't
want any of the details, if I
had any personal prob-
lems I had a special rela-
tionship with the White
House and they would be
glad to arrange anaattor-
ney. A
91
"I said, 'That isn't my ?,?
concern. I just want you to
know there is a problem
over there,' and he said
his position was that he
would have to take execu-
tive privilege until aftpr
the election in any case."..
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THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, a C, Wednesday, May 16, 1973
WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP
Keeping the Burglars Out
By FRANK GETLEIN
Pet4iaps prematurely,
?? everybody has been draw- ?
ing moral lessons from the
conspiracy, burglary and 1.?
corruption of the Ameri-
can political process
summed up in the name
Watergate.
The Rev. Billy Graham,
; for example, thinks the
Watergate crimes show '
the need for a great spirit- .
"ual revival in America.
This is understandable
from a professional point
of view, Dr. Graham beihg
the nation's leading spirit-,
nal revivalist, but a more
realistic analysis would
'find just the opposite to be
the Watergatelesson.. The
burglars and other crimi-
nals were acting on behalf
of and apparently also on
the instructions of the
most self-consciously holy,
spiritually revived, pray-
er-breakfasting, God-in-
voking White House gang
since "Lemonade Lucy"
Harrison had the temper-
ance ladies in.
If Watergate is where
godliness has led the holy
clowns from the White
?House, this country may s
? not be able to afford a
spiritual revival.
President Nixon seems
to have drawn several
other moral lessons: Pay
more attention to what
I/people are doing in your
name; fire people you are
deeply convinced are inno-
cent of wrongdoing, and,
above all, no doubt, don't
hire a counsel who isn't
? willing to be a scapegoat.
For their part, the Dem-
. ocrats must have learned
learned a long time ago:
When you are running.
against Richard M. Nixon,
.keep your back to the wall
and Our hand on your
wallet. No one would sug-
gest the President of the
United States is a bandit,
but he does seem to inspire
an excess of zeal in those
devoted to his cause:
Jerry Voorhis and Helen
Gahagan Douglas were
but the first in a long line
of political corpses found
floating with the knives in
their backs inscribed
"LIMN." The latest vie-
tims a that zeal seem to
,be Sens- Muskie, Hum-
phrey and Jackson, done
in by forgeries in Florida,
false and embarrassing
phone calls and letters;.
bogus orders for large
quantities of food, drink
and flowers, and, of
course, the familiar zeal-
ous acts of breaking and
entering and burglarizing
files.
Por the rest of us, the
lessons cannot rally be
drawn until all the returns ,
are in, but one fundamen-
tal necessity seems clear
even this early: We have
got, somehow, to get the
CIA the hell out of our
domestic politics.
*
The agency has, of
course, denied that it had
anything to do with the
cameras, the red wigs, the
bugging apparatus and so
on that burglar and ex-CIA
agent E. Howard Hunt Jr.
bas testified he got from
the agency in an agency
outpost, a "safe house"
maintained for just such
' But even on the record
- as already established,
the CIA gave us Hunt,
McCord and most of their
mob from Miami, alumni,
with dne exception, not
only of the agency but of
its finest hour, the Bay of,
, Pigs blow for freedom by
surreptitious invasion of a
, so ereign country.
*
' The theory of late
20th century government
seems to be that we have to
have people like Hunt and
McCord on the government
payroll to save us from the
dread Commies.
Fair enough: At the ?
moment, however; a more
nrgent problem is how to
save the Republic from
Hunt and McCord and per-
haps from the CIA at large.
The very least we can
expect is a law preventing'
graduates of the CIA, like
Hunt and McCord, from
engaging in political adtiv-
ity for a period of years, ;
particularly from accept-?
ing employment or con-
tracts from outfits like the
Committee for the Re-elec-
don of the President.
If retired spooks want to
run for public office them-
selves, that's fine: There
are many constituencies
that from time to time feel
the need for a trained bur-
glar as their man in Con-
gress or the city hall. Also,
their opponents are fairly. ,
warned and can hire their
own free-enterprise bur-
glars to protect them.
' But to have government-,
trained burglars in the
? White House as political
consultants is now untena-
ble and must be stopped by
Appkwee193W(Rtii4M82601/80Y8a7b1A-RDP84-00499051000010002-2
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..:?Approved For Wase 2001/09/64 : CiA-pDP84L0049940200010004
ri" ?
,
'1'1-1E EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Worthington, D. C., Tertsday, May 8, 1973
BY OSWALK SOTINSTON
, James R. Schlesinger,
the newly installed CIA
director, has confirmed
privately that the CIA
supplied a camera, dis-
guises and false docu-
ments to Watergate consi-
pirator E. Howard Hunt
before the 1971 bread-in at,
Star.News Staff Writer
?
their administration-di-
rected probe of the Penta-
gon Papers leak, emerged
from an internal probe
now under way at the CIA,
Nedzi was told.
Still unconfirmed is
Hunt's testimony to the
Watergate grand jury that
the CIA also gave Hunt,
.Liddy and the team of
the office of the psychia- ,Cuban emigrees recruited '
trist who had once treated for the Ellsberg burglary '
Daniel Ellsberg, operational assistance, ?
Schlesinger, who offered two "safe-house" rendez-
the confirmation in a tele- vous points in Washington
phone conversation yester- and an untraceable
day with Rep. Lucien N. "Ssterile" telephone nunt-
Nedzi, D-Mich., chairman ber to
of the House Arms Serv- needed.
ices subcommittee on in-
telligence, acknowledged
that Gen. Robert E. Cush-
man Jr., then deputy
director of the CIA, or-
dered the supplies, Nedzi
said.
call if help was.
(Cushman has been or-
dered by the, Defense De-
partment not to discuss his
alleged involvement in the
. burglary. He failed to.
show up for a scheduled
news conference at Rotter-
Confirmation that Cush-. dam yesterday, where he
man, now Marine Corps is touring Dutch defenses.
commandant, authorized An aide announced the
clandestine supplies for general would have noth-
Hunt and fellow conspira- jag to say.
tor G. Gordon Liddy in (The aide said Cushman,
had been ordered to. sub-
mit an affidavit to the Jus-
tice Department on the
matter when he returns
here)
Nedzi, concerned that
CIA activities in the case
may have violated laws
banning the agnecy from
domestic operations, is
planning a subcommittee
investigation? this week.
. Sens. Stuart Symington, D-
, Mo., and John L. Mc-
Clellan D-Ark. also an-
nounced yesterday seper-
, ate probes of the incident: ,
The S
meanwhile, has offered
seperate confirmation of
another aspect of the rap-
idly developing case. 9ffi-
cials acknowledged late
yesterday that Hunt in
1971 had free access to
? State Department cables
relating to the 1963 coup in
which South Vietnamese
President Ngo Dinh Diem
was assassinated.? ,
According to a sketchy
'State Department version
' of the incident, officials
accedcd to White House
s
r? equest that Hunt be given
unlimited access to the
department's fileof cable
, traffic to and from Saigon
during 1963.
Hunt worked in the file
room during late Septem-
ber and early October ,of
1971, officials recalled,
and he was allowed to
? make photo copies of as
many cables as he choose.
Some of these copies
may have provided the
raw inaterial for cables
Hunt later fabricated, al-
legedly on orders from
former White House Spe-
cial Counsel Charles W.
Colson, to implicate Presi-
dent John F. Kennedy in
the Diem assassination.
According to grand jury
testimony released in Los
Angeles by Federal Dis-
trict Judge W. '.'w;atthew
? Byrne Jr., Hunt plowed
through several thousand
state Department cables
In order to vhunt plowed
through several thousand
State Department cables
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.!
.1
?
I ?
..1
6.1
in order to "verify the
authenticity of materials
that had already appeared
in the press" in the Penta-
gon PASC.
The actual regulations
under which the CIA has
operated are set forth in a
series of highly classified
directives front successive
presidents and national
security councils over the
years ? from the Truman
, administration to the pres-
ent.
?
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THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Tuesday; May 8, 1973
These are sometimes
collectively referred to as
the "secret charter."
.1 Glimpses of this charter
have surfaced occasional-
,ly, especially when domes-
?, tic operations of the CIA
have been heallenged. In a
j case involving an Estonian
emigre employed as a CIA
( I counter intelligence agent
j that reached the Supremo
Court two years ago, it
was revealed in an affida-
jvit signed by Helms him-
;.self that the deputy direc-
: 'tor for plans (ie. chief of
clandestine operations)
has "specific responsibili-
ty ? for the conduct of the
ifgency's counter intelli-
gence operations."
As an organizational
matter, the support Hunt
claims he got from the CIA
in the Ellsberg burglary
would have been carried
1 out under the cir*uty
director of plans, presum-
ably under .the heading
"counter-intelligence op-
erations."
Under, the 18-month-old
reorganization of the CIA,
Cushman, as deputy direc-
tor of the' agency, would
' have had unquestioned
authority to order the
camera aria other.materi-
als and probably to offer
operational support as
well.
The burglary of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist
took place in September
1971, however, some two
months before the reorga-
nization plan was an-
nounced by President Nix-
on, so the line of authority
may not have been that
clearly defined.
Helms himself has pri-
vately assured Nedzi and
other congressional over-
seers of the CIA that he
had no advance knowledge
of the Watergate break-in,
and the agency through an
official announcement has
disclaimed any advance
knowledge of the Ellsberg
break-in. ,
In his only publicly rec-
orded reference to the
Watergate case, Helms,
now ambassador to Iran,
last February,admitted to
members of the Senate
\ Foreign Relations Corn
? ,
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ITTC:
mittee that both Hunt and
Jamcs W. McCord, anoth-
er convicted Watergate
conspirator, were former
CIA agents. He added, in a
voice verging on anger:
"They had all retired.
They, had left. I have no
control over anybody who
has left. . . they had both
been retired at least two
years."
Despite Schlesinger's
limited confirmation that
Hunt, himself a former
CIA operative in the clan-
destine services or "dirty
tricks" division of the
agency, enjoyed CIA sup-
port in the burglary of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist,
serious questions remain.
The distinction between
merely supplying equip-
ment, reportedly on White
House orders, and actually
lending operational sup-
port could be crucial, ac-
cording to informed
sources in the intelligence
, community.
The supplying of equip-
ment is viewed as a rou-
tine administrative matter
that would have carried
out without question upon
ot'ders of Cushman, who
was number two in the
agency as deputy (greeter,
under Richard M. Helms,
the then CIA director.
A request for agency
cooperation in a govern-
ment-wie probe of a na-
tional security leak such
as the Pentagon Papers
would be regarded as
"normal administrative
stuff" once sources ob-
served. "The fact' the
White House was trying to
find out about those leaks
?
? was hardly something the"
agency would re unrecep-
tive to."
CIA participation in ac-"--.
tual support of the burgla-,
ry team, through the sup-e,
ply of safe houses and a -
. secure telephone contact': -
such as Hunt described-
could be more serious.... "
however, since a violation.. ?
of federal law might have
, been involved.
Nedzi and other con-
gressmen charged with
overseeing CIA activities :
. are keenly sensitive to a
proviso in the 1947 Nation-
al Security Act which ex-
pressly forbids the CIA to
engage in , domestic
"internal security func-
tions."
Federal courts have
sometimes favored the
agency with a liberal read-
ing of the law, however.
The same act empowers
the agency to "protect in-
telligence sources and
methods from unauthor-
ized dliclosure," and this
clause has been interpret-
ed to authorize some do-
mestic counter-intelli-
gence activity, even
though counter intelli-
gence is technically the
exclusive province of the
FBI.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
BEM'S WORLD
" ???
1913 by NEA Inc 6:644491141".
"You didn't have anything to do with Watergate, did you?"
5;rr
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A.30 Approved For %pee 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2 FRIDAY, lc
gtou
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER
Watergate and the CIA
The rush of events has cast the impression that the
Central Intelligence Agency, too, was caught ..up in the
crisis of governance, known as Watergate and was
somehow despoiled Or suborned. But such a compre-
hensive indictment should not be handed down casually.
A closer look at the three' Main episodes of Watergate-
CIA involvement suggests another atid more complex
view.
In the first episode, in July-September 1971, the CIA
was ,asked by John Ehrlichman to give retired CIA em-
ployee Howard Hunt, then identified as a White House
security consultant, technical help for an undisclosed
mission. The Pentagon Papers had just been published.
The CIA's legislative charter gives it "responsibility
for protecting intelligence sources and methods from
unauthorized disclosures," and in that context the then-
deputy director, Gen. Robert Cushman, who had long
known Mr. Ehrlichman and who had also served .as
personal aide to Vice President Nixon, granted 'tech-
nical aid to Howard Hunt. But he was put off by
Hunt's manner; the agency, learning that "domestic'
clandestine operations" were involved, Cut, the Mint
link_ in five weeks; General Cushman quickly informed
Mr, Ehrlichman. The burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's
psychiatrist took place a month later. At the?'
, same time,
CIA Director Richard Helms, in the same context of an.
ostensible White House investigation of security leaks,
ordered up a CIA psychiatric profile of Mr. Ellsberg at
White House request. his successor, James Schlesinger,
later termed.these missions "ill advised."
In the second episode, beginning only six days after
the Watergate break-in of June 17, 1972, top White
House aides reportedly tried on repeated occasions to
induce the CIA to halt an DTI probe into the "laundered"
Mexican money that financed the break-in (by having:
the. CIA invent a false rationale that the probe would
compromise CIA sources); those aides then asked CIA
to use secret funds to "go bail or pay the salaries" of
Watergate conspirators. By available testimony, the CIA
resolutely rejected these entreaties. Gen. Vernon Wal-
ters, the then-deputy director and also a former aide
to Vice President Nixon, even said he would resign and
go to the President before so compromising the agency.
? In the third episode, in early 1973?by then, "Water-
gate" was rapidly unfolding?the White House sought
to have the CIA receive back (knowingly) the Ellsberg
burglary materialstwAii-Filethiekgrilkir Releattei2001/69/04
olnicly refused.
I HS/IIC
So what do we have? In all three episodes, the White
House trampled over the provision of the CIA's charter-
specifying that the agency function "under the National
Security Council" and it sought to turn the CIA to
purposes having at best a tenuous connection to the
agency's intelligence mandate?even tile way the White
House presented it?and at worst no connection what-
soever. In the episodes involving the Mexican money
and the receiving back of Ellsberg burglary materials,
successive CIA directors and their deputies stood -off
fierce White House pressure aimed at foiTing them to
violate the spirit and letter Of their charter. In the
episode involving aid for a mission whose purpose was
at first unknown to the CIA, the agency recovered
promptly when it got a better sense of what was going on.
The; further question arises of whether Mr. Helms
should have reported, either to the President or Con-
gress, whatever may have been his suspicion or knowl-
edge at various times that something sour was going on.
.We submit that no final answer can be offered until
? there becomes available a fuller record not only of
precisely what Mr. Helms told Congress last February
and March and again in the last few dais, but also of
the steps he may have taken to protect the CIA from
taint before he was relieved of the agency's director-
ship.
To establish a kind of base line, we think it ap-
propriate meanwhile to recall a rare public speech Mr.
Helms gave in April 1971, before any of the known inci-
dents had occurred, in which he spoke with feeling and
'sensitivity of the difficult role of a secret intelligence
agency in a free society. The CIA operates "under
constant supervision And direction of the National Se-
curity Council," he said. It assumes only "normal re-
sponsibilities for protecting the physical security of our
own personnel, our facilities,. and our classified infor-
mation . . . In short, we do not target on American
citizens."
TO the extent that the integrity of the professional
intelligence community may have been compromised,
we think it necessary to look first to the White House.
.It was the men there who in their cavalier abuse of
power and their contempt for the institutions a Ameri-
can government?even an institntAnAs,sensitive as the
: G;itikaT PRO41.049gaN94Pilikurkilid?to compromise
and subvert the CIA.
Agency Rejected Plea
By OSWALD JOHNSTON
, Star-News Staff Writer
White House aides seeking to enlist CIA aid in
covering up the Watergate case last summer tried
to get agency officials to pay "scared" and
"wobbling" witnesses from top secret funds, appar-
ently to hide their connection with the Nixon re-
election campaign, a top CIA official has charged.
. According to an affidavit by the CIA deputy
director, Lt. Gen. Vergon A. Walters, prepared Sat-
urday and made available late yesterday, former
White House counsel John W. Dean III specifically
0 asked that "covert action funds" be used to pay bail
costs and salarieslor the Watergate burglars.
?? Use of funds earmarked for foreign "covert
0
actions" normally requires a directive from the
- CO President himself. Dean was "much taken aback,"
Walters reported, when he was told CIA funds could
o not be used for domestic purposes without specific
co? approval by Congress.
co
o
? ACCORDING TO Walters' affidavit, which in
most respects paralleled his closed-door testimony
m recent days before a Senate committee, Dean
made this request June.27, 1972 ? 10 days after a
team of five headed by a former CIA agent was dis-
covered inside Democratic party headquarters at
the Watergate here.
During the meeting, Walters said, Dean
"reviewed the Watergate case, saying that some
witnesses were getting scared and were `wobbling.'
I said that no matter how scared they got, they
could not involve the CIA because it was not in-
volved in the bugging of the Watergate."
See CIA, Page A-6
CM:. S uziEgfi:scoaill
Continued From Page A-1
Dean then made his
quest:cl'Ile then asked if
CIAWuld not furnish
ail aria-pay the suspects'
alariesSithile they were in
iii, using covert action
Inds fogthe purpose."
IN NUKING the re-
uest, glar. was asking
ie CIArdeputy to draw on
top sza. et fund which is
pecificiily committed in
he CI.gs budget, itself
ighly eliassified, to clan-
estineolhperations over-
CL
eas.
The cm-eft action fund is
nder tae jurisdiction of
he dewy director of
lans, The agency's de-
artmeet of "dirty
ricks,Imand is used for
uch seget operations as
ribing4zandidates or vot-
rs in elections and med-
ling me violently in the
omestit affairs of other
iationsgThe 1961 Bay of
jigs fr sion of Cuba, the
953 c that restored the
;hah t ntrol of Iran, or
he mo tp recent clandes-
ine w? in Laos were all
ligibleOfor funding from
he cov?rt action fund.
Und/ CIA operating
?egulatns, set forth in a
.eries sg:t highly classified
nemorandums handed
lown by the National Se-
curity Councils of succes-
sive presidents, covert
action operations and their
funding must be cleared
by the top-secret "Forty
Committee" in the White
House.
THIS COMMITTEE,
named after a numbered
National Security Council
memorandum, is the suc-
cessor to the similarly
named "303 Committee."
It is composed of repre-
sentatives from CIA, the
State Department the
Defense Department and
the Joint Chiefs, and is
chaired by Henry A. Kis-
singer. It is responsible for
approving all clandestine
operations by CIA opera-
tives, and it carries the
express authority of Presi-
dent Nixon.
Walters rejected Dean's
request out of hand. His
affidavit continues:
"I replied that this was
out of the question. It
would implicate the agen-
cy in something in which it
was not implicated." He
added, in an evident refer-
ence to the Forty
Committee. "Any such
action by the agency
would imply an order from
the highest level, and I
would not be a party to
any such action."
He also pointed out that
using the covert action
fund for a domestic opera-
tion would violate another
CIA regulation designed to
keep the agency, which is
governed by the National
Security Act of 1947, out of
inte-nal security opera-
tions. When the CIA spent
money for operations in-
side the United States,
Walters explained, "We
had to report this to the
Oversight Committees of
the agency in Congress."
THIS WAS a clear warn-
ing to Dean that the White
House group he represent-
ed, which included H. R.
Haldeman and John D.
Ehrlichman, could not rely
on a CIA cover to hide
payments to the Water-
gate burglars. It evidently
dismayed Dean.
"He was much taken
aback by this." Walters
reports, adding that Dean
at length agreed that "the
risks of implicating the
CIA and FBI in this matter
would be enormous."
Walters added: "I said
that what was now a pain-
ful wound could become a
mortal one. What was now
a 'conventional explosion
could be turned into a mul-
ti-megaton explosion."
Dean's request for cov-
ert funds to pay the Water-
gate suspects was evident-
ly the second part of a
White House effort to en-
? list the CIA in covering up
the source of funds for the
Watergate team's fi-
nances.
Earlier' according to the
1 Walter's affidavit and to
Senate testimony made
public* in recent days.
Haldeman and Ehrlich-
man had tried to order
CIA interference in an FBI
probe of campaign funds
which had been
"laundered" through a
Mexico City bank.
Meanwhile, in a continu-
ing probe of CIA responsi-
bility in the case. former
CIA Director Richard M.
Helms faces two commit-
tees today: Sen. Stuart
,Symington of Missouri's
Armed Services Commit-
tee, where Walters made
his disclosures earlier this
week, and Rep. Lucien N.
Nedzi of Michigan's intelli-
gence subcommittee of
House Armed Services.
Helms yesterday report-
edly told a special subcom-
mittee of the Senate Ap-
propriations Committee
chaired by John L. Mc-
Clellan, D-Ark., that he
had been concerned by
what White House aides
were ordering the CIA to
do in covering up Water-
gate, but that Helms made
no effort to warn Presi-
dent Nixon what was going
on.
Helms, currently ambas-
sador to Iran, has been
recalled from his post to
explain CIA involvement
with White House staff
operations. He will be on
call for further testimony.
McClellan said.
The Senator said that
three White House aides
implicated in administra-
tion efforts to involve the
CIA in domestic opera-
tions would be called on to
testify: Haldeman, Ehr-
lichman and David R.
Young.
According to Mc-
Clellan's account, Helms,
in most details, corrobor-
ated the earlier testimony
of Walters that Haldeman,
Ehrlichman and Dean
sought CIA interference in
an FBI investigation relat-
ed to the Watergate case.
"Mr. Helms and the CIA
. were *seri-oil-sly im-
posed upon," McClellan
said. "They tried to do as
little as they could, and
finally refused to do what
was required of them."
McClellan said Helms
was "concerned" when
Haldeman and Ehrichman
sought CIA interference in
an FBI probe of the Re-
publican campaign funds
which were "laundered"
through a Mexico City
bank before winding up in
the bank account of one of
the Watergate conspira-
tors.
, Helms was likewise
aware of a White House
request that the CIA pay
bail charges for five men
arrested in the Watergate
last June and pay their
salaries.
THE CIA director did
not, however, try to tell
Nixon about it, McClellan
said. "He didn't feel he
was called on to go to the
President. As I understand
the facts, he remained si-
lent."
Helms, as director of
Central Intelligence and
enjoying enhanced author- '
ity after a 1971 reorganiza-
tion of the intelligence
community, could repor
directly to the Presiden'
and the National Securit3
Council. Csi
Asked if he woitla havi
done the samelicng ir
Helms' position,
told reporters, "lahink
would have ward the
President. I woia have
come forward if Bhoue
a cloud was being ca5:
over my agency."Ce
McClellan, eve,,
refused to criticLAHein
directly for his racence
"These reques4 wer
coming frort tht
President's topp men,'
McClellan pointecttut.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499RQ00200010002-2
N T
Watergate
E STAGE IS SET
THE FULL ST Y
With charges of scandal spreading almost daily, the time is near at hand for
a complete accounting. Investigations long conducted in secret are moving fast
toward a public showdown?in the courts and before a Senate committee.
FTER MONTHS OF LEAKS, hearsay, un-
verified charges and innuendo, the
Watergate Scandal is now getting
down to the full, official story?told under
oath.
A trial, seven . convictions and secret
investigations have left many questions
officially unanswered. The big one: How
high in the Nixon Administration does
the guilt reach?
Powerful forces have been set in mo-
tion to get the facts on the record in
a bizarre affair whose repercussions have
rocked the White House, cast doubt on
the credibility of high officials and
slowed much important business of Gov-
ernment to a crawl.
Senate investigation. A select Sen-
ate committee headed by Senator Sam
J. Ervin, Jr. (Dem.), of North Carolina,
.was set to begin taking sworn testimony
in public, televised hearings May 17.
Those hearings, committee members
say, will go far beyond the burglary and
bugging of the Democratic Party head-
quarters in Washington's Watergate com-
plex last June 17 and the alleged
high-level conspiracy to conceal responsi-
bility for that act of political espionage.
The Senators are also to probe charges
which have come as fallout from the
Watergate case?charges of widespread
attempts to corrupt both political and
judtelal yr( K2UNNON.
Grand-jury probe. A federal grand
jury was moving toward expected in-
dictments of several men who once were
figures in the Nixon Administration.
A special prosecutor from outside the
Government is to take over that inquiry.
Under strong congressional pressure, 4, I, Ill. t*: ?
Elliot L. RichardsonjogamsgA eq, 11 MI ,, ,
7 that he would naaPiTienYffikHuYeAtlease.2 0 i
Soon as he is confirmed by the Senate.,..?."ffip,WHERE IT
"?!.`""1.r,k
?Wlda World Photo
Elliot Richardson will put case in
the hands of a special prosecutor.
to the post of Attorney General, to
which President Nixon appointed him
in the dramatic Administration shake-up
announced on April 30. That prosecutor
?working with the grand jury that for
eight weeks has been digging into the
Watergate case?will have all the au-
thority he needs to uncover "the whole
truth," said Mr. Richardson.
High-level indictments. In a ease
separate from Watergate but connected
to the Nixon campaign of 1972, two for-
mer members of the Cabinet were in-
dicted by a federal grand jury in New
'York City on May 10.
Indicted were John N. Mitchell, who
served President Nixon both as Attorney
General and campaign manager, and
Maurice H. Stalls, who was Secretary of
Commerce, then chief fund-raiser for the
presidential campaign.
They were accused of conspiracy to
Obstruct a fraud investigation in return
for a secret $200,000 contribution to the
Nixon campaign fund. That story is told
in detail on page 20.
Pentagon-papers case. In another
blow to the Nixon Administration, U. S.
District Judge Matt Byrne on May 11
dismissed all charges against Daniel Ells-
berg and Anthony J. Russo, Jr., in the
so-called Pentagon-papers case.
"Improper Government conduct," the
judge declared, had precluded a fair
trial of the case by the jury.
Cited specifically by the judge were
what he called these "bizarre events":
? The burglary of a California psy;
chiatrist's office in an unsuccessful at-
tempt to get at Mr. Ellsberg's record as
a patient.
At the Federal Bureau
n u a o vening aP9405100.402find wiretapped Tops NOBODY NOBODY KNOWS." (continued on next page)
17
, F41.4
I NVESTIGATING
WATERGATEroved For
Membership: Seven Senators?four
Democrats and three Republicans.
Democratic members: Chairman
Sam J. Ervin, Jr., North Carolina, a
onetime trial judge and former
member of his State's Supreme
Court; Daniel K. Inouye, Hawaii;
joseph M. Montoya, New Mexico;
Herman E. Talmadge, Georgia.
Republican members: Howard H.
Baker, jr., Tennessee; Edward J.
Gurney, Florida; Lowell P. Weick-
er, Jr:, Connecticut.
Powers: Under a Senate resolution
adopted 77 to 0 on February 7?
which created the committee?it
has broad powers to investigate the
Watergate case and other campaign
irregularities. It can subpoena wit-
nesses and, with court approval, can
grant them limited immunity?insur-
ing that their testimony will not be
used against them in criminal pro-
ceedings. The committee is author-
ized to spend up to $500,000,
directed to report its findings by
Feb. 28, 1974. It has a staff of 39
persons.
Chief counsel: Samuel Dash, a law
professor at Georgetown University
in Washington, D. C., who was cho-
sen by the Democratic. majority on
the committee.
Minority counsel: Fred D. Thomp-
son of Nashville, a former U. S. at-
torney, chosen by the Republican
minority.
Public hearings: Scheduled to begin
May 17, with other hearings sched-
uled May 18, May 22-23-24 and
June. 12-13-14. Television cameras
permitted.
Rules: Witnesses testify under oath.
They may be accompanied by their
lawyers. The White House may also
have its own counsel present when a
presidential aide is questioned. If a
witness refuses to answer questions
under a claim of "executive priv-
ilege" or of possible sclf-incrimina-
tion, the committee will rule on the
validity of such claim. President
Nixon has agreed to let White
House aides testify, with instruc-
tions that they should refuse to
answer questions "only in connec-
tion with conversations with the
President, conversations among
themselves involving communica-
tions with the President, and as to
presidential papers,"
lease WRAFWAT.IATIQX34-0049
[continued from preceding page]
phone conversations by Mr. Ellsberg in
1969 and 1970?although the prosecution
had maintained there were no wiretaps.
Figures in the Watergate case
emerged also in this Los Angeles trial.
E. IIoward Hunt, Jr., testified that he
and another convicted Watergate con-
spirator, G. Gordon Liddy, had directed
the break-in at the psychiatrist's office.
Ile said the burglary was plotted in the
White house, and a camera and dis-
guises for the burglars were supplied by
the Central Intelligence Agency. This
led to a congressional investigation of
the CIA.
Egil Krogh, Jr., a former White House
aide who resigned as Under Secretary of
Transportation on May 9, said he author-
913400.1521Cte Director.CIAto succeed
0
John B. Connally, Jr.?who switched
May 2 from the Democratic to the Re-
publican Party?was made a special, un-
paid, part-time adviser to the President.
J, Fred Buzhardt, general counsel in
the Defense Department, was shifted
to the White House staff as special coun-
sel to the President, to work on "matters
relating to the Watergate investigation."
This series of appointments was not
expected to end the reorganization of
the Nixon command.
More big shifts were predicted. But,
at least, the biggest holes left by the
recent departure (410 Nixon appointees
had been filled.
Reported a White house aide:
"Every move Mr. Nixon has made in
reshaping his staff has been calculated
to open up more accessibility to the
?Wide World Photo
Ervin committee. Seated: Senators Baker and Ervin. Standing: Senators Weicker,
Talmadge, Inouye and Montoya. Senator Gurney was not present for this picture.
ized the break-in without the knowledge
of his superiors after President Nixon or-
dered him to push a search for the "leak"
of the Pentagon papers.
Mr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo were ac-
cused of espionage and theft of the pa-
pers, which revealed top secrets about
U. S. war policy in Vietnam.
New Nixon appointments. President
.Nixon, still rebuilding key segments of
his Administration shattered by the
Watergate affair, made several new ap-
pointments to high posts on May 10.
James R. Schlesinger, who has been
Director of the CIA since January 23,
was named Secretary of Defense to re-
place Mr. Richardson, who is to be moved
from the Pentagon.
William E. Colby was promoted from
President than there was under his rigid
staff system of the past."
The White House announced abandon-
ment of the "super-Cabinet" system put
in only four months ago, in which some
Cabinet secretaries doubled as "coun-
selors" to the President. Now all Cabinet
members will have equal access to the
President?and without interference from
any :member of the White House staff.
Although Mr. Connally will be giving
some of the policy-shaping advice that
had been handled by II. R. Haldeman
and John D. Ehrlichman, the Texan will
have no control over who sees the Presi-
dent, Both Mr. IIaldeman and Mr.
Ehrliclunan held tight rein over presi-
dential appointments before their resig-
nation under Watergate fire.
18 Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499R9i9pQR9109A621K1 tEpo__,
Mciy 21, 1973
Approved For Rete
In official Washington, the imminent
opening of Senate hearings and the de-
cision to name an outside prosecutor for
the Watergate case brought a sense of
relief. Expressing sentiments widely
echoed, one Congressman declared:
"I've been sickened by the welter of
accusations, the ugly accumulation of
hearsay. I hope that we can now look for
orderly sifting of all the charges and
countercharges, without regard to rumors
and leaks."
Irritation with the tactics of some
parts of the news media broke out on
the Senate floor on May 8.
Senator William Proxmire, of Wis-
consin?a Democrat. and a persistent
critic of President Mxon?declared in a
Senate speech that "the handling by the
press of the Watergate affair has become
grossly unfair to President Nixon."
Said the Wisconsin Senator:
"When former White House Counsel
John Dean is reported throughout this
country to have privately told grand-jury
investigators that the President was di-
rectly involved in a Watergate cover-up,
President Nixon is being tried, sentenced
and executed by rumor and allegation."
Vice President Spiro T. Agnew
charged that press reporting of the Wa-
tergate case had "trespassed the bounds
of propriety." Similar criticisms were ex-
pressed by the Senate Democratic Lead-
er, Senator Mike -Mansfield, of Montana,
and his Republican counterpart, Senator
Thigh Scott, of Pennsylvania.
Yet it was widely conceded, even by
critics, that the press played a key role
in uncovering the extent of the Water-
gate scandal. "The Washington Post"
won a Pulitzer Prize on May 7 for its re-
porting of the case.
The White House issued a blanket de-
nial of Nixon involvement in either the
Watergate bugging or its cover-up, and
also denied published reports that he
had made an implied promise of execu-
tive clemency for one of the .seven con-
victed Watergate conspirators.
The ousted Mr. Dean, who was cited
as the source for such reports?and later
.denied he was the source?will be one of
20 witnesses scheduled to appear before
the Senate committee. He has been of-
fered partial immunity protecting him
from his testimony being used against
him in n court WA
In the Pentagon-papers case, there
was no implication by witnesses that
President Nixon himself had contem-
plated burglary as part of the search for
"leaks" that he ordered.
Yet, that case presented still another
scandal for a Nixon Administration al-
ready beset on many fronts.
All this provides A Fayk'P bb le
ffi
ground for the ociaT ocee mgs or the.
days and weeks ahead.
se 20T
indictments, nobody other than
r4itligri499RQP1120Q0110010134 may be present.
WHAT IT DOES
The Watergate affair is focusing
national attention on a federal grand
jury in Washington, D. C., which is
investigating the case.
What is a grand jury?
A grand jury is a special panel of
citizens set up not to try people but
to decide whether a person should be
brought to trial. Its primary function
is to protect people against unjusti-
fied prosecution in court.
How does a grand jury operate?
A government prosecutor presents
evidence, witnesses are interrogated,
and the grand jury then decides if
there is probable cause to believe
that a suspect has committed a crime.
If so, the grand jury then issues an
indictment.
What is an indictment? ?
An indictment is merely a formal
accusation, a charge on which the
grand jury recommends that the ac-
cused should be tried. It is not a
conviction.
Is an indictment required before
any criminal case can be prosecuted?
No. But the Fifth Amendment to
the U. S. Conkitution requires that
"no person shall be held to answer for
a capital, or otherwise infamous,
crime, unless on a presentment or in-
dictment of a grand jury"?except in
military cases. That has been inter-
preted as requiring a grand-jury ac-
tion in all federal criminal cases in
which a cOnviction could mean a
prison sentence of more than one
year. About half the States use a sim-
ilar procedure. Other States use a so-
called criminal information?a formal
charge signed by a prosecutor?in-
stead of a grand-jury indictment.
How is a federal grand jury set up?
It is ordered by a judge, usually at
a prosecutor's request. Members are
chosen at random from voter lists. A
federal grand jury may have 16 to
23 members. The votes of 12 or more
members?a majority?are required for
an indictment.
Is a grand-jury proceeding gov-
erned by the same rules as a trial
court?
No. There are no strict rules. A wit-
ness may be asked almost anything.
Hearsay evidence is admissible. The
aim is to establish only "probable
cause" for trial?not to convict.
Who may be present at a grand-
jury session?
Usually, only the attorneys for the
government, the witness being exam-
seibet/etlee c o_.
reporting p cee ings. vvnen tY)
grand.. jury is deliberating or voting
May a witness be accompanied by
a lawyer?
No. An attorney may wait outside
the room for consultation by a wit-
ness, however.
May a witness refuse to answer a
grand jury's questions?
Yes. Ile may claim his constitution-
al privilege against self-incrimination.
In case of dispute, a court will de-
cide whether the claim is proper. A
witness who refuses to answer a ques-
tion ruled proper can be held in con-
tempt of court.
What if a prosecutor grants a wit-
ness immunity from prosecution?
If a witness refuses to talk after
receiving immunity, he could be jailed
for contempt.
Does a suspect have a right to ap-
pear before the grand jury?
Not an absolute right. But he may
be allowed?and can be compelled?
to do so. The suspect cannot force a
grand jury to hear witnesses be wants
to testify in his behalf.
Are grand-jury proceedings secret?
In most cases, yes. Prosecutors and
members arc not supposed to discuss
the proceedings outside the jury room.
A witness may discuss his testimony
outside the jury room, however, un-
less restricted by a judge's order.
Why this secrecy?
The aim is to encourage witnesses
to testify without fear of publicity or
retaliation and to protect the inde-
pendence of the grand jury.
Why has the grand-jury system re-
cently been criticized?
Critics charge that grand juries are
sometimes used by prosecutors to con-
tiav ii3vestigations, to "rub-
er MM. fTjt.ttified accusations, or
to intimidate political dissenters.
Approved For Ralease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499%100200010002-2
Watergate
AS NIX 11
ICKS
THE glECES
Big changes are taking place?with the Pres-
ident moving to restore confidence in the
White House, seeking to rebuild an Adminis-
tration damaged by the Watergate scandal.
A sweeping overhaul of the Executive
Branch of the Government is now under
way as President Nixon picks up the
pieces of the Watergate wreckage.
Some of the President's closest friends
and most-trusted advisers have resigned
or been swept out of office. As May be-
gan; only a few of their places had yet
been filled on a permanent basis. More
shifts were foreseen.
The Watergate scandal itself kept on
spreading. Almost every day a new de-
velopment pointed an accus-
ing finger at some new vic-
tim. Forecasts were that a
federal grand jury, when it
completes its investigation,
will hand down a number of
criminal indictments?includ-
ing the names of several men
who served at the side of the
President.
Some processes of govern-
ment Were slowed as the
housecleaning removed key
administrators or shifted them
fif now jobs, WO heavily af-
fected were the White House
itself, which lost top members
of its staff; the Defense De-
partmei it, left temporarily
without a full-time chief; the
justice Department, put un-
der new management; the
Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion, with its second Acting
Director in a year; and
the Environmental ProtikpipriOv
Agency, whose administrator
was shifted to the FBI.
There were omens of trouble for the
President in his efforts to win enactment
of his legislative program. And the Nixon
hope of building a "new majority" to
extend his party's control of the Govern-
ment was conceded to have been set
back.
In the President's time of political
trouble one bright ray shone through for
him: On May 2, John Connally, a for-
mer Texas. Governor who had served 18
months in the Nixon Cabinet, switched
?Crockett in "Washington Star-News"
49
?Wide World Photo
from the Democratic to the Republican
Party. That story begins on page 26.
The Republican Party which Mr. Con-
nally joined was riven by dissension.
Many Republicans, looking to future
elections, were trying to disassociate
themselves from the Watergate affair?
and all who had any connection with it.
Democrats are seizing on the scandal
as an opportunity to strengthen their
hands in their battles with President
Nixon in Congress and with the Repub-
licans in the coming elections of 1974
and 1976.
All this was in the mind of the Presi-
dent as he made a big move on April 30.
Responsibility accepted. In a dra-
matic appearance on nationwide tele-
vision, Mr. Nixon denied personal guilt
in the Inirglarization alai bugging of the
'Democratic Party headquarters at the
Watergate complex last June. But he
accepted "full responsibility"?as the
boss?for what the appointees did.
Saying 'there can be no whitewash at
the White House," he pledged action to
purge his Administration of the possibili-
ty for such abuses in the future. The full
text of the Nixon address begins on
page 70.
A purge of the President's official
family began even before he spoke.
Among those resigning were H. R. Hal-
deman, the White House chief of staff,
and John Ehrlich man, the President's
top adviser on domestic affairs.
64tki)jaiNajlied in leaked re-
Yuplicated in an at-
tempt to cover up the involvement of
(continued on next page)
Icontinued from preceding page]
' White House aides 4iPPIPISREVI9We
The acceptance of their resignations was
described by Mr. Nixon as "One of the
most difficult decisions of my Broddem.
cy," and he praised them as "two of the
finest public servants" he knew.
There was no such expression of presi-
dential unhappiness at the simultaneous
departure of John W. Dean III, the
White House legal counsel. It was Mr.
/
MAJOR CHANGES
NIXON COMMAND
OUT?some top-level aides
Richard C. Kleind ienst? At torn
II. R. Ilaldenum
Chief of Staff.
John D. Ehrlichmfm, top
;alviwr to the President.
joint W. Dean lega
to the President.
L. Patrick Cray 111 Acting Di
tor of. the Fill.
Jeh Stuart 'Magrud
Secretary of Ontiplerce,
Cordon $trachan, general cow se
to the LT. S. Information Agency
tonner aide to Mr. Haldeman.
IN?Old hands in new jobs
Gen. Alexander "
tosen int erim chief of the Whin
I louse staff, moving from the post o
Army Vice Chief of Staff,
Elliot L. Richardson, nominated
as Attorney Gen end, moving over
I om fob as Secretary of ',el ense,
William D. lluckelshaus, named
as Acting Director of FBI, itavne
I)ireetor of 1nvironrrwntal l'rotet'tiOtt
Agency,
Leonard Garment, name(I actin
legit' counsel to the Presiderit, mov
ing iron.) post as special constiltan
a
ks,k,
Dean who had been ordered to make the
original investigation and report which
the President used as the basis for deny-
ing for months any involvement by any-
one on his staff.
Out, at the same time, went Attorney
General Richard Kleindienst. Although
not personally linked with the bugging,
he said he resigned because of his close
relations with some persons involved.
To replace Mr. Kleindienst as Attorney
18
General?and to take over the Watergate
prosecution?Mr. Nixon appointed Elliot
Richardson.- An old friend, Mr. Richard-
son had already served Mr. Nixon as
Secretary of Health, Education and Wel-
fare, then as Secretary of Defense.
President Nixon described Mr. Rich-
ardson as "a man of unimpeachable integ-
rity" and said:
"I have given him absolute authority
to make all decisions bearing upon the
prosecution of the Watergate case and
related matters. I have instructed him
that if he should consider it appropriate,
he has the authority to name a special
supervising prosecutor for matters arising
out of the ease."
This idea of a special prosecutor, in-
dependent of the Administration, drew
strong support in Congress, and Mr.
Richardson indicated to several Senators
that he would bring in such a man.
With the Watergate's criminal prose-.
cution placed in new and trusted hands,
the President turned to rebuilding the
shattered command structure of his Ad-
ministration for the tasks of governing
the nation that lie ahead.
The rebuilding begins. Among Presi-
dent Nixon's early moves were these:
? David Packard was tagged as his
choice to succeed Mr. Richardson as
Secretary of Defense. Mr. Packard, a
California industrialist, was Deputy De-
fense Secretary 1969 through 1971.
? Ceti. Alexander M. Haig, Jr., was
brought back to the White House as co-
ordinator of the President's staff, succeed-
ing Mr. Haldeman.
General Haig's term of service was
described as indefinite?perhaps long
term. Since January, he has been Vice
Chief of Staff of the Army. Before that,
he served in the White house as chief
deputy to Mr. Nixon's national-security
adviser, Henry A. Kissinger,
More than faces are changing at the
? White house. Big changes are predicted
in the way the White House is run.
The immense power that was concen-
trated in the hands of Mr. Haldeman is
?UPI Photo
0002-2
General Haig, Vice Chief
of Staff of the Army, was
brought back to the White
House to take the place
of H.R. Haldeman as chief
of the President's staff.
He served earlier as dep-
uty to national-security
adviser Henry Kissinger.
expected to be decentralized. Until the
reorganization of the White House is
completed, Mr. Nixon's Cabinet officers
were instructed to work more closely
with these four assistants: Roy Ash, Di-
rector of the Office of Management and
Budget; Kenneth R. Cole, Jr., Executive
Director of the Domestic Council; Ste-
phen B. Bull and David N. Parker, spe-
cial assistants to the President.
Vice President Spiro T. Agnew is to
play an increased role in overseeing op-
erations of the Domestic Council. The
responsibility of top-level contact with
Governors and mayors is also being re-
stored to the Vice President.
The "super-cabinet" that Mr. Nixon
set up a few months ago becomes more
important now. President Nixon will rely
heavily on these men who serve both
as department heads and as counselors
to the President: Treasury Secretary
George P. Shultz, Secretary of Health,
Education and Welfare Caspar Wein-
berger, Agriculture Secretary Earl Butz
and Secretary of housing and Urban
Development James T. Lynn.
The President told his Cabinet that
the National Security Council, under
Henry Kissinger, and the legislative-liai-
son staff, under William Timmons, will
carry on as before.
There are to be more meetings of the
Cabinet in the future than in the past.
Mr. Nixon will count on Cabinet mem-
bers for information and advice he used
to get mainly from White House aides.
Changes in system? The rigid staff
system that Mr. Nixon brought to the
White house may be a thing of the past.
As one aide said:
"The staff system is Richard Nixon.
If it changes, he has to change?and I
believe he will. I feel that from now on
there will be less reliance on the staff,
more reliance on the presidential coun-
selors and the Cabinet."
A major aim in all these changes, in
the view of informed insiders, is to
end what critics have called the "isola-
tion" of the President?to ensure that he
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gets more information from more differ-
ent sources than in the past.
It is charged that a major reason why
Mr. Nixon was so long in moving on the
Watergate affair was that his close aides
screened him away from information mak-
ing the public rounds that he should
'lave received.
No matter who eventually fills the
White House vacancies, they - are ex-
pected to be men with a "more realistic"
Atitude toward Congress than the men
they succeed.
Said one close Nixon associate:
"I think the President realizes that he
weds people in those jobs who will have
little more sophistication?a better un-
lerstanding of Washington and Con-
;miss. The capital is a city of compromise.
iron just can't have it your way all the .
ime. Both Ehrlichman and Haldeman,
ilthough devoted to Nixon, did not have
in understanding of Washington or
:ongress."
Some White House compromises with
3ongress are predicted in the weeks
head?but not necessarily because of
Vatergate. "It's just part of the job of
loing business in Washington," as one
asider put it. From another insider came
his comment:
"Nixon cannot afford to let Watergate
often his stern stand against high
pending. If we permit weakness to
.evelop because of Watergate in our
.ealings with Congress or with the bu-
mucracy or with foreign countries, then
re have had it. We might just as well
ack up and go home. All the goals we
re striving for must be sought just as
arnestly as before Watergate."
A sampling of opinion of congressional
iaders?in both parties?indicates that
ie President's "clout" with lawmakers
as been diminished by Watergate. Some
redict he may lose a few close tests he
-ould have won.
Yet, it is suggested, the departure of
/bite House aides who were never pop-
ar with lawmakers might open the way
? an era of better Mat ions,
On the President's action to clear up
le Watergate affair, many members of
ongress?ineluding sonic Republicans?
el he did not go far enough.
On President Nixon's ability to pick
f the pieces and rebuild his Administra-
mi, a widely held view in Congress
as expressed by one leader in these
ords:
"Yes, be can?but he'll have to pay
ore attention to Congress and he'll have
be tough, on prosecuting the guilty
the Watergate case."
How the lid blew, page 20; key men
new jobs, 24; the ConnallApipmafd F
ct of President's address, 70; world
Ir=lar ff. iVaforitate, 75.
INVESTIGATORS TURN ATTENTION TO
MILLIONS IN SECRET CAMPAIGN FUNDS
EXPLOSIVE NEW disclosures on Nixon
re-election campaign funds are
widening the scandal erupting from
the Watergate case.
A rush of sensational developments
came early in May.
On May 4, sworn testimony of
Hugh W. Sloan, Jr., former treasurer
of the Committee to Re-Elect the
President revealed this:
, Mr. Sloan said he destroyed the
original records of between 1 million
and 2 million dollars in cash con-
tributions on orders of Maurice Stans,
former U. S. Secretary of Commerce
Maurice Stans. His handling of polit.
ical contributions comes ,under fire.
and finance chief of the re-election
committee.
The testimony was given in a dep-
osition taken in connection with a
suit against the re-election commit-
tee by Common Cause, a public-
interest lobby. The suit demands an
airing of campaign contributions made
before the new federal election law
took effect last April 7.
Also on .May 4: "The New York
Times" said that Herbert W. Kalm-
tributions he handled before the new
federal law became operative.
Investigators are focusing on three
sets of secret funds, according to
"The Washington Post."
One?linked directly to the Water-
gate bugging operation?was a cash
hoard said to have been kept in a
safe in Mr. Stans's office. It is said to
have fluctuated from $350,000 to
$700,000 or more.
A second account, reported to have
contained up to $500,000, was kept
in a Newport Beach, Calif., bank,
under Mr. Kalmbach's name.
The third fund, "The Post" said,
amounted to $350,000 kept in a safe
at the White House, allegedly under
the jurisdiction of H. R. IIaldeman,
who resigned on April 30 as Mr. Nix-
on's chief of staff. This money, the
newspaper said, was shifted from the
re-election 'committee to the White
House before April 7.
The grand jury investigating the
Watergate case is attempting to de-
termine whether "hush money" for
the seven convicted conspirators came
from the secret funds. That issue is
certain to figure importantly in com-
ing Senate hearings.
Campaign agent indicted. One
way in which campaign money was
spent was suggested on May 4 when
a federal grand jury in Orlando, Fla.,
? indicted Donald II. Segretti, a paid
agent of Nixon campaign officials. He
was charged with being the author
of fake and scurrilous smear letters
circulated in an attempt to sabotage
Senator Edmund S. Muskie (Dem.),
of Maine, in the 1972 Florida presi-
dential primary.
A federal grand jury in New York
is investigating a $200,000 donation
to the Nixon campaign by Robert
Vesco, a target of fraud charges
made by the Securities and Exchange
Commission. Mr. Stalls and former
U. S. Attorney General John N. Mitch-
ell, who resigned as campaign chief
two weeks after the Watergate break-
in, are figures in that inquiry.
On May 2, the Justice Depart-
ment accused the re-election commit-
tee of "failing to make required
reports on a $200,000 contribution."
As the campaign scandal grew,
ousted White House legal counsel
John W. Dean III announced pub-
bach, California lawyer who was lie! Ma 4 he hit placed Water-
Rekatteao04108104driCtill-BDR-84POOMWM9AIN, -4 safe-deposit
has told Government investigators he box because he feared his White
destroyed all records of campaign con- House safe might be burglarized.
%id Leig,ii
WTHE9'L1ITB1iIN"D F F
Almost obscured by the
White House crisis are the latest
details of the Watergate story
itself. Added together, they
forced the President to act.
f WAS A SERIES of rapid, dramatic
I developments that moved President
Nixon to action in the long-festering
Watergate scandal.
For nine months after the break-in at
Democratic Party headquarters. in Wash-
ington's Watergate complex last June
17, it appeared that the bizarre episode
might come to a dead end with the con-
viction of the seven men arrested in the
bugging plot.
Indictment and trial had failed to
break the silence of the defendants.
What was described as a massive
probe by the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation under the then Acting Director L.
Patrick Gray III shed no public light on
whether "higher-ups" were involved.
All this time, President Nixon?relying,
he said, on reports from trusted aides?
continued to absolve publicly members
of his White House staff.
The McCord letter. Suddenly, on
March 23, the lid blew off.
On that day, ? U. S. District Court
Judge John J. Sirica made public a letter
to him from convicted Watergate con-
spirator James W. McCord, Jr.
The letter charged perjury at the
trial of the "Watergate Seven," pressure
on the defendants to keep silent and
plead guilty, and involvement of other
persons.
From that day forward there were
sensational developments almost daily.
But these developments lacked official
verification. Instead, as reported in "The
Washington Post," "The Washington
Star-News," "The New York Times"
and other newspapers, they were based
on leaks, hearsay, the allegations of
unidentified "reliable sources," and other
material ferreted out by newsmen.
The news stories told of furious in-
fighting behind the scenes.
"To save the Presidency." It was
reported that on March 20?a day after
Mr. McCord wrote his letter to Judge
Sirica and three days before it was
made public?White House counsel John
W. Dean III told the President this: "To
save the Presidency," Mr. Dean and the
Chief Executive's two top assistants, H.
B. Haldeman and John D. Ehrlichman,
John N. Mitchell says
to approve plan to bug
he refused
Democrats.
The Watergate complex. Circled area was
scene of the break-in on June 17, 1972.
H. R. Haldeman resigned as chief
of President's White House staff.
John W. Dean Ill was ousted by Mr.
Nixon as White House legal counsel.
the bugging plot and
face the consequences.
Meanwhile, Mr. McCord was being
questioned in secret session by Senate in-
vestigators. Word leaked that he named
Mr. Dean and Jeb Stuart Magruder,
former deputy manager of the Nixon
Campaign Committee, as having known
a cover-up, and
?UPI, Wide World Photos
John D. Ehrlichman quit post as the Presi-
dent's top assistant for domestic affairs.
Next, news reports said that Mr. Mc-
Cord had implicated John N. Mitchell,
former U. S. Attorney General and cam-
paign chief.
Mr. Mitchell, who had resigned as
campaign director two weeks after the
break-in, denounced the implication as
"slanderous."
First casualty. More was to be
heard from Mr.. Mitchell later. But first,
Mr. Gray became a Watergate casualty.
On April 5, when it became clear that
because of Senators' dissatisfaction with
his role in the bugging investigation he
could not be confirmed as FBI Director,
the President, at Mr. Gray's request,
would have to tell all they knew about of the espionage conTras I:continued on next news page)
20 - U. S. NEWS WORLD REPORT, May 14, 1973
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WATERGATE HISTORY
[continued from page 20]
withdrew the nomination. But Mr. Gray
stayed on as Acting Director.
On April 14, Mr. Mitchell was sum-
moned to the White House for a secret
conference.
That week-end, there were other der
vclopments. At a meeting in his "hide-
away" office in the Executive Office
Building, Attorney General Richard G.
Kleindicnst and Assistant Attorney Gen-
eral Henry Petersen told Mr. Nixon that
witnesses were changing stories and
pointing accusing fingers.
It was this information that led the
President to announce on April 17 that
he had learned of "serious charges" and
that he was personally taking over the
investigation of possible White House
involvement?a probe that had been han-
dled from the beginning by Mr. Dean.
Mr. Nixon did not disclose the nature
of the information. But news stories on
April 19 said that Mr. Magruder was
ready to tell a federal grand jury that
he helped plan the Watergate invasion
along with Mr. Dean and Mr. Mitchell?
and that Mr. Mitchell had arranged pay-
ments to buy the silence of the convicted
conspirators.
Mr. Dean issued a statement declar-
ing that he refused to be made a "scape-
goat" in the scandal. Mr. Kleindienst?
because of "close personal and profes-
sional relationships' with persons against
whom allegations were being made?re-
moved himself from the Justice Depart-
ment's investigation, which was left in
Mr. Peterson's hands. On April 30, he
resigned as Attorney General.
On April 20, Mr. Mitchell testified be-
fore the grand jury. He told reporters
later that early in 1972 he had attended
three meetings at which bugging the
Democrats was discussed?one while he
was still Attorney General?but that he
had refused to approve the plans.
Also on that day, news stories report-
ed that Mr. Dean was ready to implicate
Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman in a
cover-up of the scandal. Next day, Mr.
Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman?who
have steadfastly maintained their inno-
cence of any wrongdoing?retained a
noted Washington trial attorney, John /,
Wilson.
Side issues. Throughout the hectic
course of the Watergate investigations,
related but unsubstantiated charges of
improper involvement by campaign offi-
cials in other activities were headlined.
For example, "The Washington Post"
reported on April 24 that a grand jury
in New York was investitiglia
000 cash contribution to
paign by Robert Vesco, target of a fraud
21 1.11`,.. tA rtr tie k? ? 1 MT.
-RDP84-004991R,Q90200010002-2
?Wide World Photo
Charges by James W. McCord, Jr.,
led to explosive developments.
investigation by the gecurities and Ex-
change Commission.
The newspaper said the grand jury
was concentrating on? the roles of Mr.
Mitchell and Maurice Stans, former U. S.
Secretary of Commerce, who was finance
chief of the re-election campaign.
On April 27, Mr. Gray resigned from
his FBI post in the wake of published
reports that, after a White House meet-
ing with Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Dean,
he had destroyed documents from the
files of convicted Watergate conspirator
E. Howard Hunt, Jr. Mr. Gray said
that, when the documents were dis-
posed of, he was unaware of their nature.
The material allegedly included phony
State Department cables, fabricated so
as to link the late President John F.
Kennedy with the 1963 assassination of
South Vietnamese President Ngo Dinh
Diem, as well as documents bearing on
the Chappaquiddick tragedy involving
Senator Edward M. Kennedy, in which
a young woman was drowned.
Another burglary? Still another bi-
zarre development came at the Pentagon
Papers trial of Daniel Ellsberg in Los
Angeles.
On April 27, Federal judge W. Ma-
thew Byrne, Jr., received a copy of a
memorandum from Earl J. Silbert, prose-
cutor in the Watergate case. The memo
said Mr. Silbert had information that
convicted Watergate conspirators E.
Howard Hunt, nd G. Gordon Liddy
had burglarized Jr.,the Los Angeles office
of Mr. Ellsberg's psychiatrist,
On May 1, judge Byrne handed to
Manse attorney the report of an FBI
interview with Mr. Ehrlichman, con-
ducted on April 27.
The report quoted Mr. Ehrlichman as
saying he had hired Mr. Hunt and Mr.
Liddy to . investigate the Pentagon Pa-
pers matter "directly out of the White
House," and that part of that inquiry
was preparation of a "psychological pro-
fie" of
RellqUeiMP? CiAllaliigh1i2R49
learned of the break-in at the psychia-
trist's office?which occurred in 1971?
after it had taken place and that he in-
structed Mr. IIunt and Mr. Liddy "not
to do it again."
The exodus. Such sidelights distract-
ed public attention only momentarily
from the Watergate scandal and its
still-to-be-answered questions. ,;(..
In letters of resignation on 'April 30,
Mr. IIaldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman af-
firmed their innocence of wrongdoing
and expressed confidence? that they
would be vindicated.
As the greatly broadened affair head-
ed for further grand-jury proceedings
and televised hearings before a Senate
investigating committee, the spotlight
was on Mr. Dean. News stories gave
this account of events that put him in
the role of star witness:
The 34-year-old lawyer?fired from
his job as counsel to the President on
April 30?was described as having be-
come convinced weeks ago that he had
been misled by his superiors, Mr. Hal-
deman and Mr. Ehrlichman.
Mr. Dean was said to have gone to
federal prosecutors to tell his story.
Within hours, according to the pub-
lished accounts, the prosecutors con-
fronted Mr. Magruder with allegations
that he had committed perjury in de-
nying knowledge of the bugging plot,
and then received from him confirma-
tion of a series of meetings hatching
the conspiracy early in 1972.
From that point, the news stories
said, the grand-jury probe had a differ-
ent focus?and new information was ac-
cumulated by the President in his own
investigation.
All of this led to the dramatic actions
announced by Mr. Nixon on April 30.
But neither the resignations of top
aides nor the President's televised ad-
dress on the night of April 30 cleared
away the Watergate mystery.
In its editions of May 2, "The New
York Times" quoted Government inves-
tigators as saying they have evidence
that high-ranking officials of the White
House and the campaign committee con-
spired to arrange a cover-up designed
to obstruct the investigation.
Involved, according to "The Times"
account, were Mr. Haldeman, Mr. Ehr-
lichman, Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Dean, Mr.
Magruder, and Frederick C. LaRue, a
former White House aide.
The sequence of sensational events
has set the stage for further revelations
through the grand jury, the courts, and
Senate hearings.
So far, the scandal has been brought
before the public mainly through leaks,"
information from anonymous "sources"
hmititti ki story?told under
an sprea upon the official record
?is still to come.
?
? :
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THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, 0. C, Wednesday, May 9, 1973
McCORD MEMORANDUM
B ) SEYMOUR M. HERSH
New York Times News Service
James W. McCord Jr.
has charged that he was
pressured on two Occa-
sions before his trial to say
that he and his colleagues
were working on a CIA
operation at the time of
their arrest in the Water-
gate break-in.
In a memorandum to
federal and Senate investi-
gators made available to
the New York Times,
McCord said that at one
point Gerald Alch, his
attorney, told him that his
personnel records at CIA
could be altered, if need-
ed, to show that he had
been restored to active
duty
McCord retired in 1970
after 19 years of CIA serv-
ice.
McCord quoted Alch as
saying that, James R.
Schlesinger, the newly
designated CIA director,
"could be subpoenaed (to
testify at the trial) and
would go along with it."
AT NO POINT in the
document did McCord say
who he thought was the
source of the pressure. But
he said that, by the time
the actual trial began in
January, "I was complete-
ly convinced that the
White House was behind
the idea and ploy which
had been presented, and
that the White House was
? turning ruthless, 'and
would do whatever was
politcally expedient at any
one particular point in
time to accomplish its own
ends."
McCord said his refusal
to go along with the plan
infuriated E. Howard Hunt
Jr., .a fellow member of
the Watergate break-in
team who ,had served in
the CIA for 20 years.
A CIA spokesman ex-
pressed surprise at Mc-
Cord's memo but said
there would be no immedi-
ate comment.
Alch declared through
an associate that "it would
be inappropriate to com-
ment at this time because
of his attorney-client
relationship" with Mc-
Cord. Alch is still repre-
senting McCord in the
criminal case stemming
from the Watergate ar-
rests.
HOWEVER, another
lawyer who was involved
in the case confirmed that
there had been serious
discussions among the
defendants and their law-
yers about the possibility ?
of contending that the men
had been participating in a
CIA mission. The lawyer,
who requested anonymity,
said.
"The general thought
was that the CIA would
keep a discreet silence.
We figured that they
wouldn't dare come
forth."
He added that he "got
the impression" that the
Committee for the Re-
election of the President
certainly had no objection
to that kind of a defense."
In his memorandum,
which was dated May 4
and delivered to the inves-
tigators Monday, McCord
noted:
"There had been indica-
tions as early as July"
that the CRP was claiming
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\ THLEsyZolNn,?).Faszinjoc:Av r,49E4is
?
that the Watergate opera-
tion "was a CIA opera-
,tion."
McCord quoted Hunt's
wife, Dorothy, who report-
edly handled money for
the Watergate defendants,
after their arrests, as hav-
ing said that Paul L.
O'Brien, a CRP attorney,
had first told her that the
break-in at the Democrat-
ic National Committee was
a CIA operation.
O'Brien, who is known to
be under investigation by
the grand jury in connec-
tion with any coverup of
Watergate, was unavaila-
ble for comment.
MCCORD further quoted
Hunt as saying on more
than one occasion before
the trial that he (Hunt)
had information in his pos-
session that "would be suf-
ficient to impeach the
President."
McCord went on to quote
Mrs. Hunt (who died last
winter in a plane crash) as
having said that her hus-
band had delivered a bit-
ter letter to Kenneth W.
Parkinson, another Re--
publican lawyer, in which
Hunt had threatened "to .
blow the White House out. ,
of the water." The threat
was apparently made be-
cause Hunt was not receiv-
ing enough payoff money
from the CRP in the
months after his arrest,
other sources have said.
Parkinson, who is also a
target of the current grand
jury investigation to deter-
mine whether there was
any obstruction of justice
after the break-in, denied
any knowledge of a plan to
describe the bugging as a.
CIA operation.
In his memorandum,
McCord said that he had
become convinced that '
high-level White House of-
ficials were trying to get
control over CIA intelli-
gence assessments and
estimates, "in order to
make them conform to
'White House policy.'"
McCord said that he had
become convinced that the
White House dismissed
Richard Helms as CIA
director last fall "in order
to put its own man in con-
trol." Another purpose,
the memo said, was "to
lay the foundation for
claiming that the Water- .
gate operation had been a
'CIA operation," and that
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA7RDE7814e1-N01461:0066%5002-2
,s/Hc- ;rid
Approved For liglease 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-0049914100200010002.-2
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS E-19
Washington, D. C., Friday, May 11, 1973
? terg te
t a 61 rice
Telephones used by reporters for at least
three newspapers were bugged by the Nixon
administration over a two- year period begin-
ning in 1969, sources have reported. Page A-4.
Former White House aide John W. Dean
III has complained that "national security"
arguments were being used to tr y to stop him
from giving full testimony on the Watergate
case. However, former White House aide
Charles W. Colson has said Dean himself used
that argument to prevent disclosures to the
FBI about a Watergate-related incident. Page
E-19.
Atty. Gen.-designate Elliot L. Richardson,
testif ying at his nomination hearings, left in
doubt the powers he will grant to a special
prosecutor. Page A-16.
Chairman Sam Ervin of the Senate's Wa-
tergate committee has defended his panel's
plans to go ahead with its public hearings.
Page A-4.
The FBI has admitted wiretapping the
suburban Mar yland home telephone of a man
who had just left a sensitive post with the Na-
tional Securit y Council. Page A-2.
President Nixon chose William E. Colb y
as the new director of the Central Intelligence
Agency. The move restored leadership of the
CIA to one of the group of professionals who
have dominated the agenc y since its begins
ning in 1947. Page E-19.
\ Former Att y. Gen. John N. Mitchell be-
came the second man in U.S. histor y to be
charged with a crime after being the nation's
top law-keeper. But troubles came to him in
politics during the first Nixon administration
with the TIT case, and grew from there. See
Page E-I9.
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CiA-RDP84-00499R0002000 10002-2
,
!TVLIIj',IIUt tiVi.? 14.)1i1
DefyingNixtstis2
THE jowls jiggled. The eyebrows
rolled up and down in waves. The
forehead seemed seized by spasms. Yet
the lips continuously courted a smile,
suggesting an inner bemusement. The
words tumbled out disarmingly, soft-
ened by the gentle Southern tones and
the folksy idiom. But they conveyed a
sense of moral outrage.
"Divine right went out with the
American Revolution and doesn't be-
long to White House aides," the speak-
er said. "What meat do they eat that
makes them grow so great? I am not
willing to elevate them to a position
above the great mass of the American
people. I don't think we have any such
thing as royalty or nobility that exempts
them. I'm not going to let anybody come
down at night like Nicodemus* and
*According to the Gospel of John. Nicodemus, a
Pharisee, came to Jesus at night and asked him
about his teachings and his divinity.
STAN WAY AN
Approvea For Rele
whisper something in my ear that
no one else can hear. That is not
Executive privilege. It is Executive
poppycock."
With those words, typically skitter-
ing from Shakespeare to the Bible,
North Carolina's Democratic Senator
Sam J. Ervin Jr. was stepping up the rap-
idly accelerating tempo, in a showdown
over secrecy between the U.S. Senate
and President Nixon. If the President
will not allow his aides to testify pub-
licly and under oath bef9re the Select
Senate Committee on Presidential
Campaign Activities, Ervin vows, he
will seek to have them arrested.
That threat is not an idle one. Er-
vin, 76, is chairman of the select com-
mittee that is investigating attempts to
interfere with last year's presidential
campaign. That includes the break-tn.
and wiretapping of Democratic Nation-
al Committee headquarters in Washing-
ton's Watergate complex last June. In
defying Sam Ervin on this matter, the
President is in collision with the most
formidable Senator that this proud body
could choose to lead its cause. Charm-
ing yet fearless, Ervin is the Senate's
foremost authority on the Constitution,
a former state supreme court justice and
one of the few legislators who prefer
the hard work of personal research in
quiet libraries to the hurly-burly of
cloakroom arm-twisting. He has, in a
sense, spent much of his career prepar-
ing for precisely this kind of fight.
The Ervin committee, which has
full subpoena powers, also has solid le-
gal grounds for contending that White
House officials cannot spurn any such
subpoenas. Since he hopes to begin tele-
vised hearings in about two weeks, the
issue is reaching a climax. It could eas-
ily lead to the most fascinating Capitol
Hill TV drama since the Army-McCar-
thy hearings of 1954.
Mess. The stakes go far beyond
whatever may be discovered about Wa-
tergate. Already, the adverse implica-
tions of that affair have undermined the
credibility of Richard Nixon as a lead-
er devoted to rigid standards of old-
fashioned morality, to a stern and equal
application of law, to an open and ac-
countable Administration. Until the
Watergate mess is cleared up, Nixon's
closest political and official associates
?and the President himself?will be
operating under the handicap of a wide-
spread and bipartisan suspicion that
they have something sinister to hide.
Serious charges have been made in
testimony before Senate committees
and a grand jury in Washington, in
statements by FBI agents and convicted
Watergate conspirators, and in press re-
ports that have not been effectively re-
1111
INRIGHT-MIAMI NEWS
cash from secret donors, including one
who is under investigation for violating
federal laws. They failed to keep the
complete financial records required by
law. The President's personal lawyer ad-
mitted paying a political saboteur, and
his official lawyer recommended the hir-
ing of one of the Watergate conspir-
ators. The FBI was used to gather cam-
paign information, and cooperated
chummily with White House officials
whom it should have been investigating.
Last week the Watergate affair
claimed its highest-level casualty so far.
Nixon reluctantly complied with the re-
quest by L. Patrick Gray III that his
name be withdrawn from Senate con-
sideration as permanent director of the
FBI (see following story page 16).
Ervin's dramatic drive to clarify all
the murky mysteries surrounding Wa-
tergate is part of an even broader clash
between two branches of Government.
The White House and the Congress are
locked in a struggle that goes to the very
foundations of the Constitution. On a
wide variety of fronts, Ervin is leading
the challenge to the Executive Branch's
expansion of power.
Beyond being the chief Watergate
prober, Ervin is a key member of a spe-
cial Senate subcommittee set up to in-
vestigate the President's excessive use
of Executive privilege. The subcommit-
tee, chaired by Maine's Senator Ed-
mund Muskie, will begin hearings this
week. Ervin is also chairman of the Sen-
ate's Judiciary Subcommittee on Con-
stitutional Rights, which is trying
to block Administration-supported at-
tempts to force newsmen to reveal their
confidential sources in judicial proceed-
ings. He has proposed a "press shield"
law that would protect newsmen who
butted. Officials of the President's re-
200410M4n)iGIAgROPUs0040300017/26W1b0t12g2
are subpoenaed at federal and state lev-
o reveal their sources
SENATOR ERVIN
TIME, APRIL 16, 1973
Approved Fonaelmgm MA/14CIP/84ng? Plf?TOPENTIPPAPPPSIM110R9Az? by Watergate
last taken alarm. It has decided that it and want the real culprits exposed. Also,
many Congressmen disdain such inti-
mate Nixon aides as John Ehrlichman,
H.R. Haldeman and their assistants,
who are often regarded by veteran pol-
iticians as arrogant, inexperienced and
selfishly protective of the President.
Noting that some members of the White
House staff seem to be enmeshed in the
Watergate affair, one Republican Sen-
ator said sarcastically: "It couldn't hap-
pen to a better bunch of guys."
In addition, Senators of both par-
ties almost unanimously dispute Nix-
on's claim that Executive privilege pro-
tects his staff against congressional
inquiry. That idea, unmentioned in the
Constitution, rests on the doctrine of the
separation of powers between the
branches of Government. The thinking
is that Congress cannot intrude upon
the decision-making process of the Ex-
ecutive Branch and thus cannot demand
to know the private advice that the Pres-
ident gets from his staff. Indeed, Pres-
idents have traditionally demanded and
been granted this privilege.
In his Watergate investigation, Sam
needs a constitutionalist?a man of
great legal knowledge and judicial tem-
perament?and in discovering that fact,
it has discovered Sam Ervin."
Ervin is no brashly partisan Dem-
ocrat seeking publicity by challenging
the Republican President. Basically a
shy if mirthful man, he has spent 19
years in the Senate without attracting
much national attention. His press con-
ference last week was only the third one
that he has called in all of those years.
In many ways, despite his party affili-
ation, he is Nixon's kind of Senator. He
is probably even more tightfisted and fis-
cally conservative than the President.
In interpreting the Constitution, he ful-
ly meets Nixon's standard of a "strict
constructionist." Nixon recently called
him "a great constitutional lawyer." No
one is more eager than Ervin to go along
with a central theme of Nixon's second
inaugural address: "We have lived too
long with the consequences of attempt-
AM ing to gather all power and responsi-
bility in Washington."
It is precisely because he feels that
his beloved Constitution is being tram-
pled upon by the President in an un-
precedented power grab that Ervin is
leading the effort in Congress to regain
its rights. He considers the Nixon Ad-
ministration "the most oppressive" that
he has known, not only in its arrogance
toward Congress but in its snooping on
individuals, its extension of police pow-
ers and its harassing of newsmen. Ervin
sees all such activity as violating the
Constitution, which he calls "the finest
thing to come out of the mind of man."
Thirst. Throughout Ervin's long ca-
reer he has distrusted what he calls "the'
insatiable thirst for power of well-mean-
ing men." As he sees it, "the Consti-
tution was made to guard the people
against the dangers of good intentions.
There are mbn of all ages who mean to
govern. They promise to be good mas-
ters, but they mean to be masters. The
Constitution was written primarily to
keep the Government from being mas-
ters of the American people."
Self-effacing and good-natured, al-
though never a backslapper, Ervin was
chosen by Senate Majority Leader Mike
Mansfield to head the select committee
because, Mansfield explained: "Sam is
the only man we could have picked on
either side who would have the respect
of the Senate as a whole." Moreover,
Ervin does not now have?and never
has had?higher political ambitions. It
is ironic that liberals, in particular, see
Ervin as a heroic figure. Not too many
years ago they were gnashing their teeth
at his skillful, legal arguments against
civil rights laws.
?and in a way it is true. For more than Now Ervin has the broad support
a dozen years, he has chaired hearing of not only the Senate's Democratic lib-
after hearing on caliapprniveld FightReleasebiDOWN/D4rfa&fhtiRENR44141904 9R000200016002-2
and the erosion of the separation of fives and many Republicans. Nixon's sez
powers. Those hearings were conducted cretin handling of thE W?t tflF
gli4144 ERfilfhtliFF 10411-1k 11R4 OrPI)M1
or unpublished unpublished information, unless
they had witnessed a crime or had per-
sonally received a confession. Ervin had
modified his bill several times on the
basis of testimony before his committee
?an example of how open he is to rea-
soned arguments by witnesses.
In addition, Ervin is chairman of
two Senate bodies?the Government
Operations Committee and the Judicia-
ry Subcommittee on the Separation of
Powers?that are trying to prevent the
President from impounding funds. Nix-
on ?is claiming the right to withhold
funds that have been voted by Congress
and thus in effect to determine Gov-
ernment priorities regardless of the ex-
press wish of congressional lawmakers.
Last week Ervin introduced an amend-
ment to an unrelated bill that would
oblige the President to seek congressio-
nal approval before impounding any
funds. The amendment passed, 70 to 24.
If the amendment is enacted, Nix-
on will veto it. The difficulty of over-
riding such a veto was convincingly
demonstrated last week when Senators
failed by four votes to muster the two-
thirds vote necessary to overcome Nix-
on's veto of a $2.6 billion program to
rehabilitate handicapped persons: the
first such spending clash of the new con-
gressional term.
Why, so late in his career, has the
Senate turned to Sam Ervin to carry its
banner in so many battles? Reports
TIME's congressional correspondent
Neil MacNeil: "Sam Ervin has been
called 'the last of the founding fathers'?
STIVZ NORTHUP
in turmoil over what to do about the tent in his limited view of federal au- committee hearings, he has attacked the
rampaging anti-Communist antics "f thority. Some of his scholarly critics enmpilation by various Government
Wisconsin Senato feCii,..n.iestugplApilithaynXr.v6A_Fgpiptiiitywik' 9 cam. .61eg' 6609 Astitp2s2nge of personal
and the Supreme c me-aer- seemt fo?fac'R'N'llib Amen ment, whiair 751Aptiferized data on citizens. He has
sion ordering the desegregation of pub- provides for due process and equal denounced the Nixon Administration's
lie schools. Ervin soon became em- treatment under the law. Ervin now crime bill for Washington, D.C., which
broiled in both battles. concedes that, under the 14th Amend- , permits jailing people who are consid-
Senator after Senator timidly turned ment, a constitutional case can be made ered dangerous but have not been con-
down the thankless task of serving on for dismantling dual school systems, but victed of any crime, as "a blueprint for
the committee that would consider he still insists that it provides no power a police state."
whether McCarthy should be cengured. to compel schools to integrate. Despite his blunt language when
Lyndon Johnson, then minority leader, In pursuing his independent course aroused, Ervin is a compassionate man
turned to Ervin because of his back- in the Senate, Ervin has deplored wire- who has conducted his many committee
ground as a judge. Ervin served on the tapping by federal authorities but has hearings with courtesy and respect for
committee and wholeheartedly advo- shown little .concern about it at state witnesses. The transcripts are replete
'cated censure after hearing the evi- and local levels. He drew the wrath of with phrases like "I am very much im-
dence. His first major speech on the Sen- Women's Liberationists by fighting the pressed by your statement" or "1 want
ate floor denounced McCarthy for his women's rights amendment to the Con- to congratulate you on the very lucid
"fantastic and foul accusations." Ervin stitution, terming it the "unisex amend- manner in which you stated your
declared that McCarthy should be ex- ment" and contending that it would de- views." That is partly why Ervin seems
to be the ideal Senator to hold those po-
tentially volatile hearings on the many
ramifications of Watergate.
That reputation for fairness was tar-
nished two weeks ago, when Ervin was
called away to attend the funeral of his
youngest brother. In his absence, the in-
vestigation almost got out of hand. One
of the convicted Watergate wiretappers,
James W. McCord Jr., began making
sensational allegations of White House
involvement. He talked to the commit-
tee's staff investigator, Samuel Dash, 48,
and to the committee itself. Dash, try-
ing to apply pressure on the six other
convicted conspirators to also talk, un-
wisely called a press conference to re-
veal that McCord had "promised to tell
everything he knows."
Leaks. There were widespread
leaks to newsmen about McCord's
charges?all of which seemed to be
based on hearsay and were so far unsub-
stantiated. One committee member,
Connecticut Republican Lowell P.
Weicker Jr., publicly demanded the res-
ignation of Haldeman, the President's
chief of staff. Weicker claimed that Hal-
deman "probably" knew about an oper-
ation of political sabotage against the
Democrats that was far broader than
the Watergate eavesdropping.
The resulting news stories gave
Presidential Press Secretary Ziegler a
choice opportunity last week to accuse
the Ervin committee of "irresponsible
leaks of tidal-wave proportions." Add-
ed Ziegler: "I would encourage the
chairman to get his own disorganized
house in order so that the investigation
can go forward in a proper atmosphere
of traditional fairness and due process."
Ervin, returning to Washington,
moved to do just that. He protested that
the leaks were coming not from his
committee but from McCord's lawyers.
Nevertheless, with the support of the
committee's ranking Republican, Ten-
nessee's Howard H. Baker Jr.,* Ervin
ordered the committee not to hold any
more closed-door hearings. Prospective
witnesses would talk only privately to
OLIPHANT?THE DENVER POST
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'TO 000
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rAMERPA,
alk
Impounded.
pelted because he was afflicted with ei-
ther "moral incapacity" or "mental in-
capacity." After the Senate censured
McCarthy, L.B.J. told Ervin: "You
showed that you don't scare easily."
Nor did Ervin shy from carrying the
banner of Southern states against school
integration, expanded voting rights and
opening public accommodations to
blacks. His arguments were based on a
higher intellectual plane than those of
most Southern Senators, but this seemed
a blind spot in his general devotion to in-
dividual rights. He held that the Su-
preme Court should never have taken
up the Brown case, that it was legis-
lating rather than interpreting. He could
never see how federal law could force
the owner of a hamburger stand to serve
-
prive women of such present legal
benefits as exemption from the draft
and freedom from prosecution for non-
support of children. Despite his church-
going constituency, he has fought at-
tempts to permit prayer in public
schools. The Constitution, he insists, has
wisely erected a wall between church
and state.
With little fanfare, Ervin has used
his chairmanships to advance individual
liberties. He inspired the revised Uni-
form Code of Military Justice, claim-
ing that servicemen were subject to ar-
bitrary discipline rather than justice. He
pushed through a bill preventing any In-
dian tribal council from depriving an
Indian of his constitutional rights. Er-
vin led a reform of the bail system giv-
everyone, on the assumption that the ing judges the power to release suspects
seller was engaged in interstate corn- too poor to pay bail but likely to ap-
merce. In Ervin's view, busing white pear for trial. He secured passage of a
children from neighborhood schools de- bill limiting the use of lie-detector tests
prives them of their rights in the vague in screening federal employees.
hope of helping blacks. Ervin contended Ervin has exposed the widespread
that the Government has no power to surveillance of antiwar groups, black "Besides Ervin, Baker and Weicker, the select
e.al-
T
require such acts. Approved For Relealt1640010090041:0311egiRE08443049WWItt 'osrats Hrman EMo
skid Joseph M. n-
In a sense, Ervin has been consis- Senators by the U.S. Army. Through toya, and Republican E ward J. Gurney.
14 TIME, APRIL 16, 1973
Approved FotiI
and more eager still to have his disclo-
sures get out. Some of them have, since
he first broke the silence a fortnight ago
and started talking to the Ervin commit-
tee in secret session; various leaks from
his closed-door testimony had him impli-
cating Mitchell, Dean and deputy cam-
paign director job Stuart Magruder and
vaguely mentioning Haldeman. That most
of this was second-hand information?
based, so McCord said, on what Liddy
had told him?did not diminish the em-
barrassment it caused the Republicans,
and some of the pain was evident in his
further appearances last week. He was
questioned for several hours in a civil
suit stemming from the Watergate break-
in and was portrayed by a GOP lawyer
afterward as "a highly nervous, upset,
emotionally disturbed man." He seemed
cool enough going before the Watergate
grand jury under a grant of immunity
next day, but one source said the early
questioning seemed mainly aimed at dis-
crediting what McCord had been telling
everybody else as hearsay.
Bug Central: McCord may tell a fuller
story when and if his press conference
comes off. NEWSWEEK learned that he
was prepared to say . that he had been
told that Mitchell cleared the general
outline of Liddy's intelligence operation
and approved its $300,000 budget. Mc-
Cord's story, according to NEWSWEEK'S
source, is that Liddy and co-conspirator
E. Howard Hunt recruited him for their
team in part precisely by dropping
Mitchell's name. His assignments, NEWS-
WEEK'S source quoted him as saying,
were to bug three Democratic nerve cen-
ters: the Watergate headquarters, ac-
complished on Memorial Day 1972;
George McGovern's headquarters, where
three ttempts failed; and party offices
in Miami Beach's Fontainebleau Hotel
Ilerbiock C 1973 Wasning
1/..il a,. al...
NATIONAL - ?FAIRS
1/09/04: CIA-RD
019,002-2
UPI
Ervin (above), McCord: Chronic leakage
during the Democratic National Conven-
tion?a mission aborted by the Watergate
bust on June 17.
McCord, according to NEWSWEEK'S
source, is prepared to say he was told
that the ill-starred Watergate raid was
undertaken for Mitchell?that some docu-
ments the raiders had photographed on
Memorial Day had piqued Mitchell's in-
terest and that he wanted more. (Mitch-
ell has repeatedly denied any involve-
ment.) McCord insists he doesn't know
what was in the papers; electronics, not
photography, was his specialty. But he
was sure that somebody up there was
profiting by his own labors: his daily
wiretap logs were condensed and re-
typed by a secretary at Liddy's orders.
("Would you do that," NEWSWEEK'S
source asked, "unless you were sending
them on to higher-ups?") And, by Mc-
Cord's account, somebody up there was
likewise interested in keeping the Water-
gate raiders quiet: he may, NEWSWEEK
learned, name a prominent Republican
lawyer as the source of money used to
induce members of the Watergate gang
to remain silent.
The prospect of a free-for-all McCord
press conference was something less than
happy for the Ervin committee. He
would, for one thing, compromise his
worth as the committee's big-bang, lead-
off witness; he might, for another, only
further detract from the aura of cool
judicial process the inquiry will need to
WHIly McNameo?Newsweek
the press, eyebrows dancing in practiced
delight, and waved a bound volume of
his 1971 hearings on the separation of
governmental powers?"835 pages, small
type." "There is not a syllable in there
that lets the President claim this all-
encompassing immunity of executive
aides," Ervin declared. "That's not exec-
utive privilege, that's executive poppy-
cock ... The divine right of rulers per-
ished in America with the Revolution. per-
ished in
On the matter of the leaks,
Ervin was publicly regretful?"About all I
can do is pray the good Lord to give some
people the powers of restraint"?and pri-
vately determined to plug them up. The
committee sustained its worst embarrass-
ment yet with the publication of several
ill-documented stories that McCord had
directly implicated Haldeman?an over-
statement compounded when one of the
committee's own members, Connecticut
Republican Lowell Weicker, demanded
that Haldeman quit. Ervin and the com-
mittee's senior Republican, Howard Baker
of Tennessee, felt impelled to put out a
chagrined joint statement that they had
no such evidence thus far, and Weicker
subsequently agreed. Still, the damage
was done, and Ervin and Baker decreed
that hereafter any "secret" questioning
will be done for discretion's sake by the
committee's senior staff?not by the full
committee.
The Administration was not likely to be
appeased by the committee's access of
sustain its own credibility. That aura has good investigative manners, nor did it
been wanting thus far, and the result last relent during the week from its basic
week was to lay the committee investi- position that White House people will not
gation wide open to Administration testify in formal session. But the fall of
counterattack. Presidential press secre- L. Patrick Gray?a debacle the President
tary Ron Ziegler complained that the might conceivably have spared himself
leaks had reached "tidal-wave propor- by producing Dean as a witness for the
tions" and admonished Ervin to 'get his defense?remained as an object lesson.
own disorganized house in order so that Haldeman's visit to an informal caucus of
the investigation can go forward in a Hill Republicans late in March was a ges-
proper atmosphere of traditional fair- ture of sorts?a token as against a formal
ness and due process." appearance on camera and under oath,
Senator Ervin was quick to pick up the but a small act of diplomacy
i6 neverthe-
Rave
_0941690g g2n2he left behind was
4
Z
:
m o cour y manner an coun ys e w er r. on might now be ready
that promises to make his hearings the to submit his people to serious inquiry?
id?biiitliiiitip8t TV ser,lei of pie tiff ?nd gentle tlitit Torill at
Approved Fo?Zeleas
WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF HALDEMAN
the staff investigators until public hear-
ings begin. And the chairman ordered
the start of those hearings moved up so
that they would begin after the Easter
recess, which ends April 25.
Ervin and Baker took an even
stronger step, indirectly criticizing
Wcicker. They issued a short press re-
lease stating: "In the interests of fair-
ness and justice, the committee wishes
to state publicly that it has received no
evidence of any nature linking Mr. Hal-
deman with any illegal activities in con-
nection with the presidential campaign
of 1972." The chastised Weicker, ad-
mitting "I know when I've been zinged,"
said he had no such evidence against
Haldeman?but indicated that he still
thought Haldeman ought to quit be-
cause "he is chief of staff?and I hold
him responsible for what happened."
Watchdog. The Ervin orders to
hurry up the start of the hearings
seemed necessary to keep rumors from
running wild, but it shortened the time
for careful staff investigation into the
exceedingly complex and clouded af-
fair. A priority aim of the committee
would seem to be to unravel the tan-
gled role played by White House Coun-
sel Dean. He had insisted on sitting in
on FBI interviews with White House per-
sonnel, and had asked for all FBI reports,
but more as a White House watchdog,
it seemed, than in a search for truth.
Dean's role seems pivotal, and the
Ervin committee may have a tough time
finding out just what it was. Last week
Press Secretary Ziegler refused to re-
spond to a series of questions that TIME
put to him about both Dean and the
President. Assuming that Nixon had no
advance knowledge of the Watergate
wiretapping, what did the President do
when he heard about it? Did he sum-
mon his top aides and ask them about
it? If not, why not? Did he rely entirely
on Dean to conduct a White House in rvient. Thecipple
etplispa e WpR iReAn,2
PRESIDENTIAL COUNSEL JOHN DEAN IN HIS OFFICE AT THE WHITE HOUSE
who was involved? If so, why does he
not reveal all and spare himself the po-
tential embarrassment of having the
Ervin committee do so?
Those questions go, of course, to the
heart of just how much Nixon can be
hurt by the whole sordid affair. A sur-
vey conducted for the Wall Street Jour-
nal by a Princeton, N.J., polling firm
disclosed last week that Watergate is
arousing widespread concern and is se-
riously damaging the President and his
party. Clearly, Nixon and his staff are
going to have to face up to the con-
sequences of Watergate and the man-
ner in which the President's re-election
campaign was conducted. It is not
enough to issue indignant denials and
then claim that aides can discuss the
matter only in secret or behind the
closed doors of grand jury rooms.
Ervin is not going to stand for that
kind of evasion. For him, the Water-
gate investigation is a matter not just
of high politics or powerful personal-
ities but also of the most profound con-
stitutional principles. In a far different
context (a criminal case in which Ervin
as a state supreme court justice argued
to free a convicted man), he stated his
first concern. "What may be the ulti-
mate fate of the prisoner is of relative-
ly minor importance in the sum of
things," he wrote. "His role on life's
stage, like ours, soon ends. But what
happens to the law is of the gravest mo-
vestigation? What c
Was the President satisfied with what- far more desirable than that of hurry-
ever DOH told him or did he question ing RStriate tilher to what hitt? be his
it tit I itta - r
ocngEntiggit
4.1, ICI S OVA le cc ctili, 1114. 2,1 I le el ?
CONVICTED WIRETAPPER McCORD
conclude, after a fair hearing, that Nix-
on's top aides did not behave illegally
or unethically in last fall's presidential
campaign. If so, they have nothing to
fear from his committee. But if they
are not clean, they can expect no for-
giveness for sins against the spirit of
the Constitution from this persistent
libertarian, who declares that "open and
full disclosure of the governing pro-
cess is essential to the operation of a
kuiv&9j the past, vig-
?4=Eglagnii anif concerned about
the future, Senator Sam Ervin warns:
"Throughout histurV, mint? have in-
.Approved For,Velease 2001/09/
Wally McNamee?Newsweek
Patrick Gray: 'He read the tea leaves'
Haynie?Loulaville Courier-Journal
'Well, some of us can walk on Watergate
and some others can't . . . pity . .
Watergate Drags Pat Gray Under
The proliferating Watergate scandal has
cast the Nixon Administration in
shadow for nearly a year, and last week
it claimed its first acknowledged victim.
In a terse, ten-minute telephone call to
San Clemente, L. Patrick Gray III asked
the President to withdraw his nomina-
tion for director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation. His packing-in after elev-
en months as acting director had been
expected for weeks, and the President,
to whom he had become an increasing
embarrassment, accepted it with regret
but no apparent argument. "Gray read
the tea leaves," said one Republican sen-
ator when the word got out?and what
the tea leaves told him was that his stew-
ardship of the FBI's Watergate investi-
gation had finally been his ruin.
his fall came in the midst of a flurry
of name-naming in the Watergate case,
and while he was the first Administration
higher-up to go as a direct result, few
expected that he would be the last.
G. Gordon Liddy, the ringleader of the
original break-in at Demositic natinnpl
headquarters last June, u Hip r
stiff-lipped silence even in the face of an
extra jail sentence for contempt. But his
C2Lle.21_113 11U&(1:11 hait-MIM
bugsmith James W. McCord, was threat-
ening to go public this week or next with
a tell-all press conference. The results,
one source told NEWSWEEK'S Stephan
Lesher, could be explosive: McCord was
prepared to say he was told that former
Attorney General John Mitchell himself
ordered the celebrated June 17 Water-
gate raid.
McCord's meet-the-press plan only un-
derscored the circus atmosphere in which
the scandal has lately become enveloped
?a swirl of fact, leak and innuendo
aggravated by the Administration's own
reluctance to submit to impartial inquiry.
There were some. modest signs of give
last week when word got out that White
House chief of staff H.R. (Bob) Haldeman
had visited Capitol Hill and told a group
of Republicans that he had indeed initi-
ated a political intelligence-gathering
operation during the 1972 campaign?
none of it, mind you, illegal. But the
Nixonians remained at cross purposes
with Sen. Sam Ervin's select Watergate
t
Ogektiimenf ittor0444soio
dential staffers to testify. And the com-
mittee was itself painfully embarrassed
144.s1.1,Latt:rat.dfli4 tw kftnn ses:mts,_?_-
headlines and drove Ervin to stringent
measures to stem the hemorrhage.
It was too late to salvage Pat Gray.
His withdrawal closely followed a hasti-
ly convened secret meeting of the Sen-
ate Judiciary Committee, called to "dis-
pose of" Gray's nomination at last after
six weeks of hearings. Confirming him
was no longer among the live possibil-
ities. The opposition proposed killing his
nomination by postponing action indefin-
itely; Gray's friends, in retreat. sought
desperately to save him by tabling the
whole question till the Ervin hearings
run their course perhaps six months from
now. Neither choice was tolerable to a
man as dedicated to the bureau as Gray
?"The FBI," he said, "is entitled to
permanent leadership at the earliest
possible time"?and it was quickly clear
to him that he had been handed the re-
volver, his call to San Clemente fol-
lowed; the President shortly thereafter
put out a statement praising Gray, term-
ing the criticism of his conduct "unfair"-
04Witli.jitacatt 14tewdi.thdrawal had
In the end, it was Watergate that
dragged Gray under. He provided other
tm.akii,, nil. his OO'S-- hi& fMtilrin-OW41
tiff 91.044 hift#1ts th4fiftit tritl tt#FiiarPrItial by uj ta t tOrtto to out' ottwf
campaign. But he probably would have White House staffer testify and" in the
survived on his winning candor and end assented ,t2Ake,otrAn2g3k0493r84
-new-broom reforms hadklitPiliavBetEURektafiteArgiaWu4
the Democratic headquarters burglary Grapevine Intelligence: The question
that fell on his watch barely one and a was whom Mr. Nixon would name in-
half months after he succeeded J. Edgar stead. Speculation centered at first on
Hoover. Ile had, as it developed, been Assistant Attorney General Henry E. Pe-
extraordinarily deferential to the Presi- tersen, head of the Justice Department's
dent and his men during the inquiry? criminal division, but Petersen was corn-
had taken them at their unchecked word promised by his association with the Wa-
and had repeatedly sent raw Watergate tergate inquiry. Others on the list are
data around to Presidential counsel John William Sullivan, a former assistant FBI
Dean III, the man who had recommend- director who now heads a . Justice De-
ed Gordon Liddy to the Committee for partment intelligence unit; Myles Am-
the Re-election of the President. brose, another Justice expert on drugs,
Gray talked about this with a chatty, and U.S. Judge W. Matthew Byrne Jr.
slangy candor that won him friends ex- of Los Angeles, who is now presiding
cept where it counted, in the Senate over the Pentagon papers trial, Gray
(where he came off as the President's may be left with his Connecticut law
too-obedient servant) and in the Admin- practice and, perhaps, a nomination to
istration (which tried with only partial the U.S. Court of Appeals. "Forthright-
success to shut him up). Pro-forma en- ness, as much as the Watergate, cost me
dorsements kept emanating from the the job," he said, "but if I had to do it
White House, but the President criticized again I'd handle things the same way."
Gray for offering the bureau's raw files Forthrightness, albeit somewhat be-
arrinng ihe Water ote conjuraors lasi
week, with the notable exception of
994#141q.uht
i immunity
from
e afrFedefrarl-
iii"
their prosecution, Liddy?himself a law-
yer?took the Fifth Amendment in re-
sponse to some 30 questions. Among oth-
er things, he refused to say whether
"any other persons" had participated in
the Watergate raid and whether he had
received logs prepared by the bugging
team from the taps they had planted at
Democratic headquarters.
Liddy's lawyer said that answering
such questions might prejudice his cli-
ent's appeal in the original Watergate
case, but Federal Judge John J. Sirica
thought otherwise. "To give meaning
and coercive impact to the court's con-
tempt powers," Sirica stopped the clock
on Liddy's burglary sentence (from six
to twenty years) and jailed him for con-
tempt in the interim for the life of the
Watergate grand jury?a minimum of
eight additional months behind bars.
McCord, by contrast, was eager to talk
11111141.111,1111114.11.11/111111111114111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111$11111411111111111111U11111111111i11111111 1111111111111111111111111111111111014111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111101111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111:10111111111,11111 11111111 IllllalauIJlIpIIIlrIJIlIplluIpI,ljiIlInr;
THE LAUGH-IN
AT WATERGATE
mprovisation and a certain quickness
in the toes?that's the key to the
real-estate game. A real-estate man
with all his synapses humming can
sell houses at the end of an airport
runway, peddle office space to no-
madic shepherds or make an irresisti-
ble resort package out of an aban-
doned coal mine. But even by these
standards, something special was
afoot in Washington last week, where
the managers of the Watergate com-
plex, site of the decade's most no-
torious burglary, were cheerfully ad-
vertising the scandal in every way
they could?and joking themselves
right into a business boomlet.
Last June's raid, said Lee Elsen,
vice president for sales for Watergate
Improvements, Inc., "has made the
name of Watergate world-renowned.
If anything, it has accelerated our
sales and rentals." By way of aug-
menting this innate appeal, Elsen ran
ads in four Washington and New York
newspapers, picturing a giant lady-
bug next to the message: "Don't be
bugged with the commonplace ...
Locate your offices at the Watergate
in Washington." The prime space
available, as the ads unflinchingly
pointed out, is the sixth floor of the
office building, which is even now be-
ing vacated by the Democratic Na-
tional Committee for smaller (and
possibly safer) quarters elsewhere.
The ladybug ads, said Elsen, brought
five inquiries in the first few days.
Wally McNamea?Neweweek
The laugh-in at the Watergate ex-
tends to the lobby of the Watergate
Hotel?one of five buildings in the
$78 million complex of apartments,
offices, stores and hotel?where news-
stand proprietor Sidney Kress hands
out a leggy black plastic creature,
dubbed "Watergate bug," with every
purchase. "At first people were so ap-
prehensive they were in a state of
shock," Kress said. "We thought we'd
give 'em a laugh." Other commercial
occupants of the complex seem to
agree that the scandal has been all
to the good. "Five years ago the taxi
drivers didn't know where the Water-
gate was," said Bob Morin, director
of public affairs for the Watergate
office of the Society of Real Estate
Appraisers. "Now its the most famous
spot in the country."
Watergate has also become a minor
ili/I111111011111111111111111111/111111 111111111111110111111111111t1111111111,11111111111111111111111mm
Don't be bugged
with the commonplace!
This spring,
Indulge yourself.
Locate your offices at the
"Watergate inWashington
Kress's bug: Positive realty
landmark for tourist buses and show-
biz wits. At the Show Palace, a girlie
joint on Eleventh Street, the "Water-
gate Follies" features "Mystifying
Wire-Tap Annie" and Gallic danseuse
Gigi ("She has nothing to hide") La-
mor. At the Shoreham Hotel's Mar-
quis Lounge, comic Mark Russell tells
of the morning George McGovern
"picked up a grapefruit and got a dial
tone." As for the real dial-toners, they
can always phone [phone] and hear
a taped ditty, written by Missouri's
Democratic Rep. William L. Hungate
and sung to the tune of the Anheuser-
Busch beer jingle: "Come, come,
come and play spy with me down at
the old Watergate."
A search for the unamused ends
up with residential occupants of the
Watergate, who have paid as high as
$350,000 per co-op to live in luxuri-
ous and supposedly secluded proxim-
ity to such GOP biggies as Sen. Jacob
Javits, former Commerce Secretary
Maurice Stans and occasionally G.
Gordon Liddy. "I think it's all much
ado about nothing," one lady told
NEWSWEEK'S Nancy Ball. "All this at-
tention is an invasion of my privacy."
.0111111101W....111111111..1,14,4,11111111111111111.1111111111111,111101111111111M1111111111111111111111r11111111111M11.4)1111111111111111111111111111i II II II I
Approved For Release 2titillOglOrrCIA2RDP8212170499R00020001171002t2"------------""
? 22 Newsweek
0
CD'
a ' James W. McCord Jr. has
-n told a' federal grand jury that
0
he believes that Kenneth W.
Parkinson, an attorney for the
? Committee for the Re-election
of the President channeled
cash payments to the Water-
gate defendants in return for
? o silence after their arrest in-
side Democratic headquar-
ters ; sources close to the case
co
a say.
LThe sources said that MC:
New York Tunes News Service
0
-0
CO
0
0
CD
CD
"73
0
'
0
0
-
o
Cord, one of seven men sen-
tence to prison for their role
in the break-in, further testi-
fied that he believed that
Parkinson was responsible for
"applying the pressure" on
the defendants to plead guilty
shortly before the trial began
in January. Five of the seven
did so plead and the other two
were convicted.
McCORD subsequently con-
firmed his testimony in a tele-
phone interview with The
New York Times, but refused
to provide further details.
The sources noted, howev-
er, that McCord had based
much of his grand jury _testi-
mony on hearsay evidence.
- For example, they said, he
acknowledged that his basic
invofmzgion z oug Parkin-
son's role in funnelling money
; and advice to the men had
been told to him by Mrs. Dor-
othy Hunt, the deceased wife
of a convicted Watergate par-
. ticipant, E. Howard Hunt Jr.
He named Mrs. Hunt as the
conduit for the money.
. Parkinson, a member of the
Washington law firm of Jack-
son, Gray & Lanskey, cate-
gorically denied making any
cash payments to Mrs. Hunt.
"That's absolutely false,"
he said during a telephone
interview. "I've never met
Mr. Hunt or Mrs. Hunt and
I've never met any of the oth-
er defendants. I've never
handled any money myself."
THE LAWYER said that he
had not been connected with
the Republican re-election
campaign in any way until a
few days after the Watergrate
break-in, when he was re-
tained to represent the Re-
publicans in a civil lawsuit
filed by Lawrence F. O'Brien,
then chairman of the Demo-
cratic National Committee.
Justice Department sources
said the government was now
considering whether the re-
election committee might
have actively worked to ob-
struct justice by, in effect,
bribing the Watergate defend-
ants. ?
In January, Frank A. Stur-
gis, one of the Watergate de-
fendants, said that at least
four of the five defendatns
rmay
were still being paid, but
would not say who was
supplying the cash.
NEWSWEEK magazine,
meanwhile, quoted unnamed
sources yesterday that Mc-
Cord is ready to tell the press
soon that former Atty. Gen.
John Mitchell ordered the
raid on Democratic National
Committee headquarters ?
and why, the Associated
Press reports.
Newsweek said that if Mc-
Cord carries out his plan to
hold a news conference, he
will say that the men who re-
cruited him to carry out the
wiretapping in Washington's
Watergate complex = G.
Gordon Liddy and E. Howard
Hunt ? did so in part by drop-
ping Mitchell's name.
Mitchell has repeatedly
denied having any part in the
June 11 bugging and burglary
at the Watergate.
Approve
Ze+efese-20&+#09004-1-ebt-RDPett=004,949002otitrrutaii4
Shift Sought
Of Ca Role
To PeitaLown
By Michael Getter ,
wi.onagton Pon SIAM Writer
One of the military's top-
ranking intelligence officers
has called for a reassertion of
the military's dominant role
over civilians in the critical
business ' of estimating na-
tional security threats to the
United States.
The case for giving this re-
sponsibility to the Pentagon
?rather than the Central In-
telligence Agency (CIA) and
other civilian-dominated intel-
ligence agencies?is laid out
in a highly unusual article ap-
pearing in the April issue of
Army magazine.
The article is by Army Maj,
Gen. Daniel- 0. Graham, cur-
rently deputy director for esti-
pates in the Pentagon's De-
fense :Intelligence Agency
(DIA).
Graham is scheduled to
Move over to the CIA on May
1 to join the staff of its new
director, James 'R. Schle-
singer.,
? Thus, the appearance of
Graham's article in public
could indicate that at least
part of his new job at the CIA
will be to help bring about the
return of a major portion of
the highly important intelli-
gence estimating job to the
Pentagon. The estimates of
military threats are a major
.factor in planning the Penta-
gon's annual budget and in the
course of U.S. foreig
While Graham's article re-
flects his. personal judgment,
U.S. defense officials say the
appearance of the article at
this time "was not acciden-
LIMA" implying that It had an
official ()toy.
Graham's pending transfer
to the CIA has prompted con-
cern among some civilian in-
telligence officials. They fear
that the critical annual Intelli-
gence estimates on such
things as Soviet missile (level-.
See ARMY, Al, Col. 1 ? -
HS/HC-
livansirel.'s of CIA Role Sought
? ARMY, From Al
omen's, for example, might
take:on an ,even harder line.
Graham argues, however,
that the job of judging and de-
scribing the various military
threats the United Slates
might face properly belongs to
the military. And, he states, it
was the military's own fault.?
through "a series of had over-
estimates later dubbed the
bomber gap, missile gap and
megaton. gap"?that military
credibility was shaken and the
principal job of figuring out
what the Russians and others
were up to gradually was won
over by the CIA and other
agencies.
But in the past three years,
he says, the new Defense In-
telligence Agency has "come a
long way since the missile
Ile argues that the quality
of military analysis has now
improved considerably and
that most, though not all, of
the military men who use in-
telligence have learned not to
bend it for their own self-in-
terest. or force intelligence an-
alysts to do that.
"To .sum up," he writes, "I
think that the time is ripe for
the-military profession to reas-
sert its, traditional role in the
function of describing military
threats to national security."
In a key statement that may
foreshadow some reduction in .
the CIA's estimating role in
favor of. ? the Pentagon, Gra-
ham writes:
"While there will always he
a legitimate reason for inde-
pendent judgments from out-
side the Department of De-
fense! on. Issues of critical im-
portanee to national decision-
makers, there is no longer a
need, in my judgment, to du-
plicate the Defense Intelli-
gence, Agency's efforts in
otherageneles."
ThiliOblint. the article, the
two-star general is sharply
critical of the military's past
history of usually describing
the threat to U.S. security in
the worst or scariest ' terms.
Not only did it produce scepti-
cism In government, forcing
officials to turn to other intel-
ligence agencies, but it actu-
ally hurt the military in other
ways, he writes.
case estimates can be used to
squelch military programs
just as quickly as to support
them." In other words, he ar-
gues, overestimating the So-
viet Union's missile capabili-
ties can prematurely kill off
U. S. projects by leading offi-
flak to discount the estimates
entirely.
The inflated intelligence es-
timates . also raise problems
for the strategic arms limita-
tions talks where, be says,
"the very, real' possibility" ex-
ists of trading off actual U. S.
capabilities against those of
an enemy that exist only on
paper.
Graham also criticizes the
technique of assessing only
Soviet capabilities rather than
Intentions as well.
"For example," he says,
"since World War lithe Sovi-
ets haye never, to our knowl-
edge, deployed forces or
fielded hardware as ...ast as
their total capability permit-
ted. To estimate that. they
would do so with regard to
some weapon system ... in the
future would make little
sense."
F kit Ifit figltiffirgallit
-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
By BARRY KAI,B
St ar-News Staff Writer
Watergate conspirator
James W. McCord Jr. says he
has tape recordings of some
conversations he had during
1972, and he offers some indi-
cation they might include ref-
erences to the Watergate
bugging or some other illegal
activity.
lie also indicated that it ?
was John W. Dean III, the
White house counsel, who
cleared him for his job as
security chief for the Commit-
tee for the Re-election of the
President. ?
He made these assertions
last Tuesday while giving a
sworn pre-trial statement, or
"deposition," in connection
with Watergate civil lawsuits.
The statement was made to a
lawyer for the Committee for ,
the Re-election of the Presi-
dent, with McCord's own law-
yers present.
p--s,Hc_fo
/
A transcript of that partial-
ly completed deposition was
made available yesterday.
McCord is scheduled to com-
plete the deposition some time
next week.
ON THE ADVICE of his
attorneys, McCord refused to
give any further details on the
tapes he said he had in his
possession. One of his attor-
neys, Henry B. Rothblatt,
explained, "We have reason
u.??:?..), ti
to believe that any tape re-
cordings that were taken
might have been in violation
of some statute. . ."
However, McCord has since
been granted immunity from
further prosecution for any-
thing relating to the Water-
gate affair. lie was convicted
at a January trial of conspira-
cy, burglary and illegal V
eavesdropping for the inci-
dent. When the deposition I
resumed, he will be free to
answer questions about the
tapes because of the immuni-
ty grant.
His attorney, Rothblatt,
could have been saying that
the tapes themselves would
reveal illegal activity, or he
could have been saying that
the act of making the tapes
was illegal. .
If, for example, he had rec-
orded a telephone conversa-
tion without telling the other
party the conversation was
being recorded, the taping
would have been illegal under
Maryland law.
If he had done the same
thing while both parties were
in the District, however, it
would not have been illegal.
Federal law, which prevails
here, allows one party to a
conversation to record a con-
" versation even if the other
party does not' knpw it is
being recorded.
Ft
,
V
? IN TESTIMONY before the
Senate's Watergate investi-
gating committee last week,
McCord reportedly alluded to
wiretaps other than that
placed in Democratic Nation-
al Committee headquarters
during the bugging last spring
and so far undisclosed.
He refused at that time to
discuss the matter further,
because he had not yet been
granted immunity. It is possi-
ble that he was referring to
the newly disclosed tape re-
cordings at that time.
During his deposition, Mc-
Cord made a number of other
assertions:
? He said he was initially in-
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R00020001 for the job as secu-
06r2d
ity ief for the re-election
committee by John Caulfield.
a White IInnse
?
it
11
? ai
ri
z
a!
cl
th
ty
Ii
cc
th
at
JL
D.
th
er
ly
ev
WI
thi
tli(
re;
.th;
in
re
fez_
tic-
or
he
rue
,di-
ite
al
it
he
ho
,.
security chief fur the Cominit-
tee for the Re-election, of the ,
? President. Approve
He made these assertions
last Tuesday while giving a
sworn pre-trial statement, or
"deposition," in connection
with Watergate civil lawsuits.
The statement was made to a
lawyer for the Committee for,
the Re-election of the Presi-
dent, with McCord's own law-
yers present.
tr.z4e4i.f.pt et that partial-
ly core"'eted deposition wa,s
to believe that any tap, re- ' McCord's statements hid'.
11#0 6PV410314 2 ON ?
Gilt was Dean,
'V
-61f ield, who ulti-
Cgrftibtkat OM" thl
. erg
plete the deposition some time
next week.
ON THE ADVICE of his
attorneys, McCord refused to
give any further details on the
tapes he said he had in his
possession. One of his attor-
neys, Henry B. Rothblatt,
explained, "We have reason
of some statute. . ."
However, McCord has since
been granted immunity from
? further prosecution for any-
thing relating to the Water-
gate affair. Ile was convicted
at a January trial of conspira-
cy, burglary and illegal
eavesdropping for the inci-
dent. When the deposition
resumed, he will be free to
answer questions about the
tapes because of the immuni-
ty grant.
His attorney, Rothblatt,
could have been saying that
the tapes themselves would
reveal illegal activity, or he
could have been saying that
the act of making the tapes
was illegal. ?
'
If, for example, he had rec-
orded a telephone conversa-
tion without telling the other
party the conversation was
being recorded, the taping
would have been illegal under
Maryland law.
If he had done the same
thing while both parties were
, in the District, however, it
would not have been illegal.
Federal law, which prevails
here, allows one party to a
conversation to record a con-
versation even if the other
party does not' knew it is
being recorded.
IN TESTIMONY before the
Senate's Watergate investi-
gating committee last week,
McCord reportedly alluded to
wiretaps other than that
placed in Democratic Nation-
al Committee headquarters
during the bugging last spring
and so far undisclosed.
He refused at that time to
discuss the matter further,
because he had not yet been
granted immunity. It is possi-
ble that he was referring to
the newly disclosed tape re-
cordings at that time.
During his deposition, Mc-
Cord made a number of other
assertions:
? He said he was initially in-
terviewed for the job as secu-
rity chief for the re-election
committee by John Caulfield,
a White House aide who was
responsible to White House
counsel John W. Dean III.
Caulfield, McCord said, told
him at their initial meeting in
mately cleared him for the
job, and sent him on to meet
with re-election officials.
.Dean was reportedly named
, by McCord during the Senate
hearing as someone who had
.advance knowledge of the
Watergate, operation. The
White House has denied that
Dean was in any way in-
- volved.
IT WAS ALSO Dean, ac-
cording to various testimony
and sworn statements relat-
ing to the case, who brought
convicted Watergate conspir-
ator G. Gordon Liddy to the?
White. House from the Treas-
ury Department in mid-1971,
and who later recommended
Liddy for job as counsel to the
re-election committee.
? McCord said there "have
been threats, bomb threats,
against iny family. . . There
have been other forms of liar-
rassment. We have had to
change telephone numbers for
that reason. And for the safe-
ty and security of my family,
I have stated, for example, in
court that we fear retaliation.
My family fears for its life."
? As he was about to sentence ?
the seven Watergate conspir-
ators on March 23, Chief
Judge John J. Sirica of U.S.
District Court read a letter
McCord had sent him earlier
that week.
The letter said, among oth-
er things, that McCord's fami-
ly feared for his life if he told
everything he knew about the
Watergate affair, and that
while he was not afraid "to
the same degree," he never-
theless did fear some sort of
retaliation.
, The deposition statement
Was the first public statement
.that has gone toward explain-
ing that fear, but still does not
reveal from whom McCord
fears this retaliation.
McCord said in his deposi-
tion that one of his duties at
the re-election unit was the
protection of Mrs. Martha
Mitchell, wife of the former
attorney general, John N.
Mitchell. McCord said she -
was from time to time
"worried about not only her
personal security ..1 but also
about bugging operations
against her."
September 1971, "Do you have ,
rid...testified all day
Approved For Release 2001/0 9/04ajtVittb_nreitin ung
that
, lograp y, some ung k Are the Water-
that I could send to John gate grand jury. Ile is sched-
Dean, because I work for uled to return at 1:45 p.m.
11*- I
McCord Gets Immunity, Is Talking
By Carl Bernstein
and Bob Woodward
Washington Post Staff Writers
Civicted Watergate con-
spirTtor James W. McCord Jr.
was5-ranted immunity yester-
dayarom further prosecution,
cleang the way for him to
disc9Zise whatever knowledge '
he hss of illegal political espi-
onat activities to a federal
grawil jury, a Senate investi-
gati committee and the
pre
S rtly after the immunity
hadateen conferred by Chief
Jud a John J. Sirica of U.S.
DistZ.ct Clatirt, McCord began
ansaoring questions before
the -lbarne grand jury that in-
dictVd him in the Watergate
conferacy last Sept. 15.
Sing that "the story
shoOd be told" publicly about
the ClVatergate bugging and
pertgps other illegal activi-
ties'aIcCord told reporters he
wolibt meet with them some
timoDnext week in an on-the-
recti press conference.
Mord is also expected to
be early witness in public
heags held by the Senate's
seleR committee investigating
the aVatergate bugging and
otheR political espionage and
sabirage activities.
Ie.: closed-door hearing be-
fore5he committee last week,
Mcqlrd said his superiors in
the tgonspiracy told him that
high presidential aides had ad-
vance knowledge of the hug-
nng Democratic headquar-
ters. However, he invoked his
Ffth Amendment right not to
answer the senators' questions
al)(;ut additional illegal activi-
th he may know about.
osterday morning, McCord
appeared before the Water-
gate grand jury and again in-
voked the Fifth Amendment,
this time in response to such
questions as whether he had
attempted to plant electronic
bugs in Sen. George Mc-.
Govern's campaign headquar-
. which McCord told the Judge
:that he knew of "perjury" at
:the Watergate trial. "political
pressure" on the defendants to
plead guilty and remain-silent !
and the involvement of others
in the Watergate operation.
Three of 3,IcCord's co-Con-'
? spirators?former White House'
j consultant E. Howard Hunt '
1Jr., Virgilio R. Gonzales and ,
Frank Sturgis?also appeared.
yesterday before the grand
jury, which reopened its in- ?
quiry last week.
ters.
At the request of the prose-
cutors in the Watergate case,
he was taken before Judge
Sirica for a brief hearing ,in
which he was granted immu-
nity from further prosecution
and ordered by the judge to
answer the grand jury's ques-
tions. McCord was still before
the grand jury early last night
and is expected to be recalled
today.
During the immunity hear-
ing, Assistant U.S. Attorney
Seymour Glanzer read to
Judge Sirica a list of -nine
questions McCord had refused
to answer, most of therm relat-
ing to attempts to bug Mc-
Govern's offices.
Sirica, who was openly crit-
ical of the prosecution's pres-
entation during the Watergate
trial, asked: "Are those all the
questions you're going to ask
him?"
"Oh no; Your Honor," re-
plied Glanzer.
Following the hearing, Mc-
Cord said he felt "relieved" at
the grant of immunity and?in
answer to a question?said 'he,
obviously hoped his coopera-
tion with investigators would
bring him a lighter sentence
for his role in the Watergate,
!conspiracy.
! Judge Sirica has postponed
sentencing McCord until June:
1.5. after receiving a letter in f
McCord's principal superior ,
in the conspiracy, former
White House aide G. Gordon'
Liddy, refused to answer ques-
tions before the panel?even
after being granted immunity;
?and was sentenced last Week!
to an additional incarceration'
by Judge Sirica.
Liddy, described by the;
Watergate prosecution as the:gore the grand jury last year. _
"boss" of the conspiracy, ap- .that he attended a February,:,
[
pears to have been the princi- 'meeting in Mitchell's office at,;
pal source of McCord's asser-,which Liddy, Dean and Mitch 7 ,,
tion to Judge Sirica thatlell were also present, but de-,
"purjury"occurred at the trial nied that the bugging was dis-_,?-:
and that persons not indictedtcussed. ?
in the case had prior knowl- McCord, in his testimony be-f
edge of the bugging of Demo-fore the Senate committee, ?of-,7_,
cratic headquarters. ri fered only hearsay evidence---
In his testimony to the Sen-P statements purportedly made,
ate's investigating committee,'hy Hunt, Liddy and others?to?il
McCord said he had been told;support his assertions that the
by Liddy that the plans and;!presidential aides had advancet.?
budget for the Watergate op-knowledge of the.bugging. : ,
eration were approved in Feb- g Accord in g to S e n at e...7.
ruary, 1972, during a meetinWourdes, he has no documen-t-is
iri the office of then-Attorney-tary evidence to support: hisi:t
General John N. Mitchell thatjtestimony. . ., . .." bo
was also attended by presiden-r, However, the same sourcescl
tial counsel John W. Dean IIIs aid McCord provided.thezq
and former presidential assist- 'committee with several impor-
ant Jeb Stuart Magruder. tant leads that, if accurate;:r.
According to reliable -.could corroborate his hearsay 't'
sources, Magruder testified be- (knowledge. ! .;:.1:
co ?
0
0
CD
0
0
0
0
0
0
HS/HC-iep
Pr 111/ ar AM,
Approved
For,agolease 200
f ILD
SECITM,
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.e.V.Mignrr
The Democratic National Committee is
moving from its Watergate complex of-
By Charles Del Vecchio ?The Washington Post
fices, protected (as shown on sign at
center right) by "Security Inc."
'Watergate Liddy' Finds
Legal 'Career' lehind Bars
Bry William Claiborne
Washington Post Salt Writer
Watergate conspirator G.
Gordon Liddy, who was in-
jured in a fight with an-
? other prisoner at; the D.C.,
jail last week, has been pro-
viding legal advice to fellow?
? inmates, court sources said
yesterday.
Since the March 26 alter-
cation, in which he suffered
a cut on his ear and a bruise
on his nose, Liddy has been
involved in no further inci-
dents with other prisoners,
jail officials said.
Superior Court sources
said Liddy has assisted some
prisoners at the jail in pre-
paring "pro se" motions in
pending criminal cases.
Such documents are rou-
tinely filed in the court by
prisoners in their own be-
half and usually seek dis-
missal of charges on-techni-
cal grounds.
Sources said ?that Liddy,
who reportedly has been
nicknamed "Watergate
Liddy" by some fellow pris-
oners who have sought legal
assistance, has become more
accepted by the inmate pop-
ulation as a result of his law
background. He was a law-
yer before_his conviction for
APPRMICinFRie rtiViii@fiteha
eavesdropping at Demo-
G. GORDON' LIDDY
.
nickname: "Watergate"
day that Liddy is confined
in a medium security wing
of the cenfury-old jail and is
living alone.
The wing traditionallY has
been occupied by sentenced
offenders who serve their
terms at the jail instead of
Lorton Reformatory, an by
prisoners who are assigned
to regular work details, such
as the prison kitchen.
? The doors to the rooms
can be locked by inmates
for privacy. However, pris-
oners in that section are
permitted to leave the doors
? open and move about the
prison, to eat in a common
mess hall or watch televi-
sion in a recreation room.
According to Deputy Supt.
Alphonse Washington, Liddy
cratic National Committee is receiving "no special treat-
headquarters here. ? ? ment" at the jail.
Liddy was sentenced by Washington said that the
Chief U.S. District Judge' " jail has a regulation prohibit-
John J. Sirica to at least six ing prisoners from actually
years and eight months in writing briefs for other pris-
jail. Sirica interrupted the oners and said through a
sentence and ordered Liddy spokesman that as far as he
to serve? up to tight months: knows, the regulation is not
for contempt for refusing to being violated.
answer questions before a He said prisoners have
federal grand jury. The jury , continual access to public
will be dismissed in eight \defender service attorneys
months, and Liddy ? can and are encouraged to seek ,
inaktnnilOIS4099M41/5441asheaneci
Jail otticials said yester- ,petitions. ?
Approved For Release 2001/09/04: CIA-RDP84-00499%00200010002.2
FAMES RES TON
Trial by Leal( and Hearsay
The White House is com-
plaining bitterly these days
that members of its staff are
being smeared by leaks and
gossip in the Watergate case,
and there is obviously some-
thing to the complaint.
It would, of course,.be eas-
ier to sympathize if the White
House had been as concerned
l with the civil rights of the
i people who were bugged and
1,1
? burglarized at the Watergate
as it is about the civil rights of
its own people. But even so
their people are entitled to
fair treatment regardless of
,
, whether they are fair to their
suspicious accusers.
The leaks have been coming
either from unidentified
members of the Senate Water-
gate investigating committee,
or their aides, or from law-
yers appearing before the
committee, who are passing
on unsubstantiated testimony
from James W. McCord Jr.,
one of the conspirators, who
claims his information came
from G. Gordon Liddy and E.
Howard Hunt, two other men
convicted in the Watergate
conspiracy.
This is hearsay "evidence"
at least three times removed.
And yet, by constant and
prominent repetition, it harms
the reputations of some of
President Nixon's, closest
associates, because it
amounts to the charge that.
they were in on the Watergate
conspiracy and thus broke
their oath of office.
Twenty years ago around
here, this trial by leak and
i gossip used to be called
"McCarthyism" and the word
has now gone into most stand-
ard dictionaries as meaning
-I. The practice of making
Ipublic and sensational accu-
sations of disloyalty or cor-
ruption, usually with little or
no proof or with doubtful evi,
dence
The Watergate and the
McCarthy episodes were quite
different ? even McCarthy at
. his worst never bugged Demo-
cratic headquarters ? but the
headline hunting still contin-
ues in the Senate, and lately
the Watergate has been pro-
ducing its own "public and
sensational accusations
usually with little or no proof
Sen. Sam Ervin of North
Carolina, the chairman of the
Senate investigating commit-
tee is undoubtedly within his
rights to reject Nixon's MO-
tion of "executive privilege"
as "executive poppycock,"
and to insist that members of
the White House testify, not
on their relations with .the
President, but on their rela-
tions, if any, with the, Water-
gate conspirators.
But if the integrity of the
Senate is involved in trying to
get the President's aides to
talk, it is also involved in
trying to get the members of
his committee to keep quiet
about the gossip they hear in
secret testimony until the
whole committee has deter-
mined that it has enough cor-
roborated evidence to investi-
gate the charges in public.
Ervin agrees with the doc-
trine of senatorial discretion
and restraint, though it is sel-
dom practiced.
In Greene V. McElroy,
which came out of the Mc-.
Carthy era, Chief Justice Earl
Warren, speaking for a ma-
jority of the Supreme Court of
the United States, insisted
that, when action by the gov-
ernment seriously ?injures an
individual, "the evidence
used to prove the
government's case must be
disclosed to the individual so
that he has an opportunity to
show that it is untrue.
"While this is important hi
the case of documentary evi-.
donee," the chief justice con
tinued, "it is even more im-
portant where the evidence
consists of the testimony of
individuals whose memory
might be faulty, or who, in
fact, might be .perjurers of
persons motivated by malice,
vindictiveness, intolerance,
prejudice, or jealousy.
Watergate
Watergate is not, of course,
precisely the same case, for
the Ervin committee is trying
/to get the White House staf-
fers to the Hill to hear the
evidence and comment on it,
but the principle is the same:
tat the accused should not be
damaged by unsubstantiated
evidence, and this is happen-
ing now before the facts are
This raises hard questions
too for the American press,
which was criticized for years
after the McCarthy period for
turning over its front pages to
his unsubstantiated charges.
Once senators talk about
McCord's testimony, and it is
broadcast all over the coun-
try, however, about all the
? 'reporters can do is emphasize
that the charges are
"hearsay," and this has been
done.
Nevertheless, as the Water-
gate case is just beginning on
Capitol Hill, there is a prob-
lem of fairness and due proc-
ess, which requires more re-
spect from the White House
and the Senate committee
than it has been getting.
A crime has been commit-
ted and seven men have been
convicted of it. The larger
question of who instigated and
financed the crime has not
been established, and this
concerns nothing less than the
integrity of the American po-
litical process.
After all, both the White
House and the Ervin commit-
tee say they want to get at the
facts and restore confidence
in the political process.
liWailliiiciklivw*
00.104.10mmerromp.?.
THE STAR and NEWS A-S
Washington,
Wodnesrlay, Apr114, 1973 -
Approved For Release 2001/09/04 : CIA-RDP84-00499R000200010002-2
By JAMES DOYLE
Star-News Staff Writer
His suit was rumpled navy
blue, his tie red-white-and-
blue-striped, and there was a
small Connecticut flag em-
blem in one of his narrow la-
pels.
To most of the visitors and
even some of the elevator
operators in ;the Senate, Low-
ell Weicker remained the
anonymous, graying, athletic
looking man who at 91 seems
a bit young to be a United
States senator.
But as he bounded along the
corridors of the Capitol from
press conference to meeting
to yet another press confer-
ence yesterday, it was clear
that Weicker, after two years,
had arrived.
? HE 11AD SEEMED the
least likely to cause any stir
when he joined the special
Senate committee investigat-
ing the Watergate incident.
He is the junior man on the
seven-man committee, a hard-
ly noticed freshman who wis
figured to be a predictable
Republican vote in committee
deliberations.
But for several days the
favorite question on Capitol
hill has been, what is Weicker
up to? Is he slightly flakey? A
wild man who is blowing his.
political future in the party?'
A publicity hound who will
destroy the committee's cred-
ibility for the sake of a few
headlines early in the game?
"1 am pretty far out in front
on this one," Weicker told an
interviewer yesterday. "And
that bothers me. No man in
politics is hiding behind a
plant in the corner. But I am
bothered at being this far out
in front." !'
11E GOT THERE BY his
own words before the televi-
sion cameras and in sessions
with newspaper reporters.
For a week he has slowly built '
a charge against the top man
on President Nixon's White
I louse staff.
On Thursday he called a ?
news conference to criticize
the anonymous leaks coming;
out of the committee, and he
warned reporters not to be
misled into thinking that pres-
idential campaign disruptions
of 1972 we simply a lower'
level sabotagepOtrirtnvelehrgo'r
minor figures:
;Ho: .4t fl jhMkt)"
th! Ft wudiAlt.'s
? ? ?
r ?
ka M.: CI
the instigators were still on
the White House staff.
On Sunday, Weicker named
White House Chief of Staff H.
R. Ilaldeman as the man who
probably knew that there was
a group of hired men at the
Committee for the Re-election
of the President involved in
political espionage and dis-
ruption. Ile said it was
"imperative" that Haldeman
testify before the Senate
committee.
YESTERDAY, he said
Ilaldeman should resign.
The result each time was
large headlines that kept the
Watergate case on Page 1,
and exerted pressure on the
White House to deal with the
9-month embarrassment that
doesn't seem to go away.
And the result for Weicker
was an instant notoriety that
was new for him. Yesterday,
he began his day with a large
breakfast meeting with re-
porters, and spent a good deal
of the rest of the day answer-
ing reporters' questions.
Why is he criticizing his fel-
low Republicans in the White
House? "I began speaking out
last October, well before, the
election," he said.
IIE WAS STRUCK by the
fact that, when reports of the
Dita Beard ITT scandal and
the, Watergate break-in ap-
peared, "the polls showed
that the American people
were saying, 'well, so what?
It goes on all the time.' "
Weicker says, "The hell
with it. It doesn't go on all the
time, and it shouldn't go on all
the time . The only way
you're going to cure it is to
have Democrats batting
Democrats over the head and
Republicans batting Republi-
cans. Otherwise it becomes
either a partisan exercise or a
whitewash."
He continued, "This is no
professor of political history
talking here, or an idealistic
student. This has been my
life:for God's sake, since 1960
and in every conceivable race
? state legislature, mayor,
congressman, senator. I have
been through the whole gamut
and this' is totally new to me.
And yet the American people
F 1 tfkai rtIA -
oir0 ti WrieS of Ipeidents, that
till 141P3; fa) mil 1111Z
Sen. Lowell P. Weicker Jr., talks to n(
"I think the American pub-
lie as a whole has always at-
tributed to the Democratic
party the fact that they were
the party of ideas. And they
have always attributed to the
Republican party that they
were the best implementers,
the best administrators.
"Now that's on the good
side f the ledger. 'What I am
basically saying here today is,
when it comes to this business
of integrity and honesty, I
think it's the Democrats who
are the most intellectually
dishonest, 'and I think it's the
Republicans who in their ac-
tual deeds are the most dis-
honest."
Yesterday, as he spoke to
reporters and to two groups of
students in the Senate Office
Building, his voice was often
emotional as he spoke of Wa-
tergate. .
"PLEASE BELIEVE," he
told a group of high school
students from across the ;
country who were gathered in
the Senate auditorium to bear
him, "this doesn't go on all
ekamsa.tAgoom,
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INIOWN111,494.066:.M.:41.: