SOVIET PROPAGANDA ALERT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85M00364R001903760011-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 19
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: February 11, 1983
• Content Type: REPORT

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AV% me
Soviet Propaganda Alert
No. 12 February 11, 1983
SUMMARY
(Further details of the items on this sheet
can be found on the referenced pages)
Major Soviet propaganda. themes related.to the U.S. in
November and December stressed:
Arms Control. Soviet media continued to denounce the U.S. See p. 1
position at START, INF, and MBFR as seeking unilateral
advantage and demanding unilateral disarmament on the part
of the Soviet Union.. The U.S. was accused of using the
talks as a cover for the development and deployment of new
weapons systems. Soviet policy was portrayed as defensive,
moderate, and fair.
The Gas Pipeline. Soviet media took full propaganda advan- See p. 9
declaring
,
sanctions
lin
e
pe
i
f the lifting of the gas p
tage o
the act to be a victory for the independence of Europe and
purporting to see a widening of the split between the U.S.
and its European allies.
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Soviet
commentators denounced the U.S. for allegedly obstructing
the Madrid talks.
The United States. The U.S. mid-term elections were seen
by Soviet propagandists as a defeat for the Administration.
and a protest against President Reagan's policies. The
poor state of the U.S. economy was attributed directly to
U.S. military spending.
Geographic Themes. Soviet media continued. to charge that
the U.S. and its allies were attempting to incite tension
in all parts of the world in order to carry out their im-
perialist and neocolonialist plans. Trips by U.S. Admin-
istration officials were described as attempts to put
pressure on various countries to bow to U.S. diktat.
Office of Research
United States Information Agency
Washington, D.C.
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See p.
9
See p.
9
See p.
10
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In.November and December, the Soviet media continued their
obsession with military issues. The media pushed standard
themes dealing with alleged U.S. preparations for war,
deployment of new weapons systems, and U.S. and Western
obstinance and obstructive behavior at the START, INF, and
MBFR talks. In all contexts, the Soviets stressed that it
was the West, primarily the U.S., that was the source of
international tension and the arms race. A Moscow tele-
vision broadcast in late October put the argument in
especially stark terms:
The U.S. course is aimed at deepening tension. Adven-
turism, crudeness, open egoism--even in relations with
its partners--have become characteristic features of
the U.S. Administration's policy. The Reagan govern-
ment has set a course aimed at sharply stepping up
arms, including nuclear arms, in the hope of achieving
military supremacy over the Soviet Union.
By contrast, Soviet policies and actions were portrayed as
defensive, moderate, and directed only at achieving dis-
armament and peaceful coexistence. According to Soviet
commentators, the Soviet Union is interested solely in
equality and equal security; it does not seek superiority.
Citing arms control and disarmament proposals made at the
26th Party Congress, Brezhnev's late October speech to
Soviet military commanders, the pledge to abstain from
first use of nuclear weapons, and proposals for a UN con-
vention on test bans, Soviet commentators claimed that the
Soviet Union is the bulwark of peace and the main obstacle
to imperalist attempts "to push the world into the flames
of nuclear war," and that Soviet policy is the only hope
of "saving mankind from the sword of Damocles of the
nuclear threat."
The contrast between the aggressive policy of the Western
imperialists and the policy of the peaceloving Soviet
Union has allegedly not gone unnoticed by the world.
According to a mid-November Moscow television commentary:
The majority of political observers analyzing the
events of the past few days in our country are
reaching the conclusion that continuity and contin-
uation in the USSR's peaceloving foreign policy
course, based on the Leninist principles of peaceful
coexistence, can be considered guaranteed. The
materials, commentaries, and articles now being
published in the Western press on this theme could be
summed up and generalized in the sentence: Moscow is
proceeding as before along the path of peace and
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detente. This feeling of optimism and calm confi-
dence in the rightness of our cause is creating good
hope in the hearts of our friends all over the
world....
Continuity of Soviet Policy After Brezhnev Stressed
The above quotation also illustrates efforts to suggest
that Soviet foreign policy has not and will not change
after Brezhnev.. The Soviet media appeared reluctant even
to discuss the issue. With the exception of quoting
Andropov instead of Brezhnev, formulations on most foreign
policy issues--above all, on disarmament and arms control
--remained identical to those of the Brezhnev period.
Just in case anyone missed the idea that Soviet policy
remains unchanged under Andropov, a late November
Sovetskaia Rossiia article asserted that it had not and
would not change:
In recent days our friends and likeminded people abroad
and millions of people of good will awaited Moscow's
confirmation of the unchanging loyalty of Lenin's
motherland to the lofty ideals and constructive actions
and'initiatives which have always characterized its
international activity. And they received such confir-
mation.
The article went on to quote an Andropov statement to the
CPSU Central Committee plenum as evidence.
Two related themes dominated Soviet commentary on the
START, INF, and MBFR talks. The first is that the U.S.
seeks superiority in both nuclear and conventional arms.
The second is that the U.S. and its NATO allies are solely
responsible for lack-of progress in the talks. An example
of this theme was foun(i in Li.*.eraturnaia. gazeta in late
November, which quoted Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei
Cromyko:
What mainly hampers the talks on nuclear armaments,
both medium-range and strategic armaments, is not the
complexity of the solution of these problems--they
were overcome by both sides before--but the lack of
the United States' wish to reach agreement on the
basis of equality and equal security.
Soviet officials complained bitterly of alleged American
and allied intransigence. For example, General Nikol.ai
Chervov, in an early November interview with the Slovak
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party paper Pravda, charged that "The American delegation
has not retreated a single step from its original position
[at the INF talksJ, and in reality it is rejecting the
attempts to search for a mutually acceptable solution."
"The U.S.," said Genera]. Chervov, "is interested neither
in progress in the disarmament negotiations on nuclear
weapons in Europe, nor in progress in the negotiations on
limiting strategic arms."
U.S. Forced To Negotiate
Why is the U.S. at the talks at all if it does not truly
seek arms limitation? The Soviets give three explanations,
none of which are new:
o The U.S. was forced to the negotiating table by the
pressure of West European and American public opinion.
o The U.S. seeks to defuse the peace movement by pre-
tending that it is serious about negotiations.
o The U.S. wants to. use the talks as cover for deploy-
ment of new weapons systems, in particular, INF.
U.S. Tactics "Exposed":
Soviet commentators also asserted that they have seen
through U.S. tactics at the talks.
o The U.S. lies about the alleged Soviet threat.
According to a November 1 TASS English analysis:
"Despite the unceasing screaming of imperialist propa-
ganda about a 'Soviet military threat', it is clear now
to every unprejudiced person where the real threat to
peace is flowing from."
o The U.S. lies about alleged Soviet superiority in-nuc-
lear and conventional weapons. Quoting President
Reagan's November 22 speech in which the President said
the Soviets were ahead by any standard, '."ASS'S Russian
service branded the statement "false from beginning to
end" and asserted that "even according to official
American d.ata, the U.S. had superiority over the USSR."
o The U.S. lies when its representatives assert that the
Soviet Union seeks a qualitative edge on the West. Iz-
vestiia, on November 3, attacked U.S. Secretary of De-
fense Wei.nberger's statement that the U.S. had shown
restraint during the 1970's by acidly asking "how did
MIRV's appear in the U.S. arsenal in precisely that
period? What was the.'miracle' that spawned the devel-
opment of cruise missiles, Pershing-2's, neutron wea-
pons, Trident submarines, and many others?"
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o The U.S. "cooks its data" in order to justify its
claim that the Soviet Union has a qualitative edge.
TASS military. analyst Vladimir Bogachev, in a Novem-
ber 17 dispatch, charged. that "when Washington and its
allies talk about 'balance', they mean a U.S. superi-
ority, and went on to cite statistics which allegedly
prove that the U.S. enjoys superiority in most nuclear
fields.
o The U.S. puts forward proposals that it knows are una.c-
ceptabl.e in a deliberate attempt to frustrate the
talks.
The Soviets have taken steps to expose the "duplicity" of
the United States. Apart from the daily, almost hourly,
drumbeat of criticism of alleged and real U.S. policy., the
Soviets occasionally produce print and film documentaries
on arms control topics. For example, TASS English on Nov-
ember 17 announced the premiere of a film entitled "When
The Mist of Lies Clears" which "traces the main aspects of
the aggressive policy of the present U.S. Administration,
the policy of spiraling the arms race." And Novoe vremia.,
the multilanguage, widely-circulated international affairs
weekly, put out a special supplement in early November
entitled "The Threat of Nuclear War: How To Remove It"
which polemicizes with alleged Western proponents of
limited nuclear war.
Soviet Policy Extolled
Having revealed the true nature of Western intentions on
arms control, Soviet publicists inevitably presented their
side as reasonable, fair, and in the interests of all
mankind. Nikolai Prozhogin, writing in Pravda at the end
of November, portrayed the Soviet attitude thus:
From the first days of its existence, the Soviet state
expressed readiness for open, honest cooperation with
all countries that responded to it with reciprocity.
Nowadays too, it is opposerl to turning the dispute of
ideas into confrontation.... The ideal of socialism
is a world without weapons.
We are in favor of equality of rights, of taking both
sides' interests into account, and of honest agreement,
and we believe in the possibility of reaching it for we
know that mankind cannot endlessly tolerate either the
arms race or wars, especially as in the present condi-
tions they jeopardize its very existence.
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Soviet commentators seldom distinguished between the START
and INF talks directly. Instead, they attempted to blur
the distinction between strategic and intermediate range
nuclear weapons, claiming that the short flight time to
Soviet territory rendered. the Pershings and cruise mis-
siles strategic weapons that. could be used for a first
strike.
The Soviets pushed the basic line that the U.S. and the
Soviet Union presently enjoy a rough parity in nuclear
weapons. While the USSR. may have a slight edge in land-
based launchers, the U.S. has more strategic nuclear war-
heads and has double or triple the number of nuclear-
capable bombers. Any major modification of existing
systems or deployment of new systems woul.0 upset this
balance and threaten peace because it would encourage the
"imperialist" West to seek to blackmail. the Soviet Union
and its allies--or even launch a war. The planned INF
deployment in late 1983 is precisely such a destabilizing
act, according to. the Soviets.
The West's "zero option" proposal (called "fake" and
"odious" or worse in commentaries) was also portrayed as
being destabilizing. A TASS English item of December 15
described the U.S. zero option as "envisaging no more and
no less but dismantling all Soviet medium-range missiles
in exchange for the U.S. renunciation of its plans to
deploy INF." This, according to the Soviets, constitutes
unilateral disarmament and is unacceptable. Soviet
proposals to withdraw all nuclear weapons from Europe are
touted as being a."true zero option."
.In discussing the West's INF deployment, Soviet commenta-
tors hinted that the consequences for Western Europe will
be severe. The Soviets claimed that they cannot allow the
West to gain superiority, and threatened to take counter-
measures which may turn Western Europe into a nuclear
battle ground. Soviet media declared that the Pershings
and cruise missiles may force them to change their
response doctrine to "launch on warning" because the
"Euromissiles" can strike Soviet territory in only minutes
(Radio Moscow English service, November 30). They warned
of the danger of accidental launch, citing the "numerous"
false alarms from faulty Western radar and control equip-
ment. Finally, they cautioned Western Europeans about the
dangers of accidents, and reported in detail on mishaps
involving American nuclear weapons, always asking "what
if...."
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MRFR
The West's positions on MBFR were described in a similar
vein. The Soviets assert that the West is not interested
in genuine reductions, that it in fact wants superiority.
The latest draft treaty submitted by the Western side is
described as "seeking to undermine the existing equili-
brium of forces in Central Europe" by a November 12 Pravda
article which suggests that the West is-trying to get the
question of reducing arms removed from the agenda alto-
gether. Failing a fundamental change in the Western stand,
no agreement will be possible.
As usual, Soviet propaganda portrayed the freeze movement
in Europe and the U.S. as solidly opposed to the policies
of the Reagan Administration. While not going so far as
to claim that the freeze movement (and the broader peace
movement) actively supported Soviet positions, Soviet
publicists were quite willing to point out the remarkable
congruence between the slogans of the freeze movement and
the positions taken by the Soviet Union (Iuri Zhukov,
writing in Pravda, November 30).
Soviet freeze and disarmament proposals were said to evoke
widespread interest and even support among "democratic
publics" and "responsible politicians" in the West, there-
by suggesting a split between the "ruling circles" and the
people. Soviet commentators frequently pointed to anti-
nuclear demonstrations in countries such as the Nether-
lands, Italy, Britain, and West Germany--precisely the
countries where INF is to be deployed--as a sign of wide-
spread disagreement with government policies. In the USSR,
millions-strong rallies, petitions, and the working of
"peace shifts" where workers turned over the money earned
to the Soviet peace movement were touted as evidence of
the desire of the Soviet people for peace (TASS English
Service, November 4).
President Reagan's suggestion that the freeze movement was
influenced by outside sources provoked a storm of ridicule
from Soviet commentators. Calling the suggestion an
attempt to discredit the freeze movement, Soviet propagan-
dists pointed to the statement as a sign that the U.S.
Administration was worried about the impact of the move-
ment. Radio Moscow's World English Service on. November 17
described the President's suggestion as "Red-baiting" and
"McCarthyism," and an insult to "senators, archbishops,
trade union leaders, Nobel prize winners, and. millions of
ordinary Americans."
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Soviet commentators claimed that the results of the recent
mid-term elections in the U.S., especially the pro-freeze
referenda that were passed in several states, provided firm
evidence that the freeze movement was strong and growing
stronger. Describing the elections in such terms as a
"particular mark in the mighty antiwar campaign," a Moscow
television report on November 8 called. President Reagan's
and Secretary.Weinberger's alleged attempts to defuse the
freeze movement by playing on American patriotism as
"chicanery, a complete departure from the rules of fair
play to which lip-service. is paid in America."
Soviet media also devoted attention to the freeze appeal by
U.S. bishops, mainly by describing the alleged efforts of
the Administration to undermine it. NSC Director Clark's
letter to the bishops was described in a November 18 Radio
Moscow English World Service commentary as arguing for the
morality of nuclear arms--the same justification that the
Truman Administration used when it ordered the nuclear
attack on Japan in 1945:. "With the gospel on their lips
and world domination on their minds, the American leader-
ship did not hesitate to kill thousands of Japanese civil-
ians in the name of American values."
MX Deployment
President Reagan's announcement in late November that 100
MX missiles would be deployed also raised a storm of pro-
test in the Soviet media. Arguing that the decision vio-
lated the provisions of both SALT I and II, a Moscow tele-
vision broadcast of December 5 asserted that the deployment
would add nothing to U.S. security--and in fact would
weaken it, presumably because of Soviet countermeasures.
TASS's English service on November 23 attacked the decision
on every conceivable ground. TASS claimed that the Presi-
dent had deliberately falsified data on the balance of
nuclear forces between the U.S. and the USSR, that MX con-
stituted a"qualitative and quantitative perfection" of
American missiles, and that it was aimed at upsetting the
rough parity between the two countries. other stories
called the deployment decision proof that the U.S. was
seeking a first-strike capability.
Soviet commentators claimed that criticism of the MX deci-
sion came from all quarters of U.S. society. The TASS item
cited in the previous paragraph quoted Senator Edward
Kennedy, former Congressman Robert Drinan, and retired
Admiral Eugene Carrol as prominent protesters.
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Other Military-Related Issues
Military Doctrine
Soviet propaganda relentlessly stressed the theme that the
U.S. was preparing for a""limited nuclear war," undoubtedly
in Europe. Commentators claimed that NATO Commander Gen-
eral William Rogers had threatened to use nuclear weapons,
and would not shrink from first-use (Krasnaia zvezda,
December 1).
War In Space
Several items repeated the Soviet charge that the U.S. was
planning to turn space into a "zone of conflict." The
media charged that the space shuttle was developed pri-
marily for military purposes. A TASS English service item
of November 11 claimed that in June 1982, President Reagan
had ordered that "all scientific-technological plans for
the exploration of outer space be placed at the Pentagon's
service for a decade to come."
Chemical and Biological. Warfare (CBW,)
Soviet propagandists continued their strong counterattacks
against U.S. charges that CBW weapons are being used by
Soviet forces and allies in Afghanistan, Laos, and Kampu-
chea. Claiming that the U.S. had absolutely no proof, the
media cited long lists of claims that the U.S. had used
CBW weapons for the past twenty years and was developing
and adding to its stockpiles now. Krasnaia zvezda of
November 1.8 charged that the U.S. was one of "General
Ishii's heirs," referring to the commandant of the World
War II Japanese biological warfare experiments.
UN Test Ban Proposal
The Soviets extolled the virtues of their UN proposal for
a ban on nuclear tests, saying that it would stop develop-
ment of new warheads, make it difficult for new nuclear
states to emerge, and even reduce pollution (Pravda,
November 12). The U.S. and its allies opposed the ban
because it would be a "serious obstacle to further
perfection and development of new types and systems of
U.S. weapons" (TASS English service, December 3).
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Rapid Deployment Force
The Rapid Deployment Force (RDF) came under constant fire
for its alleged "interventionist role," mainly in the
Persian Gulf. If Soviet commentaries are to be believed,
the RDF is setting up commands and stockpiles all over the
world. A November 24 TASS English item claimed that units
of the West German Army will participate in the RDF, per-
haps in the capacity of replacements for U.S. troops in
Europe should the troops be sent to the Persian Gulf.
THE GAS PIPELINE
Soviet media played the lifting of sanctions to the
fullest, claiming that it represented a clear victory for
European independence. Izvestiia of November 29 said that
calling the sanctions "hypocritical, shortsighted,
egotistical, and stupid ... by no means fill the collec-
tion of epithets used to describe U.S. policy." The White
House went too far, according to Izvestiia, and West
Europe was up in arms. Izvestiia concluded. by predicting
that:
As long as U.S. policy teeters between thoughtless-
ness and irresponsibility and until the Americans are
cured of their megalomania, the cracks and contradic-
tions [between Europe and the U.S.] will only widen.
Soviet propagandists were unrelenting in asserting that the
Europeans had made no.agreement on future restrictions on
trade with the USSR in order to end the sanctions. They
frequently cited French officials in this regard, saying
that the U.S. was denied even this "fig leaf."
CONFERENCE ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
Commentary on the resumption of the Madrid CSCE meeting on
November 9 picked up where it left off when the meeting
was last adjourned. The NATO states, especially the U.S.,
were charged with attempting to derail the meeting and
prevent either the adoption of a "substantive and balanced
conference document" or agreement on a separate conference
on disarmament in Europe (CDE) (Sovetskaia Rossiia, Nov-
ember 11).
THE UNITED STATES
Soviet propagandists kept up their.attacks on the Reagan
Administration and its policies, devoting special atten-
tion to the mid-term elections in November. The elections
were said to represent a protest
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... from eleven million unemployed and disagreement
with Reagan's social policies from 32 million who are
constantly faced with hunger, poverty, and sharp cuts
in benefits leaving them destitute (Moscow television,
November 4).
The elections constituted a "no confidence vote in Reagan-
omics," according to TASS's English service (November 3).
They were also
... fresh evidence that broad masses of the American
people do not share dangerous conceptions of the un-
limited arms race pursued by the Reagan Administra-
tion (Radio Moscow English service to North America,
November 5).
While purporting to recognize the vast significance of the
elections as a judgment on the Reagan Administration,
Soviet commentators at the same time denied that the elec-
tions were valid expressions of democracy. TASS's English
service on November 4 questioned what kind of validity an
election could have when only 39 percent of the voters
participated, and inferred from this that nonvoters "are
disappointed with the U.S. political system and are aware
that by participating they can change nothing of essence."
According to TASS, this is because U.S. politicians
... [ignore] the will of the voters,-go back on
election promises, and "backstage" deals between poli-
tical groupings behind which are the most influential
circles of monopoly capital....
The poor economic situation in the United States was
attributed directly to "Reaganomics and the insane arms
race" (TASS English service, November 12). According to
.TASS, "colossal military expenditures" were sapping the
economy and were responsible for unemployment.
Trouble Spots
Soviet propaganda continued its charges that the U.S. and
its allies were attempting to foment tension in all parts
of the world in order to carry out their imperialist and
neocolonialist plans. U.S. policy was portrayed as
failing on all fronts, especially in the Third World.
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Soviet propaganda pounded away at the theme of U.S. respon-
sibility for Israel's actions in Lebanon from the original
invasion to the massacres in the Sabra and Shatila camps.
An early November TASS English item on Lebanon pointed out
that the U.S. could not avoid its share of the blame:
The Yankees do not kill, but they stepped into
Lebanon over heaps of corpses. Israel's aggression is
conducted with American weapons, with American money
and under American political, and now military cover-
up.
Soviet Arabic broadcasts over Radio Moscow and Radio Peace
and Progress totally rejected U.S. efforts to settle the
crisis, pushed Soviet proposals, and openly suggested that
no real Arab could possibly accept the U.S. plan. A Radio
Moscow Arabic broadcast on November 4 was typical:
The U.S. is trying through its military charity to
Lebanon to make Arab public opinion forget the reality
of its participation in the Israeli aggression ... and
to divert its attention away from the U.S.'s real
objectives ... at the expense of [Arab] independence
and sovereignty.
Thus the primary task of Arab strategy is to consoli-
date its unity and to bring together all its capabil-
ities in the confrontation with the American-Zionist
conspiracy in Lebanon and the whole Middle East.
Soviet media launched vicious ad hominem attacks on U.S.
representatives Habib and Draper. Pravda, on November 4,
reminded its readers "that shuttling American emissaries
have brought calamity with them." Mr. Habib, Pravda said,
first served as cover for the Israeli invasion which led
ultimately to the massacre in the refugee camps. An
earlier Pravda piece (November 1) charged that Mr. Habib
was "essentially a channel for imposing U.S.-Israeli
demands on the Arabs."
Another major theme in Soviet commentary on Lebanon was
that the expanded role of the U.S. Marines is evidence
that the U.S. plans to turn Lebanon into a bridgehead for
the Rapid Deployment Force (Radio Peace and Progress
Arabic, November 3).
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Afghanistan
The main themes of Soviet propaganda on Afghanistan were:
o The Aghan government is firmly in control and gaining
support daily.
o Opposition to the government is from counterrevolu-
tionaries, bandits, and mercenaries.
o The counterrevolutionaries are being trained and armed
in Pakistan by the U.S. "secret services."
o Charges that Soviet forces were using chemical weapons
are slanderous lies meant to distract attention from
the use of such weapons [supplied by the U.S.] by coun-
terrevolutionaries.
Soviet commentaries on Afghanistan in November and
December complained about the discussion in the United
Nations General Assembly on the "Afghanistan question."
Calling the discussion a "violation of basic norms of
international law and the UN Charter," November 26 Pravda
charged that:
This deliberately harmful and sterile debate was in-
spired by circles that would like to preserve ten-
sion in Southwest Asia for their own imperialist and
hegemonist aims.
The Soviets also attacked with vigor the November 24 State
Department paper which charged that Soviet forces had been
using chemical weapons. Asserting that such claims had
never been proven, even by the group of UN authorities
which had visited Afghanistan earlier in 1982, Radio Mos-
cow's World English Service on November 30 said that it
was the U.S., not the Soviet Union, that was supplying the
chemical weapons. The TASS English wire on November 30
called such charges a "brazen lie," designed to form a
propaganda screen behind which the Reagan Administration
was "pressing its own large-scale program of preparations
for chemical warfare."
Perhaps the most serious development in Soviet propaganda
on Afganistan during November and December was the story
in Izvestiia on December 28 which accused the U.S. Embassy
in Kabul of -"directing the hand. of murderers, agent sabo-
teurs, and brutal bandits." The paper claimed that these
activities "have aroused just wrath and indignation among
the Afghan public." Specifically, the article charged
that two Embassy officials had recruited a group of "coun-
terrevolutionaries" and instructed them to blow up several
buildings in the center of Kabul.
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Soviet treatment of the situation in Poland stressed the
same themes as in the past:
o The situation is gradually normalizing despite oppo-
sition from counterrevolutionary elements and attempts
by Western governments, mainly the U.S., to interfere
in Polish affairs.
o The Polish government is strong and capable of dealing
with any situation that might arise.
o The Party is regaining its authority and the support
of the people.
Other Countries/Regions
A long Pravda article on November 5 declared that events
of recent months-demonstrated the "neocolonialist essence"
of U.S. policy toward the Arab world. According to the
article, the U.S. is seeking revenge for the setbacks of
the 1950's and 60's caused by "national liberation move-
ments which relied on Soviet aid." Washington is trying
to roll back national liberation and make the Middle East
an area of confrontation with the Soviet Union. The
favorite strategy of the U.S. is to split Arab countries
and to kindle inter-Arab conflict. The U.S. poses as
peace-maker, but really supports Israel. The Soviet
.position on the Middle East is in sharp contrast to the
U.S., and allegedly has no selfish motivations and no aim
but to transform the region into a zone of peace.
Radio Moscow Persian broadcasts to Iran stressed the threat
that American imperialism still poses. The broadcasts
painted the Soviet Union as the friend of Iran which did
all it could to help the revolution (Radio Moscow Persian
service, November 5). A November 10 broadcast warned that
President Reagan's report to Congress on U.S.-Iranian-
relations showed that Washington intends "to implement a
policy of diktats on Iran in the near future as it did
under the Shah."
The Iran-Iraq war was described as being "only to the
benefit of the imperialists" (Radio Moscow Persian ser-
vice, November 4).
Frequent articles and broadcasts attacked the new U.S.
joint military command which will exercise control over
the Rapid Deployment Force in the Indian Ocean and Persian
Gulf. The RDF was declared a threat to the Arab countries
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and described as having been set up especially to suppress
the Arab countries and other national liberation forces,
as well as to seize the oil fields (Radio Moscow Arabic
service, December 22). This broadcast also implied that
the RDF will use nuclear weapons, which will be "a grave
threat to the countries from which the American [missiles]
will be fired."
Sovetskaia Rossiia (November 12) charged that Israel and
the U.S. had signed a secret supplement to the memorandum
on strategic cooperation which allows the U.S. to deploy
Pershing-2's and cruise missiles with nuclear warheads on
Israeli territory. The article alleged that neutron
weapons might also be based in Israel.
U.S. Defense Secretary Weinberger's trip to Southeast Asia
was described as an attempt to draw ASEAN into the "orbit
of U.S. interests," to draw the countries into the arms
race, to turn ASEAN into a closed military group, and to
set them against the socialist countries of Indochina.
The deployment of U.S. F-16's to Misawa airbase in Japan
was characterized as a dangerous step likely to menace
peace and as an example of the U.S. applying pressure to
draw Japan into its own aggressive strategy. Soviet
commentaries in Japanese stressed that the F-16 is a
nuclear-capable aircraft and there is no'guarantee that
they will not be so equipped in the future. The Soviets
threatened to take countermeasures to the threat. The
Soviets also attacked what they called attempts to make
Japan "the gendarme of the sealanes" by giving it respon-
sibility for patrolling up'to 1,000 miles from its shores.
Radio broadcasts to Asia suggested that militarism was
reviving in Japan and recalled Japanese acts during World'
War II in the region.
Latin America
President Reagan's trip to Brazil, Colombia, and .Costa Rica
was the main focus of commentaries on this region during
November and December. The trip was called an attempt to
mend Washington's relations with Latin America which were
damaged by support for Britain in the Falklands/Malvinas
war with Argentina (Radio Peace and Progress Spanish ser-
vice, November 3). The trip was also characterized as an
attempt to draw Brazil closer to the U.S. because, in the
words of a Radio Moscow Spanish service broadcast to Latin
America (November 9), "the U.S. is determined to use'
Brazil's military and political influence to the advantage
of Yankee imperialism." The trip was later described as a
"fiasco" which showed "clumsiness proper for a beginner"
(Radio Moscow Spanish service, December 2).
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Raids from Honduras on Nicaragua by unmarked planes were
described by Pravda (November 5) as part of the undeclared
war being waged by "American imperialism and its accomp-
lice, the Honduran military regime." According to the
article, the CIA and the Pentagon are "trying to use
counterrevolutionary rabble and mercenaries to stifle
revolution" and American ."interventionists" could join the
attack at any moment.
The regional security and defense system set up by several
Caribbean island nations was called an attempt by the U.S.
to set up a military bloc whose real task would be to
stifle the growing national liberation movement in the
region and to pressure Grenada, which was not admitted to
the organization (Pravda, November 4).
Soviet commentators charged that the coup attempt in
Suriname was organized by "a small group of the economic
elite and oligarchy closely connected with U.S. imperial-
ism and Holland" (TASS English service, December 13).
Vice President Bush's visit to several African countries
was the subject of heavy coverage in late November and
early December. The trip's primary aim was said to be to
solve the Namibian crisis, i.e., "to foist the U.S.-South
African point of view," of "equating the_long illegal
occupation of Namibia by the South African racists and the
presence of Cuban troops on Angolan soil, onto which they
were invited by Angola's legitimate government to defend
the country's independence from the selfsame racists and
their stooges..." (Pravda,. November 26). The trip was of
course described as a failure. Moscow television, on
November 29, saw similarities between Lebanon and Namibia
and warned that the U.S. wants to transform the latter
into another Lebanon.
The failure of the organization of African Unity summit
was laid at the feet of the U.S. by Radio Moscow's Arabic
service (November 28). U.S. UN Ambassador Kirkpatrick was
allegedly sent out last year to organize the boycott of
the meeting and Vice President Bush was sent on a similar
mission in 1982.
U.S.-Somali joint military exercises were described as
being aimed at "ascertaining the capability of the Rapid
Deployment Force whose task it is to intervene where U.S.
interests are threatened" by Radio Moscow's Somali service
on. December 8. The broadcast went on to describe the gov-
ernment of President Barre as being under the "heel of the
Pentagon." Somalia's neighbors were said by the broadcast
to be worried by the exercise.
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The South African raid into Lesotho was compared to-the
Israeli invasion of Lebanon in a Radio Moscow World
English service broadcast (December 10): "The planes that
bombed Maputo were of American make, just like aircraft
that continue to sow death in Lebanon and El Salvador."
Western Europe
Principal Soviet media themes on Western Europe, apart
from those concerning arms control and disarmament,
stressed the economic and-military threat posed by the
U.S. to the region. The military threat comes from basing
U.S. weapons and supplies in such countries as Norway or
the siting of military headquarters in West Germany and
Britain, which makes them prime targets for strikes should
hostilities erupt. The economic threat comes from U.S.
attempts to force West European governments to alter their
internal and foreign trade policies to benefit America.
Europeans are said to be strongly resisting U.S. pressure.
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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Listed below are representative Soviet press and TASS items
on themes discussed in this report. Translations or sum-
maries of these items appeared in the FBIS Daily Report
(Soviet Union) during November and December.
ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT
"Hackneyed Myths: How The United States Is Trying To Vin-
dicate The Arms Race," by V. Petrov, Sovetskaia Rossiia,
November 2.
"Two Li.nes," by A. Bovin, Izvestiia, November 5..
"What They Are Planning," by E. Genri, Literaturnaia
gazeta, November 10.
"General Ishii's Heirs," by A. Leontev, Krasnaia zvezda,
November 18.
"On The Topic of The Day: Why Senator Hatfield Is
Offended," by V. Sisnev, Trud, November 19.
"The Peoples' Will. Must Be Reckoned With," Pravda, Novem-
ber 25.
"Policy To Which The Future Belongs," by Iu. Zhukov,
Pravda, November 30.
"Criminal Schemes," Krasnaia zvezda, December 1.
"Disarmament--The-Will of The Peoples," by G. Shishkin,
Selskaia zhizn, December 5.
"Who Is Whipping Up The Arms Race?" by M. Chernousov,
Novoe vremia, December 10.
"Behind Its Allies' Backs," by.M. Podkliuchnikov, Pravda,
December 15.
"Where The Dividing Line Runs," by T. Kolesnichenko and A.
Tolkunov, Pravda, December 15.
"Only On The Basis of Equality," Za rubezhom, December 17.
"The Peace Struggle and Its Opponents," by G. Deinichenko,
Izvestiia, December 20.
"Our Goal--Durable Peace," Pravda, December. 25.
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THE GAS PIPELINE
"Green Light--To Trade," by B. Chekhonin, TASS, November
17.
"Concessions Demanded," by I. Shchedrov, Pravda, November
17.
"Boomerang of The Sanctions Policy," by A. Bovin,
Izvestiia, November. 29.
CONFERENCE ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE
"The Madrid Test," by V..Kobysh, Literaturnaia gazeta,
November 10.
"Reason Dictates," by Iu. Rudnev, Sovetskaia Rossiia,
November 11.
"An Important Stage of The Madrid Meeting," by F. Konstan-
tinov, Krasnaia zvezda, November 13.
"At The End of The First Act," by S. Kondrashov,
Izvestiia, November 1.
"The Republican Defeat," by V. Linnik, Pravda, November 5.
"Washington's Anti-Arab Policy," by K. Brutents, Pravda,
November 1.
"Initiative without Responsibility," by V. Shelepin, Novoe
uremia, November 19.
"Friends and Foes of Emergent States," by V. Ovchinnikov,
Pravda, November 18.
"Challenge to Africa," by A. Serbin, Pravda, November 26.
"Reactionary Bloc," Pravda, November 4.
"They Are Weaving Nets," by S. Bulantsev, Sovetskaia
Rossiia, November 2.
"Journey With An Aim," by V. Ovchinnikov, Pravda, November
"In Defiance of The UN Charter," Pravda, November 26.
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