CURRENT INTELLIGENCE STAFF STUDY MAO TSE-TUNG AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM

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• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 19, 2006
• Sequence Number: 13
• Publication Date: October 20, 1961
• Content Type: IS

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20 October 1961
OCI No. 5132/61
Copy No.
CURRENT INTELLIGENCE STAFF STUDY
MAO TSE-TUNG AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM
III. "CONTRADICTIONS" IN A "SOCIALIST" SOCIETY
(Reference Title:
Office of Current Intelligence
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
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MAO TSE-TUNG AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM
III. "CONTRADICTIONS" IN A "SOCIALIST" SOCIETY
This is a working paper, the fifth and last of a series
on Mao Tse-tung as a Marxist philosopher. The first discussed
Mao's contributions--alleged and actual--to dialectical mate-
rialism, and the last four his contributions to aspects of
historical materialism. This particular paper is published
slightly out of sequence; in the collected papers, it should
precede the recently-published paper on Mao's contributions
to doctrine on the "transition to 'socialism."
This paper was written, as was each of the other fcolr, by
of the China Division of the Sino-Soviet Bloc Area.
The Sino-Soviet Studies Group would welcome comment on the
paper, addressed to who is now a member of the group,
at Ext. 7447.
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SUMMARY
Lenin maintained that "contradictions" would still exist
in a "socialist" society, but that these would not be "antago-
nistic." Chinese theorists acknowledge this as Lenin's posi-
tion, but point out that he did not develop this thought.
,Stalin's discussions of the concept, and developments of it
by Soviet theorists after 1935, are also minimized by Peiping.
Chinese theorists allege that Mao Tse-tung applied the
general theory of "contradictions" to the specific matter of
production, developing the theory of contradiction between
productive forces and the relations of production. Actually,
Mao's pronouncements on this question (1957) do not seem to
differ from Stalin's (1952). Neither Stalin nor Mao did any-
thing more than to assert that contradictions of this kind
"cannot" be antagonistic.
The Chinese also claim that Mao developed the concept of
contradictions among the people--by describing these also as
non-antagonistic and clearly different from contradictions with
the enemy. Mao's "people" by definition are those who are
non-antagonistic to the regime. The "contribution" of Mao
seems to lie in including the national bourgeoisie among the
"people," but even here Mao owes other Chinese theorists a
heavy debt.
Mao's principal title to originality on "contradictions"
is in respect to a matter on which Chinese theorists enter no
claim for him. That is, Mao in 1957 explicitly rejected the
Communist fiction that there cannot be contradictions between
the leaders and the led in a "socialist" society. Mao's en-
couragement (in 1957) of criticism of the Chinese party from
outside the party and by the whole populace was also unpreced-
ented, as was his stated toleration of "small" strikes. Moscow,
recognizing that these innovations constituted a rebuke to
Soviet methods, disapproved of all three of them.
Mao believed in 1957 that his policy of encouraging criti-
cism would show the bloc how to resblve contradictions among
the people properly, preventing these from becoming antagonistic.
Out of vanity and obstinacy, he persisted in his experiment
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for some time after it had gone wrong, and he has sustained
an illusion of criticism ever since. However, his suppression
of genuine criticism after mid-1957 was a clear retreat from
his doctrine.
Of Mao's "contributions"--the thesis of leaders-led con-
tradiction, encouragement of non-Communist criticism, tolera-
tion of small strikes, and the thesis of non-antagonistic con-
tradiction between the national bourgeoisie and the working
class--only the last is an acceptable topic of discussion to-
day. The "Hundred Flowers" policy of 1961 is far from the
policy of 1957.
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MAO TSE-TUNG AND HISTORICAL MATERIALISM
III. "CONTRADICTIONS" IN A "SOCIALIST" SOCIETY*
Adopting an idea of early Greek philosophers, Hegel held
that oppositions, which he also called contradictions, are found
everywhere in nature and thought and that history proceeds
through them. Marx accepted this in part but stressed the con-
cept of "class", maintaining that class contradiction is the
driving force of all social development. The appearance of
a major contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the prole-
tariat in capitalist society would be, Marx asserted, the
harbinger of the ultimate demise of that society and of the
victory of the proletariat. He made no comment, however, re-
garding contradictions in a "classless" society--the envisaged
Communist society.
"Non-antagonistic" Contradictions
It was Lenin who maintained that contradictions would still
exist under "socialism." In discussing class struggle, Marx
had used the terms "antagonism" and "contradiction" interchange-
ably. (1) Lenin, however, at times did not:
Antagonism and contradiction are by no means
the same. Under socialism the first will vanish,
the second will remain. If in developed social-
ism, there were no contradictions--contradictions
*Tontradictron," in Communist vocabulary, is variously
used to express the ideas of dissimilarity, mutual opposition,
contrariety, conflict, and antagonism. It is, therefore,
adaptable to almost any use by a clever writer or leader.
These discussions often seem to be a stupid and tiresome
verbal game, but real issues are sometimes being discussed.
1
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between productive forces and relations of pro-
duction, between production and demand, no con-
tradictions in the development of technique, etc.--
then the development of socialism would be impos-
sible, then instead of movement we should have
stagnation. (2)
Not antagonism but contradictions, which according to Marx were
the motive forces of all social development, were thus to con-
tinue under "developed socialism."
Chinese Communist theorists acknowledge Lenin's contribu-
tion to the matter of contradictions in a "socialist" society.
And well they might, as Mao himself, in On Contradiction (first
published in China in April 1952), quotes Lenin's abovementioned
statement. (3)
But in order to clear the way for Mao as a creative thinker
on contradictions, the theorists go on to minimize Lenin's con-
tribution. Theorist Pien Chang says that, "Lenin was restricted
by historical factors and was therefore not able to make a
detailed elaboration of the basic theory of contradiction," (4)
and Sun Ting-kuo alleges that, "Lenin in his day had come too
late to make an all-round observation on the matter of internal
contradictions in a socialist society." (5)
Stalin's statements on contradictions under "socialism"
are also mentioned, but only in a general way, and are simi-
larly minimized.
Actually, Stalin discussed the matter in considerable de-
tail in many of his works. In 1925, Stalin acknowledged the
existence of contradictions within Soviet society and insisted
that these "internal contradictions" can be solved through the
"directing role" of the state. (6) Among the various con-
tradictions mentioned by Stalin in 1925 was the contradiction
between the proletariat and the peasantry, which together with
other "internal contradictions," is perpetuated by the continued
existence of "external contradiction" between capitalist states
and the Soviet Union. Stalin enumerated more internal con-
tradictions in his speech to the Stakhanovites in 1935. (7)
In his Letter to Ivanov of 1938, he implied that the internal
contradictions had been solved, but in Economic Problems of
Socialism in the USSR (1952), Stalin cnce again conceded their
existence under "socialism."
2
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Lenin's statement that antagonism would disappear and
Stalin's 1925 position that "internal contradictions" could
be resolved on the basis of common interests provided the
foundation for a general theory of "non-antagonistic" con-
tradictions. Soviet writers had begun to develop the theory
by 1035. Thus in the Soviet Textbook of Marxist Philosophy,
a distinction is made between "antagonistic contradictions...
and contradictions that do not have an antagonistic character..
Not all contradictions are antagonistic." (8) A similar
distinction is made in 1935 in an article in the Great Soviet
Encyclopedia. (9) In 1939, M. Rozental and P. idin wrote
that 'the cdntradiction between the working class and the
working peasantry does not carry the character of antagonism." (10)
Starting in 1947, discussion of non-antagonistic contra-
dictions increased among Soviet theorists. A. Zhdanov gave
national and international prominence to the view that "criti-
cism and self-criticism" would serve as a technique for pre-
venting contradictions from becoming antagonistic. (11) P.
Yudin in 1948 distinguished "different types of contradictions."
"Contradictions and antagonisms are not one and the same thing.
There are contradictions that are antagonistic and not antago-
nistic." (12) Enlarging their 1939 statement on contradic-
tion, Rozental and Yudin stated in 1951 that "Marxist dialec-
tics distinguishes antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradic-
tions.... The Soviet Union gave a clear example and model of
the resolution of the non-antagonistic contradiction between
the working class and the peasantry, which had enormous inter-
national significance." (13) The authors seemed to predict
that other bloc countries will follow the Soviet precedent in
handling non-antagonistic contradictions "Countries of peo-
ple's democracy are learning by the great example of the Soviet
Union how, on the basis of the worker-peasant alliance, to
overcome the col.tradictions which still exist between them and
to turn small, fragmented agrictilture into large-scale social-
ist agriculture. With the victory of socialism, the antagonis-
tic contradiction inside the country disappears.... Lenin and
Stalin teach that under socialism, antagonistic contradictions
disappear, but that non-antagonistic contradictions remain." (14)
And in August 1951, the Soviet theorist B. Kedrov wrote in
Bol'shevik that "The Marxist dialectic recognizes two funda-
Zia types of contradictions antagonistic and non-antago-
nistic contradictions." (15)
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Claims for Mao: The "Basic" Contradiction
It is alleged by the Chinese theorists that Mao went well
beyond the Soviet general theory of contradictions under "so-
cialism." That is, Mao took the general theory and applied
it to the specific matter of production. In a jointly written
article, three Chinese writers claim that Mao's On the Problem
of the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (June
175 is 'a great contribution to the theory of-The-B-asic con-
tradiction in a socialist society," the contradiction between
the productive forces and the relations of producd.on. (16)
This particular claim was made in June 1958 on the first anni-
versary of the publication of Mao's abovementioned article.
The basis for this claim is Mao's statement of June 1957
that "The basic contradiction in a socialist society is still
between the productive forces and the relations of production,
between the superstructure and the economic base." "There is
conformity as well as contradiction between the relations of
production and the development of the productive forces; simi-
larly, there is conformity as well as contradiction between
the superstructure and the economic base." (17)
Actually, Mao seems to have added nothing original to the
theory of the basic contradiction in production. Stalin had
begun to elaborate on the theory in 1952. On 2 October 1952,
letters written by Stalin months earlier were published under
the title Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR. Certain
Soviet political economists apparently had written that the
possibility of a contradiction between the productive forces
and relations of production in Soviet society did not exist
One Yaroshenko was condemned by Stalin in this way:
Comrade Yaroshenko is mistaken in affirming that
under socialism there are no contradictions be-
tween relations of production and the productive
forces of society.... It would be wrong to be
complacent...and imagine that there are no con-
tradictions between our productive forces and re-
lations of production. Contradictions there defi-
nitely are and will be, since the development of
production lags and will lag behind the develop-
ment of productive forces. (18)
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'Ginn rIVILITinTAT NTO.171 ^wriqr
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Stalin went on to deny, in line with Lenin's statement, that
these cont:?adictions would become antagonistic: "With a cor-
rect policy on the part of the directing agencies, these con-
tradictions cannot turn into antagonism and matters here can-
not go so far as a conflict between relations of production
and society's productive forces." Mao's general statement on
con.:eradictions--which was made in his June 1957 article--is
similar to Stalin's 1052 remark. Mao stated that "Contradic-
tions in socialist society are.. .not antagonistic and can be
resolved one after the other by the socialist system itself." (19)
Theorist Ts. Stepanyan more fully expounded (in 1955)
the theory of the basic contradiction under "socialism." In
a definitive article, Stepanyan says that "The basic contradic-
tion of the socialist structure is particularly manifest in
the general contradiction between the productive forces and
the relations of production." (20) He goes on to link the
basic contradictionlvith the superstructure--to which the
"needs of all the people" belong--and the base--to which "pro-
duction of material" goods belong: "The basic contradiction
under socialism. is the contradiction between the limitlessly
growing needs of all the people and the stage of development
of the production of material and cultural goods which has
been achieved in each given period." Other Soviet theorists
described the basic contradiction as "the contradiction be-
tween the limitlessly growing material and cultural demands
of society and the stage of development of production reached
in a given period, as well as the contradictions between the
new productive forces and the old aspects of the relations of
production." (21)
Mao's 1957 statement on the basic contradiction as a con-
tradiction between productive forces and .1'elations, between
superstructure and base is not a "great contribution" to the
theory of basic contradiction. It is merely a paraphrase of
Soviet views expressed generally by Stalin in 1952 and in de-
tail and precision by Stepanyan in 1955. (22)
Contradictions "Among the People"
Theorist Al Ssu-chi claims that Mao's June 1957 article
"further develops Lenin's viewpoint" on contradictions under
"socialism." (23) "Comrade Mao Tse-tung,..points out that
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in a socialist society the contradiction among the people is
non-antagonistic." The term "people" had largely replaced the
term working class in Mao's vocabulary, particularly in 1957,
and had come to mean all those loyal to the regime regardless
of class. Theorist Pang Tzu-nien says, "Chairman Mao's great
contribution to the Marxist theory of state in his article On
the Problem of the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among
the People is this he drew a sharp distinction between the
enemy-ourselves contradiction and the contradiction aliong-the-
people. He also made a scientific, historical materialist
definition of the concept, 'people.'" (24) Mao apparently
drew this distinction for CCP cadres in order to correct their
Stalinist way of attacking as "counterrevolutionary" any minor
political mistake of the intellectuals (including young students)
and the remaining capitalists.
Because Mao.inci.uded the national bourgeoisie in the con-
cept "people," the claim that he had made a contribution to
Communist doctrine on this point appears to be, on first con-
sideration, valid. In his article On the Problem of the Cor-
rect Handling of Contradictions Among the People, Mao says that
"In our country, the contradiction between the working class
and the national bourgeoisie is a contnadiction among the peo-
ple. The class struggle waged between the two is, by and large,
a class struggle within the ranks of the people." (25) Marx-
ists-Leninists have maintained that temporary, tactical ccnapro-
mises with the bourgeoisie are frequently necessary in the
course of the "democratic" revolution but have insisted that
such compromises must be temporary because the "contradiction"
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is basically and
in the long-run antagonistic, especially during the "socialist"
revolution. Mao, however, says not only that temporary come-
promises are necessary during the "democratic" revolution, but
also that even during the"socialist" revolution an alliance
can be sustained with a section of the bourgeoisie, as they
are not to be counted among the enemy. We can agree with Sun
Ting-kuo that "Never before in history has this been written
during the stage of socialist revolution." (26)
On second consideration, however, it appears that Mao owes
his own theorists a heavy debt for the claim of originality.
Sun Ting-kuo says that "Regarding the contradiction between
China's bourgeoisie and the working class, Chnirman Mao bril-
liantly expouaded the view that this contradiction has an an-
tagonistic aspect and non-antagonistic aspect." But on this
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matter, Mao had merely selected one of four positions arrived
at by various top-level CiTiFe7g-6 Communist theorists during a
conference sponsored by the Philosophical Research Office,
Academy of Saiences China, Stepanyan's article, which had
sparked a debate in the USSR, was followed by a similar debate
in China. The conference, held on 22 and 23 October 1956,
heard the views of (among others) theorists Kuan Feng, Feng
Ting, Ho Wei, Su Hain, and Ai Ssu-chi. Discussing the "nature
of the bourgeoisie-working class contradiction during China's
transition period," the scholars arrived at four different
positions:
(1) One opinion held that the bourgeoisie-wor-
ing class contradiction during China's tran-
sition is of a dual nature, including antago-
nistic and non-antagonistic contradiction,
(2)One opinion held that this contradiction is
basically non-antagonistic; but there is an
aspect in which antagonism is unavoidable.
The method of peace-L.11 transfoTmation is
basically non-antgonistic, hut it includes
an aspect of antagonism in solving this con-
tradiction.
(3) One opinion held that the contradiction is
antagonistic, but antagonistic contradiction
can be solved by nien-antagenistic methods.
(4) One opinion held that the contradiction is
antagonistic and he method of solvinT it
is also antagonistic. (27)
What iE; the extent of Mao's originality on the matter of the
contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the working class?
It is merely that he appears to have selected the second posi-
tion and incorporated it into his dune 1957 article.
Mao's Liberaliation
It is on more practical matters that Mao's February 1957
speech and the June article (revised) based on it show real
originality. In his effort to gain the lost confidence of
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Chinese intellectuals and to a' ctify bureaucratic practices
of CCP cadres, Mao discarded at least one theory, one fiction.
Mao explicitly rejected the Communist fiction that there could
be no contradiction between the Communist party and the populace,
between the "government and the masses., .between those in posi-
tion of leadership and the led." (28)
The first time that this fiction came under attack by Mao
was in a published discussion of an enlarged CCP politburo meet-
ing. On 5 April 1956, the Chinese leaders made their first
comment on de-Stalinization and its shock-effect, particularly
after Khrushchev's "secret speech" in February. The Chinese
comment, printed in the Peiping Jen-min Jih-pao under the title
"On the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Pro-
letariat," contained the objectionable statement that "the
existence of contradictions between the individual and the col-
lective in a socialist society is nothing strange." The state-
ment was objectionable to Moscow not because it was false,
which obviously it was not, but because it was unprecedented
in Communist literature. It exposed a long-standing Communist
fiction as just that. Furthermore, the Chinese chose to apply
it to all "socialist" countries, once again by-passing Moscow
and implicitly rejecting Moscow as the only source of doctrine
for Communistele.d nations.*
The second attack appeared in another politburo discussion,
which was published in the Peiping Jen-min Jih-pao on 29 December
in an article entitled "More On the Historical Experience of
the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." The article stated that
among the various non-antagonistic contradictions, there was
the contradiction "between the government and the people in
socialist countries." This is identical with the statement
made by Mao in his article of June 1957.
Whether Mao was really the author of the 5 April and 29
December 1956 statements is conjectural. The Chinese leaders
apparently intended the published version of the politburo dis-
cussions to appear as the collective opinion of the politburo;
*Ithrushchev stated publicly that Mao's thesis was not applic-
able to the USSR.
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this was part of their effort to undercut Moscow's impl,.cit
attacks on Mao and his "cult of personality." Mao is not
mentioned once in either of the long politburo statements, but
it was implied--as has also been s!;ated--that the CCP had
made no mistakes in policy since Mao took over effective lead-
ership in 1935. In any case, Mao was probably the final
arbiter, if not the author, of the politburo statements which
contained the remarks on the leaders-led contradiction.
Prior to Mao's February 1957 speech, his campaign to mol-
lify and gain the confidence of non-Communist intellectuals
had come under a:6tack within China. The campaign, which had
been sparked by Chou En-lai's January 1956 speech to intel-
lectuals and which had blossomed into the "Hundred Flowers"
movement by fall 1956, was openly critcized by some party
members as "harmful to the cause of socialism." This bold
complaint earned several critics among the party's literature
and art cadres a stinging rebuke administered by the party
hack Mao Tun:
Criticisms that have been made of the "Hundred
Flowers and Hundred Schools of Thought" line
give the impression that this line can be more
harmful than beneficial. It has splashed cold
water on the face of intellectuals, who are in-
spired and animated by the new line. (29)
Mao Tun was not the only one to respond. In his February
speech, Mao Tse-tung himself, reading from notes, swept aside
all critics and opened the door for direct criticism of the
CCP. Mao's liberalization views went well beyond the de-Sta-
linization policy instituted by other bloc leaders. Accord-
ing to textual extracts of the four-hour speech which appeared
in the New York Times on 13 June 1957 and which are "absolutely
authentic" in the opinion of Mr. Sidney Gruson, Mao warned
members of the CCP to brace themselves for non-Communist criti-
cism:
Marxism-Leninism is not afraid of criticism ancl
does not fear discussion.... Marxism-Leninism
must come out to meet criticism head on because
only in this way can it be strengthened and be-
come a really great power and not a new religion
or taboo.... The opinions against the policy of
"Hundred Flowers" are the result of fear of criti-
cism, fear of losing the monopolistic position.
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Marx never said that he should not be criticized.
To those who do not follow the teaching of Marx,
I would address an old saying: "Ile who does not
allow himself to be criticized during his life,
will be criticized after his death." (30)
The Soviet doctrine of "criticism and self-criticism" has been
interpreted in many ways by various Communist leaders. It had
been designated by A. Zhdanov as the new source of social de-
velopment under "socialism." But criticism had always been
of one party member by another and not of the whole party.
No Communist leader in a position of authority -71-.3:6r to Mao
(1957) has called for all non-Communists, for the whole popu-
lace to engage in criticism of the Communist party, and neither
does Stepanyan in his discussion 0? how to use "criticism and
self-criticism" to solve contradictions in a 'socialist" society.
Thus, in addition to his statement that there is a con-
flict or contradiction between the leaders and tho led even
under "socialism," Mao's encouragement of criticism of the
CCP from without and by the whole populace for the purpose
6T-"party rectification" is unprecedented in Communist litera-
ture and practice. These ideas have no Soviet paternity and
they represent Mao's contribution (in the face of implicit
Soviet opposition) to the Communist discussion of contradic-
tions under "socialism."
Mao's encouragement of criticism was for the specific pur-
pose of preventing non-antagonistic contradiction between lead-
ers ond led from becoming antagonistic.
Regarding one aspect of the practical matter of permitting
criticism of the CCP from without and by the whole populace,
Mao apparently emphasized in his speech the value of open dis-
putes between Communists and non-CozAunists. According to the
version of the original text available to Mr. Drew Middleton (31),
Mao suggested two consecutive courses. First was to let dis-
putes be carried on, if both sides wanted them. Second was
to permit such disputes to reach their end rather than "smoth-
ering" them halfway, even if this meant permitting the disputes
to go on for days until the matter was settled. In this way,
non-Communist and Communist "schools of thought" contended
against each other.
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In 1957, there wore many indications that MuSCOW disap-
proved of Mao's policy of "many schools." Among these indi-
cations was the subtle alteration of the slogan by a Soviet
f4cholar who said that people in the USSR look with interest
at the Chinese policy of permitting "many scholars" to contend.
In the June 1957 version of his February speech, Mao reit-
erates his statement that Marxism can be criticized. He adds,
however, six criteria (not in his February speech) as the basis
for such criticism, two of which were designed to prevent any
sigificant political attacks on the party. "Words and actions
can be judged right if they:...(2) are beneficial, not harm-
ful, to socialist transformation and socialist construction,
and... (5) tend to strengthen, not to cast off or weaken, the
leadr3hip of the Communist party." (32) Mao says that of
the six criteria, these two are "the most important." He
then says that the criteria were put forward "in order to
foster and not hinder the free discussion of various questions
among the people." In making this statement, he was, of course,
aware that free discussion would thereafter exclude any poli-
tical matters. From this it was only a step to the conclusion
that his original concept of "Hundred Flowers" was a dismal
failurf.). But Mao has seemed reluctant to admit this and even
today the slogan "Hundred Flowers" is retained partly to dem-
onstrate continuity and to deny that failure.
Returning to Mao's February 1957 speech, in attacking
bureaucratic practices of CCP cadres, he makes another innova-
tion in his statement that "small" strikes against the Com-
munist authorities would be tolerated. In the version reported
by Mr. Gruson from Warsaw, Mao says:
Internal antagonisms should be dealt with as soon
as they appear. But what to do if this is hampered
by bureaucracy, which in turn leads to demonstra-
tions and strikes? Such incidents should be con-
sidered as warning signals to sectors of the adminis-
tration where bureaucracy has made its nest.
In this respect, it can even be said that small
strikes are beneficial because they point to mis-
takes committed. Of course, big general strikes
cannot be considered in the same' way because they
are not fought to rectify mistakes or to satisfy
rightful grievances, but are directed against the
regime itself. (33)
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Mao goes on to say that "persuasion" rather than reprisals or
force should be used to dissuade workers from using the "method
of small strikes." The same was to hold true for strikes by
students. When Tientsin University students went on strike
in late 1956 to protest the extension of university courses
by a year, CCP activists are said to have talked to the stud-
ents "for three days and three nights," resolving the dispute
by conciliation, i.e. by agreeing to abolish the extension. (34)
As Mao is said to have put it, the proper conclusion for PI dis-
pute was either that those who raised the initial argument un-
derstood they werc mistaken or that errors on the part of the
authorAties were exposed and corrected. (35) Mao's concern
here is with "rectiiyine-bureaucracy among CCP cadres in order
to prevent further strikes.
It was, of course, the Polish press rather than the Soviet
press which reported with approval this professed willingness
of Mao to show a degree of tolerance for small strikes and re-
solve them by means of persuasion and conciliation. Moscow
remained silent on the matter.
Three of Mao's innovations--open acknowledgement that con-
flicts exist at times between leaders and the led in "social-
ist" countries, encouragement of criticism of the CCP by non-
Communists and the whole population, and toleration of "small"
strikes and their resolution through conciliation--constituted
an implicit rebuke of Soviet methods. Mao criticized Stalin
for his "rule of terror and liquidation of thousands of Com-
munists," and went on to make a more generalized statement of
Soviet experience in a condescending manner:
The Soviet Union has many experiences that can be
used for the benefit of our country, especially
in regard to industrial progress. But other ex-
periences of the Soviet Union cannot be neglected
and we have to consider them if only not to repeat
the mistakes. (36)
Mao's statements in this vein were not very flattering to Moscow.
Furthermore, they did nothing to discourage feelings of nation-
alism among the restive anti-Stalinists in the bloc who, like
Mao, wanted to avoid Soviet "mistakes." There appears to be
no difference between these statements and anti-Stalinist state-
ments on Soviet "mistakes" made by Gomulka.
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Mao's "Realism"
During liberalization and party "rectification" in 1057,
Mao apparently was anxious to prove to the Communist bloc and
neutrals that in China a moderate attitude could be adopted
by the CCP toward non-Conununists without the drastic repercus-
sions of a "Hungary." Ho was in a cocky mood. In his February
speech, Mao played the role of teacher, and probably thought
himself a good one, much better than his contemporaries in
other Communist parties. In discussing the kinds of contradic-
tions which might drive a wedge between the "masses and the
leaders," Mao says:
The leaders must show great farsightedness in notic-
ing and solving these contradictions by the proper
methods and in the right time. These leaders who
will not take notice of these contradictions or who
will not be able tc solve them by a proper method
are threatened by serious political danger. And
this may happen because not only do they not keep
up with the course of history, but also because the
high positions they hold may incline them to sub-
jectivity and cause them to be blind to reality. (37)
Mao seems to have designed this Socratic homily partly as a
warning to CCP cadres during party rectification and partly
as an indirect means of saying to other Communist leaders in
the bloc that he, Mao, is not one (like Stalin) to be "blind
to reality."
Mao believed that he was being realistic in acknowledging
the "leaders-led" contradiction and permitting, even encourag-
ing, open criticism of the party. In the Gruson version of
his February speech, he states two reasons for continuing his
"Hundred Flowers" policy. First, know your enemy:
There need be no .fear that the policy of "Hundred
Flowers" will yield poisoned fruit. Sometimes it
is necessary even to have this poisoned fruit to
know what it is we are fighting against. For this
reason, too, it has been decided to publish the
full works of Chiang Kai-shek and even a volume
of some of the Voice of America broadcasts. It is
not enough to attack reactionaries. We must know
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exactly what the reactionaries want and what
they represent. (38)
When, during the question and answer session, an incredulous
listener asked if it were "really necessary" to publish Chiang's
works and VOA broadcasts, Mao gave a second reason for "Humired
Flowers," e.g. toughen your forces:
The new generation, which did not fight face to
face with imperialism and reactionaries, must know
why we are calling on them to continue that fight.
And another reason. We cannot breed flowers in a
hothouse. Such flowers will be neither beautiful
or healthy. We must strengthen and harden them if
their fruits are to be lasting. (39)
Was Mao more realistic than his incredulous and apprehensive
questioner? Inasmuch as "Hundred Flowers" was a fiasco, pro-
viding intellectuals with a means of undermining the authority
of the CCP and even of Mao himself, it would seem that--from
a Communist point of view--the questioner was right and Mao
wrong: "Hundred Flowers," as implemented between late February
and early June 1957, was a mistake.
However, the decisive test for Mao's realism or lack of
it would not be his decision in 1956 to begin a free criti-
cism policy (40) but whether he would persist in it if it were
clearly a failure. Apparently out of conceit and obstinacy,
he did indeed insist, for a time, that the policy be sustained
and made even more liberal despite signs of danger to CCP
prestige. For Mao's name had been directly associated with
"Hundred Flowers" and he and his policy were admired in some
parts of the bloc and the free world. To halt the "Hundred
Flowers" was to admit personal failure. Stalin was not known
for admission of personal failure and neither is Mao.
Nevertheless, it was only a pretense of "Hundred Flowers"
which was'sOstained after June 1957. When it was suggested to
Chou En-lai--who had established the "soft" line on liberaliza-
tion with Mao--by a foreign student that the CCP's action in
calling a halt to free criticism in June 1957 contradicted
Mao's idea of "Hundred Flowers," Chou snapped that it was not
a contradiction at all. "Hundred Flowers" continues--but why
should enemies of "socialism" be permitted to speak?
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The image of Mao which emerges from these developments
in 1957 is that of a leader who bends theory to fit his view
of what is needed on the practical level. Beyond doubt, his
view of what is needed on the practical level is sometimes
obscured and distorted (partly by conceit). Nonetheless, Mao
in 1057 gave theory second place to practical policy. He was
not really serious about the concept of non-antagonism in
contradiction. For example, Mao manipulated this concept in
a rather flippant way. In the Gruson version of his February
speech, he says:
...it is possible that the enemy-nation type of
contradiction may evolve into a non-antagonistic
type of contradiction. For instance, this would
happen if Chiang Kai-shek would return Taiwan to
People's China. In that case, it would become a
purely internal matter of People's China and the
differences would be of a non-antagonistic type. (41)
Thus, for reasons of state, Mao removes the idea of non-antago-
nism from the theoretical level, showing how it can be twisted
and reduced to a tool of policy, and a very convenient tool
indeed, seeing that it is he who decides what is non-antago-
nistic and what is not.
The Mao of 1957 attempted to storm the fortress of origin-
ality once again as he had attempted in previous years, and
he did not try half-heartedly. In his February 1957 speech,
Mao leaves the great names of Communism in his wake:
These problems foif contradictions in "socialist"
society7 are neW in Marxism-Leninism. Marx and
Engels did not know about these problems for
obvious reasons. Lenin mentioned them but did
not enlarge upon them because during his life-
time, as a result of foreign intervention, it
was difficult to speak about internal problems
only.
As for Stalin, his opinions can be considered
only negatively. The experience of the Soviet
Union in this respect shows that Stalin made the
mistake of substituting internal differences for
external antagonism, which resulted in a rule of
terror and the liquidation of thousands of Com-
munists. (42)
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It is in this way that Mao clears his own path to originality.
And when, followilr; the speech, his eulogists searched every
sentence for an unique idea, it appeared that even Lenin was
by contrast a novice on the matter of contradictions under "so-
cialism." Thus in March 1957, Ouyang Yu-ching says that "Lenin
had spoken of the disappearance of antagonism and the continued
existence 9f contradiction. But no one has, with Chairman Mao's
clarity, set for the concept that we should acknowledge the
exience for a long time of contradictions among the people." (43)
Mao's Positions Discredited
That Mao wenl, too far for a Communist (and that he is de-
termined not to go so far again) in his liberalization policy
of 1957 is indicated by the fact that three of his four imnova-
tions are not discussed by Chinese writers today. That
of the lour (leader-led contradiction, non-Communist criticism
of the CCP, toleration of "small" strikes, and the non-antago-
nistic contradiction between the national bourgeoisie and the
working class) only the last one remains as an acceptable
matter for discussion. The revived "Hundred Flowers" of 1961
is not the "Hundred Flowers" of 1957. "Debate" is permitted
only on academic subjects. The discussion of political sub-
jects which is fostered at the "meetings of immortals" (shen-
hsien hui) is just that, i.e. it is fostered, guided, and con-
trolled in order to prevent the "negative" criticisms of 1957
from re-appearing.
In his June 1957 retreat from experimenting with liberali-
zation, Mao also went too far, in the view of at least one kind
of Communist. Mao came remarkably close to giving a public
demonstration of the validity of Trotsky's analysis of the
nature of bureaucratic-power rule in the Soviet Union. In his
The Revolution Betrayed (1937), Trotsky had argued that the
Bolshevik revolution of 1917 overthrew the power of all clas-
ses--other than that of the new Bolshevik bureaucracy--but
failed to attain real "socialism" as Marx and Engels under-
stood it. Therefore, said Trotsky, the Soviet bureaucracy
was a unique type of class-rule:
Caesarism arose upon the basis of a slave society
shaken by inward strife. Bonapartism is one of
the political weapons of the capitalist regime in
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its critical period. Stalinism is a variety of
the same system, but upon the basis of a workers'
state torn by the antagonism between an organized
and armed Soviet aristocracy and the unarmed toil-
ing masses. /emphasis supplied/ (del)
In his article On the Problem of the Correct Handling of Con-
tradictions Among the People, Mao indicates which forces main-
taina7EFFEI-gY5:511ity of the mainland regime during the Hungarian
revolution and its effect in China and, implicitly, during the
free criticism period of "Hundred Flowers." The "armed" Chi-
nese aristocracy, so to speak, was the main force:
Of course, the consolidation of our state is not
primarily due to the suppression of counter-revolu-
tion. It is due primarily to the fact that we
have a Communist party and a Liberation Army steeled
in decades of revolutionary struggle, as well as a
working people that has been similarly steeled.
Our party and our armed forces are rooted in the
masses; they have been tempered in the flames of a
protracted revolution; they are strong and they can
fight. (45)
In the passage immediately preceding this one, Mao says that
the "incident" in Hungary "caused some of our intellectuals
to lose their balance a bit but there were no squalls in our
country." This is probably an accurate statement--an accurate
statement of the effectiveness of CCP control. rut it is
also a comment of the degree to which intellectuals are tyran-
nized in China. The extent of the tyranny in China is con-
cealed by its very success: few intellectuals care to incur
a persecution which is certain to be thorough and effective.
Therefore, in the revived "Hundred Flowers" today they "sup-
port" the regime. They try to avoid words and deeds which
could be taken by the authorities as a contradiction of party
policy and therefore as an antagonistic contradiction.
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NOTES
1. In his Poverty of Philosophy (1846-47), Marx says that
"From ta?very moment in whiCT civilization begins, pro-
duction begins to be based on the antagonism of orders,
of states, of classes, and finally on the antagonism
between capital and labor. No antagonism, no progress."
Marx also frequently used the term "contradiction" to
describe the relationship between capital and labor.
2. Quoted in M. Shirokov: Textbook of Marxist Philosophy,
Leningrad Institute of Philosophy, revised and edited
translation by John Lewis, Gollanz, London, c. 1935-37,
p. 175,
3. Mao Tse-tung: On Contradiction, International Publishers,
New York, 1953, p. 52.
4. Pien Chang: "A Trial DisCussion of Comrade Mao Tse-tung's
Development of Marxist-Leninist Philosophy," Li-lun
Hsueh-hsi (Studies in Theory), No. 9, Mukden, 1 September
1960.
5. Sun Ting-kuo: "A Tremendous Development of the Law of
Marxist Dialectics," Che-hsueh Yen-chiu (Philosophical
Research), No. 3, 15 June 1958.
6. Stalin: "Results of the Work of the 14th Party ConXer-
ence" (1925), Sochineniia (Works), Moscow, Gospolitizdat,
1946-1951, Volume VII, pp. 90-132.
7. Stalin: Leninism, International Publishers, New York,
1942, p. 368.
8. M. Shirokov: Textbook of Marxist Philosophy, op. cit.,
p. 174.
9. "Historical Materialism," in Bol'shaia sovetskaia
entsiklopediia (Great Soviet Encyclopedia), VolinTle. XXIX,
1935, pp. 727-750: The Marxist Leninist Theory of Social
Development.
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10. M. Rozental and P. Yudin: Kratki filosoisky slovar (Short
Philosophical Dictionary), Ogiz., 171-o-scow, TOD, p. 11
11. A.A. Zhdanov: On Literature, Music and Philosophy, Lawrence
and Wishart Ltd., London, 15O, pp. 7107:7108.
12., P. Yudin: "The Prime Source of Development of Soviet
Society," in the symposium 0 sovetskom sotsialisticheskom
obshchestve (On Soviet Socialist Society), edited by F.
V7-1(onstantinov, M.D. Kammari, and G. Glazerman, Mosr,nw,
1943.
13. Kratki filosofsky slovar, 3rd edition with revisions and
-a7dditions, Moscow, 3951, pp. 13-14. The 4th edition,
published in 1955 with additions and corrections, describes
a special feature of non-antagonistic contradiction: "The
characteristic feature of non-antagonistic contradictions
as distinguished from antagonistic contradictions con-
sists in the fact that in their development they do not
turn necessarily into a hostile opposition and the struggle
between them does not result in conflict."
14. Ibid.
15. B. Kedrov: "On Forms of Leaps in the Development of Nature
and Society," Bol'shevik, No. 15, August 1951.
16. Hsu Li-chun, Chen Tao, and. Chen Mou-i: "On the Problem
of the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the
People is a Mighty Contribution to Marxism-Leninism,"
Che-hsueh Yen-chiu, No, 3, 15 June 1958.
17. Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling of
Contradictions Among the People (1957), English-language
text, New Century Publishers, New York, 1957, pp. 10-11.
18. Stalin: Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR (October
1952), in Current Soviet Policies, edited by Leo Gruliow,
Praeger, New York, 1933, p. 14.
19, Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling...,
op cit., p. 10
20. Ts. Stepanyan: "Contradictions in the Development of So-
cialist Society and the Means of Resolving Them," Voprosy
filosofii (Problems of Philosophy), No. 2, 1955.
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21. L. N. Kogan and E.D. Glazunov: "The Problem of Contradic-
tions in Soviet Society," Voprosy filosofii, No. 6, 1955.
22. Writing in 1954, G.E. Glezerman had discussed the base-
superstructure contradiction and had stated that "It is
necessary to acknowledge contradictions which arise be-
tween the base and superstructure. .under socialism."
Cf. his Bazis i nadstroika v sovetskom obshestve (Base
and Superstructure in Soviet Society), Publishing House
of the Academy of Sciences USSR, Moscow, 1954, p. 325.
23. Al Ssu-chi: "The Contradiction between Productive Forces
and Relations of Production and Contradictions Among the
People," Che-hsueh Yen-chiu, No. 3, 15 June 1958.
24. Pang Tzu-nien: "Some Thoughts on Chairman Mao's Theory
of Two Kinds of Contradictions Viewed from the Marxist
Theory of State," Che-hsueh Yen-chiu, No. 3, 15 June 1958.
25. Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling...,
op. cit., p. 4.
26. Sun Ting-kuo: "A Tremendous Development of the Law of
Marxist Dialectics," Che-hsueh Yen-chiu, op. cit.
27. Che-hsueh Yen-chiu, Statement of the Editorial Board, No.
4., August 1957.
28. Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling...,
op. cit., p. 4.
29. Peiping Jen-min Jih-pao, 18 March 1957
30. Sidney Gruson: Dispatch from Warsaw, in New York Times,
13 June 1957. p. 8
31. Drew Middleton: Dispatch from London, New York Times,
29 May 1957.
32. Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling...,
op. cit., p. 25.
33. Sidney Gruson: op. cit.
34. New York Times, 19 May 1957.
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35. Drew Middleton: op. cit. Mao retains much of this view
in the June 1957 version of his speech. He says that in
order to get rid of "disturbances," bureaucracy must first
be Stamped out. "If distrubances should occur as a re-
sult of bad work on our part, then we should guide those
involved in such disturbances on to the correct path.! and
take a lesson in order to "improve our work." Cf. On
the Problem of the Correct Handling..., op. cit., p.-2.8.
36. Sidney Gruson: op. cit.
37. Sidney Gruson: Dispatch from Warsaw, in New York Times,
16 June 1957, p. 30. (Continues 13 June dispatch.)
38. Sideny Gruson: op. cit., 13 June 1957.
39. Ibid.
40. This does not deny that Mao, like many leaders in the bloc,
overestimated the degree of popular support the regime
had at the time. Mao's decision to push ahead with "Hund-
red Flowers" apparently was based on his and his advisers'
estimate that the populace in general and the intellectuals
in particular supported the regime. In his February
speech he says: "The Communist Party of China now has
12,000,000 members. This is a percentage lower than in
many other states, but it is not the figures that count.
The Hungarian party had a percentage much higher but the
people refused to follow it and the party disintegrated
in two days." (Cf. Sidney Gruson: op. cit., 16 June
1957.)
41. Sidney Gruson: op. cit., 16 June 1957
42. Sidney Gruson: op. cit., 13 June 1957
43. Ouyang Yu-ching: "Several Thoughts on Hearing Chairman
Mao's Report," Peiping Jen-min Jih-pao, 19 March 1957,
44. Leon Trotsky: The Revolution Betrayed, Doubleday, New
York, 1937, p. 278.
45. Mao Tse-tung: On the Problem of the Correct Handling...,
op. cit., P. 13.
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