AFRICAN REGIONAL GROUPINGS: A STATUS REPORT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00875R001100130122-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 21
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 18, 2008
• Sequence Number: 122
• Publication Date: November 15, 1972
• Content Type: IR

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1 1-.?1M/ 0L 4,/ .17 - a`/3 ),
Secret
DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
Intelligence Report.
African Regional Groupings: A Status Report
Secret
15 November 1972
No. 2434/72
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202'
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CENTII2AL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Directorate of Intelligence
15 November 1972
African Regional Groupings: A Status Report
Coining together is a beginning;
keeping together is progress;
working together is success
-Henry Ford
Apart from displaying a remarkable capacity for survival, the per-
formance of regional groupings in Africa has not been spectacular. The
African countries have made some headway in thew. direction of closer ties,
but the gains have been small and uneven. Norirtheless, the Africans are
gradually becoming more aware of the need for greater cooperation amongst
themselves. African regions have only just entered their second decade of
ine.pendence and collaboration. Nonetheless, in spite cf the many obstacles
to unity, the impetus for greater cooperation is slowly increasing.
Although the Arab states of North Africa have made a stab at limited
cooperation and wh;te-ruled South Africa finds it expedient to collaborate
with some of its black-governed neighbors, the search for satisfactory forms
of cooperation is of special concern to the nations of black Africa. Here a
large array of inter-governmental organizations ar.- found. African regional
groupings range in size from a union of two countries to attempts at
cou:.nental unity and serve many different political and economic purposes.
Most, however, are small and weak groupings that lack both the resources
and administrative machinery to play the ambitious roles they have assumed.
Note: This report was prepared by the Office of Current Intelligence and coordinates
within CIA.
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PRINCIPAL AFRICAN REGIONAL GROUPINGS: FUNCTION
Grouping
Effective Headquarters Stated Aims
Organization of May 63 Addis Ababa, promote continental solidarity and
African Unity Ethiopia cooperation; defend members' sover-
eignty and territorial integrity; eradi-
cate all forms of colonialism; coordi-
nate Africa's social and economic
development
Economic Commis- 1958 Addis Ababa, facilitate concerted African economic
sion for Africa I Ethiopia and social progress; strengthen eco-
nomic relations among members; and
with outside world; development re-
search and planning; production of
technical information
African Develop- Sep 64 Abidjan, Ivory plan and finance African development
ment Bank Coast projects; mobilize all source invest-
ment capital
Afro-Malagasy and Jun 66 Yaounde, reinforce OAU's mission; political
Mauritian Common Cameroon consultation; suppression of subver-
Organization sion; cooperation in economic, social,
technical, cultural fields
Conference of East Apr 66 no permanent promote better bilateral relations and
and Central African secretariat mutual political and economic co-
States
Council of the
Entente
operation
Aug 60 Abidjan, Ivory coordination of foreign and economic
Coast policies; promotion of common eco-
nornic development and technical co-
operation
Organization for the Mar 72 Dakar, Senegal ensure navigational freedom on and co-
Development of the ord inated development of Senegal
Senegal River River
West African
Customs Union
I A UN Body
Dec 66 Ouagadougou, gradual establishment of a protected
Upper Volta free trade zone
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Liptak,,)-Gourma
Authority
Nigeria-Togo
Economic Union
Lake Chad Basin
Commission
Niger River
Commission
Central African
Customs and
Economic Union
Union of Central
African States
East African
Community
Regional Economic
Organization of the
Maghreb
Southern African
Customs Union
Effective Headquarters Stated Aims
first day of yet to be deter- progressive establUFhinent of common
calendar mined market; harmonized development of
year fo!low- agriculture, industry, and transport
ing date on
which rati-
fied by 5 sig-
natories
Jun 71 Ouagadougou,
Upper Volta
Jun 72 yet to be deter-
mined
May 64 Fort Lamy,
Chad
late 65 Niamey, Niger
common development of resource;; of
tri-state Liptako-Gourma region
Co operation in transport, telecom-
munications, trade, industry, and
fiscal matters
reuulate navigation 'r Lake Chad;
promote cooperative use and develop-
ment of Lake Chad basin
formulate navigational rules and proj-
ects to develop resources of Niger
river basin
Jan 66 Bangui, Central progressive establishment of common
African Republic market; balanced and integrated eco-
nomic development, especially in in-
dustry and transport
Apr 68 Fort Lamy, gradual establishment cf regional
Chad market with common transport and
telecommunications; coordination of
economic policy and development;
mutual security cooperation
Dec 67 Arusha, eventual common market, accelerated
Tanzania and balanced economic development,
administration of common infrastruc-
ture services and research activities
Oct 64 Tunis, expanded economic and cultural co-
Tunisia operation; eventual Maghrebian com-
munity
Mar 70 Pretoria, South establishment of area of generally free
A?irica trade; stimulation of economic devel-
opment and diver 3ification of poorer
members
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SUDAN
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ETHIOPIA
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OZAMBIQUE Ianmatlrel
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REPUBLIC olunur,{) !Poll Louis
.r.r
1UNIEIA
Illtuh
;Nraaol
Ha.ting, Kamutu Banda. Pros.
Population-4,370,000
MALI-1550
Cat. Mouses Triore RN
Military Commmee of
Natant Liberal ion
Poputeron-4.ee000
MAI IRITANIA-1960
MoAtu Ovid Deddah, Pre,,
Popualnn-L147000
MAURITIUS-1068
Soewooaagur Ramgo olam,
Pr a Mr.mater
Populaton-707,000
MOROCCO-1856
Hunan II, King
PopuatIon-14,840,000
MOZAMBIQUE
Portuguese Over.nn, Pro,.
Populatmn-7,252,000
Famanl Drool, Rea.
Population-3.723,000
Met. Gen, Yekubu Gowon,
Head Federal Mllaary
Go?rnmsrd
Popuaton-6L450,000
PORTUGUESE GUINEA
Palugr,e,e Ones.,, Pro
Popualon-520.000
REUNION- French One,..,,,
Territory
Popul.torr-433,000
Gregoke Banda. F4e.,
population- 486,000
SENEGAL-1"0
Leopold Sedar Senghor, Re..
Population-3010,000
SIERRA LEONE-1551
Suk. Steven, Pros.
Popuallnn-2.404.000
SOMALIA-1960
Supleno Rerdulonary Council
Population-2,706,000
SOUTH AFRICA-1010
B John Vorslnr, Prim- Min.alnr
Popul.hon-10.400.000
THO
SOUT1iERN RHODESIA
Brdah Colony laeltgororninpl
Ian Smote Run. M'nl,ter (de (ido)
P.I.I,lan-4,733000
SOUTH-WEST AFRICA
Declared International Territory
by U.N.
Ad-stored Pry of S Alr,ca
Poputahnn-609.000
SPANISH SAHARA
Spanish Ab.aln Pro,
PoMdallon-48.000
SUDAN-1256
M fox a1.Num.yr6 Pree.
RmdurNmary Command Council
PopulMOn-16,002,000
AFRICA
Black African country
A National or colonial capital
171---r_~dl2 ___ _ 101111 MOP.
11 !din 1111111 Kllumnlrn
.nUNnaeY NI nNIaaMrarinN le
NOI Naelaa, N.LY aU111n Nria11Y1
tors
TANZANIA /L1t.NImsN
Der es Salon",
TA.I
)Ilbn~r~~
OMALIA
Moiadllctu
SWAZILAND-1965
3obhuca II, Kind
Pop.181,7n-401,000
TANZANIA-1961
Jul.. Nyerme, P.M.
Populaton-12,703,000
T000-1550
Brig Gen Eireann Ey.dema, Pros
Populaton-1.792,000
TUNISIA-1886
Hatnb Onurgwtm, Pros
Pullulnhon-4,714000
UGANDA-1962
Gen Id. Amin, Pres.
Populaton-8.235.000
UPPER VOLTA-1900
Brig Con. Sangoule Lamuana. Pros.
Popua1on-6,206.000
ZAIRE-1960
Mobutu Snore Sek.
Popualon-16,921.000
ZAMBIA-1964
Kenneth Kau-d. Pros.
Populat roe-4,135.000
D.I. of Independence follows country name.
Population figures based on United Nations mid-1969 deer.
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Umled Kingdom
France p Italy
Belgium
Portugal to
wondml country
ALGERIA-1952
Hou.rl Doomed.,, Pres.
Haile Uses., Emperor
of Re,olutonary Cnunul
Po
ulat on- 13
1M
UOO
Popula)ioe-24,16L000
p
,
,
FRENCH TERRITORY OF THE
ANGOLA- Pon. On..ees Prow,
AFARS AND ISSAS IF.T.A.I.)
Popula1ion-6.530000
French Orer.es. Territory
Poputatron-OL000
BOTSWANA-INS
Sarelse Kham& Pre..
GABON-1960
Population-6111,000
Alban Bongo, Pre.,
Populaton-48L000
BURUNDI-1552
Col. MkMI MfoomMro. Pre..
GAMBIA-INS
Populyan-3,442,000
Dawde Jawera, Pam. Abwter
Populatgn-351.000
CAMEROON-1550
Ahmadou MPr...
OHANA-195'7
Populello r-6,6511000
Col, I. K AcMampong, CnalrmaA
Notlonel Redorption Counts
CAPE VERDE ISLANDS-Pal.
Populaton-8,450,000
ovens... Prow
Population-224,000
GUINEA-1869
Sekou Tour., Pre,.
CENTRAL AFRICAN REP-1960
Population-3040,000
Gen. Jean Sell Dokuaa
Pre..
,
Population-LRla000
IVORY COAST-1960
CHAD-IM
Francom Tombdboye. Pre.,
Population-3,402,000
000 Pre,.
latron-076
4
LESOTHO-INS
,
Leabua Jonathan, Prime
DAHOMEY-1910
Minlater
Population-024,010
M.loe MNhleu K.r.kou
PopoIMlon-2,687,000
LIBERIA-1947
EGYPT-1922
Wm, Rohard Tdben, Jr, Pre.,
Muhammad Ahmad Anwar .4Sada6
Population-L34 L000
Pres.
Population-32.080,000
LIBYA-IP,61
Mu'amn v AJOadd.h, No.,
EQUATORIAL GUINEA-INS
Francisco Maria., Pre
Population-205
000
,
MALAGASY REP.-I WO
Gcn. Gabn.l Ramanantsoa
Popualroe-6,582,000
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incentives for Closer Cooperation
Prior to Africa's march to nationhood and during the early years of its
first decade of independence, Pan-African propagandists, epitomized by the
late Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, glamorized the ideal of ultimate African
political and economic integration. Practical considerations, however, have
led to a shift from the original conception of Pan-Africanisnn that called for
immediate continental union to a gradualist approach that would begin with
economic cooperation at the subregional level. From there, accelerating
economic development could progress to eventuai political unity. Underlying
the Africans' aspiration to broad cooperation is a loose sense of community
built around the widely shared experience of colonial rule and ceme ited by
the continued presence in Africa of racist white minority regimes.
As the need for accelerated economic development and collective
political influence becomes more and more apparent, the emergent African
states are viewing expanding cooperation with a greater sense of urgency and
realism. A trend toward greater African self-reliance in seeking solutions to
African problems is leading many of the countries-especially in West
Africa-to re-examine established patterns in their relations with each other
and with the outside world. Increasingly, the African states want to alter
relationships that perpetuate neo-colonialism.
The African countries' interest in regionalism has been spawned by
heavy economic dependency on former European colonizers, by the de-
clining position of Africa in the priorities of the developed nations, and by
Africa's inability to advance its interests internationally. Expanded inter-
African cooperation seems to offer hope for casing Africa's heavy reliance on
Western markets, aid, investment, and expertise, as well as for enabling
Africa to achieve some influence as an international bloc. Moreover, it is seen
as helping to compensate for generally declining levels of foreign economic
assistance and the lack of great power action against colonialism and white
racist regimes in Africa.
Barriers to Unity
The obstacles to unity are no less real than a decade ago. Indeed, in
certain respects, they have become more formidable. Today the continent is
more of a mosaic than ever, encompassing 42 independent nations with
sweeping political, social, and economic differences. Centrifugal forces have
prevented more sweeping regional groupings, such as the once proposed West
African Regional Group, and have periodically threatened, or actually
forced, the dissolution of several lesser ones.
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African countries seem increasingly wedded to the idea of sovereignty
and are deeply absorbed in the basic task of forging internal unity. Such
factors as conflicting national interests, the ideological gulf between pro-
gressive and moderate governments, frequent changes of regime, and
territorial and other disputes make it all the more difficult to muster the will
to cooperate more closely. Major cultural and linguistic divisions between
the former French and British territories, on the one hand, and the Arab
countries of North Africa and the black states south of the Sahara, on the
other, are still firmly fixed, and misunderstandings remain very much alive.
The barriers to infra-African trade that originated in the colonial era
persists. Africcan economics are based mainly on exports of competing,
rather than complementary, agricultural and mineral products that almost
invariably go to the former metropole, which remains the principal supplier
of manufactured products. Moreover, the African countries are aligned
against one another in non-convertible currency arrangements and preferen-
tial customs groupings. Indeed, the Paris-dominated African franc zone of 14
former French colonies effectively prevents its members from pursuing
independent fiscal and monotary policies that are contrary to the interests of
the French Government in Francophone Africa. In most cases, direct com-
munications with Europe are easier than with adjoining states. On top of
Ekah-Nghaky
Secretary General of
Organization of African Unity
this, the growing economic disparities be-
tween Africa's wealthier countries and
their poorer neighbors make it increas-
ingly difficult to agree on a formula for
distributing the costs and benefits of
mutual undertakings.
Attempts at Continental Unity
The Organization of African Unity
and the African Development Bank stand
as testaments to the: ideal of Pan-African-
ism. Concentrating its loose consultative
energies in the political field, the Organ-
ization of African Unity has attempted to
pull Africa together and to keep its frac-
tious members at peace. It has also been
the spokesman for the region and has
overseen the continent's struggle against
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racist and colonial rule. The organization may possibly become more effec-
tive under its second secretary general, Cameroonian Nzo Ekhah-Nghaky
who was elected last June to replace the mercurial Diallo Telli of Guinea.
Among other things, the new secretary general hopes to strengthen economic
cooperation in Africa.
The annual summit of chiefs of state provides a stage for Africa's unity
to be proclaimed anew and injects a certain spirit of cooperation, however
transitory it may be. As an articulator of African opinion and a lobbyist for
African interests, the organization manages to project enough moral author-
ity on important issues to focus greater regional and world attention on
African problems, though it succeeds in producing few concrete changes. The
organization enjoys observer status in the UN, and the African group there
functions as the OAU's informal UN arm.
At times the Organization of African Unity has managed to patch up
minor ;l^arrels between me-nuber states, but it is generally ineffective in
coping %~,i h serious African problems, and last year's maiden venture into
Middle mast conciliation is not likely to be repeated soon. Nonetheless, most
African countries look to the Organization of African Unity first for media-
tion, and it has become a more obvious force against unilateral boundary
changes and secessionist movements.
The organization, hampered by the bickering of its members and the
paucity of financial support, has so far contributed little beyond rhetoric to
the various African freedom movements. Agreement has yet to be reached
on a common defense policy to deal with military reprisals by white-ruled
countries against their African neighbors who harbor and give varying
degrees of support to insurgents. Even so, the decolonization resolutions are
becoming progressively stronger, and with each passing year the pressure
grows for meaningful and decisive action.
The organization backs the UN's Economic Commission for Africa,
which has undertaken the coordination of Africa's economic and social
development. Answerable only to UNESCO, the commission shares its
accommodations in Addis Ababa with the Organization of African Unity. A
Ghanaian, Robert Gardiner, who is one of Africa's most able economists, is
the commission's chairman. Despite the economic commission's resistance to
political direction from the OAU, liaison between the two is improving, and
the commission is trying to move beyond research and planning to opera-
tional activities, such as the projected Trans-African Highway from
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Mombasa, Kenya to Lagos, Nigeria. The Commission has alr~'arly clone much
to persuade African governments to h,n?monire their policies and has estab-
lished several new cooperative inst;lutions like the African Development
Bank.
The African Development Bank, [lie world's smallest regional bank in
terms ol? both resources and activity, is getting ready to assume the financial
and technieaI role assigned it. Since taking over in 1()70, the hank's second
president, 'T'unisian Abdcl Wahah Labidi, has moved energetically to enhance
its potential. The predominantly European staff is being upgraded and the
training of Africans is being accelerated to impart a nwre distinctively
African operational approach. Willi Libya's application to join, the hank's
capital subscription goal of S250 million has been nearly realized. Fewer
members are in arrears and loan Commitments have doubled. Political
hurdles to participation of non-Africans in the b..nk remain. but two out-
side??!'unded affiliates with possible resources of S 100 million have been set
up: an investment Corporation of private hanks and the multi-national
African Development Fund, which will offer sol't loans.
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Robert K. A. Gardiner
Chairman of Economic
Commission for Africa
The Larger Regional Groupings
Abdel Wahab Labidi
President of African
Development Bank
Embracing parts of'sevelral subregions, the Afro-Malagasy and Mauritian
Common Organization and the Conference of East and Central African
States are modestly successful, though unspectacular, groupings. There is
some overlapping of membership. The Afro-Malagasy and Mauritian Conn
neon Organization, built with French backing around a core of moderate
former French colonies in West and Central Africa, is mainly an economic
service association with cultural sidelines. France's use of the organization to
help preserve its influence in Africa was the reason cited by Zaire and Congo
for their withdrawal this year. The organization does not try to resolve
bilateral quarrels between its members and exercises little influence on the
Organization of African Unity. Functional cooperation in agriculture and air
transport is encountering difficulties, and proposals for common industrial
projects have gone nowhere.
This regional grouping excels, however, as an advocate of its members'
economic interests More international organizations. It regularly presents a
common front, endorses candidates for posts, and keeps members abreast of
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developments. In its capacity as the semi-official spokesman of the 19
African EC associates, the group wants to extend contacts with the English-
speaking Commonwealth nations that have been offered various kinds of EC
association. Senegal's Leopold Senglior, the current president of the organ-
ization, hopes a majority of the Commonwealth countries will opt for a
comprehensive type of association with the EC. This, he believes, would
reduce barriers to intra-African trade and enhance Africa's political weight.
The loosely structured Conference of East and Central African States is
mainly an annual exercise in good-neighborliness, but it has attracted a
slowly growing nmenmbership. Meetings provide a useful forum for bilateral
talks and for conciliating disputes. The geographical location of the member
states and the preponderance of progressive governments lead to a special
interest in liberating white-ruled southern Africa; the conference's increas-
ingly militant stand helps on occasion to toughen the positions of the
Organization of African Unity. On the other hand, nothing tangible is
emerging from the unhurried committees set up to study possible joint
action in various development fields.
West Africa: Moving Together or Further Apart?
Once again the nations of West Africa are trying to achieve closer
cooperation by refurbishing old subregional organizations and erecting new
ones. More subregional groupings already exist in West Africa than anywhere
else on the continent. They are mainly the handiwork of the area's small
French-speaking states; among West Africa's English-speaking countries, only
Nigeria is attempting to play a major regional role.
The two basic groupings of West Africa are those sponsored by its
senior Francophone leaders, presidents Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory Coast
and Senghor of Senegal. The Council of Entente, fashioned by Houphouet-
Boigny as a loose political association, is held together by its modest
economic activities. I-louphouet's partners do not always back his foreign
policy initiatives, and they are somewhat dissatisfied with the Entente's
economic limitations. The mutual aid and guarantee fund underwritten by
Ivory Coast has provided its poor associates with few new development
projects and little more in foreign investments, while the market and labor
supply offered by the Entente are substantial contributors to Ivorian
prosperity. Until Niger, Togo, Dahomey, and Upper Volta perceive more
tangible benefits elsewhere, however, the Entente is unlikely to fall apart,
and Houphouet will continue to adapt the organization to meet the minimal
needs of its members.
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Senghor's assemblage seems at last to be on a sound foundation. Recast
this year as the Organization for the Development o,' the Senegal River, it is
billed as an improved model of the Organization of the Senegal River States,
which was formed in 1968 and broke up three years later over political
dirl'erences between Senegal and Guinea. The new organization is more
narrowly focused and administratively more streamlined than its predeces-
sor, and Guinea has so far been excluded from the group. Mali threatens to
re-raise the contentious issue of Guinean membership, however, and, if it
does so, this could be disruptive. Moreover, if the organization is to succeed
in getting its long-stalled program under way, it must rind international
funding for such expensive projects as the proposed Manantali dam.
The ineffective West African Customs Union, which includes all ex-
French territories of West Africa except Guinea and logo, is to be super-
seded if and when the West African Economic Community becomes opera-
tional. A pre-independence convention of 1959 called I'or a total customs
union with free internal trade and a common external tariff, but this
proposal was later modified as the members progressively retreated from so
large a commitment. Because of its inability to establish a common customs
policy, the union has given only a marginal boost to inter-member trade and
economic development.
President Houphouet-Boigny
Ivory Coast
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The West African Economic Community is a more ambitious version of
the West African Customs Union. It has set it tail task for itself', The treaty
signed last June establishing she organization is to be amended and ratified
this December, Senghor and Ilouphouet-l3oigny, the prime movers behind
the West African Economic Community, and the French Government view
the grouping as a Francophone counterweight to the growing strength and
influence of Nigeria. They are cautious about any early inclusion of West
Africa's English-speaking countries in the grouping, which initially will have
the same membership as the West African Customs Union, but which
theoretically is open to participation by any state in the area,
The less developed countries in the community, coastal Mauritania and
Dahomey and inland Niger, Upper Volta, and Mali, are already seeking
special arrangements to preserve their growing economic relations with
neighboring Anglophone and Arab states and to guarantee a fair distribution
of the community's benefits. The landlocked states also want the immediate
inclusion of the English-speaking countries (all of whicl. are on the coast),
although none appears ready to join. If the community retains its present
proposed form, its long-term future would seem to be in doubt.
The frustration of the community's inland states is reflected in the
expansion of their fledgling Liptako-Gourma Authority, Established to
develop the Liptako-Gourma region, which encompasses northern Upper
Volta and
d
a
jacent areas in mail and
Niger, the authority might with time sup-
plant the Entente's functions in meat
marketing and grain stabilization. The
authority has only begun to search for
outside financing, however, and few of its
dreams are likely to be realized.
Nigeria's answer to the West African
Economic Community was an economic
union with French-speaking Togo, which
is envisioned by General Gowon as an
alternative nucleus for a subregional eco-
nomic grouping. Gowon plans to invite all
West African leaders to Nigeria in Novem-
ber for a conference to discuss an accept-
able institutional framework for coopera-
tion. Dahomey, wedged between Togo
and Nigeria, and Niger have even stronger
sEc;xE'r
Nigeria
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economic ties with Nigeria than does Togo, and doubtless are attracted by
the idea. They probably will not risk displeasing Paris, however, by joiniag
such an inauspicious undertaking.
West and Central Africa: Tentative Bridges
The Niger River Commission, one of the two predominantly
Francophone groups that include English-speaking Nigeria and that bridge
West and Central Africa, has proved unwieldly and ineffective. Niger's great
enthusiasm for the grouping is not shared by the other West African
countries, particularly Guinea and Dahomey. The commission has not
progressed beyond trying to agree on concrete projects for submission to
potential aid donors.
Nigeria and Cameroon are giving greater attention to the Lake Chad
Basin Commission, already of concern to equatorial Chad, and the grouping
is taking on more functions in spite of Niger's indifference. A development
fund, proposed by Nigeria, is being created, and Cameroon has approved the
grouping's long-stalled telecommunications and roads projects. Specialized
agencies concerned with agricultural and livestock production have also been
established. So long as the member's new-found willingness to adapt their
national objectives to the commission's regional program continues, and an
adequate level of international funding is maintained, the grouping should
gradually become more effective.
Central Africa: Mixed Success
The Central African Customs and Economic Union is the preferred
regional vehicle of the former French equatorial countries, except for Chad.
This grouping, which grew out of the French colonial equatorial customs
union, is committed to a more balanced integration than that envisaged in
the projected West African Economic Community. Even so, the Central
African Customs and Economic Union is progressing very slowly, and its
provisions for equal benefits for all members still function imperfectly. As a
result of this disparity, Chad withdrew four years ago and the Central
African Republic temporarily defected.
Customs cooperation within the grouping is little better than that
within the West African Customs Union, but a preferential single tax scheme
for the few local manufacturers serving the equatorial region has provided a
mild stimulus to interstate trade in industrial goods. Joint industrial planning
efforts continue, and two union oil refineries, now under construction, will
soon be added to the one already existing in Libreville.
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Chad remains linked with Zaire in the inert Union of Central African
States. Zaire President Mobutu Sese Seko's hope that the union would grow
into a grouping of all ex-French and ex-Belgian territories in central Africa
has never materialized. With the return of the central African Republic U,,)
the. Ccutral African Customs and Economic Union in late 1968 and the
refusal of Burundi and Rwanda to join, the Union of Central African States
is left with two 11o11-contiguous members having little in common. Mobutu's
attempt in 1969 to forge a separate organization with Burundi and Rwanda
also was unsuccessful primarily because of the strong tribal animosity be-
tween the two mini-states and their fear of further Zairian economic domina-
tion.
East Africa: Marking Time
The East African Community's fabric of cooperation has become
unraveled in recent years, Er.:eted around a customs union and common
services established under British rule, and with some quasi-governmental
functions and institutions, the community started out as the most compre-
hcnsive and promising regiciial organization in Africa. Although Kenya,
Tanzania, and Uganda still derive certain common benefits from its opera-
tion, they are reluctant to move toward further integration. Unless the
original spirit of mutual cooperation and short-term sacrifice is rekindled,
the community probably will have to be restructured if it is to stay afloat.
Political differences pose the most immediate problem. One obstacle is
Tanzanian President Nyerere's continuing refusal to recognize, or even meet
with, Uganda's General Amin. Tanzania's commitment to socialism and
Kenya's to capitalism pose a larger if less immediate barrier to closer
cooperation. These political uncertainties have prevented community action
on pending applications for membership from Zambia, Ethiopia, Somalia,
and Burundi for four years.
Also unsolved are the economic problems of distributing development
costs and benefits among more industrialized Kenya and its less endowed
partners. While the community has helped boost inter-state trade and East
African experts, rising economic competition of the members is preventing
the establishment of multinational industries and has led to restrictions on
the free movement of goods, capital, and workers. In the absence of policy
direction, the community';,t role as an international lobby is also suffering.
Kenya has been the main beneficiary of a tri-state market, while
Tanzania and Uganda have profited disproportionately from joint transport
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and telecommunications services and the East AI'rican Development Bank.
Kenya has recently conic to question the whole East African Community
arrangement. Not only has Kenya's Tanzanian market been disrupted by the
influx of Chinese goods, but, more important, its Ugandan market, Kenya's
largest, has been dislocated by General Amin's policies. Tanzanian and
Ugandan arrears to East African Airways have led Kenya to consider going it
alone on a national airline.
North Africa: Inching Along
Libya under President Qadhafi has veered in the direction of Egypt and
the eastern Arab states, but the other countries of the Maghreb or Arab
West-Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco-are inching along toward closer eco-
nomic and cultural collaboration. The Regional Economic Organization of
the Maghreb provides little more than a loose framework for consultation
and study. It has produced only a handful of cooperation agreements and of
small joint undertakings, like the esparto grass agency.
But in recent years, the three Maghreb nations have made a determ;ned
effort to compose their differences and to create a more peaceful atmos-
phere. There could therefore be some progress, albeit very slow, in their joint
pursuit of common interests.
Southern Africa: Reinforcing White Rule
Since 1910, when all were British territories, white-ruled South Africa
and its black-governed economic satellites--Botswana, Lesotho, and
Swaziland-have been joined in the Southern African Customs Union. The
organization was revised in 1969 to accommodate black African desires for
more equitable treatment and closer cooperation, but the result has been
only to reinforce South Africa's hold over the three land-locked countries by
providing a three-fold increase in their still small share of total customs
revenues.
The union does not as yet go beyond a partial free-trade area, since the
tariff-related investment incentives to spur development in Botswana,
Lesotho, and Swaziland have not been implemented by South Africa. Prior
consultation '-ith the three states is presumably required, but Pretoria still
unilaterally sets the union's customs rates. South Africa continues to receive
indispensable African migratory labor and to enjoy protection of its industry
plus privileged access to union markets. Nevertheless, the three black African
states would be hard pressed without the customs union, which is their only
hope for increased development capital and expanding exports.
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Functional Groupings
At the base of the pyramid of African regional groupings is a host of
minor functional organizations that have been set up in various special fields,
Since their aim is to fulfill short-term needs requiring fewer political re-
sources, they are both the most widespread and generally the most successful
inter-governmental mechanisms. A number of functional holdovers from the
colonial era, such as the French-created International African Migratory
Locust Organization, perpetuate the collaboration established by the former
metropole.
Functional organizations usually are not specifically designed to further
cooperation and integration, but there are a few exceptions. The African
Institute for Economic Development and Planning, for example, has as its
sole task the development of programs for training and research that will
encourage economic integration.
The limited progress that regional groupings are making in Africa is
likely to continue. Although the continent's fundamental divisions and the
inter-governmental squabbles over the mechanics and extent of unity will
not diminish appreciably, regional collaboration will probably not suffer.
Regional organizations, despite their many shortcomings, are proving to be
oi' value, and African leaders have repeatedly acted to preserve and to
improve them. The search for increased cooperation, moreover, seems here
to stay.
The Organization of African Unity and the African Development Bank
will probably be slowly strengthened, but the Afro-Malagasy and Mauritian
Common Organization and the Conference of East and Central African
States are not likely to become more important. Although functional
groupings will continue to proliferate, the best. prospects for wider African
unity are at the subregional level. Experimentation with transitional
groupings of small scope could eventually lead to somewhat larger and more
ambitious regional efforts as the African states look for solutions to their
pressing needs.
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 AGRICULTURE
BANKING
COMMUNICATIONS
DEVELOPMENT
EDUCATION
HEALTH
TOURISM
TRADE
TRANSPORT
al O
01i81111atlon of African Unity4l
PRINCIPAL AFRICAN
REGIONAL GROUPINGS
African Uevoirpomnl Bank 35
Alto. Malagasy and Maurillan
Common Ugl,udzaIlan 131
Caadasencn at cast and
Central African Slates 1 Gil
Council of the Enlenle 5
UrUanieallon lot life Ueyclopment
at the Senegal River 3
West Allman Cusionis Union 7
West African Economic Commonly 7
Lips latn?0nmma Aulounly 3
Nigetla-logo Ecmmmic Orion 2
lake Chad Basin Commission 4
Niger River Commission 9
Centr I African Customs 4
and Economic Union
East African Community 3
Regional Economic Uglanizalinn
of the Maghreb 3e
SELECTED AFRICAN
FUNCTIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
Used Locust Control Otganuai,on
lot Eastern Africa (Asmarn) Es
Association of Altisan Central Rana (Accra) 11
Union of National Radio and television
Urganirahnns of Africa (Oalar) 23
Afrnao Center for Training anti Aeseatch in
A(lnnnislraban lot Uevrinpment (Tangiers) 12
Ihgher Council of Central African Universities
IFu+i Lamy) 4
Urganiral,or I;, Cnnrdinalion in the Fight Against
Endemic Diseases in Central Africa (Yaounde) 5
Regional Tourist Organization for Southern Africa
lItantyte) 51
African Groundnut Council (logos) 8
Agency lot the Safety of Aerial Navigation
In Africa and Madagascar (Oala4 1 511
i. I.I.. .i..
OI
O
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553816 11-72 -0/11.)-recognized liberation movements also attend OAU summit conle ences bA United Nations body whose associate men Sers Include then
United Kingdom ?Non?mombers Congo and Mauritania sit on OCAM tuclrnical committees "Algeria, Egypt, Guinea, and OAU?recognizod libeiW
'Mauritania participates as an observer In Maghrebian conferences I Includes Franca and French Territory of Afars and Issas glncludes Port,
ll,
N "r a Qd~\ n ~~ o\. 4+~ ro ~1f di ~i' e 9i ~' ~\ \ GC! o~
~y\ d r \ e\A b\~?\D pi \ J\~i\r4 \ "+\ y0
'~ r r C? v to ~ ash ,e ~~v `r o + r '~ .' i ~o r,,r i o ~?\~' r\ ?~
l 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 0
O
O
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 o~?
??
?I ?
-recognized liberation movements also attend OAU summit conforoncas bA United Nations body whose associate members include the non-self governing ferritoNas of Africa, France, Spain. and
Kingdom cNon?members Congc and Mauritania sit on OCAM technical committees dAlgeria, Egypt, Guinea. and OAU?recognized liberation movements are formal observers
han.a participates as an observer In Maghreblan conferences I Includes France and French Territory of Afars and Issas gIncludes Portuguese Angola and Mozambique I Includes France
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