OPIUM POPPY CULTIVATION IN NORTHERN THAILAND

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00875R001700020065-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 19, 2010
• Sequence Number: 65
• Publication Date: October 1, 1971
• Content Type: IM

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10
Confidential
DIRECTORATE OF
INTELLIGENCE
Intelligence Memorandum
International Narcotics Series No. 5
Opium Poppy Cultivation in Northern Thailand
Confidential
ER IM 71-212
October 1971
Copy No. 187
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WARNING
This document contains information affecting the national
defense of the United States, within the meaning of Title
18, sections 793 and 794, of the US Code, as amended.
Its transmission or revelation of its content!, to or re-
ceipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
GROUP I
[Waded (ram,Womoll[
downgrading and
dadau fl oUon
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Directorate of Intelligence
October 1971
INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM
OPIUM POPPY CULTIVATION IN NORTHERN THAILAND
Conclusions
1. We estimate that Thailand produces a maximum of 150-200
metric tons of the approximately 700 tons of opium produced annually
in the Burma-Laos-Thailand border area. Practically all of this is produced
in northern Thailand by seven hill tribes - the Meo, Yao, Lisu, Lahu, Akha,
Karen, and Kha Haw/Htin. Of these seven tribes, the Meo reportedly account
for about half of the opium produced.
2. All seven tribes practice slash-and-burn agriculture, generally
regarded as one of the most primitive of traditional agrarian technologies.
Yet over a long period, slash-and-burn techniques, properly applied, have
proved quite effective in providing a livelihood to the tribal people. On
a year-to-year basis, however, output of the main crop - rice -- varies
extremely. Not only do variations in weather cause yields to fluctuate, but
also untimely rain or drought resulting in crop failure is a constant threat
for the hill tribe cultivator. Over the years the risks associated with rice
cultivation have led to diversification into opium poppy cultivation.
3. More importantly, opium has become the chief source of "foreign
exchange" for the tribes. While the hill tribes are relatively self-sufficient,
they do require certain "import" items. Steel for axe and hoe blades is
one such item; salt, rice, and dried fish are others. These goods must be
paid for in some widely acceptable medium of exchange, which, in northern
Thailand, is silver. Opium is the source par excellence of a reliable inflow
of silver. The demand for opium has been relatively stable over the years,
it can be stored in times of good harvests, and it is easily transported.
Note: This memorandum was prepared by the Office of Economic Research
and coordinated within the Central Intelligence Agency and with the Bureau
of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs.
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These features, plus the fact that the cultivation of the opium poppy
complements, rather than conflicts with, rice cultivation make the poppy
an ideal crop for the hill tribes.
4. Since the early 1960s various United Nations experts and Thai
officials have sought a crop that could be substituted for opium poppy.
Livestock, tea, and coffee have been considered, but invariably the proposed
crops are inferior to poppy. Indeed, given the environmental factors and
the specific needs of the hill tribes, there may be no suitable alternative
to opium poppy. This, of course, means that it will be nearly, if not entirely,
impossible to seriously curtail or end opium poppy cultivation in northern
Thailand by simply encouraging the tribes to adopt alternative crops. It
suggests that some other form of suppression of poppy cultivation will have
to be developed for this area.
Discussion
Introduction
5. The Burma-Laos-Thailand border area (the "Golden Triangle") is
one of the world's largest opium-producing regions, producing aanually some
700 tons of opium - about one-half of the world's total illicit output.
Historically, this area has not been an important source of opium-based
narcotics for the US market. This is no longer true. The Golden Triangle
has become the source of heroin for the US troops in Southeast Asia, and
there is evidence that increasing amounts of opium derivatives from
Southeast Asia are finding their way to the US domestic market. Turkey's
recent announcement that it will cease opium production with the crop
harvested in the summer of 1972 will likely increase Southeast Asia's
importance as a supplier to the US market.
6. This memorandum summarizes the information available on the
cultivation and production of opium in Thailand, describes the importance
of the crop to the producers, and outlines the problems of estimating opium
output in the area. Although the memorandum focuses or. Thailand,
cultivation practices differ only slightly from country to country in the
Triangle, and much of the discussion is equally relevant to practices in
Burma and Laos.
Geography of Northern Thailand
7. Northern Thailand's rugged hill country contrasts markedly with
the vast arable flatland of the central plain (see the map). Mountain ranges
with peaks rising to an average of more than 5,000 feet run parallel in
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a north-south direction. Separating these are fertile riverine basins, some
large enough to support heavy concentrations of population. The largest
are along the four major rivers (the Nan, Yom, Wang, and Ping) which
merge in the south to form the Chao Phraya.
8. The riverine basins, generally lying between 1,000 and 1,200 feet
above sea level, form one of several ecological zones which mark the
topography of the North. Above 1,200 feet, the fertile soils of the valley
jungles fade into the dry, porous soils of the Jeciduous forests. Along the
lower margins of these hill fo.ests, Thai peasants have, here and there tried
their hand at dry-rice cultivation using slash-and-burn methods.t 1) With
these exceptions the deciduous zone has been little used by the valley
dwellers.
9. At altitudes approaching 3,000 feet, the deciduous zone gives way
to more fertile soils and evergreen forests which, despite their greater
fertility, are rarely frequented by the Northern Thai. Into these lands have
migrated various non-Tai tribal peoples. For example, villages of Karen and
Kha Mu tribesmen can be found at the lower elevations of between 2,000
feet and 3,000 feet; and villages :)f Lisu, Meo (or Miao), and Haw at the
higher elevations - some at over 5,000 feet; in the middle region live Lahu,
Yao, Akha, and Lawa.
10. Some Karen and perhaps a few Kha Mu are old inhabitants of
the area. But the majority of tribal people are more recent immigrants from
farther north, from what is now Laos and Burma. They have arrived only
within the last hundred years, with most of them arriving as recently as
the 1940s. Most tribes h:-;c a number of subdivisions. In Thailand the Meo
can be subdivided into two major groups - Blue Meo and White Meo. The
most obvious distinction between them is a difference in costume, but there
are also differences in language and customs. The Lahu have four
subdivisions: The Black Lahu (Lahu Na), the Red Lahu (Lahu Nyi), the
Lahu Shehleh, and the Lahu Shi. The Karen have two subdivisions: the
Skaw Karen and the P'wo Karen. As with the Meo, the differences art
most obvious in costume but extend also to language and customs. The
Yao, Lisu, and Akha appear to have no major cultural subdivisions.(2)
1. The terms slash-and-burn, swidden, and shifting cultivation are all used
to designate the traditional agrarian technology characterized by clearing
fields in the forest, burning the cleared growth, cultivating for two or three
years, and then abandoning the fields for 20 or more years, until the forest
can grow back and the cycle be repeated.
2. For a more detailed description, see Gordon Young, The Hill Tribes
of Northern Thailand, Bangkok, 1962.
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Hill Tribe Population
11. The total number of hill tribe people in the border areas of
northern Thailand has been variously estimated at between 200,000 and
500,000. Perhaps the most accurate estimate was made by the Thai
government in 1965-66. The hill tribe population, including only those
people liv:.ag at elevations of 2,000 feet and above, was estimated at
approximately 275,000 persons.(3) The approximate tribal distribution is
given in the table. There are a numhher of minority groups in northern
Thailand who live below 2,000 feet and who are sometimes referred to
as "tribal" peoples. But, with the exception of the Karen, these groups
are not opium producers; therefore, not all of the tribal peoples in the
North are dealt with in this memorandum, only those listed in the table.
Today, the hill tribe population probably exceeds 325,000, concentrated
in the provinces of Mae Hong Son, Chiangmai, Chiangrai, Lampang, Nan,
and Tak. Anthropologists believe that there is significant migration south
into Thailand from Burma and Laos, but it is impossible to estimate these
flows.
Northern Thailand: Population
of Certain Hill Tribes
Tribe
Population
in 1965-66
Meo
53,031
Yao
16
?19
Lahu
,
15,994
Lis u
9,440
Karen
123,380
Akha
57,285
Kha Hasa/Htin
19,096 /
a. As of November 1960.
3. Not included in this estimate are the Kha Haw/Hun who, while not
major opium producers, do produce a small amount, according to Gordon
Young.
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Agriculture in Northern Thailand
12. Northern Thailand's hill tribes practice what is commonly
regarded as one of the most primilive of agrarian technologies. There is
a complete absence of modern agricultural inputs - chemical fertilizers,
hybrid seeds, and machinery. In the absence of these inputs, swidden
agriculture has nonetheless maintained the productivity of the land on a
long-term basis. Year-to-year, however, a great deal of uncertainty exists.
Weather, always a critical factor for any farmer, is even more critical for
the slash-and-burn practitioner. Crop failure from untimely rain or drought"
is a constant threat. This point is most important, for the opium poppy
is cultivated, in part, as a hedge against the failure of the rice crop.
13. Aside from weather, two other factors bear critically on swidden
agriculture: land and labor. Large expanses of suitable land must be
available; just how large depends on the regenerative speed of forest cover
on` recently abandoned land. Forest clearing and swidden management
require a sizable labor input per unit of land. Thus output is constrained
by labor rather than by land.
14. Both the particulars and the productivity of slash-and-burn vary
from village to village, from field to field, and from year to year.
Generalizations, therefore, are not especially useful. Hill tribe swidden
technology can be divided into two distinct agronomies; one can be termed
"domestic", the other "foreign". Each of these complementary agronomies
centers on the cultivation of a single staple. The "domestic" crop is dry
rice; the "foreign" crop is the opium poppy.(4) The significance of this
distinction will be brought out below.
The Agricultural Cycle
15. Seasonal changes, in particular the months of maximum rainfall -
July, August, and September - determine the work and living routines of
the hill tribe cultivator far more than of the sedentary cultivator in the
lowland villages. The shifting cultivator must adapt his agricultural timetable
quickly to the vagaries of weather. Out of necessity, he becomes acutely
sensitive to the wind, the moon, the sun, the soil, the slope of a hillside,
and the flora in his environment.
16. The White Meo calendar (see the chart) is adapted to the most
important events in the agricultural cycle, for example, the rice harvest.(5)
4. This is not to say that opium poppy is the sole 'foreign " crop.
-S. Many of the following specifics on the agricultural cycle and opium
poppy cultivation were taken from an anthropological study of two White
Meo villages, Mae Nai and Khae, in Chiangmai Province. The Meos
apparently produce about half of the Thailand's yearly opium output.
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Almost everyone in the village is aware that rice should be planted during
the sixth -nonth and that if the corn is not harvested in time there will
not be time to plant poppy and still cultivate rice.
17. The five most critical events in the agricultural calendar are rice
planting during the sixth month, corn planting during the fifth month, corn
harvest in the eighth (and ninth) month, poppy planting in the eighth (and
ninth) month, and opium harvesting during the second month. The period
from the end of February through April is used to select, clear, and burn
new field sites. Coming at the height of the dry season, these months are
advantageous for slash-and-burn chores. Only clearing residual debris,
dividing fields into household plots, and constructing field huts and fences
remain before the first rains signal that planting may begin in soils fertilized
by the ashes of the fired growth.
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18. The consensus within a village determines whether the coming
year's crop will be planted at new field sites or continued on the old. Rice
fields typically are occupied for two to three years, but poppy fields may
last as long as 20 years before serious declines in output appear.(6)
Decision-making is complicated by the fact that opium poppy and rice need
different kinds of sites: poppy thrives in cooler and "thinner" air (that
is, higher elevations), drier terrain (that is, steeper inclines to ensure rapid
moisture runoff), and limestone soils (greater alkalinity). Often, however,
these requirements are not met, and poppy is cultivated in swiddens
formerly used for rice. Furthermore, the villagers must decide whether
field-site relocation will also require village relocation. Whereas fields are
shifted every few years, village sites may remain the same for two
generations.
19. Rice is always planted in newly-cleared swiddens for the first two
or three years, then corn and opium poppy are intercropped for the next
five, until the soil has lost much of its fertility. Then the swidden is
cultivated exclusively in opium poppy.
20. Much of the hill tribe cultivator's time in June and July is spent
weeding newly-sown rice and corn/poppy swiddens. These are also months
for hunting and foraging in the surrounding jungles, a major means of
supplying supplementary food. These pursuits are interrupted in August,
when corn, vegetables, and early-maturing rice are harvested. Also in
late-August and September the opium poppy is sown. Following a period
of weeding and thinning the poppies, the cultivator turns his attention to
the main rice harvest in November and early December.
Opium Poppy Planting
21. The White Meo cultivators designate four major phases in the
cropping of poppy: broadcasting the opium poppy seed; the first weeding;
the second weeding; and cutting the poppy pods to allow the milky white
sap to collect on the exterior of the pod and dry. In each stage, intensive
labor is necessary to ensure a good crop.
22. Opium poppy grows best in a cool and relatively dry climate,
but loose, moist soil is necessary for germination. For these reasons, poppy
6. The fact that poppy can be grown in the same plot for as long as
20 years postpones the date at which a village is forced to relocate. Those
villages growing potatoes rather than opium poppy must move more
frequently, an onerous task for the tribesmen - one which interferes with
the demands of the agricultural calendar and may cost the village a season r
crop.
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is not broadcast until the monsoon season ends. Poppy seeds are then sown
in the corn fields during the fortnight preceding the corn harvest. To prepare
the corn swidden for poppy, the soil is hoed to a depth of four to six
inches and weeded during the end of the eighth month. This work, mostly
by the women and older children, proceeds at a rapid pace between the
stalks of corn, some more than 12 feet high. Men participate in the
broadcasting, which is effected by an overhand, shoulder-high throw. Those
who do the broadcasting usually begin at the upper margins of the swidden,
transversing and then doubling back at a lower level. Four broadcasters
can complete a swidden of five rai - about two acres -- in less than three
hours. Because the different varieties of corn ripen over an extended period
ranging from 90 to 115 days in both Mae Nai and Khae, many cultivators
harvest corn before broadcasting poppy seed. In 1966, 23 Khae households
began harvesting certain varieties of corn before poppy sowing. Harvesting
here was interrupted by two or three days of broadcasting, followed by
continued harvesting.
23. Most cultivators stress the importance of having a lot of activity
in the corn/poppy swidden just after the broadcasting so that the seed will
become embedded in the soil. The goal is to seed every square foot of
the swidden surface area. As with corn and rice planting the work unit
is the household. Occasionally, as illustrated by two households in Khae
village during the 1966-67 planting, outside labor was recruited. In the first
example, members of the household were incapacitated by illness and the
household head was forced to call upon his younger brother's sons to help
complete the broadcast. In the second case the household was wealthy and
wanted to sow a larger crop than household labor resources would allow,
so two Karen and one indigent White Mao were hired.
Weeding
24. Opium poppy requires more weeding and attention than any other
crop. Great care is necessary because the poppy grows more slowly than
weeds and leafy vegetables and is therefore a poor competitor for available
soil nutrients and sunlight. To achieve maximum yields, careful attention
must be given to thinning. A space between plants of no less than one
foot is required. The swiddens are weeded and thinned twice during their
growing season. The first weeding is done by hand, approximately four
weeks after planting. Crowded poppy and vegetable plants are also
selectively pulled at this time. The second weeding occurs at the end of
the 12th and the beginning of the first month. Before hoeing, the leafy
vegetables left in the swidden are picked. This weeding is important because
the plants are reaching maturity and the pods which produce the opium
sap are filling out.
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Harvesting
25. The opium harvest involves two distinct phases: (a) the poppy
pods are cut to allow the sap to secrete, and (b) the raw opium is gathered
from the exterior of the pod. These phases are separated in time and
technique, since the gathering or scraping of the opium must not be
attempted until the sap has dried for a minimum of four hours.
26. During cutting the weather must be dry. It is not necessary for
the opium sap to dry in the sun, but windy and dry weather are required
for coagulation and drying. A majority of cultivators feel that the best
opium is produced by overnight drying. They indicate that sun-dried opium
becomes darker brown and loses much of its glutinous quality. The second
month and the beginning of the third month are the time of opium gathering
and are ideal for the type of weather preferred.
27. Cultivators vary in the importance they place on classifying and
segregating sub-varieties of opium poppy. In Mae Nai the poppies are
consistently white, with rare splotches of red and purple. Khae cultivators,
however, tend to mix their seed, so that many swiddens are a profusion
of colors. Within the color categories there are various sub-varieties, some
with deeply serrated petals and others with smooth rounded petals. All
varieties, however, have similar growing periods and are harvested at the
same time.
28. White Meo cultivators disagree on the quality of the opium
produced by the different colored plants. In Mae Nai, most cultivators hold
that the white-flowered poppy produces a more abundant and finer quality
of opium. Khae cultivators tend to be more explicit, ranking them as
follows: (a) red-flowered, (b) white-flowered, (c) pink, and (d) bi-colored.
Over 80% of the poppies grown in Chiangmai Province by White Meo are
of the white-flowered variety, partly because of the difficulties of growing
the preferred red-flowered variety. One category of poppy is ranked apart
from the others in both villages, and this is based on its use. This
lavender-petalled poppy is considered to be the only type suitable for
producing opium eaten for stomach ailments.
29. The flowering of the poppy heralds the approach of harvest. Soon
the lower petals of the flower begin to fall and harvest begins. At this
stage the plant should be approximately three feet in height, and each plant
should have three to five pods. Twenty pods should produce 60 grains --
about 2 ounces - of opium. The stem length and pod size of poppy plants
vary considerably from swidden to swidden in the same area.
30. Three implements are used for opium cropping (see the
photographs). A small tridentated knife - 10 inches long consisting of three
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Cropping poppy swidden
poyJ:~ ? ,r ;a?
Incising the poppy
small curved blades bound with cord to a bamboo handle - is used to
make incisions in the poppy pod to allow the sap to exude. A four-inch
blade, similar to an artist's palette knife, is used for scraping the partially
dried but glutinous opium from the incised poppy head. Most of these
blades are 3 to 4 inches wide. Small tin cups are used to hold the raw
opium. Raw opium is also kept in small wooden boxes, but most cultivators
prefer tin cups for hidden, underground storage because this protects the
opium from moisture.
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31. Timing is more critical for opium harvesting than for most other
crops. The White Meo cultivators prefer to complete gathering opium over
a 10-day per.- d, although sucii a rapid harvest is rare. They are never certain
when this ideal period for gathering will be. It might occur early in the
second month or as late as the third month. Weather conditions during
the growing s-.ason and particularly at the gathering period are the primary
determinants. An unusually dry growing season can inhibit growth, while
rain at the time of gathering will haft work. Delays of more than ten days
in cutting and gathering will affect the yield and quality of the crop. About
two weeks after the flowering of the poppy, the milky white sap ceases
to flow and changes its chemical consistency. The third critical factor in
timing is that the second cropping is made six or seven days after the first.
Smaller pods which were passed over during the first cropping and already
incised pods which remain green are cut at this time. Any lengthy delay
prohibits a second cropping, causing a substantial loss. The White Meo in
Khae and Mae Nai villages seldom practice tertiary cutting.(7 )
32. The most immediate and routine aspect of timing involves the
coordination of incising and gathering. Scraping of the incised pods must
be completed in the late afternoon of the day of the cutting or in the
morning of the following day. Most cultivators agree that overnight drying
produces a better quality opium, but any delay in scraping on the following
morning may result in over-drying. Similarly, an unexpected light rain during
the night will cause the sap to run, resulting in the loss of the entire cutting.
Thus a poppy cultivator must make a number of critical judgments about
the timing of his cropping activities. Although there is no strict division
of labor, except for weighing and storage (done by the ; pen), it is common
to see more women and girls cutting and scraping than men. The evident
reason is that often the men have begun felling trees at new swidden sites.
Cultivated Area and Output
33. In the village of Mae Nai, household production averaged about
6.2 kilograms during the 1967 harvest (1 kilogram = 2.2 pounds).(8) One
household produced as much as 11.2 kilograms and many harvested less
than 3.2 kilograms. Opium production per household in the village of Khae
averaged 5.9 kilograms in 1967, down from 6.4 kilograms the previous year
even though the area in cultivation increased in 1967. This may have been
7. This practice accords with the custom in most other opium-producing
countries. The leading exception is India, where three and four incisings
are common.
6.2 kilograms per 8.7 rai gives a yield of approximately 4.4 kilograms
per hectare, quite low in comparison with yields in countries outside
Southeast Asia.
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the result of climatic conditions during the 1966 growing season, when
the cool months of November and January were drier than usual and when
a light rain fell during the cropping period. The average size of swidden
cultivated in corn/poppy per household in Mae Nai was 8.7 rai (about 3.4
acres); in Khae the average household cultivated 7.5 rai (3 acres) of opium
poppy. It is impossible to tell how representative these data are for the
total population of p-)ppy growers.
Income from Opium
34. Most opium is traded directly for goods from traders who either
reside in the villages or come from lowland towns. Most resident traders
are small shop-keepers, however, and their dealings in opium are frequently
negligible. The big dealers live in the towns and operate through Haw
Chinese who visit villages expressly to buy opium. The trader may extend
credit to the opium producer during the year, thus assuring himself of a
source of opium.
35. The income from opium varies greatly according to the fertility
of the various areas, the weather of different years, the skill of the
cultivators, and other factors. Estimates both of production of and income
from opium differ according to the investigator and the villages investigated.
For this reason the following should be considered as illustrative only.
36. In October 1971, opium could be purchased from the grower
for 520-625 baht ($25-$30) per kilogram, somewhat higher than prices
prevailing in neighboring Burma. If this price can be taken as representative
o, the yearly average,(9) an average household producing 6.2 kilograms
could earn the equivalent of 3,225-3,870 b-tht ($155-$186). The amount
received in cash is considerably less since (a) much trade is barter trade;
(b) perhaps 10%,-15?% of the crop is consumed by the grower, at least partly
for medicinal purposes; and (c) a portion of the crop may be used for
wages-in-kind. If the crop is better than average, some of the opium may
be held in reserve. Despite high incomes in some especially productive years,
an average income for Meo households, allowing for years in which there
is almost no production, may ba 3,120-3,640 baht ($150-$175).(10)
Practically all of this is derived from opium production.
9. There are indications that these prices are somewhat lower than the
yearly average.
10. This does not include such items as rice and vegetables that are
produced and consumed by the household.
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Other Agricultural Activities
37. Other agrarian pursuits fill the slack season for the hill tribes.
Foraging provides a number of edibles such as nuts and fruits, as well as
fibers for cloth, grasses for thatch, and bamboo and wood f'or house walls
and supports. Hunting and fishing also add variety to the diet. Chickens,
pigs, and other livestock are raised by the tribesmen in small numbers;
livestock often is held as a form of conspicuous wealth and is raised for
consumption at feasts and for sacrificial offerings.
Household Handicrafts
38. Tribal agriculture is supplemented by a variety of village
handicrafts, some performed on a small scale in all households ?nd others
by a few specialist households. A diversity of tools and utensils, clothing,
toys, ornaments, shelters and household furniture, and religious artifacts
are domestically manufactured. These pursuits give the tribal economy a
misleading appearance of self-sufficiency. In fact, such activities remain
subsidiary to the swidden technology, which is the economic mainstay and
the sole guarantee of economic independence.
Opium as a "Foreign Trade" l tern
39. Despite the variety of goods and services produced by each
household and by village specialists, the tribal economy is not totally
isolated. First, crop failures occasionally devastate large upland areas, and
certain vitamin, protein, and mineral deficiencies are endemic. Thus an
intermittent trade is carried on with lowlanders for such items as salt, rice,
and dried fish. Second, the hill tribes require certain capital imports from
the lowlands, the most important of which is steel for use in a variety
of tools: axes, bush-knives, hoe blades, the tridentated opium tapping knife
and broad-bladed scraping knife, and the cutting edge of the rice sickle.
Third, trade with the valley peoples has generated a strong demand among
the tribesmen for various "luxury" goods, including matches, kerosene,
enamel and ceramic pots and cups, blankets, cotton cloth and some clothing,
rifles and ammunition, livestock, an occasional transistor radio, and silver
ornaments. Such goods have become important to the tribal economy. They
rank as symbols of household wealth and provide an interesting clue to
the evolving tribal conception of the good life.
40. The problem is that imports from outside the tribal economy
must be paid for in some commonly accepted medium of exchange. Unlike
intravillage and intervillage transactions where a sense of social reciprocation
is present, the foreign sector - featuring a culture gap and trade in an
atmosphere of uncertainty if not outright mistrust and latent hostility -
requires that imports be paid for in cash or some other highly liquid asset
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demanded in the lowlands. In the hills, cash is limited to silver ._ either
coins or ornaments - which is a symbol of economic and social standing
and is conspicuously worn as necklaces, bracelets, and other personal
adornments. But even silver must be initially purchased in the lowlands;
its use as a medium of exchange; in foreign trade depends jr. the first instance
on some good of highland origin.
41. Various products have been employed for this purpose. Individual
villages have attempted sporadically to sell cotton, rice, tobacco, and
livestock in the lowlands. Jungle products such as foraged roots and herbs
have been sold, as have animal skins and tribal artifacts. None of these
has provided an adequate or dependable cash income. Furthermore, the
labor required for transport alone limits such trade to villages located along
the peripheries of the uplands. Only opium has proved to be a reliable
"export" commodity.
42. Various characteristics of opium make it particularly suitable to
the requirements of the foreign sector. First, its cultivation and harvesting
during the dry cool months does not conflict with the rice crop. The labor
force thus has its work distributed more evenly over the agricultural year
than would be the case for almost any feasible alternative. Second, the
opk'm poppy's suitability to field sites not suitable for rice permits more
efficient land use by avoiding intensive cultivation (and thus rapid soil
depletion) of the upland reaches most suitable for rice. Finally, the harvested
product is of high unit value, forming a concentrated, divisible, and not
readily perishable putty-like substance. These last qualities facilitate its
smuggling out of the hills and into the world wholesale narcotic trade. The
case with which opium can be transported is extremely important, for
transport over the rugged terrain of the uplands is a time-consuming and
arduous - that is, high-cost - activity.
43. The overwhelming advantages of opium over all previously
attempted alternatives are compounded by its drawing power. For no other
tribal product would lowland traders find it worthwhile to journey deep
into the hills, searching out the farthest villages for supplies. For no other
commodity would they be willing to risk carrying the goods most sought
by the tribes - steel, seed, silver, and a variety of "luxury" goods -- into
the mountains.
44. These services by the lowland traders carry a cost which the tribes
pay in the form of lower realized prices for their opium and higher purchase
prices for goods of' lowland origin. But it is a cost they are willing to bear,
for it permits them to avoid the lowlands, which means not only escaping
the trouble of travel itself but of travel into an alien world. Trade in the
tribal village also allows them to avoid the problem of smuggling the opium
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to market, a problem much greater for the trih^sman than for the trader,
who knows the ways of the police and blends in~o the lowland lndscape.
45. In its own way, than, opium is as critical an element of the tribal
economy as rice. It serves as the primary tribal means of offsetting the
vagaries of the rice harvest. Slash-and-burn agriculture is particularly
vulnerable to weather, and in years of rice crop failure., opium acts as the
first asset liquidated to pay for food imported from the outside. In years
of plenty, it can be hoarded in anticipation of future crop failures or traded
for other forms of liquid wealth as well as for the usual import items.
Those villages that do not produce opium are forced to reside on the
periphery of the hills in order to trade in a variety of goods of lesser value
in lowland market places. If they live far into the hills they must inevitably
suffer from the vagaries of the rice harvest.
Estimates of Opium Production in Northern Thailand
46. From the above discussion it is clear that opium yields per unit
of cultivated land are likely to vary greatly from village to village and even
within villages. The fragmentary numerical data available do indeed reflect
wide variations in yields. In the absence of comprehensive statistics,
estimates of total production must rely on these reports of yields in
individual villages or even in individual swidden. Despite this extremely
fragile statistical base, estimates of hill tribe opium production do exist.
47. In 1967 a UN survey team estimated that opium production in
northern Thailand was 145 tons. This figure is based on a cultivated area
of approximately 114,000 ran (45,000 acres), estimated by aerial survey,
and an average yield per ran of approximately 3 pounds.
48. In the report, The World Opium Situation, 1970, prepared by
this Office, it was estimated that Thailand produced some 200 tons of opium
per year. This estimate was based on the UN acreage data cited above and
a yield figure that seemed consistent with yields obtained in other
countries - 10 kilograms per hectare (approximately 3.5 pounds per ran).
49. Another procedure, relying on the I %5-66 hill tribe population
survey and data on opium production per household (taken from a recent
anthropological study and compared with data in other studies), suggests
h
tat total output in 1970-71 was approximately 120 tons.
50. Thus there is a great disparity in the estimates, reflectin the
8
difficulties involved in determining total acreage in opium cultivation,
average yields per unit of land, and average output per household. There
are, however, additional factors which suggest that the higher estimates,
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150 to 200 tons, represent a reasonable range of maximum annual output.
These include: (a) a significant migration south from Laos may have
occurred in the past few years, thus increasing the number of opium
cultivators; (b) hill tribe peoples heretofore not engaged in opium
production possibly have begun to cultivate the crop as a result of its
increasing profitability; and (c) a small number of cultivators may be
applying fertilizers and insecticides to their opium crops. The liti.rature on
hill tribe opium production indicates that these possibilities do exist.
Therefore, opium production in northern Thailand may reasonably be
estimated to be 150-200 tons annually. This is an estimate of maximum
output; actual output in any given year may well be 150 tons or less.
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